/to. l73
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 173
ANTHROPOLOGICALPAPERS
Numbers 57-62
UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON : 1960
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution,Bureau of American Ethnology,Washington, D. C, June 25, 1958.Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts,entitled "Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in NorthwestVirginia," by C. G. Holland; "An Introduction to Plains ApacheArcheology?the Dismal River Aspect," by James H. Gunnerson;
"The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan," by M. W.Stirling; "A Caroline Islands Script," by Saul H. Riesenberg andShigeru Kaneshiro; "Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of PlainsHistory," by James H. Howard; "Stone Tipi Rings in North-CentralMontana and the Adjacent Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their His-torical, Ethnological, and Archeological Aspects," by Thomas F.Kehoe, and to recommend that they be pubhshed as a bulletin of theBureau of American Ethnology.Very respectfully yours,Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., Director.Dr. Leonard Carmichael,Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
f JUN 6 1360 I
CONTENTS
PAGENo. 57. Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in Northwest Virginia,by C. G. Holland 1No. 58. An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology?the Dismal RiverAspect, by James H. Gunnerson _- 131No. 59. The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan, by M. W.Stirling 261No. 60. A Caroline Islands Script, by Saul H. Riesenberg and ShigeruKaneshiro 269No. 61. Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History, by James H.Howard 335No. 62. Stone Tipi Rings in North-Central Montana and the AdjacentPortion of Alberta, Canada: Their Historical, Ethnological, andArcheological Aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe 417Index -- 475in
^JSTrr^lf^'jU'" ?*

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 57PRECERAMIC AND CERAMIC CULTURAL PATTERNSIN NORTHWEST VIRGINIA
By C. G. HOLLAND

CONTENTS PAGEPreface 5Introduction 7Geographical description of northwest Virginia 9Site descriptions 12Introduction 12Augusta County 15Bath County - - 31Highland County 33Rockingham County. 36Rockbridge County 40Projectile points and large blades 43Miscellaneous artifacts 53Analysis and interpretation of the pottery 58Rock material 65Habitation patterns 74Relationship of the sequences of northwest Virginia to archeology of EasternUnited States 80Appendix. Tables of projectile-point and blade types, rock material, chips,and other artifacts, and pottery classifications 90Literature cited 128ILLUSTRATIONSTEXT FIGURES PAGE1. Geographical location of all the sites in the survey 132. Projectile-point types 443. Large blade types 454. Primary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with50 or more artifacts (facing) 485. Secondary seriation of projectile points and large blades from siteswith 20 to 48 artifacts interdigitated into the primary sequenceof figure 4 _ (facing) 526. Artifact types: a, Crude ax; h, crude celt; c, polished celt _ 547. Artifact types: o, Rafted scraper; b, end scraper; c, side scraper; d,graver; e, drill;/, hammer-anvil stone; g, chlorite pipe; h, clay pipe__ 558. Seriated sequence of sites based on pottery 629. A temporal sequence based on rock types (facing) 6910. Distribution of "quartzite-using" and "chert-using" sites of the prece-ramic and ceramic horizon 7011. Direction of movement of the Stony Creek Pottery Series from theCentral and North Central Ceramic Area into northwest Virginia. . 7212. Direction of movement of the Radford Pottery Series into northwestVirginia 733

PREFACEThis report is dedicated to Clifford Evans, associate curator,division of archeology, United States National Museum, and to hiswife, Betty J, Meggers, research associate, Smithsonian Institution.Not only did they teach me the essentials of archeological methodologyand theory, but they also had a hand in the mundane task of diggingsome of the sites in the study. Further, they read several versions ofthe manuscript and advised numerous alterations and suggestionswhich have been incorporated. Dr. Evans classified all the pottery;Dr. Meggers prepared the drawings of the maps and seriation charts.Thanks are also due Henry W. Setzer, Joseph P. E. Morrison, andHerbert W. Friedmann, of the divisions of mammals, mollusks, andbirds, respectively, of the United States National Museum, for theiridentifications of shells and bones.For companionship and aid in the field, appreciation is expressedto Roy Roby of Staunton, Va., and to my family?my wife Louise,and my children, Peter and Cary.I am indebted to Mrs. Carol Colby for typing two versions of themanuscript. C. G. Holland,5492 East Belmont Avenue,Fresno, Calif.Jvly 1, 1955,

PRECERAMIC AND CERAMIC CULTURALPATTERNS IN NORTHWEST VIRGINIA
By C. G. Holland
INTRODUCTIONThe survey of Augusta, Bath, Highland, Rockingham, and Rock-bridge Counties, Va., began in November 1950 and continued throughAugust 1952, although some sites had been visited in previous years.Staunton, centrally placed in Augusta County, was the base for field-work throughout the entire survey, which undoubtedly accounts forthe disproportionately large number of sites reported from thiscounty. Fifty-one sites were identified in Augusta, 14 in Rocking-ham, 9 in Highland, 7 in Rockbridge, and 1 in Bath, a total of 82.The accumulated material from all sites amounted to 2,425 potsherds,3,325 projectile points and large blades, 257 other artifacts, and8,715 chips. Perishable items, such as bone and shell, were en-countered at only sLx sites.All the collections represent surface materials, although excavationswere attempted. Four rock shelters were excavated, but at nonewas the cultural debris found in sufficient depth to be usable instratigraphic analysis. Two middens were test pitted, but thematerial was found to be homogeneous from top to bottom. Twosites on open fields were tested for depth, and at neither was theevidence of occupation greater than 8 inches, or about the depthof the plow zone. Four mounds were tested with incomplete results.At two, East Mound (AU-35-M) and Lewis Creek Mound (AU-20),burials were encountered, but an insufficient number of artifactswere recovered to be statistically usable in this study. The CloverCreek Mound (HD-9) was tested with two small pits without pro-ductive results. Since Fowke (1894, pp. 31-32) had dug this mound,an appeal to the United States National Museum was made foranalysis of the pottery, and this was supplied. As Fowke's excava-tion leaves the data on provenience of the potsherds a matter ofconjecture, they had to be treated as a unit as if they had come fromthe surface. Limited testing in the Hayes Creek Mound producedonly fragments of human bones. 7
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173
Interested individuals were most helpful throughout the study.Virginia farmers willingly offered permission to trespass and oftenhelped to collect material. Howard MacCord, who had lived nearGreenville in Augusta County for several years, offered his datafreely. A considerable number of the sites discussed in the section "SiteDescriptions" (pp. 12-43) had been originally located by MacCord.Some of these are published for the first time, and in several instancesthe data and material he collected comprise the only informationabout the site. Roy Roby located and collected much of the materialfrom AU-45. He is also responsible for bringing to my attentiontwo rock shelters, AU-27 and AU-28, and the artifacts on displayat Natural Chimneys, a widely known tourist attraction. W. H.Plumb of Waynesboro had collected from AU-9 for many years but,regrettably, could positively identify only two objects from the sitein his extensive collection.The early archeological literature of northwestern Virginia, providedlargely by Fowke and Valentine, might have been more helpful ifthe survey had continued over a longer period of time, i. e., 5 to 10years. The Gala site (Fowke, 1894, pp. 17-23) is now under sod asthe lawn of a power station. I was not able to relocate the WallaceMounds in Highland County and did not visit the very productiveLinville site in Rockingham County (ibid., pp. 37-44). The KeyserFarm site (Manson, MacCord, and Griffin, 1944) has already been thesubject of an excellent report, but MacCord states that a fair portionof the total site remains to be dug. The Koiner Mound in AugustaCounty (Valentine Museum, 1898, p. 58), represented by fragmentsof bone and a right-angle chlorite pipe at the Valentine Museum,Richmond, Va., appears to be lost forever for lack of data. Materialfrom the Hayes Creek Mound in Rockbridge County (RB-2) isrepresented mainly by skeletal material, an obtuse-angle chloritepipe, a similar one of clay, shell beads, and a few quartzite specimens.Sherds from this mound, reported by Valentine (Valentine Museiun,1903), could not be located at the Museum. The pottery at theValentine Museum from the Battle or Bell Mound No. 1 (RB-7) inRockbridge County was sufficiently documented to study and hasbeen incorporated in this report.As potsherds, projectile points, and miscellaneous artifacts werebrought from the field they were washed, numbered with India ink,and then analyzed. The analysis was recorded on data sheets andthe material stored by site in separate containers. The chips weresorted into rock types, recorded by type and site, and then discarded.At first, outline drawings of stone artifacts were made to accompanyeach site description; however, as soon as types were established,the drawing of each of these objects was discontinued. All sites
No*57]^"^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 9
were plotted on United States Geological and Geodetic survey quad-rangle maps, described in detail in a field notebook and mapped bysketching.For final analysis most of the data were collected in the statisticaltables (see Appendix, p. 90). Some sites were unproductive and thefew data they provided, while enlarging the scope of the survey,are not usable in the quantitative comparisons but are recorded forfuture comparative use. The major portion of the materials of thisstudy was presented to the division of archeology of the UnitedStates National Museum, Washington, D. C.The report is divided into several distinct sections: Introduction,geographical description of northwest Virginia, site descriptions withan explanation of the grouping of the sites with related features andartifacts into distinct categories, the analysis of the projectile pointsand blades, a study of miscellaneous artifacts, the classification andanalysis of the sherds, an analysis of the rock material, the habitationpatterns with reference to the geographical situation and possiblechanges through time, and the relationship of the sequences of north-west Virginia to the surrounding area. All the supporting data forthe classifications and seriational studies are in the Appendix arrangedby site for easy reference in tables 6 and 7. Although all the stoneartifacts were classified by the author, the sherds were classified byClifford Evans following the types established in his ceramic studyof the archeology of Virginia (1955).Since the theory behind cultural change has been handled manytimes and the methods by which the archeologist can demonstratethis depend on the nature of the sites, the artifacts available, etc.,and as the natiu-e of this paper in not a theoretical one but ratheran effort to add more archeological information to a portion of theEast which to date has been sadly neglected by professional archeo-logists, these points of methodology and theory will not be explainedhere, except where it is essential to the understanding of a particularsituation. For those students interested in these factors, referenceis made to the recent study of Clifford Evans, "A Ceramic Study ofVirginia Archeology," with an Appendix, "An Analysis of Pro-jectile Points and Blades," by C. G. Holland (1955). Here a fullexplanation of classification and seriation is given, with bibliographicreferences.GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF NORTHWESTVIRGINIA
Virginia, geograpliically a member of the Middle Atlantic States,is usually considered archeologically as the "Southeast," or thatregion roughly outlined by the Ohio River to the north and the
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Mississippi River to the west. In common with the geography ofStates from Maryland through Georgia, there are three physiographiczones, which, from east to west, are the tidewater plain, the rollingPiedmont section, and the mountains. The tidewater section extendsfrom the Atlantic coast to the faU lines of principal rivers, roughlydefined by the northeast-southwest position of Washington on thePotomac, Fredericksburg on the Rappahannock, Richmond on theJames, and Weldon, N. C, on the Roanoke River. The Piedmont,composed of low rounded hills, extends from this line to the moun-tains. In Virginia the eastern mountain range, the Blue Ridge Moun-tains, extends the entire length of the State in a northeast-southwestdirection. West of this range are numerous ranges, peaks, and vaUeysof the Alleghenys which extend over West Virginia, Tennessee, andKentucky.The area of study is west of the Blue Ridge Mountains in thenorthwest portion of the State, and covers an area roughly 50 milesnorth and south and an equal distance east and west. In the northernpart of the survey area, three rivers, the South, Middle, and North,unite at Port Republic in Rockingham County to form the SouthFork of the Shenandoah River. This river joins the North Fork 50miles to the northeast, whence the main stream continues northeast-ward to Harper's Ferry where it imites with the Potomac River. TheSouth, Middle, and North Rivers drain the eastern and northern partof Augusta County. The southern and western part of AugustaCounty is drained southward by another South River and the Calf-pasture River. These rivers flow through Rockbridge County intothe James River.It should be made clear that there are two South Rivers. Theywill be identified by placing after each, in parenthesis, whether theyflow into the James River or into the South Fork of the ShenandoahRiver. However, a study of the occupational complexes on thesetwo South Rivers, arising a few miles apart and flowing in oppositedirections along the western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains, hasshown a well-defined homogeneous preceramic horizon related to bothof them. For this reason the area through which these rivers flow iscalled the "South Rivers District."West of Augusta County, between it and West Virginia, is HighlandCounty, so called because it is completely permeated by the AlleghenyMountains. In the northern tip of this county are some sources ofthe Potomac River, but the major portion is drained into the JamesRiver by the Cowpasture, Bullpasture, and Jackson Rivers. Southof Highland County on the West Virginia line is Bath County. Eastof Bath and south of Augusta County is Rockbridge County. The
No*57]^'^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND H
major streams cross this comity flowing generally southeastward toimite with the James River.There are two general types of terrain encomitered in the sm^veyarea. The central and northern portions are composed of broadvalleys and rolling land at about 1,000 feet above sea level. Thewestern and southern portions have narrow valleys and are consideredmountainous, with peaks reaching 2,000 and 3,000 feet above sealevel. Local traditions and historic events, such as massacres, indi-cate that no physical feature acted as a barrier to Indian partiestraveling north and south and coming from the west. There are norecords of migrations from east to west of the Blue Ridge Mountains,but there is some indication that in the early 1700's Indians crossedthe Blue Ridge Moimtains from the west.The entire section west of the South Rivers district is underlainwith limestone and shale which belong to various geologic ages. Inthis region, which begins abruptly west of the South Rivers district,are numerous caves, some of them as large as Grand Caverns atGrottoes in Rockingham County. Although several caves outsidethe survey area contained burials, there appears to have been verylittle use made of them in aboriginal times in the five counties understudy.A knowledge of the rock types available in northwest Virginia isof significance, for it has considerable bearing on the study of thechips from the various sites. In this area the rocks of main archeo-logical importance are chert and quartzite. The former exists eitheras blue, blue-gray, or gray inclusions or as strata in the fimestone.Along the eastern slope of Mill Mountain west of the Calfpasture,natural spallings of chert are profuse. Strata of purple Erwin quart-
zite were not seen, but numerous boulders were observed in thevicinity of Rockbridge Baths and Goshen in Rockbridge County.White quartz was observed infrequently in strata throughout theentire survey area. In the South Rivers district on the northwesternslope of the Blue Ridge Mountains there are tall cliffs of gray toyellow-gray Erwin-Antietam quartzite. Butts (1940, p. 39) statesthat this type occurs only along the northwestern flanks of the BlueRidge. In the area under study the main mass appears to havebeen a thoroughly sorted, clean white beach sand. The grains arecompletely cemented with silica to form a compact quartzite. Higheron the slope of the Blue Ridge Mountains are strata of greenstone,the color ranging from bluish, through gray-green to a relativelybright green.In summary, the most unobstructed avenues of travel geographi-cally have a northeast-southwest course. This is generally the pres-
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ent-day axis of western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee andKentucky on the southwest and western Maryland and Pennsylvaniaon the northeast. Traditionally, the historic Indians frequently uti-lized paths in this direction as opposed to the much more ruggedtreks east and west over the mountains. Bottomlands, enclosed bythe mountains, are fertile; water is plentiful and many streams arelarge enough to float canoes or dugouts satisfactorily. Certainly, theraw materials for the aboriginal manufactures are near at hand:clays for pottery; sand, limestone and other rocks for tempering ma-terials; quartzite, chert, and quartz for blades and points; greenstonefor axes and celts; and steatite is available immediately east of theBlue Ridge Mountains. One may expect from the geography of theregion that the local settlements and their preference for certain localmaterials for artifacts were more easUy influenced, either by migrationor diffusion, from the northeast or southwest. However, this doesnot mean, as will be shown, that geography alone determined thespread of cultural influences within the area under study, althoughit is a factor which must be kept in mind throughout the entire report.SITE DESCRIPTIONS(Fig. 1)INTRODUCTION
Sites were lettered and numbered serially after the custom of theRiver Basin Surveys. A list of Virginia county abbreviations hadbeen prepared by Howard MacCord in conjunction with Carl Millerwhen the latter began his survey in the Buggs Island Reservoir.This system was published (MacCord, 1947) and is followed here:Augusta County is AU; Bath County, BA; Highland County, HD;Rockingham County, RM; and Rockbridge County, RB. As eachsite came under observation it was numbered sequentially, i. e.,AU-1, AU-2, etc. Four exceptions were made to this standard pro-cedure where it was necessary to separate cultural complexes throughstudy of several adjacent areas. On the East farm, near Church-
ville, a mound, AU-35-M, and two village sites, AU-35-V-1 andAU-35-V-2, were finally identified as separate entities. At RM-4 aceramic complex was initially observed. Later it was determinedthat a peripheral portion of the ceramic complex extended throughan unplowed zone and intermingled with a preceramic horizon. Thearea having a mixture of cultures was designated RM-4A. Still latera circumscribed, isolated preceramic complex was located at a dis-tance west of RM-4A and this was designated RM-4B. A circum-scribed ceramic complex was isolated in a large preceramic site RM-1
Anthrop. Pap.No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINLV?^HOLLAND 13
^>\
4 8MILESf\\\V
14 ' BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
It was impossible to give longitude and latitude with sufficient ac-curacy to be of use in relocating sites; therefore it was necessary tofind suitable landmarks from which to measure distances and givedirections. The nearest distances were measured on United StatesGeologic and Geodetic Survey Quadrangle maps from relatively per-manent landmarks. Wherever distances were measured from townsthe present-day nearest boundary line was the point of reference.Directions have been given according to points of the compass, notmere estimates of general direction. Wherever possible, local land-marks and State highways were used to fix the position of a site.The highway numbers have been taken from county maps preparedby the Virginia Department of Highways, Richmond.Owing to the limitations placed upon archeological work in heavilycultivated areas, it is not possible to reconstruct exactly the originalextent of any occupational area, and the dimensions given here arethe best obtainable under such conditions. Local features such asroads, grasslands, forest, and underbrush often have obscured andforeshortened the limits of many sites.The oldest preceramic sites are readily identified by the popularityof quartzite, and for this reason preceramic "quartzite-using" stationhas been used to designate sites in this cultural horizon. Sites of asecond, but more recent preceramic horizon, associated with highpercentages of chert, have been called preceramic "chert-using" sta-tions. These should be interpreted as devices appropriate to thisreport only; they may or may not have meaning outside the north-western section of Virginia.From time to time in the site descriptions the terms "terrace" or
"river terrace" will be used. This does not necessarily have the samemeaning a geologist would give these terms. They are used to denotea level, elevated belt, or narrow plain, higher than the riverbankand removed from it. A sloping bank elevates the "terrace" fromthe lower land and usually parallels the present-day course of theriver. In many instances the banks of these terraces may have beenthe banks of old stream beds.A few sites have exceptionally small assemblages of artifacts.There are two reasons for this: (1) Failure to visit a site many timesover a longer period than the 2 years of the study; and (2) the groundbeing unsuitable for surface collecting owing to heavy pasture, lackof cultivation, and similar circumstances. The same sites, undermore agreeable conditions or seen over a longer period, may well pro-vide adequate material. Other small sites may not have been oc-cupied long enough for a greater amount of refuse to accumulate.These sites may take on importance in future studies, but even inthis survey they lend scope to patterns set by more productive sites.
nS*57]^' ^''^* CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 15
All sites in this research project, regardless of the size of the collection,are plotted on figure 1.The artifacts from each site, classified into their various types androck material, as well as the sherds classified into the pottery typesfor Virginia as established by Evans (1955), are listed in tabular formin the Appendix, tables 6 and 7. It was felt that such a method oftabulating the classified material in one section was more useful tothe interested student than scattering such information throughoutthe report. Only those sites with exceedingly small collections areeliminated from the tables and are mentioned under the site descrip-tions only. AUGUSTA COUNTYAU~1 is located 8 miles south of Waynesboro on the left (west)bank of Back Creek, between the creek and State Highway 664. Itis 200 yards north of a wrought-iron furnace of Civil War vintage.As a result some fragments of furnace slag resembling obsidian areintermingled accidentally with the aboriginal cultural debris. Thesite is situated on a 15-foot terrace midway between the road andBack Creek, which are 100 yards apart. The area over which theartifacts were found is 25 to 30 yards in diameter.This site was discovered by Howard MacCord, and with him theauthor visited it in 1947. The land had been plowed at that time,and we were able to determine the nature of the occupation. Coresand large percussion-made chips of quartzite were much more abun-dant than smaller pressure-flaked chips. There was a minor quan-tity of quartz and chert chips. This study was not in progress atthat time so no chip count was made. Since then the ground hasbeen so overgrown with grass that it has been impossible to form anew collection, thus only 31 points and blades were available forstudy.AU-1 is typical of the preceramic "quartzite-using" stations of theSouth Rivers district in which it is located.AU-2, Buffalo Gap (see also Evans, 1955, p. 10), is a rock shelter,200 yards inside the George Washington National Forest. It islocated 8.5 miles west of Staunton, in Buffalo Gap, and 15 yards fromthe left (north) bank of Buffalo Branch, a tributary of Middle River.United States Highway 42 is between the stream and shelter. Theshelter has been formed in a north-south quartzite stratum which pro-trudes from the side of Little North Mountain at an angle of 45degrees. It is approximately 30 feet long, 8 feet deep, and 6 to 10feet high along the entrance. The floor rises at a 15-degree anglefrom the road, is strewn with boulders and has a series of small, level,rain-washed, sandy areas. All material came from the surface in the
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
sandy areas or between the boulders; the sample consists of 52 chips,47 potsherds, 10 projectile points, and a few unidentifiable fragmentsof shell and bone.AU-3, as well as AU-4 and AU-10, are all 1.5 miles southwest ofDeerfield, a small village in western Augusta County. The site is onthe left (east) bank of Calfpasture River, 75 yards downstream fromDaddy Run which enters the river on the same side. AU-3, 20 by30 yards in extent, lies on a 2- to 3-acre bottomland, 8 feet abovenormal water level. The area was in sod at all visits, but in erodedpatches a few chips and two points were found. No pottery wasseen, and the predominance of chert among the chips indicates theposition of the site in time as the preceramic "chert-using" period.AU-3A. Fifty yards from the bank an irregular ridge parallelsthe river and rises 20 to 25 feet above the bottomland. Previouslya small rock mound was on this ridge, 100 yards southeast of AU-3.It had been dug into by owners of summer "camps" scattered alongCalfpasture River. Dr. Richard Bell, Jr., of Staunton, who reportedthe mound, says he had dug there and recovered only a few chipped-stone artifacts.In recent years the mound has been bulldozed from its originalposition toward the east onto that side of the ridge nearest DaddyRun. In eroded spaces where the mound had stood, 89 chips werecollected but no evidence of other artifacts or pottery.The high percentage of chert places AU-3A as a preceramic "chert-using" station in the area of the mound.AU-4 is 0.3 mile west of AU-3, but on the right (west) side of Calf-pasture River. It is also 0.3 mile from the river with its easternextent bounded by an unnamed creek. This creek parallels Calf-pasture River for a mile after leaving Shenandoah Mountain to thenorth, and enters Calfpasture River below Corbett Branch whichenters the river from the opposite (east) side. The site covers 3 to 4acres of wide bottomland but occupational debris is concentratedalong the unnamed creek. The bottomland has a series of low ter-races and AU-4 is situated on the terrace farthest removed from theriver. It is about 3 feet above the next terrace toward the river.Local collectors have observed that artifacts are not usually found nearthe riverbank but on these terraces, removed from the river.This site is typical of the preceramic "chert-using" period. Themajority of the rock material is blue chert, available in quantity onmountainsides nearby. Two collections were made 5 months apartfrom different portions of the site. They include 147 points or blades,468 chips, 2 celts, and 2 drills. By coincidence, exactly the samenumber of chips, i. e., 234, were collected on each visit. No pottery
No*57^^'^*^* CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 17
was found at any time, although conditions for surface collecting wereideal.AU-5 is 4.5 miles north of Staunton. Two local points for closerreference are Shutterly's (or Frank's) Mill on the right (south) bankof Middle River, 100 yards west of AU-5, and the State Highway 732bridge crossing the river at its western limit. Occupational debris isconcentrated on the left (north) bank 75 yards downstream from thebridge. Floods have washed away 12 to 18 inches of yellow, sandytopsoil and exposed a reddish-brown subsoil 10 to 15 yards adjacentto the river. River rocks, trash, and artifacts had accumulated intosmall piles and the majority of the reported material was troweledfrom these piles. The materials collected include 113 points andblades, 309 chips, 86 sherds, 2 drills, 2 celts, 4 scrapers, 2 steatitefragments, a few cores and fireburnt stones. Undoubtedly much,if not most, of the site lies under the cultivated field too deep to betouched by plow and too far from the river for flood erosion. Rela-tively few artifacts have been found in the cultivated field.A U-6 is a rock shelter 1 mile west of AU-5 on the left (north) bankof Middle River. The floor of the shelter is 25 to 30 feet above theriver. Only 1 potsherd was found; no other artifacts occurred.AU-7. Quick's Mill, a very small community, is situated at theintersection of State Highways 626 and 612. One mile north ofQuick's Mill on a small stream, known as Spring Run, is an abandonedmarl quarry. The late Mr. Jordan, with his hired man, initiallydeveloped the quarry with shovel and sifter, saving the Indian
"relics" caught by the sifter. Today, Mr. Jordan's daughter, a Mrs.Carroll, has them stored in her home, "Stone House," adjacent to thequarry. She made available for study the artifacts she could find atthe time of my visit to the site. There were 12 sherds, 10 projectilepoints, 1 polished celt, 1 polished and grooved ax, and 1 atlatl weight.She assured me that only artifacts discovered in the quarry werepresent. If this be true it is the only site in the survey to produce agrooved, polished ax and an atlatl weight.AU-8 is 3.5 miles southwest of Waynesboro on the left (south)bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). Theriver is crossed by State Highway 632, a few yards north of the site.Although the area is an extensive plain, only 4 or 5 acres were undercultivation near the river. A crude greenstone celt, 1 point, and 49chips were collected. No pottery was found. The predominance ofquartzite chips assigns the site to the preceramic "quartzite-using"period.AU-9. W. H. Plumb of Waynesboro kindly pointed out this site.It is 5.4 miles southwest of Waynesboro and 0.2 mile southeast of a
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173
Norfolk and Western Kailroad trainstop called Lipscomb. StateHighway 635 has been built through the eastern limit of the site.Other local features of advantage in locating it are South River (intoSouth Fork of the Shenandoah) 0.4 mile to the east at nearest ap-proach and an unnamed creek 200 yards to the northeast. At allvisits the land was under cultivation by the Waynesboro Nurseries.The site is on the slope of a ridge rising from the unnamed creek.The collection was made in an area 50 by 100 yards fronting on StateHighway 635 and included 51 points and blades and 178 chips. It isa t3^pical preceramic "quartzitc-using" station. A series of 18- to24-inch-deep pits dug by the Nurseries for removal of fruit trees re-vealed large percussion-made chips, but in no instance did an examina-tion of the walls of the pits indicate any artifacts below 8 to 10 inchesfrom the surface.Unfortunately, Mr. Plumb, who had collected surface material fromthis site for 15 years, could separate no more than two artifacts in hisextensive collection as having been found here.AU-10 is located on a wide bottomland extending from the right(west) bank of Calfpasture River along with sites AU-3 and AU-4(p. 16). The site is 25 yards from the river and 50 yards downstreamfrom the mouth of Staples Run which enters the river from the oppo-site bank.Five projectile points and blades and 48 chips constituted the totalcollection. No pottery was found. The site belongs to the pre-ceramic "chert-using" period.AU-11, from one direction, is 1.25 miles north of Waynesboro. Atthis distance from Waynesboro a bend to the east in South River (intothe South Fork of the Shenandoah) brings the river, Norfolk and West-ern Railroad, and United States Highway 12 in close proximity to oneanother. From another direction, AU-11 is 0.5 mile south of Dooms.The western limit is 10 yards from the right (east) bank of SouthRiver. These 10 yards, at about water level, have been heavilyeroded by the river, leaving a 2- to 6-foot-high terrace on which arti-facts are found. The Norfolk and Western Railroad, running parallelto the river, cuts through the entire length of the site, a distance of 100yards. The southern limit is an unnamed creek flowing into SouthRiver from the east. The site is 30 yards wide.Three chip collections were made. Inspection indicated a concen-tration of chert in the middle of the site. Since this concentration waslocalized, it was believed that the other two collections, agreeing closelywhen broken down into percentage distribution of rock material, wererepresentative of the site. In view of its uncertain significance, thischert collection was not included in the seriational studies. Materials
No*67]^'^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 19
collected include 216 points and blades, 274 chips, 45 sherds, 4 drills,16 celt fragments, and several miscellaneous artifacts.AU-12, located 3 miles east of Dooms in Jarmen's Gap, is withinthe limits of the Shenandoah National Park. All material collected,15 points and blades, 221 chips, and 1 sherd, was turned over to GuyEdwards, Park Superintendent, for the National Park Service.AU-13 is 2.75 miles southeast of Waynesboro, on the left (north)bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). Thewestern limit of the site is formed by State Highway 664. The gen-eral area is a fertile bottomland 200 yards wide. The 10 yards nearestthe river have been flood eroded and no artifacts were found here.Floods have created a 1}^- to 4-foot-high terrace which parallels thebank for 100 yards. On this terrace and for 40 yards north of theriver, occupational material is scattered. Conditions for surface col-lecting were ideal because the land was in corn cultivation at each
visit. There were no concentrations of cultural objects.Jerry Brownlee, a lad of 10 who lives on part of the site, had col-lected from it and allowed me to make use of his finds. These are re-ported in the statistical tables as a part of the accumulated totals con-sisting of 161 points and blades, 281 chips, 34 sherds, 3 scrapers, 1drill, 5 celts, 9 steatite fragments, and 4 miscellaneous artifacts.AU-14 will be found at Dooms, a small hamlet north of Waynes-boro. More exact location is the field in the U-shaped bend in SouthRiver (into South Fork of Shenandoah) south of State Highway 611.At the base of the river's U bend is a low dam. On the right (east)bank near the dam most of the artifacts were found. However, theywere scattered over the entire field, 40 by 75 yards in size. The landhad been in wheat and was not well prepared for surface collecting.The occupational complex was thinly scattered and difficult to find,but the area is well known to local collectors who state that manyartifacts have been discovered. Fourteen points and blades, 134chips, 1 ax fragment, and 3 celts were found, but no pottery. Themajonty of stone artifacts are quartzite and the site belongs to thepreceramic "quartzite-using" period.AU-15 is 0.75 mile north of Dooms on the right (east) banlv of SouthRiver (into South Fork of Shenandoah). This preceramic "quartzite-using" station is 20 by 30 yards, on a 10-foot bank overlooking theriver. Undoubtedly, some of the occupational area was not observed,for the northern end was in grass; the part available to inspection wasin corn cultivation.The artifacts were thinly scattered and predominantly made ofquartzite. Owing to circumstances, a chip collection could not bemade. The artifact sample is quite small: 16 points and blades and
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
1 end scraper. However, the site does add further evidence to theprofusion of preceramic "quartzite-using" stations along streams inthe South Rivers district.AU-16 is north of the hamlet of Harriston, which, in turn, is 9.5miles north of Waynesboro. From Harriston northward State High-way 825 is parallel to the right (east) bank of South River (into SouthFork of Shenandoah) and is placed 15 yards from the river. East ofthe highway is a wide bottomland extending to United States High-way 12. For 35 yards east of the State Highway and 0.1 mile down-stream from Harriston scattered artifacts may be found, all belonging toa preceramic "quartzite-using" complex. At the northern limit ofthis 0.1 mile there is a concentration, 30 by 50 yards in extent, ofartifacts belonging to this same complex. The land was excellentlyprepared for surface collecting, for it had been planted with corn andthe sandy soil had been washed with rain. Large percussion-madechips were relatively abundant. Only one potsherd was found.Cores were not a prominent feature. The collection consists of 54points and blades, 144 chips, and 1 scraper.AU-17, another preceramic "quartzite-using" station, is on theproperty of the Waynesboro Nurseries at Lipscomb (see AU-9), onthe left (west) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah)with the eastern extent formed by State Highway 035. The southernlimit is 25 yards from South River, along a primitive road leadingfrom Highway 635 to a group of houses on the Norfolk and WesternRailroad. The site covers an area 50 by 75 yards.A second site, AU-26, is east of Highway 635 and should not be con-fused with AU-17. AU-26 has a well-defined ceramic complex whichAU-17 does not have. Careful search under ideal sm-face-collectingconditions during a number of visits to both sites indicated therewas no overlapping or intermingling of the two different complexes.Occupational material was thinly scattered and large percussion-made quartzite chips were prominent, with 62 points and blades, 245chips, 1 drill, and 1 scraper obtained for study.AU-18 is a site originally found by Howard MacCord who con-tributed his material to this study. It is located on the right (east)bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) 0.3 mile westof Crimora, a tiny hamlet on United States Highway 12. Thenorthern limit of the site is set by State Highway 612 as it crossesSouth River, The land was in sod whenever I visited the area andthe extent of occupation could not be determined with accuracy;however, it is probably not more than half an acre. The land, almostlevel with the river, has been subject to much erosion, and MacCordfound much of his material following a flood. The cultural complexfalls in the preceramic "quartzite-using" horizon. Thirty-seven
No.*57]^" ^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA
?
^HOLLAND 21
points and blades, 3 axes, 6 celts, and 2 miscellaneous artifacts wereavailable for analysis. In the overall pattern of this complex thepresence of a chlorite pipe and 2 polished and 4 crude celts is notconsistent. This combination of objects is generally found duringthe ceramic horizon. Although MacCord is a careful observer, hedid not find any pottery.AU-19 is on the property of Mrs, Gilpin Willson of Staunton. Thesite lies on a high terrace above the left (south) bank of Middle River3.5 miles east of Fort Defiance. Mrs. Willson 's small garden, on theedge of a broad grassy plain 15 feet above water level, was carefullysearched without results, but she has found a modified steatite monitorpipe, a grooved ax, a polished celt, and a "hoe." It is possible morematerial wUl come to light when a larger section of the plain is cul-tivated.AU-20, known as the Lewis Creek Mound, was built on a widebottomland 10 yards from the right (south) bank of Lewis Creek and is10 yards east of State Highway 792. At the present time, remains ofthe mound are 12 to 18 inches high and 42 feet in diameter. It iscovered with sod except for several eroded places in which fragmentsof human bones are profuse. Dr. Betty J. Meggers, Dr. CliffordEvans, and I carried out a limited excavation in the remaining portion.The soil was black and hard packed. The portion above ground hadbeen entirely disturbed by previous digging and many fragments ofdisarticulated skeletons were in evidence. Below the disturbed levela child's articulated, flexed skeleton was discovered, partially coveredwith rock slabs. No artifacts accompanied the burial. Severalpotsherds belonging to the Albemarle Series were found in the moundfiU.Destruction of the mound occurred about 30 years ago. As piecedtogether from stories of several individuals, the mound at one timewas 6 feet high and about the diameter of the remains now (42 feet).One owner of the land carted off the top as a fill for part of his farm.Boys from Staunton discovered it and began to dig, one of whom,W, R. Brown, now associate professor of geology. University ofKentucky, Lexington, Ky., writes (personal communication, 1952):Several layers of bones, I'd guess 3 or 4, were uncovered. Between each layerthere must have been 8 to 12 inches of dirt. I could only make a wild guessas to how many individuals were represented, maybe 5 to 15 in different layers,possibly totalling 30 to 40 individuals. Of course I was impressed with thenumber of bones at the time and the number may have been considerably less.It seems to me that about a dozen pipes were found. These were mostly ofaverage size (3 by 5 inches) and ornamented. A lot of shell beads were found.Several Indians had chest ornaments (whatever they are called) made of thintubes of bone (?). A fair number of black flint arrowheads were also found.The pipes as I remember them were made of dark, grey-green, well polished
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
soapstone. This could have come from numerous localities in the Piedmont,possibly from the belt extending from Albemarle County (Schuyler vicinity)southwestwards to Henry County or the Blue Ridge Plateau. My memory ofthese things is distinctly hazy. . . .The final destruction of the mound was accomplished later by twopot hunters who sold and scattered the material so widely it has beenimpossible to trace it.A small string of marginella beads, a few beads (?) made from thecolumella of conch, and several skulls are in the hands of a ReverendMr. Glovier who lives a mile west of Lewis Creek Mound on StateHighway 792.AU-21 is on the right (east) bank of Middle River, 400 yardsnortheast of Fort Defiance Mill (also known as Damtown). Thecultural remains are littered over an area 15 yards wide and 100 yardsparallel to the river. If material had occurred in a 10-yard zoneadjacent to the river, it has now been destroyed by floods and roadbuilding.Howard MacCord discovered this site December 29, 1947, and suchmaterial as he collected was turned over to me for study: 26 points andblades, 90 sherds, 153 chips, 1 ax, 1 scraper, and 2 celts. Several
visits to the site while under corn cultivation indicated an extremelyscattered occupation.AU-22 was also discovered by Howard MacCord who located iton the "left bank of Middle River east of United States Route 11"(MacCord, personal communication, 1951), An attempt was madeto relocate the site without success. The material MacCord collectedbelonged to a preceramic "quartzite-using" complex. An area, en-tirely unsuitable for accumulating a satisfactory surface collection,was found with material similar to MacCord's, but whether this wasMacCord's site is not known. The specimens consist of 6 points andblades, 1 scraper, and 1 pendant.This site extends the areal distribution of preceramic "quartzite-using" stations slightly west of the South Rivers district concentration.AU-23 is 1.1 miles east of Lofton on the left (southwest) bank ofPine Creek. This creek flows between low rounded hiUs and theoccupational area is on a hillside 20 to 30 yards from Pine Creek. Itcovers an area 25 yards in diameter but undoubtedly is more exten-sive than this because artifacts were only found in the garden culti-vated by Frank Seller. The remaining land had been planted ingrass.Howard MacCord discovered this site. His material was added tomy collection. The entire artifact complex is a typical preceramic
"quartzite-using" station: 86 points and blades, 149 chips, 1 scraper,1 celt, and 1 steatite fragment. Quartzite cores and large percussion-
nS*67i'^' ^*^* CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 23
made chips were abundant. A single potsherd was found but noother evidence of a ceramic complex.AU-24, another site near Lipscomb, is 1 mile west of the village onthe left (north) bank of South River (into the South Fork of Shenan-doah), The small river forms a large U bend with the base to thesouth. The land in the U is level but interrupted by relativelybroad, staggered terrace formations. A concentration of artifactsis at the western extreme of the U ; the northern and western side ofthe concentration is formed by a curved, primitive farm road. It is50 yards in diameter and 20 yards removed from the nearest approachof South River. Scattered artifacts of the same complex were foundperipherally to the east.The site was originally discovered by MacCord, and his materialacted as a guide to later collections. Specimens collected include 149points and blades, 100 chips, 7 axes, 3 celts, 2 drills, and 1 pendant.A total of 12 sherds indicated a limited resettlement by a small groupwith the pottery-making tradition. However, after careful study ofthe cultural complexes in the survey area it was felt this site belongsoverwhelmingly to a preceramic "quartzite-using" tradition. Quartz-ite cores were frequent and large percussion-made chips predominate.AU-25 was discovered by MacCord and reported in his survey forthe Virginia Conservation Commission with the statement: "Quartz-ite and flint chips, rejects, etc.,?no pottery" (MacCord, 1947-48).AU-25 is 2.8 mUes southwest of Waynesboro on a 40-foot bluff over-looking the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork ofShenandoah). The occupational complex is concentrated 200 yardswest of the entrance of Back Creek into the river. The top of thebluff is a plateau covered with grass but heavily eroded. In the erodedpatches quartzite chips and artifacts have been uncovered; the col-lection for analysis included 50 points and blades, 121 chips, 1 sherd,1 ax, 2 scrapers, and 1 graver.Since chert (flint) occurs in percentages of 1.6 percent (for chips)and 6 percent (for artifacts) at the site, MacCord 's reference to
"flint chips" and "rejects" was investigated thoroughly. It wasfound that in the angle between South River and Back Creek, on awide bottomland, there is a concentration of chert. This area isperipheral to AU-25 and is not represented in the collection.The complex is typical of a preceramic "quartzite-using" station.The single sherd was found on the fringe of the site.AU-26, Lipscomb (Evans, 1955, p. 19), was originally discoveredby MacCord in his survey for the Virginia Conservation Commission(MacCord, 1947-48). Dr. Chfford Evans has described the site andmaterial he collected in the course of his limited excavation. Hefound a small quantity of sherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A and
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
3 Triangular Type C projectile points. These have been includedwith my collection. Since the sherd collection was small, I revisitedthe site and extended his excavation to collect more material. Atotal of 149 sherds, 3 fragments of soapstone, 219 chips, and 16 pro-jectile points was accumulated.AU-26 is 50 yards east of AU-17 (vide supra) at Lipscomb on theleft (west) bank of South Kiver (into South Fork of Shenandoah).Evans (1955, p. 20) describes the site as follows:On the left bank of South River, opposite the community of Lipscomb, there isa high point of land rising 9 feet above the water level where Virginia HighwayNo. 635 crosses a small bridge over the river. The small habitation site was clearlyvisible as the highest spot along this part of the bank. Sherds were extremelysparse, but chips and points were scattered over an area 30 yards in diameter.Since the land was in permanent pasture, collecting was difficult; but sand pitspermitted lateral troweling, which produced a fair quantity of archeological speci-mens. There is no question that the area was a site of only limited occupation.The artifacts were in a layer of light-gray soil extending from the surface downwardfor 6 inches. The bright-yellow sterile sand beneath yielded no cultural refuse.AU-27, a rock shelter high above the left (north) bank of NorthRiver, is 0.1 mile northwest of Camp May Flather, a Girl Scout sum-mer camp. The shelter is between a well-traveled, hard-surfaced roadleading from Mount Solon to the Staunton Reservoir and an aban-doned dirt road, both of which parallel the river.The shelter, 8 feet wide, 6 feet deep, and 3 feet high, is formed inquartzite strata. Large and small natural spallings litter the levelfloor. On the surface a crude ax was found and excavation produced1 point fragment, 81 chert chips, 1 chert core, 2 white quartz chips, 8sherds, and 3 small unidentifiable fragments of animal bones.AU-28 is a second shelter 15 yards southeast of AU-27. The roofis formed by a thick slab of quartzite on the upper surface of which is acircular depression. This depression is locally famous as the mortarin which Indians ground their corn. The shelter, 10 yards in length,3 to 4 feet high, and 8 feet deep, has been partially blocked by a recentcave-in. The eastern half is clear and at the entrance 3 Stony CreekSeries sherds and a few chert chips were found on the surface. Re-mains of a recent fire, probably made by deer hunters, littered thecenter of the floor.Both shelters, AU-27 and AU-28, were discovered by Roy Robyof Staunton.ylZ7-29. Collections from this site were made by Charles Ramseyand Dr. Charles Callar. They collected independentl}'', and neitherknew of the other's collection. It is of interest to note the similaritybetween the two collections (see table 1).
Anthrop. Pap.No. 67] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGimA?^HOLLAND 25Table 1.
?
Comparison of two separate collections from AU-29 to show consistencyof artifact types in random samples
ProjectUe-polnt type
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173The cultural complex to which the stone artifacts belong is thatdesignated as preceramic "chert-using."AU-31 is located 1.25 mUes southeast of Laurel HOI. It lies onthe summit of an 80-foot cliff overlooking the broad, grassy plain ofMiddle River and Lewis Creek; the confluence of these streams is 0.2mile to the west. Occupational refuse is concentrated from the veryedge of the 25-yard bluff eastward to State Highway 612, a distanceof 50 yards. At each visit the red-brown clay soil was in corn culti-vation, and collecting conditions were ideal.Occupational refuse was more localized and profuse at this sitethan any other encountered. There were areas 3 to 5 yards in diameter,in which village refuse was relatively concentrated. Here chips, arti-facts of stone and clay, and fire-cracked rocks were observed. How-ever, no charcoal stains were seen. An unusual feature is the promi-nence of polished celts. The collection included 96 point and bladefragments, 343 sherds, 117 chips, 5 drills, 1 scraper, 4 crude and 16polished celts, and 1 stone pipe.AU-S2, located 1.1 miles southwest of Stuart's Draft, is 250 to 300yards from the right (south) bank of South River (into South Forkof Shenandoah). A few yards west of the site flows a small streamknown as John's Run. The general terrain is a broad bottomland,but 20 yards north of the site the land rises gradually until 4 or 5feet above the river plain. Elevation of the land continues southwardto form an irregular ridge. A low moundlike formation northwest ofthe site was excavated by MacCord who reported it to be a naturalfeature.The light-tan, sandy soil was in wheat cultivation at each visit.Artifacts were extremely thinly scattered and no concentration wasfound. Only 10 points and blades, 1 sherd, 1 celt, and 98 chips werecollected. However, the percentage breakdown of the chips indicatesthat the site belongs to a preceramic "quartzite-using" complex; the1 potsherd and 1 polished celt are clues to possible resettlement bya group with pottery-making tradition.AU-33 is 0.75 mile south of Stuart's Draft at the intersection ofState Highways 610 and 608. The site lies on the northern slope ofa 40-foot-high ridge, 150 yards from the right (south) bank of SouthRiver (into South Fork of Shenandoah). Occupational refuse is foundon both sides of Highway 608, but more profusely to the west. Thesite undoubtedly extends south of Highway 610, but a house with asmall lawn precludes surface hunting. The observable size is approx-imately 40 yards in diameter.The sandy clay soil was in wheat but had been rain washed, andreasonably good surface-collecting conditions existed. Although threescattered potsherds were found, the stone refuse overwhelmingly
No.^ST^'^*^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 27belongs to a preceramic "quartzite-using" complex. The collectionconsists of 48 points and blades, 218 chips, 5 scrapers, 1 drill, 1 ax,and 1 hammer-anvil stone.AU-S4- is 0.3 mile south of Stuart's Draft, partially on the slopeand partially on the plateau of a terrace 150 yards from the left(north) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) . Theposition of the site is similar to AU-33 on the opposite bank, southof AU-34. Large farms are under cultivation on the plateau of thisterrace east and west of State Highway 608. Examination of a milealong the terrace indicated a scattered occupation by a preceramic
"quartzite-using" culture. The only point of concentration of arti-facts occurred 200 yards east of Highway 608. Here 3 points andblades and 2 scrapers were found. An insufficient quantity of chipsprecluded an analysis of these but they were predominantly quartzite.AU-35 is a complex of three sites on the left (west) bank of MiddleRiver 4.0 miles northwest of Staunton. The general area is a broad,grassy bottomland more than 2 miles in length. U. S. Highway 250crosses Middle River 0.25 mile north of AU-35-M.AU-35-M, a mound mentioned by Fowke (1894, p. 37) is knownlocally as the "East Mound," being on the property of John East, ofChurchville. It lies 30 yards west of Middle River, and is one of thelarger mounds still standing in Virginia, 55 feet wide, 45 feet long,and 2 feet high above the natural plain. The site was tested withthree cuts (Holland, Evans, and Meggers, 1953). Burials were placedin a flexed position under an irregular layer of rocks. One burialwas accompanied by a chlorite pipe and another by a pendant, afragment of copper, and 3 Triangular Type C points (ibid., figs. 7, 8).A total of 35 potsherds were troweled from the black fill; 25 wereAlbemarle Series and 10 Radford Series sherds. The mound hadobviously been built on an older village site, represented by the occu-pational refuse of AU-35-V-1.AU-35-V-1 extends from the mound 100 yards south, parallel toMiddle River. Undoubtedly it extends north of themound but this couldnot be confirmed owing to coverage with pasture. Most of the gray-tan, sandy soil south of the mound was cultivated, and artifacts werethinly scattered from the riverbank over the bottomland, 50 yardsto the west. It required several visits to buUd up a sherd collection.The limestone-tempered (Radford Series) sherds were leached, leav-ing small angular holes. Artifacts for analysis included 129 sherds,172 chips, 44 points and blades, 2 drills, and 1 celt.AU-35-V-2 is located 400 yards south of AU-35-V-1. An area25 yards in diameter, 10 yards from the river, on a low terrace, con-tained occupational debris. The character of the complex was verysimilar to AU-35-V-1, but it was felt that seriating the material from
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
the two sites separately might show time differences. (See figs. 5and 8, and p. 61). Thu-ty-nine points and blades, 62 sherds, and132 chips were collected for analysis.AU-SQ is 16.5 miles northwest of Staunton in the small communityof Lebanon. For more precise local reference, it is in the northwestangle formed by the intersection of U. S. Highway 250 and StateHighway 272. The western limit of the site is 10 to 15 yards fromBroad Draft and the southern limit is 150 yards from the right (north)bank of Calfpasture River. The cultivated field containing occupa-tional refuse is 1.0 to 1.5 feet higher than Broad Draft and 3 to 4feet higher than the bottomland adjacent to Calfpasture River. Thesite is 10 to 15 yards wide in an east-west direction and 25 to 30 yardslong in a north-south direction.No pottery was found after careful search, but 110 points and blades,168 chips, and 3 scrapers were collected, with the site representing apreceramic "chert-using" station.AU-S7 is a small site in Deerfield Valley, 200 yards north of theright bank of Calfpasture River and 10 yards west of Halloway Draft.Tisdale Branch is 50 j^ards west of the site. The land, which slopesgently and evenl}'- to Calfpasture River, was imder corn cultivation bythe Polka-Dot Farms, owners of the land.The occupational refuse consisted of 6 points and blades and 36chips, mostly chert. This quantity of material represents a verylimited occupation. Since no pottery was foimd, the site was occupiedundoubtedly by a group with a preceramic "chert-using" complex.AU-88, located 1.1 miles east of Lofton, lies on a ridge north ofAU-23, 25 yards from the right (north) bank of Pine Creek. The site,covering 20 by 40 yards on the summit of the ridge, is 25 feet higherthan Pine Creek. The yellow sandy loam was planted with corn andhad been washed by rain, making conditions for surface collectingexcellent. No trace of pottery was found. The material was thinlyscattered and large percussion-made chips of quartzite were in themajority; the collection included 48 points and blades, 132 chips, and
1 drill. A family named Langhorne owns the land and has made alimited collection. Three artifacts, definitely known to have beenfound on the site, were incorporated in the analysis.The cultm-al complex indicates a preceramic "quartzite-using"station. The material is similar in all respects to that found at AU-23.AU-39. Howard MacCord informed me he had found large percus-sion-made quartzite chips and a few artifacts 1.75 miles south ofLofton in front of Mount Joy church. The land was not cultivatedbut overgrowTi with weeds and grass. A single brief visit located 2unclassified quartzite blades and 43 quartzite chips, the majority ofwhich were large and made by percussion. This meager evidence
No.*577"^*^" CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 29
points to a continuous geographical occupation in the South Riversdistrict by gi-oups having a preceramic "quartzite-using" complex.AU-Jf.0. The boundary between Augusta and Eockbridge Countiescrosses this site 1 mile northeast of Vesuvius and 1.5 miles southeastof Steeles Tavern. It lies on a gentle slope from Groah's Ridge 0.2mile from the left (southeast) bank of South River (into James). Thewestern limit, a steep bank, is crowned by the Norfolk and WesternRailroad and a primitive dirt road. It is 100 by 35 ^''ards in size.The slope is a tan, sandy-claj" soil permeated with rounded riverpebbles. The occupational refuse contained no pottery, but largeangular cores of quartzite were frequent and large percussion-madechips were prominent. The collection includes 76 points and blades,126 chips, 2 axes, 2 scrapers, 1 celt, and 1 graver. The culturalcomplex is typically preceramic "quartzite-using."AU-I^l is on the left (northeast) bank of AlcKittrick Creek, atributary to Middle River through Jenning's Branch, 1.5 mUes west ofLone Fountain. State Highway 720 crosses McKittrick Creek at theeastern edge of the site. A deeply rutted plain from overflow of thecreek lies to the northeast. The soil is sandy and was planted withwheat during several visits. Artifacts, found on the low, level,cultivated land, were tliinly scattered over an area 20 yards in diameter.Undoubtedly much of the site has been eroded away by floods. Thematerial collected for analysis includes 51 points and blades, 99 chips,and 4 scrapers. This cultural complex belongs to that of a preceramic
"chert-using" station. Four potsherds indicate a very limited resettle-ment by a smaU group with a ceramic complex.ATJ-Ii.2, 0.5 mile northeast of the intersection of State Highway 272and U. S. Highv/ay 250 where AU-36 is found, lies on a wide bottom-land 50 yards from the right (west) bank of Calfpasture River. North-west of the site are ridges from the Pinnacle of Bald Kjiob. The east-west length is 100 yards and the mdth does not exceed 10 yards.The occupational material is so thinlj'- scattered that very closeobservation of the plowed, sandy field was necessary to find it. Thecollection consists of 20 points and blades, 120 chips, and 4 sherds.The stone artifact complex falls predominantlj'^ into a preceramic
"chert-using" period; the 4 potsherds suggest a possible resettlementby a gi'oup with a pottery tradition.AJJ-IfS, 0.5 mile northeast of Verona, where U. S. Highway 11crosses Middle River, is 100 yards west of the bridge and 20 yardsfrom the right (south) bank of the river. It is 10 by 20 yards inextent and lies on a 4- to 5-foot terrace formed by erosion of a smallunnamed creek and Middle River. The tan, sandy-clay soil was incorn cultivation. The collection consists of 63 points and blades, 211chips, 6 sherds, and 2 miscellaneous items.471762?60 3
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173A preceramic "chert-using" complex is mainly represented by therefuse, but the 6 potsherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A pointindicate a possible later resettlement, which was probably brief.AU-44, on the same side of Middle River as AU-43, is 400 yardseast of U. S. Highway 1 1 bridge and 0.5 mile northeast of Verona. Thegeneral area is an extensive bottomland of sandy soil, usually underwheat cultivation. Occupational refuse was littered for 50 yardsalong Middle River and 20 yards inland. It was discovered after aflood had eroded two channels, 3 to 4 feet deep and 30 yards inland.On the gray clay hardpan base of the channels and in the sandy soUof the channel banks a relatively large sample of pottery and chertchips was collected; stone artifacts, other than chips, were scarce.It was evident that material in the base of the channels had beenwashed from a more superficial zone. To test this observation a pit 2feet square and 2 feet deep was dug 25 yards west of the channels and5 yards from the river. All dirt was sifted through a quarter-inch-mesh screen. Potsherds were encountered in the upper 8 inches butnone below this level. The ceramic assemblage was better preservedand in larger fragments than from any other site. The total collectionfor study consisted of 15 points and blades, 111 chips, 1 pendant, 1crude limestone ax, and 260 potsherds.AU-Ji.5 was discovered by Roy Roby of Staunton, 4.75 miles northof Staunton on the left (west) bank of Middle River. A closer pointof reference is Shutterly's (Frank's) Mill, 1 mile to the southwest(see AU-5). On the opposite side of Middle River is an ancient stonehouse served by a ford from State Highway 732.The site is situated on an extensive sandy bottomland, 10 yardsfrom the river and 6 to 8 feet above water level. The approxi-mate middle of the site is marked by a low knoll containing crackedbricks and molten glass from a burned house. The width of the siteis 10 to 20 yards and it is 100 yards long.Occupational refuse, somewhat concentrated near the knoll, isthinly scattered, and close examination of the cultivated field wasnecessary. The pottery sample of 141 sherds is composed mainly ofsmall, eroded fragments. One of the better assemblages of chipped-stone artifacts in the ceramic horizon came from this site, repre-sented by 132 points and blades, 128 chips, 4 drills, 1 scraper, 2 celts,2 hammer-anvil stones, and 1 pendant.AU-/i6 is on a 35-foot bluff overlooking the left (northwest) bankof Middle River, 1 mUe northeast of AU-45 (vide supra) ; StateHighway 732 is 50 yards northwest of the site. The bluff is the riverend of an irregular ridge.The hard reddish clay soil was mostly in grass, but a small segmenton top of the bluff was in wheat cultivation. Occupational refuse
nS*57]^'^^^' cultural patterns, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 31
came from a 10 by 20-yard area, partly in the cultivated zone andpartly in eroded spots along the bluff. Only 1 1 sherds and 22 chippedstone artifacts, 2 hammer-anvil stones, and 132 chips were recovered.AU-47 occupies a narrow, cultivated bottomland opposite AU-46.Observation of the sandy flat shows it has been subject to mucherosion by floods. One area, 10 by 15 yards in extent, at the base ofa low ridge, is one foot higher than the surrounding zone. On thiselevated spot, 2 points, 2 drUls, 2 hammerstones and 32 chips, mostlychert, were recovered.AU-48 is on the southwest slope of Bell's Creek Valley, 3.5 milesnorthwest of Staunton with U. S. Highway 250 forming the north-eastern boundary. On a narrow terrace, 40 to 60 feet above and 0.1mile southwest of Bell's Creek, occupied by houses and lawns, occu-pational debris was found. It was concentrated in an area 10 yardsin diameter which was in the process of being planted with grass.The reddish-tan soil disturbed by plowing was, at no time, satisfac-tory for surface collecting. In spite of this, an assemblage of 17chipped-stone artifacts and 210 chips was recovered. The distribu-tion of chipped-stone artifacts and the presence of a high percentageof chert chips, in the absence of pottery, indicate the site wasoccupied by a group with a preceramic "chert-using" complex.AU-49 was discovered in August 1952, the final survey month,with the result that the collection is very limited. It has the possi-bility of being a productive site. AU-49 is 0.8 mile northwest ofLaurel Hill on the right (south) bank of Middle River. Middle Riverforms a wide U with the base of the U to the west. The low, sandybottomland had been newly plowed and collecting conditions werenot satisfactory. The occupational area extends 25 yards along thebank and 75 yards to the south (inland). A few potsherds, 32 chertand 14 quartz chips, and 1 quartzite chip were the total finds at thisfirst inspection. BATH COUNTYBA-1 is a small cave or rock shelter 1 mile northwest of MillboroSprings and a quarter of a mile northwest of Windy Cove Church,on the left (northeast) bank of Cowpasture River. The cave, front-ing on U. S. Highway 39, has three sections, of which only the easternwas investigated. This section, 8 feet 3 inches wide, 5 to 6 feet high,and 18 feet long, slopes gradually upward to meet a larger cavehigher in the cliff. Across the entrance a trench 5 feet long, 2 feetdeep, and 1.5 feet wide had been dug before we arrived and the dirtsifted through a screen. It was decided to extend this excavationfrom wall to wall and increase the depth to hardpan. This was doneand the posterior wall freshened to see if stratification existed. Itwas found that the upper 10 inches was yellow clay resting on a
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
charcoal layer 2 inches thick. Below this was 7 inches of dark-graysandy soil. The lowest 21 inches was gray-black soil resting on thehardpan.The cave was excavated in 8-inch levels, passing all the dirt througha quarter-inch-mesh screen. During the excavation an oval pit 28inches deep, 3 feet wide, and 4 feet long was discovered. The ma-terial, analyzed by levels, was homogenous from top to bottom. Allthe pottery (57 sherds) was of the Radford Series. All rock materialwas natural spallings from chert inclusions in the cave, except twochipped-stone artifacts. A single kernel of charred corn and twowalnut hulls came from the lowest level of the pit. There was alsoone antler projectile point.The analysis of the animal and bird bones and shells by the UnitexlStates National Museum follows
:
Animals (identified by Henry W. Setzer)
:
Beaver {Castor canadensis) Woodrat {Neotoma sp.)2 teeth 1 humerus1 atlas 1 tibio-fibulaDeer {Odocoileus virginianus) Rabbit (Sylvilagvs floridanus)2 teeth 1 innominate2 ulnae 1 scapula1 toe bone 1 ulna1 patella 1 vertebraMarmot {Marmola monax) Carnivora1 mandible 2 canine teeth1 tooth 310 unidentifiable fragments which wouldGray squirrel {Sciurus calo- probably be referable to deer for thelinensis) most part2 mandibles1 tibia1 innominate1 femur1 calcaneum1 vertebraBirds (identified by Herbert W. Friedmann)
:
Wild turkey {Meleagris gallopavo)2 vertebrae1 fragmentary carpometacarpal1 fragment of a tibiotarsus1 fragment of a tarsometatarsus18 unidentifiable fragments, possibly pieces of turkey tkullShells (identified by Joseph P. E. Morrison)
:
Elliptio complanatus (Slonader)Mudalia carinata (Bruguiere)Triodopsis albolarbris (Say)Triodopsis tridentata juxtidens (Pilsbry)Mesodon thyroidus (Say)Anguispira alternata ^,Say)Ventridens ligera (Say)Haplotrern,a concavum (.Say)
No.^St]"^' ^*^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINL^?HOLLAND 33HIGHLAND COUNTYHD-1 is a small rock shelter in a limestone clijff on the right bankof Straight Creek, 6 miles northeast of Monterey. The level floor,composed of brownish leaf mold and dirt, is 7 feet above water levelimpomided behind a sediment-filled, mossy dam. Excavation re-vealed no cultural objects although numerous animal bones, princi-pally rodent and deer, were taken from the upper 6 to 10 inches.Natural chert spalhngs were frequent; no positively identifiable man-made chips could be found.It can be argued that the bones are the results of white man'sactivities; however, the profusion, types, preservation, and depth ofthe deposit are indications of aboriginal origin. It is unfortunatethat no means of assigning this assemblage of bones to a time periodwas discovered.HD-2 is 2 miles northeast of Mustoe and 6 miles south of Monterey,near the headwaters of Dry Branch, a tributary to Jackson River.It Hes on a level, plateaulike ridge extending from Sounding Knob, 40feet above and 40 yards from the right (west) bank of Dry Branch.Mrs. Ralph Trimble, Chapel Hill, N. C, owner of the land, had theentire section in sod for grazing purposes. It was visited through thecourtesy of her brother, Frank Terry, Monterey, who stated that thesite had been dug into many times and that pottery and deer antlershad been removed from it.The site, 12 to 18 inches high and 18 feet in diameter, rests on thesoutheastern side of the plateau, and was covered with sod. Threetest trenches demonstrated that the black soil, filled with hundredsof small sheUs, did not extend more than 6 to 10 inches below the sod,and owing to previous digging, had no undisturbed stratification.The black fill was permeated with fire-cracked stones, charcoal, pot-tery, shells, animal bones, chips, and projectile points, Avith the collec-tion including 8 points, 86 chips, 5 miscellaneous objects, and 88sherds. No human bones were in evidence. The character of thestructure was that of a midden.A list of mammal and bird bones and shells identified by the UnitedStates National Museum follows:Animals (identified by Henry W. Setzer)
:
Deer (Odocoileus virginianus)4 vertebra 1 exoccipital2 humeri (distal ends) 4 toe bones1 humerus (proximal end) 5 raetapodials1 scapula 1 ulna (proximal end)1 innominate 1 patella1 femur (distal end) 2 os petrosi1 femur (proximal end) 1 tooth2 calcanea
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Rabbit (Sylvilagus sp.) 80 unidentifiable fragments of1 mandible which the majority wouldprobably be referable to deerMarmot (Marmota monax)1 femur1 tibiaChipmunk {Tamias striatus)1 mandible1 humerus1 tibiaGray fox ( Urocyon cinereoargenteus)1 mandibleBirds (identified by Herbert W. Friedmann)
:
Melagris gallopavo (wild turkey)1 fragment of a sternumShells (identified by Joseph P. E. Morrison)
:
Elliptio complanatus (Solander)Mudalia carinata (Brugiere)Mesodon sayanus (Pilsbry)Triodopsis fraudulenta (Pilsbry)Mesomphix cupeus (Rafinesque)Triodopsis tridentata juxtidens (Pilsbry)Heliodiscus parallelus (Say)Mr. Terry stated there were three such structures on the plateau,but only one was located. Along the western embankment of theridge, black soil, chert chips, several triangular points, and sherds ofpottery were found on the surface. It could not be determined whetherthis had been thrown here in destruction of the midden or was partof a second midden.HD-3 is on the right (west) bank of Dry Branch in the valleybelow HD-2. Along the base of the ridge, 10 yards from and par-
allel to Dry Branch, are an abandoned, primitive road and shallowgullies formed by erosive floods from Dry Branch. From these groundfeatures came an artifact assemblage of an entirely different complexfrom that of Site HD-2 on the plateau. There were no potsherds,cracked stones, charcoal stains, or bones. Among the 16 chipped-stone artifacts, not one was triangular, the only type found on theplateau. For study, 105 chips were collected. It is believed thatthis site represents a preceramic horizon, belonging to the "chert-using" cultural complex.HD-4, at the intersection of the BurnsviUe-WilliamsviUe-McDowellroads, 10 miles southwest of McDowell, is on a 10-foot terrace 200yards from the right (west) bank of Bullpasture Kiver. At the baseof the terrace bank runs the Williamsville-McDowell road, and 20yards northwest of the area with occupational refuse are abandonedfarm and outbuildings. An acre of the gray, sand-clay loam was incorn cultivation while the remainder was in sod.
^nthrop.Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 35The 101 chipped-stone artifacts and 186 chips, predominantly bluechert, have a trait complex similar to that found in Augusta Coimtyon preceramic "chert-using" stations. Only two potsherds indicate apossible very limited resettlement by a group with a ceramic complex.In addition, eight scrapers came from the site.HD-5 is located on a plain south of the Bumsville Highway and200 yards northwest of HD-4. An unnamed creek, close to andparallel with the Burnsville Highway, flows eastward into BullpastureRiver. It lies 10 yards north of the site. Occupational refuse wasfound in a newly cultivated patch an acre in extent. The artifactswere thinly scattered and scarce: 4 points, 39 chert, and 2 quartzitechips. There was no evidence of pottery.This small assemblage is believed to show a limited occupation bya preceramic "chert-using" group whose cultural complex is similarto HD-4.HD-6 is in the very small community of Headwaters, 0.25 milefrom the left (east) bank of Shaw's Fork, a tributary to CowpastureRiver. A Protestant church and U. S. Highway 250 form the north-ern limit. The entire region slopes to Shaw's Fork from ShenandoahMountain. At the western edge there is a sharp, 4-foot embankmentparallel to Shaw's Fork.Only 11 points, 1 scraper, and 116 chips were recovered. Theheavily rock-strewn clay soil contained the remains of the previousyear's corn-crop stubble and weeds and had been generously washedby rains, making collecting and observation conditions excellent. Nopottery was encountered. The material belongs to a preceramic
"chert-using" complex.HD-7, within the town limits of McDowell, is on the right (west)bank of Bullpasture River. At the northern limit is the intersectionof U. S. Highway 250 and State Highway 269. In close proximity,to the west, is a school and play yard. The eastern limit is a 2- to3-foot sloping bank of the low terrace on which occupational debrisis scattered 20 yards from the river. The area covered by refuse is10 to 20 yards in diameter.The rock-strewn, sandy soil was planted in corn. No pottery wasdiscovered. The cultural traits, defined by the 34 chipped-stone arti-facts and 126 chips, place the site among the preceramic "chert-using"stations.HD-8 extends from the left (east) bank of Bullpasture River overa narrow belt of plain. The riverbank, 8 feet high, is strewn withchert chips and an occasional artifact. The home of Emery Lock-ridge, his lawn, and farm cover the occupational area which is situateddirectly east of the intersection of the Burnsville-Williamsville-McDowell roads.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Unfortunately, at the time of the survey no collections were made;however, it is potentially a productive site, worthy of future explora-tion.HD-9, Clover Creek Mound, was excavated and described by Fowke(1894, pp. 31-32), but he was not the only one to dig here. C. H.Graham, aged 85, who lives within a mile of the mound, informedme he made an excavation in the mound and recovered "bushels ofpottery and bones" for George Revercomb who owned the propertyat the time of Fowke's visit. The land is now owned by Mrs. BessieBradshaw.The mound at present is 18 to 24 inches high, 35 and 50 feet inwidth and length, covered with grass. Two small test pits, dug to adepth of 18 inches, produced scraps of leached, limestone-temperedRadford Series pottery and fine fragments of charcoal.In response to a request, Evans analyzed the pottery in the collec-tions of the United States National Museum from Fowke's excava-tions, and reports (personal communication, 1952) : "There are 156sherds of Radford Cordmarked and 1 sherd of Radford Series Plain,representing, at most, 15 vessels."ROCKINGHAM COUNTYRM-1, located on the left (west) bank of the South Fork of theShenandoah River, is 0.1 mile east of the mouth of South River.Other local points of reference are Port Republic and the State High-way 865 bridge 0.2 mile to the west. Here, a wide sandy plain, 10to 15 feet above the river, extends to the northwest. Artifacts wererecovered for 100 yards along the riverbank and 35 yards inland.The present owner, a Mr. Alexander, estimates 5,000 stone specimenshave been found in the past, but this is undoubtedly an overestimate.The land, under wheat and corn cultivation, presented good surface-collecting conditions. The entire stone assemblage of 72 points andblades, except for 1 Medium Triangular Type B chert point, was theresult of occupation by a group with a preceramic "quartzite-using"complex. Three axes, 2 scrapers, 1 chloritic schist pipe, and 1 pendantalso came from the site.RM-1A is an area of RM-1 where a different assemblage of artifactswas found. It is by the riverbank on an eroded slope covering anarea 10 yards in diameter. This chip collection of 224 specimens hasa predominance of chert as compared with the low percentage of thismaterial on the preceramic site. Without any doubt this area repre-sents another occupation of the region, quite independent of RM-1.RM-2 is 0.5 mile west of RM-1 on the north bank of combinedNorth and Middle Rivers. A steep ridge with an abandoned stonequarry at its base separates the long grassy plain, along the bank of
No.*57^^' ^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 37
which artifacts were found, from State Highway 865 bridge, whichcrosses the combined rivers 0.3 mile to the east. The occupationalrefuse was found 30 yards from the river, the intervening slope beingdeeply channeled by overflow from the river. The crest of the plainis fully 15 feet above present water level. The bank from whichartifacts had been eroded is composed of red-brown clay, 20 to 30yards in east-west length.The scarce material, 10 chipped stone specimens and 120 chips,predominantly quartzite, reflects an occupation similar to R.M-1,that is, a preceramic "quartzite-using" station.RMS, Madison Run Rock Shelter (Holland, 1953), is within theShenandoah National Park boundaries 2.5 miles east of Grottoes.Ten feet wide, 5 feet deep, and 3.5 to 4 feet high, it is formed in strataof quartzite and faces on Madison Run. This shelter was excavatedunder the supervision of J. C. Harrington, archeologist for RegionNumber 1 of the National Park Service. The reader is referred tothe published report for complete details, but the findings, in brief,were limited to the upper 6 inches of the relatively level floor andbelonged to a preceramic horizon. The collection included 31 pointsand blades. One sherd of pottery was also found, apparently of alater occupation.RM-4 is a complex of sites discovered 1.2 miles northeast of PortRepublic on the left (northwest) bank of the South Fork of the Shen-andoah River. The first area encountered was opposite the westernend of a large unnamed island in the river. This area has beendesignated RM-4.RM-4 extends 100 yards downstream from an abandoned houseand farm road leading to the river. A narrow plain lies between an8-foot bank at the river edge and a low ridge parallel to the river tothe northwest. Refuse was confined to a 20-yard belt along the bank.There were places, 10 yards in diameter, in which fire-cracked stonesand artifacts appeared to be concentrated. The collection of materialsfor analysis consisted of 99 points and blades, 140 chips, 12 celts, idrill, 2 miscellaneous objects, and 350 sherds.RM-4A lies on a narrow plain 25 yards southwest of RM-4. Theintervening land was obscured by high weeds and undergrowth.Careful examination of the two sites disclosed an extension of RM-4,having a ceramic complex, to RM-4A, a preceramic "quartzite-using" station. Some 20 sherds of pottery were found in the over-lapping zone as well as a small sample of triangular projectile points.Use of chip collections to separate a ceramic complex from a prece-ramic complex is well illustrated on RM-4A. Three collections, onefrom the overlapping zone, one in the middle of RM-4A, and one at
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
the extreme southwestern end"*?! the site were gathered. These havebeen shown in table 2 with the collection from E,M-4 at the top.Table 2.?Rock type analysis of chip collections from the complex of sites aroundRM-4
No*57]^*^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 39The cultural traits shown by these artifacts plus the chip collectionplace the site in the preceramic "quartzite-using" complex.RM-6 is 0.25 mile south of RM-5 on the property of a Mr. Sipe,who states that a rock mound stood within a few yards of his homebut was carted away in the late 1800's. The only specimen preservedafter the destruction of the mound is a right-angle chlorite pipe.Thirty-nine points and blades and one scraper were recovered. Nospecial features were present. The site is 35 yards in diameter.Chips collected totaled 160.RM-7 occurs at the small community of Lynnhaven, 200 yardsfrom the right (east) bank of the South Fork of the Shenandoah River.The southern limit of the site is delineated by a spur of the Norfolkand Western Railroad and State Highway 659, the former serving aflour mill on the riverbank, the latter crossing the river north of theflour mill. The western limit abuts on a dry 5- to 6-foot channelwhich parallels the course of the river. The northern limit is theowner's home and lawn. The eastern extent is 20 yards from thedry channel.The occupational refuse, thinly scattered over the whole area, wasa little more abundant adjacent to the channel. Collecting conditionswere excellent; the tan clay637" soil had recently been plowed andwashed by rain. Analysis of the 42 points and blades and 184 chipsreveals another preceramic "quartzite-using" station. One unclassi-fied sherd, apparently of later occupation, came from the site.RM-8, 50 yards north of RM-6 and between RM-6 and RM-5, isseparated from the latter by fields of weeds and grass. Collectingconditions on this site were excellent, as they were at the others, thefield being planted in corn and recently washed by rain. It extends125 yards along the road front and 25 yards to the east. Occupa-tional refuse was scattered evenly and thinly over the entire area.The collection consisted of 149 points and blades and 201 chips.RM-9 is 1.5 miles northwest of Weyer's Cave, a village on NorthRiver. It lies on the left (north) bank of North River between StateHighway 690 and the river, and 0.75 mile west of the intersection ofState Highways 690 and 276.The site is now in a 6-foot deep gully eroded through sand to areddish clay hardpan. Small piles of sand left by the river weretroweled, producing 4 sherds of unidentified pottery, a crude ax, 2points and blades, and 29 chips. Unfortunately, the position of thissite in the cultural sequence cannot be determined by this limitedcollection.RM-10, within the corporate limits of Grottoes, lies on the right(east) bank of South River which flows into South Fork of Shenandoah.The 10 by 20 yards of sandy soil containing thinly scattered refuse is
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
10 yards from the riverbank. Undoubtedly the site is more extensivethan this. The collection consisted of 3 points and blades and 55chips. No pottery was noted. This assemblage is evidence that thearea was used by a preceramic "quartzite-using" group.RM-11 is located on a 10- to 15-foot terrace between the SouthFork of the Shenandoah River and U. S. Highway 12, 6.5 miles south-west of Elkton and 1.25 miles southwest of the bridge at Island Ford.The river flows 100 yards to the west, and the intervening land is alow, flat flood plain covered with sod. At the foot of the terrace em-banlanent is a shallow channel filled with flood water. The easternboundary is fixed by the Norfolk and Western Railroad laid in closeproximity to U. S. Highway 12. The north-south length is 200 yards,without definable limits, owing to undergrowth and grassland.Collecting conditions were favorable with the clayey, rocky soilplowed for corn cultivation and washed with rain, permitting the ac-cumulation of 31 points and blades, 130 chips, 2 scrapers, 2 steatitefragments, and 1 sherd. The cultural material falls into the pre-ceramic "quartzite-using" horizon.RM-12 is on the right (east) bank of the South Fork of the Shen-andoah River, 0.5 mile southwest of the bridge at Island Ford. Theabrupt bank is 15 to 20 feet high, topped by State Highway 642. Oc-cupational refuse was found 10 to 20 yards east of the road on a gentleslope of sandy soil in corn cultivation. It also extends 100 yards alongthe road.Mr. Sellers, owner of the land, had a small collection which wasanalyzed and incorporated into the tabulated summary of artifacts,making a total of 82 points and blades, 193 chips, 1 ax, and 1 scraper.The artifacts, entirely stone, belong to a group having a preceramic
"quartzite-using" complex.ROCKBRIDGE COUNTYRB-1. This site, contributed to the survey by Howard MacCord,is described (personal communication, 1951) as: "Field just east ofWade's MiU at Brownsburg, Virginia." It was not revisited. Thefew objects in his collection indicate a station with a preceramic
"quartzite-using" complex.RB~2, Hayes' Creek Mound, was excavated by Mr. Valentine forthe Valentine Museum (Valentine Museum, 1903). It is located 2.2miles northeast of Rockbridge Baths on a broad, sandy, grass-coveredplain south of the confluence of Walker and Hayes' Creeks. It hasbeen reduced to an almost unrecognizable feature, its outlines blurred,and at the southwestern side it is only about 18 inches high. Today,a telephone pole rises from it. In order to confirm the location a small
No*67J^"^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGtNL\ HOLLAND 41
test pit was dug and fragments of a long bone and a skull were located.The soil below the sod was black.The material removed from this mound by Valentine was largelyskeletal but he also reports finding a few sherds of pottery. A visitto the Valentine Museum was unsuccessful in relocating these speci-mens.RB-S was discovered by inspecting the opposite (right or northwest)side of Hayes' Creek from the mound. Here the grassy plain is nar-rower and had been superficially eroded by floods, the eroded sectionsextending 25 yards from the creek and 100 yards along it.Potsherds, chipped-stone artifacts, and chips were strewn betweenclumps of grass and as many as could be located in a limited time werecollected: 19 points and blades, 140 chips, and 22 potsherds. Theprobabilities are that the Hayes' Creek Mound had been located nearor on an older village site, similar to the situation at AU-35.RB-Jf. lies within the limits of the small town of Rockbridge Bathsimmediately east of the intersection of U. S. Highway 39 and StateHighway 602. The southern limit is U. S. Highway 39 which hasbeen built on top of a 30-foot cliff formed by North River (into James).A broad sandy plain extends from the river northeastward. In a 10-by-25-yard area, 3 points and 30 chips were located. Of 25 quartzitechips, 22 were purple Erwin quartzite.In the absence of pottery and the high percentage of quartzite thissite probably is a preceramic "quartzite-using" station.RB-6 is on the right (northwest) bank of Calfpasture River 1.5miles southwest of the Augusta-Rockbridge County line. State High-way 600 has been built in close proximity to the riverbank and formsthe southeastern limit of the small site. The fii'st spring plowing haddeeply cut the sandy farmland and exposed, over an area 10 by 30yards, the following material: 4 points, and 35 chert, 3 quartz, and 3quartzite chips. In the total absence of pottery this is probablyanother preceramic "chert-using" station.RB-6 was discovered immediately southwest of the intersection ofU. S. Highway 39 and State Highway 600 on a gradual slope to MillCreek which is 35 yards to the southwest. Goshen is 2 miles to thesoutheast.The sand-clay soil was partly in corn cultivation, and topsoil hadbeen partly bulldozed off in preparation for construction. For 50yards along the road and 1 yards southwest of it a sm^all assemblageof chipped-stone artifacts was made: 23 points and blades and 146chips. No potsherds were seen. In view of the prominence of chertand percentage distribution of the chipped-stone artifacts, the site isassigned to a preceramic "chert-using" horizon.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
RB-7, Battle or Bell Mound No. 1 and Chiefs or Bell Mound No. 2,have been described as follows (Valentine Museum, 1898, p. 58):Battle or Bell Mound No. 1. Located on the farm of John M. Bell, on CalfPasture River, about 4 miles from Goshen, Rockbridge County, Virginia. Ex-plored in 1877 by Mann S. and Granville G. Valentine for the Valentine Collec-tions. Contained about 50 skeletons buried in parallel chambers, 2 tiers deep,walled with boulders and covered with slabs of slate. A spear head, a few smallshell beads and fragments of burnt-clay pottery accompanied the human remains.Chief's or Bell Mound No. 2. Located on the farm of John M. Bell, on the CalfPasture River, distant 150 yards from the Battle Mound and about 4 miles fromGoshen, Rockbridge County, Virginia. Explored in 1877 by Mann S. and Gran-
ville G. Valentine for the Valentine Collections. Contained burnt human bones,with which had been buried hematite paint, sheet mica 11 inches across the face,a polished hatchet, 2 pierced tablets of fine grain slate, a clear quartz crystalweighing about an ounce, and a flat piece of copper about Yit of an inch thick by2}^ inches long.These mounds were difficult to relocate. Search and inquiry alongCalfpasture River did not reveal any mound or anyone who had everheard of them. There was no property known to have been owned bya Mr. Bell in the late 1800's. An informant in Goshen dhected me toa Bell farm on Little Calfpasture River where it was known twomounds had been located. This area is a roughly oval plateau extend-ing from the Knob 1.2 miles to the west and is 2.2 miles southeast ofGoshen. The plateau extends to Little Calfpasture River and is 0.25mile north of what is probably the Calfpasture River. Maps of thearea list an upper part of the river as Calfpasture and a lower part asNorth River. It is difficult to decide where one begins and the otherends.On the northern part of the plateau the remains of a mound, 6inches high, 20 feet in diameter, and surrounded by a narrow, shallowditch, were recognizable. The soil was not charcoal stained but sandy,tan, and hard packed. A few chips were recovered from the surface.One hundred and fifty yards to the west were the probable remains ofa second mound.At the Valentine Museum, in a showcase displaying objects fromthe Battle Mound, there are 12 Radford Series sherds labeled "Rock-bridge County, Virginia," beads, a quartzite Large Triangular BladeType T, and a polished greenstone celt. Through the courtesy ofMrs. Virginia Claiborne, director of the Museum, I was allowed tosearch the storage drawers for other sherds. In one, with manyhuman bones, were 220 sherds labeled "Rockbridge County, Vir-ginia." The sherds had the identical labeling as those in the show-case, and the character of the ceramic material of both was identical.It is believed that this material constitutes the "burnt-clay pottery"from the Battle or Bell Mound No. 1.
^ntjljop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINLV?HOLLAND 43
The pottery is thick, gray to gray-tan in color, has large angularholes from leached limestone temper and in some sherds large chunksof limestone are still present.PROJECTILE POINTS AND LARGE BLADESThe groundwork of projectile point and large blade classificationin Virginia had been made as a companion study to Evans' (1955)ceramic study where it appears as an appendix (Holland, 1955).After much classification and reclassification, these stone artifacts, as-sembled from many parts of the State, were sorted into 23 types.The classification was largely worked out on modification of basalportions although the blade was by no means neglected. After asatisfactory classification had been estabhshed the material wastyped by site, the percentage occurrence of each type determined,and the resulting percentages fashioned into bar graphs. It was pos-sible to bring sites from distant parts of Virginia into a single seria-tion, an aspect of the study which had not been possible with ceramicmaterial.When the ceramic and chipped-stone seriations, which had beenindependently developed by Evans and Holland, respectively, werecompared, it was found that they mutually supported one another asrelative time markers (cf. op. cit. pp. 140-141; figs. 17, 18, 19, 23).This was particularly marked in the Central and North CentralCeramic Area from which a relatively large number of sites with bothceramic and chipped-stone collections were represented. This con-formity immediately suggested the possibility that, in a limited area,the chipped-stone material might be as sensitive to changes throughtime as ceramics. However, the fact that a larger area could bebrought into a single seriated sequence argued against this impres-sion. A test case was needed; the limited area of this survey wouldoffer proof of this concept.A thumbnail description and outline drawings (figs. 2 and 3) of the23 types of projectile points and large blades of Virginia follow tohelp the reader understand the interpretations and conclusions ofthis report, but the reader is referred to Holland's (1955, pp. 165-181)original study for full details.Small Triangular Type A (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 24, a) is from 1,0 to 2.0 cm.long and 1.0 to 1.6 cm. wide at the base. The outlines are either isosceles orequilateral. Some specimens have excurvate sides but the bases are predomi-nantly straight.Medium Triangular Type B (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 24, h) is 1.5 to 2.3 cm. longand 1.5 to 2.0 cm. across the base. Both isosceles and equilateral formspredominate.Triangular Type C (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 25, a) is from 2.5 to 4.0 cm. longand the majority are between 2.0 and 3.5 cm. wide. The blade is generally
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
B D ?
H
1 ? ' ? L_J5 C^Figure 2.?Projectile-point types.
nS^BtT'^'^^* cultural patterns, VIRGINIA?HOLLANDNo. 57] 45
U
I L_^J L 5 CMFigure 3.?Large blade types.471762?60-
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
isosceles. There is more of an incurvate basal trend in this type than in theother two. All three triangular types are thin, 5 mm. or less.Crude Triangular Type D (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 25, b) is 2.5 to 7.0 cm. longand 2.0 to 4.5 cm. in width, representing a motley group of crude artifactshaving a generally triangular shape. They are consistently thick (to 15 mm.)and the edges are irregularly flaked. This group of artifacts is thought torepresent abortive attempts to fashion triangular projectile points of types A,B, and C.Pentagonal Type E (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 26, a) varies between 2.5 to 4.0 cm.in length and between 2.0 and 3.5 cm. i n width. From the base toward thepoint the sides are parallel to one another Yz to % the length of the blade. Thesides then form an obtuse angle and come together at the apex. This producesan artifact with 2 right angles at the base, 2 obtuse angles along the sides, andan acute angle at the apex. These angles are usually rounded. The bladesare thin, less than 0.5 cm.Lanceolate Type F (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 26, 6) is from 2.7 to 8.0 cm. long andfrom 1.7 to 2.5 cm. wide. Beginning at the base the 2 sides parallel one anotherfor Yz to Yi the length of the blade and then converge gracefully to the apex.There is no definite angulation along the edges of the blade. The blade isusually 0.5 to 1.0 cm. thick.Notched Base Type G (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 27, a) is from 2.5 to 4.0 cm. inlength and 2.0 to 2.5 cm. in width. The blade is usually separated from thebase by small lateral projections or shoulders. The blade is triangular andfrequently serrated. The base is indented by a narrow 2- to 4-mm.-deep notch.The lateral angles of the base are rounded and confluent with the curve of thecentral notch. The edges of the base are parallel below the blade.Stubby Barbed Type H (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 27, 6) is 2.0 to 4.0 cm. in lengthand 1.5 to 3.0 cm. in width. The blade is trianguloid with distinctly pointedshoulders which give a barbed effect. The blade is approximately as wide asit is long and since the overall length is relatively short the artifacts have a
"stubby" appearance, hence the name "Stubby Barbed."Notched Stemmed Type I (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 28, a) is 2.0 to 6.0 cm. in lengthand 2.0 to 3.0 cm. in width. The blade of the majority is long in comparisonto the relatively narrow width. They are oval or diamond shaped in crosssection and medium thick (4-7 mm.). The shoulders are rounded and arealways Mider than the base. The stem is produced by narrowing the bladewith two shallow elongated notches. The stem and blade are not sharplydemarcated one from the other. The base and notches are sometimes
"smoothed."Ovoid Base Type J (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 28, 6) is 3.0 to 5.5 cm. in length and1.3 to 3.0 cm. in width. The blade has a long isosceles form, is without shouldersand gradually fades into the rounded or oval base.Contracting Stemmed Type K (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 29, o) is 3.0 to 6.0 cm. longand 1.4 to 3.0 cm. wide. The blade is long isosceles in form and diamond or ovalshaped in cross section. Shoulders are rudimentary or definite and if definiteare generally small. The base is triangular in shape with the base of the tri-angle toward the blade. The stem may be % to Yt of the entire artifact.Parallel-sided Stemmed Type L (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 29, b) is 3.5 to 6.5 cm. longand 1.5 to 3.5 cm. wide. The blade is triangular with definite shoulders whichmay be rounded but are usually angular. The stem is characteristically 1.0to 1.5 cm. long and symmetrically placed between the shoulders. The sides ofthe stem are parallel.
No.*57 J^' ^^^" CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 47
Side-notched Type M (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 30, o) is 3.2 to 5.0 cm. long and1.6 to 3.3 cm. wide. The blade is triangular with either straight or excurvatesides. The shoulders are formed by notches on either side of the blade whichinterrupt the extension of the blade to the base. The base is always as wide as,if not wider than, the shoulders.Unclassified Type N are fragments of projectile points from Type A to Type Owhich cannot be identified for more specific categorization. Also those pro-jectile points that do not fit any type description are placed here.Eared or Corner-notched Type (fig. 2; Holland, 1955, pi. 30, b) is 3.0 to 4.0 cm.long and 2.0 to 3.0 cm. wide. The stem is very short and lacks 4 to 6 mm. ofbeing as wide as the blade. The stem is also generally 3 to 6 mm. long andwith straight sides. Occasionally there is a short tang.Large Contracting Stemmed Type P (fig. 3) is 6.0 to 8.0 cm. long and 3.5 to 5.0 cm,wide. The blade is usually excurvate, 7 to 10 mm. thick. One shoulder isusually angular and the other rounded. These shoulders are usually 10 mm.wide regardless of shape. The stem is centrally placed at the base of the bladeand contracts to a rounded angle. Occasionally the rounded angle is replacedby a straight or oblique section. Except for larger proportions this type issimilar to Type K.Large Parallel-sided Stemmed Type Q (fig. 3) is from 6.0 to 14.0 cm. long and 2.8to 4.5 cm. wide. The blade is trianguloid with straight edges. The stem iscentrally placed and joins the blade with angles of rounded contour. Thesides of the stem are straight and parallel. Except for larger proportions thistype is similar to Type L.Large Side-notched Type R (fig. 3) is 6.0 to 7.0 cm. long and 2.5 to 4.0 cm. wide.The blade has straight or gracefully excurvate sides. The shoulders are sym-metrical and the stem is usually produced by shallow elongated notches. Whenthe notches are angular and oblique they produce an expanding stem withrounded tangs.Large Pointed Base Type S (fig. 3) is 7.0 to 10.0 cm. long and from 3.5 to 4.2 cm.wide. The blades are consistently excurvate with the maximum width nearthe center of the blade. The stem tapers to the base, forming rudimentaryshoulders which may be present on one side and not the other. This type,except for larger size, is similar to Type K.Large Triangular Blade Type T (fig. 3) is from 6.0 to 8.5 cm. long and 2.0 and 4.5 cm.wide. The shape is isosceles and the base is straight. Except for large size itis similar to triangular Types A, B, and C.Large Rounded Base Type U (fig. 3) is 6.3 to 11.0 cm. long and the width rangesfrom 2.6 to 5.5 cm. The blade is generally triangular or oval and the baseis rounded or oval. It is similar to Type J except for larger size. In thesurvey area more latitude was allowed in this type than the narrow limits setby this description. Some blades were rounded on both ends and occasionallya blade would be rounded on one end and straight on the other.Large unclassified blades Type V represent fragments of large blades which areso incomplete they cannot be identified as belonging to any other category.After classification the points and blades were seriated accordingto accepted procedure (for details, see Evans, 1955, pp. 76-80), com-pletely independent of the potter3^ The number of artifacts in eachtype for each site was calculated, the totals determined, and the per-centage breakdown for the individual types worked out on slide rule.These figures are listed as horizontal columns in table 6 of the Ap-
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
pendix with the projectile points lettered A through O and largeblades lettered from P through V. The breakdown into types ofrock material is found in vertical columns with totals and percentagesat the bottom of each column. The percentage occurrences of pro-jectile-point and large blade types from each site were fashioned intobar graphs on millimeter graph paper with 1 cm. of graph equal to10 percent, for the experimental seriations.It was necessary to form two seriation charts. From my previousexperience with Virginia artifacts, as well as comparison with theresults of others using the same techniques (Ford, 1949, pp. 35-37), aminimum of 50 artifacts is considered the smallest sample which willgive reasonably accurate results. The primary seriation, figure 4, isbased entirely on 50 or more artifacts per sample and percentagesare shown, for easy reference, as solid bars. In the second seriation,figure 5, the relative position of sites with large samples (solid bars)has been maintained, and sites with small samples (20 to 48 artifacts)have been inserted as diagonally hatched bars.In the text it has been found expedient to divide the expositioninto three groups of sites. The first group to be described, and atthe top of both seriation charts, belongs to the ceramic horizon. Thesecond and third groups belong to two separate, well-defined pre-ceramic horizons.Seriation of projectile points and large blades was accomplished inthe ceramic horizon first. (Although the stone-artifact collectionfrom site RM-4 was large, this site had to be left out of the seriationsbecause of a mixture of the artifacts with site E.M-4A.) There aretwo reasons for this. It is conceded that ceramic sites are generallylater in time than nonceramic sites, therefore the top or most recentperiod of the chart vs^as established. This temporal h3'pothesis wasnot proved by stratigraphy in the survey area, and whether it is ofvalue can only be determined by the results of the seriation. Sec-ondly, from previous studies definite trends of the points and bladesof the ceramic horizon of Virginia are known and could be anticipatedto appear in this region.The trends in the previous study (Holland, 1955, fig. 23) weredeveloped by Small Triangular Type A, Medium Triangular T3^pe B,Triangular Type C, Notched Stemmed Type I, Parallel-sided StemmedType L, and Large Parallel-sided Stemmed Type Q. Beginning inthe preceramic horizon, the triangular forms have a low level of occur-rence while Notched Stemmed Type I blossomed and faded. ParaUel-sided Stemmed Type L blossomed during the earl}' ceramic periodand then faded, a trend followed by its large counterpart Type Q.When Type L had faded to 1 percent and 5 percent, Triangular TypeC reached a peak of 30 percent to 56 percent. Type C decreases at
SITES PROJE
E F 6 H

PROJECTILE POINTS LARGE BLAO?S
AU

No*57^^'^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 49
the top of the ceramic period to 10 percent or less and Types B and Aare then the most popular types.With these trends as a guide, five ceramic-bearing sites (AU-13,AU-11, AU-45, AU-31, and AU-5) with large collections of points andblades were seriated with increasing percentages of Triangular TypesB and C and decreasing percentages of Type L. It was gratifying tonote a steady progressive increase in Type B from 0.6 percent to 7.1percent and a similar though more uTegular increase in Type C from8.7 percent to 19.5 percent while the popularity of Type L declinedprogressively from 14.3 percent to 5.3 percent. Type I did not showany trends. These trends, when compared with the trends developedfor Virginia as a whole (Holland, 1955, fig. 23), reveal that we aredealing with the earliest section of the total ceramic horizon. Thelater periods, represented by fading of Type C and blossoming of TypesA and B, had not been reached by these particular sites.In the other categories a steady increase is noted in Type D from8.1 percent to 17.6 percent, a point to be expected if the seriation iscorrect, for this type represents trianguloid rejects related to themanufacture of Triangular Points, Types A, B, and C. A decreasingtrend is noted in Type J from 6.2 percent to 2.7 percent, in Type Ufrom 8.7 percent to 2.7 percent, and Type V from 22.5 percent to 3.5percent. Trends in the other categories are not readily apparent in astudy of this ceramic horizon alone.If the hypothesis that nonceramic sites are older than ceramic sitesis correct, the trends established during this early ceramic horizon areexpected to be continuations of similar trends from the nonceramichorizon. Therefore, bar graphs of nonceramic sites were arranged tocontinue do^vnward and backward in time and to develop the bestincreasing and declining popularity of types in the ceramic horizon.The first six nonceramic sites (AU-4, AU-41, AU-36, AU-43, HD-4,and AU-29) to continue the trends (figs. 4 and 5) constitute a unit andwill be described first.Type B, with a 2.1 percent occurrence, is present in the uppermostnonceramic site only (fig. 4, site AU-4). Types C and D decreasesteadily down the sequence from 9.5 percent and 14.3 percent to 1.2percent and percent, respectively. Type L maintains the greatestpopularity found in the lowest ceramic sites, though somewhatirregularly, at about a 12 percent level of occurrence. An excellenttrend has developed in Type M which steadOy increases down thechart from 4.1 percent to 10.2 percent. This is paralleled, thoughirregularly, by Type Q with an increase from 0.7 percent to 13.0percent. Both trends, begun in the early ceramic horizon, bridge thetwo horizons. Type I, which shows an irregular occurrence in theceramic sequence, increases somewhat abruptly in the nonceramic
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
sequence and appears to be forming an increasing trend as older sitesare added to the chart. There is a small but noticeable increase inoccurrence of Type K in the lower part of this nonceramic site se-quence. Type J continues the same percentage level of the lowermostceramic sites. Types V and U, instead of increasing, reverse theirtrends and decline through the sequence. Trends in the othercategories are not distinctive.These six nonceramic sites, selected, as has been said above, solelyon the basis of continuing the popularity trends of points and blades ofceramic horizon sites, were later found to have characteristics whichset them aside as a definite horizon. After the analysis of rock ma-terial (p. 65) had been completed, it was discovered that in these sites60 percent or more of the rock material used to manufacture the pro-jectile points and large blades had been chert. Therefore the term
"chert-using" has been applied to the complex. The full meaning ofthis is discussed in detail in the section on relationship of sequences(see pp. 80-88).Again a set of sites (AU-17, RM-12, AU-23, AU-24, AU-9, AU-40,RM-1, AU-25, IlM-8, and RM-4B) (fig. 4) were selected and ar-ranged to continue the best trends established by the upper 1 1 sites.It was immediately evident that trends in the trianguloid series ofpoints, Types A, B, C, and D, had long ago terminated and the pres-ence of any of these types now appeared to be sporadic. Type Doccurring at site AU-16, AU-24, AU-25, and RM-8 in 1.8 percent,2,0 percent, 2.0 percent, and 2.7 percent, respectively, is too low a per-centage occurrence to be of any significance and it must be remem-bered that this type is an unclassified trianguloid anyway, a classifi-cation always open to discussion. The presence of Type B at KM-1can possibly be the occurrence of materials related to the adjoining site,RM-lA, where a higher percentage of chert materials and a fewsherds place this site in the ceramic horizon. Under these circum-stances this low percentage occurrence of Type B points, one point atboth sites AU-17 and RM-1 in a position in the sequence whichappears out of order, should not be considered as a violation of thebasic trends or meaning of the seriated sequence.Types I, M, and Q, which had blossomed at the bottom of thefirst six nonceramic site sequences, maintain tlieir popularity in theupper part of this 11-site sequence, but gradually fade at the bottomto 4.5 percent, 4.5 percent, and percent respectively. Type L main-tains its maximum popularity and Tj^pes F, H, and J, while showingno increasing or decreasing trends, are present on all sites in lowpercentages. The most striking changes are shown in the large bladecategories, Types U and V. These suddenly blossom and, throughout
No^St^"^"^" cultural patterns, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 51
the 11 -site sequence, hold a steady popularity unequaled in the sitesabove.These lowest 11 sites, like the upper 6 nonceramic sites, have, onconsideration of the type of rock material, another characteristicwhich establishes them as a separate preceramic complex. The de-tails of this study follow in the section on relationship of sequences(see pp. 80-81), but it is pertinent to mention that for these sites quartz-ite was the most popular rock material used to manufacture the pointsand blades. No less than 74.6 percent of each site are made of thismaterial; for this reason the complex has been named "quartzite-using."Since we have viewed the seriation in three separate units, it wiUbe well to view it as a whole to see if the three horizons have contin-uous trends (figs. 4 and 5). This appears to be true. Medium Tri-angular Type B appears in the "chert-using" horizon and increasessteadily through time on into the ceramic horizon. Triangular TypeC and Crude Triangular Type D begin at an earlier time level andsteadily increase in popularity to the top of the chart. This paral-lelism between Type D and the other triangular types is so strikingthat it adds weight to the probability that Crude Triangular TypeD is essentially nothing more than an abortive effort, a reject, in themanufacture of triangular-type points. Pentagonal Type E, NotchedBase Type G, Large Side-notched Type R, Large Pointed Base TypeS and Large Triangular Blade Type T occur sporadically and in smallpercentages throughout the sequence. Viewed from bottom to top.Lanceolate Type F has a small but steadier occurrence in the "quartz-ite-using" horizon, being less important in the ceramic horizon atthe top of the sequence. Notched Stemmed Type I, Side-notchedType M, Parallel-sided Stemmed Type L, and Large Parallel-sidedStemmed Type Q have their maximum occurrence in the preceramichorizons at a point where the "quartzite-using" and "chert-using"complexes overlap.As will be recalled Type N includes unclassified projectile-pointfragments of Types A through O. A similar unclassified category,Type V, had been established for the blades. It was felt that thesegroupings were essential to the true understanding of the differencesbetween frequency of blades and smaller projectile points, for somany fragments were large enough to group into one of these cate-gories but too small to subdivide into one of the types based ontotal shape. Examination of the seriation, figures 4 and 5, showsthat Type N is most abundant throughout the ceramic and the
"chert-using" complexes (i. e., the upper part of the sequence)whereas Type V is most common in the "quartzite-using" complex.These two unclassified categories indicate how clearly the shift oc-
52 " BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
curs from a predominance of large blades in the lower part of thesequence to a greater popularity of smaller chipped tools in theupper or later part of the sequence.Using the trends established by sites with a large sample, it wasalso possible to place all sites but one w4th small collections of 20 to48 artifacts in the seriation and maintain the trends already established(fig. 5). The single exception, AU-30, at Natural Chimneys sampleshad not been collected by the writer but was material exhibited fromtunnels and caves in the base of the Chimneys. Not only are thetrends of the various types in the sequence maintained by using thesesites with smaller collections, but the homogeneity of the character-istics of the various culture horizons are preserved. The inclusionof these sites expands the scope of the sequence, smooths out some ofthe trends of the various point and blade types, and also permitsassessment of the position of more sites in the survey area from boththe ceramic and preceramic horizons.The justification for the use of these sites with small samples,sometimes causing the percentages to be slightly overloaded, can bedemonstrated by picking out a few sites and showing how they canonly fit into one particular part of the sequence even though some ofthe individual bars on the gi-aph appear slightly askew.The placing of site AU-35-V-1 near the upper part of the point andblade sequence (fig. 5) is justified for several reasons. Types B andC are more popular in the upper part of the chart. The limitedpercentage of any blades from this site definitely rules it out of thelower part of the seriation. Thus, even though the percentage ofType C, with 50 percent, appears lughly exaggerated owing to thesmall sample, this overextended percentage bar does not interferewith the general position of the site or the trends which site AU-35-V-1 helps fill out for Types B, D, and M.Similar situations are demonstrable with such sites as RM-6 with39, RM-3 with 31, AU-38 with 45, and RB-6 with 23 specimens.Each fits roughly into the sequence according to noticeable absencesof significant point and blade types and takes a specific posi-tion as a result of a continuation of the trends established by the siteswith the larger samples.To summarize briefly the results of the seriation of the points andblades from the sites without recourse to the analysis of the pottery orrock materials, the same general trends established for the entire Stateof Virginia (Holland, 1955, fig. 23) repeat themselves in the limitedarea of the survey. This seriated sequence of northwestern Virginia,however, smooths out some of the rough spots in the original studyand tends to give a more gradual curve to each of the types as a resultof having available more sites closely related in time from a limited
SITES
A B E F (
in
4)ua
o
I
AU-AU-AU-AU-AU -AU -AU-AU-AU -AU -AU -AU -AU-RB -AU-HO-AU-HD -AU -AU-RM -RM-AU-AU -AU -AU -AU-AU-RM-RM-RM-AU -AU -AU-RMRMRM
35-V-25
-35-V-l
-453121
-46
- I I
- 1342441
- 36
- 6
-43
-4
-29718
- 1712
- I
- 231624
I
-9
-40
-6
- 3
- 73325
- 38
- II
- 8
- 4B
Zl 7-r-A '//// /\
23
////////// \ / / / /\
/ / / / A/ / / / A
/ / /\
zm
^m-imei/ / / / / /n/ / / A
a
23
CM
r-t- 2:2
Figure 5.?Secondary seriation c

PROJECTILE POINTS LARGE BLADES
AU- 35-V-2AU- 5AU - 35 - V- IAU - 45AU -31AU-21AU-46AU- IIAU- 13AU- 42AU -4AU-41AU- 36RB - 6AU -43HD - 4AU-29HD - 7AU -IBAU-irRM-12RM- IAU- 23AU - 16AU -24AU- IAU-9AU- 40RM-6RM- 3RM- 7AU - 33AU - 25AU - 38RM - IIRM- SRM-4e
> / / / / r / / / t\
/ 1 / / / T-\
E

No*57]^'^^^" CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 53
geographical area. The strong emphasis on large blade types in the
"quartzite-using" complex of the preceramic horizon, the lowest partof the sequence, with the absence of trianguloid forms is of definiteimportance in helping to define the cultural complex of this periodand proves an important time marker in the sequence. Throughouttime the popularity of blades declines in favor of the smaller projectilepoints of various shapes, each with minor fluctuations of its own.In the later part of the sequence, the increased popularity of triangularpoints. Types B and C, with their related category of probable rejects,Type D, is a point which is of some significance and can be furtherexpanded after those sites with pottery have been seriated independ-ently of this sequence. In short, it appears as if another demonstra-tion has been made in Virginia (cf. Holland, 1955, pp. 174-175) thatchipped-stone objects are sensitive to cultural change through time,and the seriation of these changes into a sequence can be useful inestablishing a type of time scale where no other artifacts or techniquesare available. MISCELLANEOUS ARTIFACTS
Artifacts other than pottery, projectile points, and large bladesand chips were found in small quantities and with irregular occurrencefrom site to site. The exact numbers and classification are listed inhorizontal columns for each site in table 6 of the Appendix. The typeof rock material of which they are made is given in vertical columns.Since there are so few no attempt has been made to reduce them topercentage occurrences by site. The various categories of artifactsare listed below:Crude axes (fig. 6, a) . These were generally cobbles of greenstone that had beenshaped by percussion and notched on either edge. The scars of flaking were
still present and only occasionally a pecked channel connected the notchededges. The notches were placed to one side of the center of the length. Thebit was not modified by grinding. Occasionally a cobble was only notched oneither edge and otherwise unmodified. They were generally 8 cm. wide, 10 to16 cm. long, and 2 to 3 cm. thick.Crude celts (fig. 6, b) . Cobbles of greenstone had been flaked in such a fashion asto form a flat rectanguloid artifact 13 to 16 cm. long, 6 cm. wide across thebit, and 1.5 to 3.0 cm. thick. Scars of percussion flaking made the facesirregular. The bit expanded slightly and the poll was narrowed and eitherstraight or oval. There was no evidence of grinding to smooth either theedges or faces.Pecked or polished celts (fig. 6, c) . These were modified cobbles of greenstone thathad been fashioned into a sharp cutting implement. The bit was straight andsharp and usually wider than the rest of the artifact. The poll was oval orpointed. The faces had been worked smooth and either exhibited the smallpits of pecking or were slick from polishing. The majority were 11 to 13 cm.long, 4 to 6 cm. wide, and 2 to 3 cm. thick.
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
lit I
1 2 3 4 CM
Figure 6.?Artifact types: a, Crude ax; b, crude celt; c, polished celt.
nS.^StT'^"^' cultural patterns, VIRGINLi?^HOLLAND 55
Figure 7.?Artifact types: a, Hafted scraper; b, end scraper; c, side scraper; d, graver;f, drill; /, hammer-anvil stone; g, chlorite pipe; h, clay pipe.
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLrOGY [Bull. 173
End scrapers, modified for hafiing (fig. 7, a). These objects have rectangular bladesand one straight or oval end and the other end has either been side notchedor stemmed. They appear frequently to have been broken projectile pointsthat have been reworked on the fractured end.End scrapers (or snubnosed scrapers) (fig. 7, b). These are oval or rectanguloidfragments 3.0 to 3.5 cm. wide, 3.0 to 4.0 cm. long, and 1.0 cm. thick. One sideof these artifacts has been modified by secondary flaking to produce a slopingedge. The longer edge is usually sharply angular while the other is rounded.This modified edge may be % to Yz the perimeter of the artifact.Side scrapers (fig. 7, c) . These are medium-sized elongated chips that have beenmodified by secondary flaking on one or both lengthwise edges. There were onlythree of these found in the entire survey.Graver (fig. 7, d). These are small, flat, rectanguloid chipped-stone artifacts thathave had one edge modified to form a short, sharp, triangular point. Only4 were found.Drills (fig. 7, e) . This class was defined on the basis of an elongated narrow blade,usually diamond shaped or oval in cross section, with an expanding base, or,as occasionally seen, no modified base but a continuation of the narrow bladefrom one end to the other. The blade varied between 0.5 and 1.0 cm. wide andthe overall length was 4.0 to 5.0 cm. The expanding base was roughly rectangu-lar or triangular in outline. T- or Y-shaped specimens were not encountered.Mano. Only one specimen, found on a preceramic "quartzite-using" station thathad been resettled during the ceramic horizon (RM-4A). This roughly ovalspecimen had a flat surface for grinding and the opposite side was rounded,measuring 10 cm. long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick.Hammer-anvil stones (fig. 7,/). These were oval quartzite river cobbles, usually10 cm. long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick, that had been battered along one edgeand were pitted on one or both faces. The pits varied from shallow, circularpecked areas in the center of a face to 1.5 cm. deep. The pits indicate that theymay have been used also as anvil stones.Pipes, chlorite (fig. 7, g). A number of pipes were observed during the survey inlocal collections and at the Valentine Museum. Those in local collections werenot accompanied by provenience or else the data was so meager (AU-19) thatthe pipe could not be assigned to a horizon. At AU-11 a large fragment wasfrom an obtuse angle pipe with a round bowl and flat stem. Fragments werediscovered at two sites (AU-31 and AU-18) but reconstruction of the entireartifact was not possible. Pipes found in mounds (AU-35-M, and literature)either lack data of provenience or occur during the Late or Middle Woodlandperiods which are not well represented by the survey.Pipes, clay (fig. 7, h). The only complete specimen seen during the survey was fromthe Hayes' Creek Mound (RB-2) . This was an obtuse angle pipe in imitationof a similar chlorite specimen from the same mound and also similar to thechlorite pipe found in the excavation of AU-35-M. One fragment from AU-13is a right-angle type made for insertion of a stem. The other fragment from thesame site in the collection of Jerrj"- Brownlee had a tapered stem. The frag-ments from HD-2 were so incomplete they could not be reconstructed.Soapstone vessels. This category refers to fragments of soapstone vessels that havebeen broken. No complete vessel was found.Quartz crystal. Both Fowke (1894) and the Valentine Museum (1903) mentionthe occurrence of quartz crystals during their excavations. The ones collectedduring the survey were small. None had been modified.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINLA.?HOLLAND 57
Pendants. Only one complete pendant was discovered with a burial at AU-35-M.The others were fragmentary and reconstruction was not possible. In generalthey appeared to be elongated, drilled from both faces to the center.Table 3 was organized to bring these artifacts into proper timerelationships. Sites were arranged in a vertical column with the mostrecent at the top of the table to the oldest at the bottom according tothe adjusted seriated sequences of pottery, points, and blades. Thenumber of specimens found on each site is listed under its appropriatecategory.Table 3.
?
Distribution of miscellaneous artifacts at various sites, arranged accordingto the temporal sequence based on ceramic and projectile-point and blade seriations
Site
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ordered sequence. In the ceramic horizon, drills, polished and peckedcelts, chloritic schist and clay pipes, fragments from soapstonevessels, and natural quartz crystals are most common. In the pre*ceramic sites, crude axes, end scrapers, and the hafted variety of endscrapers are found in greater numbers. What this means is that ifthese artifacts are found in sufficient numbers at a site they may beuseful in establishing the general position of the site in the ceramicor preceramic time sequence for the area. From another point ofview these artifacts of infrequent occurrence can serve as an excellentcheck on the other data from a site. For example, if a site seems toconform to one part of the time sequence but has a series of celts,pipes, drills, etc., which seem to fit more closely to the opposite partof the sequence, the data suggest that possibly the site had beenoccupied by two groups at widely different times and some methodmust be derived to separate the artifacts into two distinct groups.For this purpose of serving as a double check, the less abundantmiscellaneous artifacts were always considered in this study.ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE POTTERY
Since the aboriginal pottery from Virginia has been analyzed andinterpreted in the survey made by Evans in 1950 and published underthe title "A Ceramic Study of Virginia Archeology" (1955), it is essen-tial here to classify the pottery from northwest Virginia into Evans'types and seriated sequences. In order to assure the comparabilityof pottery classification of the earlier study and the materials fromthe current survey, Evans classified all the pottery in this study.One major aboriginal ceramic area, the Allegheny (op. cit., pp. 103-108) of Virginia applies to the present survey. Evans has dividedthe Allegheny Ceramic Area into a Southern Division and a NorthernDivision with the whole region covering the area west of the BlueRidge Mountains. Although the pottery types most typical of thisarea predominate in some sites, an interesting situation occurs inthose sites bordering the boundary line of the Central and NorthCentral Ceramic Area, which suggests direction of the aboriginalmovement or diffusion into northwest Virginia.A study of the sherd collections from the survey area reveals fiveof the eight major Vii-ginia pottery series present in various degreesof popularity. They include the Albemarle, Marcey Creek, NewRiver, Radford, and Stony Creek Pottery Series. A thumbnailsummarized description of these follows, but the reader is referredto Evans' (1955) report for the complete descriptions, photographs,and line di-awings of rims and vessel shapes.
No*57^P"^^^* CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 59
Albemarle Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pis. 4, 5, 6, fig. 3):A group of pottery types on a ware typically light red to orange, sometimesgray-red, sandy textured with a crushed-quartz temper (rarely with crushedgranite or greenstone) which are angular, medium to large particles. Manu-factured by coiling. Decoration consists of punctures with a sharp stick ornarrow slits on the rim. In the majority of cases the rim is fairly vertical ortapers slightly inward and only rarely slopes outward. The shapes are typicallyround-bodied pots with straight sides or with a slightly constricted collar andshort vertical rim.The above-mentioned ware has been classified into five pottery types basedon surface treatment: Albemarle Plain, Albemarle Cord Marked, AlbemarleFabric Impressed, Albemarle Net Impressed, Albemarle Simple Stamped,and Rivanna Scraped. Albemarle Cord Marked surfaces had been beatenwith a cord-wrapped paddle, the cord being, in most cases, a simple, double-twisted, two-strand cord ranging from medium to coarse in size. The surfacewas paddled when the clay was moderately soft. The fabric impressions hadbeen made with a plain plaited fabric with close, fine weft and a medium coarseto wide, heavy warp. Albermarle Net Impressed variety had been markedwith a wide open knotted net deeply impressed in wet clay.Albemarle Simple Stamped had been beaten with a paddle wrapped eitherwith smooth thongs or roots or a paddle with faint grooves. Rivanna Scrapedvariety was produced by an irregular tool when the clay was very wet.Marcey Creek Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pi. 12, fig. 6):A group of pottery types characterized by a light-tan to red-brown to gray-red color, soft paste, soapy texture and feel, crushed-steatite temper, veryirregular, uneven, lumpy surfaces. The majority of vessels were apparentlyhand modeled, patched, or kneaded, while a few sherds suggest coiling. Therims are fairly thin compared to the body wall and are either vertical or out-sloping. There is an occasional nicked rim by way of decoration. The sherdsamples suggest direct copy of typical steatite vessels which are either oval orrectanguloid bowls with flat bases, irregular surfaces, curved to straight sideswith an occasional handle at the ends.Two types are recognized: Marcey Creek Plain and Selden Island CordMarked. The plain type is smoothed by hand only, rough to the feel, very un-even and irregular with lumps of temper protruding through the paste. SeldenIsland Cord Marked, impressed with a cord-wrapped paddle, has a haphazard,overlapping, crisscrossing or diagonal pattern.New River Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pi. 13, fig. 7):A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by a gray-tan surface, withcrushed-shell temper, incompletely fired in an oxido-reducing atmosphere pro-ducing a gray-cored paste. The majority of the sherds suggest modeling orpatching as the method of manufacture. Decorations, which are frequent onthe rim sherds, are gashes, finger pinchings along the lip, lower edge of thefolded-over rim or along the collar. There are rounded loop handles and gen-erally the shapes are round jars with globular bodies, short to medium-sizednecks, the orifice smaller than the greatest body diameter and with a recurvedor vertical rim.Four types have been defined. New River Knot Roughened and Net Im-pressed has been paddled or rubbed on the exteriors with a knotted net, leavinga coarse, rough surface with impressions of knots and a few of the mesh lines.Usually the mesh of the net is obliterated, suggesting roughening with a crum-pled net. New River Cord marked type has been haphazardly beaten with a
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
cord-wrapped paddle forming parallel or crisscrossing patterns. Nonoverlap-ping, parallel impressions are most common. New River Fabric Impressedtype was treated with a fabric of plain-plaited or twisted varieties. Often thefabric has been applied several times in one area as if wrapped on a paddle oraround the hand. New River Plain has both interior and exterior surfacessmoothed over, but is still fairly uneven and irregular; sometimes the interioris scraped.Radford Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pis. 16, 17, fig. 9):A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by gray to gray-tan color,a gray to black core resulting from incomplete firing in an oxido-reducing fire,crushed-limestone temper, and with distinctive rim and vessel shapes. Therims are either incurving, straight, or incurving with a thickened or folded-overlip, decorated with finger pinching, small gashes, lightly incised lines and, rarely,a raised rib. There are infrequent strap handles. They were generally made byhand modeling or patching, although some sherds show coiling. The vesselsare rounded jars with globular bodies, the orifices of which are smaller than thebodies.This series has four pottery types. The surfaces of Radford Knot Roughenedand Net Impressed had been beaten with either a net-covered hand or paddle,creating a haphazard, overlapping, rough surface with knot and cord impres-sions. It was apparently treated when the clay was leather dry. RadfordCord Marked type had been beaten with a cord-wrapped paddle without toomuch overlapping or crisscrossing. Radford Fabric Impressed sherds are im-pressed with a plain-plaited or twined fabric. The majority suggest that thisfabric was wrapped around a paddle or the hand and the exterior surface beatenor rubbed. Radford Plain Type is smooth but uneven.Stony Creek Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pis. 18, 19, 20, fig. 10):A group of pottery types characterized by fine quartz sand temper, gritty andsandy texture, light tan to light orange or light red-tan surfaces, fired in anoxidizing atmosphere. Coiling as the method of manufacture is evident on themajority of the sherds. Typically, there is no decoration. A variety of shapeswere reconstructed from the sherds. There were deep open bowls with sub-conoidal to conoidal bases; globular-bodied jars with conoidal bases and withinsloping straight sides forming an orifice smaller than the body diameter, andtall pot forms with conoidal or subconoidal bases.Seven types are recognized. Stony Creek Cord Marked has been treatedwith fine to medium-fine cords, typically in a crisscrossing, well-executed, over-lapping pattern, usually diagonal to the rim. Stony Creek Fabric Impressedtype is difficult to analyze because the sandy nature of the paste caused thesherd surfaces to erode easily. A characteristic of the type is the faintness ofthe fabric impressions even on uneroded surfaces, suggesting application whenthe clay was leather dry. Stony Creek Simple Stamped sherds have beenbeaten with a paddle wrapped with smooth thongs or thin, smooth roots or grass.The decorated type, Nottoway Incised, has the exterior treated as the fabric-impressed type, then the incisions were made with a flat, blunt stick, appliedcrudely and unevenly to the rim and body. Motifs are diagonal lines extendingfrom the lip, haphazard crosshatching, double chevrons, paired lines, and tri-angles. Stony Creek Plain has smoothed, fairly even and regular interior andexterior surfaces. Rivanna Scraped is scraped or combed with a tool, leavingsmall irregular serrations.The basic differences in temper, paste, fii'ing, manufactm*e, anddecoration of each pottery type are fah-ly easy to distinguish once one
No.^StT" ^'^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGU^IA HOLLAND 61has had a little experience with pottery typology and classification.The numerical and percentage breakdown by series for each sherd col-lection arranged by site is found in the Appendix:, table 7. The per-centages were plotted as bars on strips of graph paper with a scale of1 cm. equal to 10 percent arranged in columns wide enough to accom-modate the greatest percentage in any one series. A collection of 50or more sherds was considered usable with a fair degree of accuracy(Ford and WiUey, 1949, pp. 35-37); these were plotted as solid bars.The four collections with sherd samples between 22 and 47 wereplotted with diagonal lines to suggest uncertainty of the results dueto a small sample.The bottom of the seriation (fig. 8) was fixed, in part, by reference toEvans' ceramic study (1955, fig. 18). He had noted potter}- typescharacteristic of the Central and North Central Ceramic Ai-ea spillingover into the northern district of the Allegheny Ceramic Ai-ea (ibid.,pp. 103, 108). Therefore, reference to his seriation in the former areaindicated that sites with a high percentage of Stony Creek PotterySeries, relatively smaller percentages of Albemarle Series, and thepresence of Marcey Creek Series are in the lowest part of the sequence.The bar graphs of two sites, AU-26 and AU-11, having the threerequu-ements mentioned above were placed at the bottom of the seria-tion (fig. 8). According to Evans' study the Stony Creek Series wouldfade as the Albemarle Series blossomed (ibid., p. 100, fig. 18); the nextfour sites (AU-13, RM-4, AU-31, and AU-21) were arranged accord-ingly. Good trends, though foreshortened by the limited numberof sites, appeared. The Stony Creek Series decreased from 60 percentto 10 percent, while Albemarle increased from 32.2 percent to 89percent.Following on the sLx-site sequence developed above, sLx more sites(AU-45, EB-3, AU-5, AU-35-V-1, AU-44, and AU-35-V-2) withAlbemarle and Stony Creek Series were seriated to continue and de-velop the best trends of the first sLx sites (fig. 8). It became immedi-ately apparent that a new ceramic influence had reached the area.The Stony Creek Pottery Series, as expected, continued to decline to3.2 percent and 2.7 percent, but the Albemarle Series, instead of con-tinuing to increase as it had in the Central and North Central CeramicArea, began to fade as the Radford Pottery Series blossomed. Thisnew influence, although present in lovr percentages (up to 5.8 percent)at the bottom of the seriation increased to 40.3 percent at the top ofthe 12-site sequence.The five remaining sites with ceramic samples presented a problem.Fom- had high percentages of Radford Pottery Series, only one had atrace of Albemarle, and only one had any Stony Creek Series. Werethe samples (HD-9 and RB-7) found in the two museum collections so471762?60 5
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
oex,co
<uCOXi
iixX 1)oa3cr
GO
No*57l^"^^^" CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 63highly selected that they would not show any trends in a seriationstudy? Traces of the New River Series had been present in the 12-site sequence akeady developed and there was none in the four sampleswith a high percentage of Radford Series. The fifth site had a highpercentage of the New River Pottery Series and a very low percentageof Radford Pottery Series.To resolve these difficulties it was decided to seriate the four sites(HD-2, RB-7, BA-1, and HD-9) with the high percentages of theRadford Series as a group to continue the trends which had been de-veloped by the sequence (fig. 8). HD-2, an excavated midden, had atrace (3.5 percent) of Albermarle Series and the lowest percentage ofRadford Series (96.5 percent). This was placed on the bottom of thisfour-site sequence, and the others fell into place with increasing per-centages of Radford Series and an absence of Albermarle. Obviously,then, a gap existed in the sequence. Alore sites would doubtlesslybridge the gap by showing a progressive loss of Albermarle and anincreasing percentage of Radford. Stony Creek Series pottery, whichhad already declined to a trace, would either continue as a trace (ason RB-7) or would be absent entirely. The probabihties are that theNew River Series would not appear in any large percentages and morethan Hkely would be absent on most of the sites.The question of selectivity of sherds in the museum samples (HD-9and RB-7) is not answered positively. However, they seriate wellwith two excavated middens having 96.5 percent of Radford Series ormore, which indicates that thsre was a blossoming of the RadfordSeries to such a degree that it represented practically the entireceramic complex on certain sites in the survey area.The question now arose as to whether the top of the seriated se-quence was represented by the blossoming of the Radford Series (fig.8). This did not seem possible for two reasons. In the northern dis-trict of the Allegheny Ceramic Area, the Keyser Farm site, proposedby Griffin as having been occupied in the post-Columbian era (Manson,MacCord, and Griffin, 1944, p. 413), had a ceramic complex withvariants of the Radford and New River Pottery Series. With thistemporal assignment and the trace of New River Series in sites so fardiscussed, it was expected that the top of the seriation had not beenreached. In the southern district of the Allegheny Ceramic Area theexcellent sequence developed by Evans (1955, fig. 19) showed thathere Radford blossomed at the bottom of the sequence and faded withthe expanding of the New River Series. With these two studies asguides, it was obvious that the top of the seriation sequence should berepresented by relatively large percentages of the New River Seriesand either no Radford Series or moderate percentages of it. The onlysite to fit this distribution is AU-2, and, therefore, it has been placed
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
at the top of the seriation (fig. 8). Agam the intervening sites mthRadford Series pottery declining and New River Series ppttery in-creasing have not been discovered as yet in the survey area. Thislack is shown on the seriation chart by a gap.In summary the following generahzations may be made : The earli-est ceramic complexes of the Central and North Central Ceramic Areaexisted coevally in the northern district of the Allegheny CeramicArea. Two distinctive ceramic complexes, limestone-tempered Rad-ford Pottery Series and shell-tempered New River Pottery Series,moving in from the west or southwest, disrupt the ceramic patterns ofthis latter district but do not have any influence on patterns in theCentral and North Central Ceramic Area. The earliest of these newceramic influences, the Radford Series, appears in percentages of 96.5to 100 percent at a relatively later period in the area of this surveythan it does in the southern district of the Allegheny Ceramic Area.In the southern district it appears as a well-developed complex at thebottom of the seriation for that area. In the survey area there is agradual transition from the Albemarle and Stony Creek tradition tothe 100 percent Radford tradition. The late ceramic influence, theNew River Series, is not well represented in the survey area but itsoccasional presence is of importance in marking the most recent timelevels.Let us compare the results of the point and blade seriation (fig. 5)and the seriated sequence based on pottery (fig. 8), which were derivedindependently of each other. It was impossible to collect uniformlylarge samples of both pottery and chipped-stone materials from ce-ramic-bearing sites. Therefore certain sites appearing on the ceramicseriation are not found on the projectile-point and large-blade study,and vice versa, although a tabulation of the artifact sample is shownin tables 6 and 7 of the Appendix. Although there is not 100 percentagreement in the order of those sites that appear in both sequences, asufiicient number are in the same relative positions to suggest that thetwo forms of evidence can be used independently with some degree ofaccuracy. To be specific, the relative positions of sites AU-11 andAU-13 are the same?at the bottom of the pottery-type sequence andat the beginning of the ceramic-bearing sites in the point and bladesequence. However, their sequential positions are reversed, a matterof not too serious concern at this stage of the comparison. SitesAU-21, AU-45, AU-35-V-1, and AU-35-V-2 mamtain not only theirrelative positions but also their sequential positions. It will be re-called that although the stone artifact sample of RM-4 was so mixedwith RM-4A that it was impossible to separate the various culturalcomplexes and use the sample successfully in the point and bladeseriational studies, the pottery sample was clearly a unit in itself. Its
No*57]^" ^^^^ CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA HOLLAND 65
position near the bottom of the pottery sequence helps smooth outthis part of the curve.There is httle doubt that about twice the number of sites withlarge enough pottery samples to use would have helped smooth outthe seriational sequence based on pottery, for there are apparentlythree distinct gaps (fig. 8) not bridged at the moment by the availablesample of this survey. Nevertheless, with the support of thesestandard ways of developing sequences by seriation of pottery, points,and blades, several unique approaches will now be proposed and canbe checked against the results of the established sequences.ROCK MATERIAL
It became apparent early in the survey that the type of rock fromwhich the artifacts were made would be of considerable importance.This was not only determined by the present survey but had beenobserved, although not fully developed, in the earlier general Virginiasurvey (HoUand, 1955, pp. 175-176). For example, in AlbemarleCounty to the east, it was found that preceramic sites showed apreference for quartz with quartzite of secondary importance. In theStony Creek district there was preference for quartzite in the earlyceramic horizon. Late ceramic sites in southwest Virginia showed arock material preference for chert. In other words there was diversityof popularity of rock material at various time levels and in variouslocalities. No definite conclusion could be drawn at the time exceptthat although some cultural preference probably existed, the con-venience of local supplies appeared to be the greater determinant.Directly north of the survey area, Fowke (1894) described differ-ences in popularity of rock material at various sites. At the KitePlace in Page County (op. cit.. p. 44), which adjoins Rockingham, hementioned that a peck of well-finished quartzite arrowpoints or spear-heads was found in the center of a mound. On the Phillip LongFarm (op. cit., p. 46) in the same county there were flint and crystalartifacts. At Rufl'ner Place (op. cit., p. 48) he noted the presence ofboth quartzite and flint in quantity. At Rileyville, on the HuffmanFarm (op. cit., p. 55), he noted eight triangular, black flint knives and
"Two feet from these, at a slightly lower level, was a double handfulof quartzite chips and spalls." In other words, flint (actually chertand not true flint) and quartzite had been reported by others to bepopular in the area covered by the survey. A distinction in time mightexist, but it was not clearly discernible from Fovv^ke's ^vTitings.At the beginning of the survey I realized that certain sites wouldnot have a sufficient number of chipped-stone artifacts to integratethem into a seriation study; however, on these same sites chips wereabundant. I concluded that if time distinctions could be shown by
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
preferences of rock in the manufacture of chipped-stone artifacts, anadvantage could be derived from a study of chips. Those sites withadequate collections of artifacts could serve as controls in the studyof the chips.A chip was defined as the more or less flat flake removed either bypercussion or pressure during manufacture of stone artifacts. Largeangular chunks, called cores, were not included since their occurrencewas not common enough on each site to be of any practical use. It wasbelieved that 100 or more chips would preclude any gi-oss percentageerror caused by accidental breakage. The chip size varied fromminute fragments obviously removed by pressure flaking to largespalls, 4 by 8 centimeters, with pronounced striking platforms.At first, chert was divided by color, jasper and chalcedony werekept separate, quartz was divided into clear (crystal or near crystal)and white (milky) types, and quartzite by color. In the "SouthRivers District" quartzite is usually gray or tan and in the westernportion of the survey area there is a preference for a purple Erwinquartzite. Greenstone did not appear divisible into smaller cate-gories, although green and bluish phases were recognized. Prelim-inary study revealed these smaller divisions were purposeless, thusclassification was reduced finally to chert (sometimes including avery small percentage of jasper and chalcedony), quartz, quartzite,and greenstone.A special technique was devised for collecting the chips. Carefulinspection was made of the entire site to note the surface distributionof the chips representing all types of rock materials and particularlyto see if any concentrations were present. Sites under cultivationwere ideal for this phase of observation. If no concentrations existed,it was part of the technique to pick up every chip until 100 or morehad been accumulated. If a concentration did exist, a separatecollection was made from it as well as other areas and the resultscompared. The technique was tested by collecting several samplesmonths apart and from varying sections of a site. The results of thishave been incorporated into the site descriptions, especially sitesAU-4, AU-11, and EM^B.The numerical and percentage occurrence of types of rock material
will be found in horizontal columns at the bottom of table 6 in theAppendix. If two collections have been made, they have been placedin the tables as collections A and B, each with separate percentagecalculations.A crucial test for use of chips in this study is the correlation betweenthe percentage occurrence of the various rock materials of chips andprojectile points and blades. A selection was made of those sites
No^^tT'^*^^* cultural patterns, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND. 57] 67
with 99 or more points and blades, and the percentage occurrence ofrock material for both artifacts and chips is shown in table 4.
Table 4.
?
Comparison of the percentage occurrence of the rock types based upon astudy of the chips versus the points and blades from the same sites
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
undoubtedly be the most useful rock materials in this study owingto their individual popularity at certain sites.If popularity of rock materials has temporal and spatial significance,the problem can be approached by plotting sites on a map and byseriation. The latter problem will be attacked first. By seriation ofsites on a basis of increasing or declining percentages of one or theother most popular rock materials (quartzite or chert) a smooth curveof transitition develops, but it is impossible to tell the top and bottomof the chart without reference to the seriation sequences already de-scribed. Therefore the relative position of sites in the adjusted ce-ramic and projectile-point and large-blade seriations were listed in acolumn from the most recent at the top to the oldest at the bottom(fig. 9) . The percentages of rock materials based on chip collections,plotted as bar graphs, were then inserted into columns opposite thesites where a chip collection existed or was large enough for percent-age calculations. After this, sites with adequate collections of chipsbut so few artifacts that they had not been placed in the seriatedchipped-stone sequence now were interdigitated as they best fitted.Beginning at the bottom of figure 9 it will be noted that 21 sites,representing the oldest horizon, have no less than 63 percent quartziteand no more than 26 percent chert. All the sites above this lowestsequence, with the exception of AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26, revealan abrupt reversal in popularity of the two types of rock. Here, inthe upper part of the chart the lowest percentage occurrence of chertis 59.4 percent and the highest of quartzite 28.8 percent. For themoment, ignoring the three sites that appear out of place and areindicated on figure 9 with a bracket around them (AU-13, AU-11,and AU-26), sites with high percentage of chert represented in theupper part of the sequence can be divided into tAVO distinct categories:preceramic and ceramic. Sites HD-5, RB-5, HD-3, AU-10, AU-48,HD-6, HD-7, AU-47, RB-6, AU-36, AU-37, and AU-4 have nopottery and the rock material is predominantly chert. Because ofthe decided shift in popularity of rock materials from quartzite tochert, the terms "quartzite-using" preceramic complex and "chert-using" preceramic complex had been used. This sudden shift fromone material to another in figure 9 suggests that there is possibly somefactor involving areal distribution rather than one solely representinga change of popularity of material throughout time. Further suspi-cion of this factor is raised as a result of the position of sites AU-13,AU-11, and AU-26 in this graph of rock materials. In their presentposition in this sequence, they are ob^ iously out of place, for theyproduce a decided disconformity in the trends of the popularity ofquartzite and chert. They are the only three sites in the entire se-

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No.^STJ^' ^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 69quence that do not seem to fit the rock material trends. What isthe reason?Looking back to the final seriation of projectile points and blades(fig. 5) it will be noted that AU-11 and AU-13 (AU-26 had too smalla sample of only 16 artifacts to plot) are the earliest sites in thesequence with pottery before the transition to preceramic sites. Thefit at this place in the sequence is not bad, but if it had not been as-sumed that pottery sites were always later than preceramic sites, thesetwo sites could have actually fit just as well a few steps further downthe sequence. Looking at the sequence of sites with pottery (fig. 8)originally seriated independently from the point and blade seriation,the same three sites are at the bottom of the sequence. In fact,site AU-26 with a fairly reliable pottery sample stands out as if outof place in comparison to the popularity of other pottery types owingto 60 percent occurrence of Stony Creek Pottery Series. Althoughthe site, along with AU-13 and AU-11, fits at the bottom of thepottery sequence owing to the high percentage of Stony Creek pottery,there is obviously some gap between these sites and the others.Either more sites with this type of pottery exist in the area and werenot found in the survey or some other explanation must be sought.With this situation in mind, let us return to the rock-material chart(fig. 9)._The site order on this chart is that derived by the seriation of thepottery types and the points and blades. The only sites that appearto be badly out of position in the rock-material sequence are AU-13,AU-11, and AU-26. To produce a smooth trend, these would haveto be moved to the upper limit of the quartzite-producing sites, ad-jacent to AU-17. However, this would put these three ceramicsites in the midst of a series of nonceramic sites, with the implicationthat these sites had a pottery-making culture while the rest of thosein the area were nonceramic.To evaluate further the position of AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26 inthe rock-material sequence, the problem of areal distribution must beconsidered. To investigate this factor, sites used in the seriation ofrock material in the "quartzite-using" preceramic horizon were plottedon a map (fig. 10) as crosses, the sites in the preceramic "chert-using"horizon were plotted as circles, the three sites with a high percentage ofquartzite in the ceramic period (AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26) wereplotted as triangles, and the other ceramic horizon sites were plottedas squares.This arrangement demonstrated definitely that an areal factor isinvolved. All preceramic "quartzite-using" sites are located in thevalleys of the two South Rivers and extend up the South Fork of theShenandoah River. The ceramic sites with high percentages of
CHERT QUARTZITE GREENSTONE TIMEPERIODS
AU

70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
KEYPRECERAMIC SITES:t 0UART2ITE-US1NG
? CHERT-USINSCERAMIC SITES:A QUARTZITE-USINO
? CHERT-USINO
DISTRIBUTION OF ERWINANTIETAM OUARTZITE/x WESTERN EXTENT OF SITESWITH HIQH PERCENTAGESOF OUARTZITE
r
Figure 10.?Distribution of 'quartzite-using" and "chert-using'and ceramic horizon. sites of the preceramic
^?tJ]Jop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 71quartzite are found only along the South River (into South Fork ofthe Shenandoah) . As has been stated in the description of the survey-area, quartzite is readily available locally.' All the ceramic or pre-ceramic sites, except one, with a high percentage of chert are foundwest of this South Rivers District. In this western area chert isreadily available as inclusions or strata in the limestone.Further evidence of the influence exerted by availability of rawmaterial is brought out by an examination of the distribution of theceramic complexes. As shown by figm-es 11 and 12, pottery of theStony Creek Series and of the Radford Series moved into this part ofVirginia from opposite directions. The diffusion of ceramic types,however, was not accompanied by a diffusion of the rock preferenceassociated with these pottery types in the place of immediate origin.This is most clearly shown in the case of the Stony Creek Series,which moved in from the east, a predominantly quartzite-using area.When this pottery diffused westward beyond the South Rivers Dis-trict, the preference for quartzite for blades and projectile points didnot move with it. Instead, the people in this western region continuedto make their projectile points of chert.The conclusion that availability of the raw material was the primaryfactor in explaining the geographical distribution of two preceramiccultures distinguished in this part of Virginia does not mean that nocultural distinction exists. The fact that there are two cultures ratherthan one is shown by the seriation. If there was a single culture,one would expect the seriated sequence in the two areas to be com-parable, so that interdigitation would be possible. However, thelack of overlap makes it clear that two separate cultures arerepresented.In concluding this discussion of the analysis of chip materials it ismainly pertinent to point out that certain conclusions, discrepancies,and interpretations (explained fully in the section on relationship ofsequences of the report, pp. 80-88) are added or strengthened as a resultof this approach. Chip studies permitted more sites to be utilized inthe survey than would otherwise have been possible because manysites produced only a few artifacts but a large amount of chips, thusextending the area and accuracy of the study. As a result of thefact that choice of rock materials shows temporal, areal, and culturaldifferences, several discrepancies in the sequences derived from seria-tion of points and blades were revealed. As previously pointed out
1 From the geologic map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia (Butts, 1933) the outline of the natm-aloccurrence of quartzite was transferred to the map (flg. 10) showing the sites according to their preferences forrock materials. This area is shown by stippling and extends along the South Fork of the ShenandoahRiver and the two South Rivers. For purposes of this report this area has always been referred to as the"South Rivers District." A heavy dot-and-dash line shows the western extent of all sites known to havehigh percentages of quartzite.
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
STONY CREEK'
Anthrop. Pap.No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 73
r-\I\)t\
RADFORD SERIESa 1-10%A 27-40%
? 95-100%
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Figure 12.?Direction of movement of the Radford Pottery Series into northwest Virginia.
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
in detail, the interpretation of the position and cultural meaning ofsites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 would never have been demonstratedwithout this study. However, it must be understood that rock mate-rials alone are not sufficient; these collections must be accompaniedby adequate observation of the site and consideration of all the data.But they are unusually valuable in assessing the preceramic horizonto which a site with an inadequate collection of artifacts may beassigned. In the survey area, two preceramic horizons, exclusive ofa possible Folsomlike horizon, are definable, each characterized by amarked preference for rock materials, one quartzite and the otherchert. The "quartzite-using" preceramic horizon is confined to aset of sites in a narrow band of land at the western foot of the BlueRidge Mountains described in this study as the "South Rivers Dis-trict." The other preceramic horizon shows a preference for chertand is distributed widely west of the South Rivers District in Augusta,Highland, Bath, and Rockbridge Counties. In addition, the twoceramic horizons, one with a preference for quartzite and a high per-centage of Stony Creek Series pottery and the other preferring chertand having a majority of Radford Series pottery, have a similar dis-tribution as the two preceramic cultures mentioned above.These distinctions in rock preference, when combined with thepottery-type analysis, permit a reconstruction of cultural movementsinto this part of Virginia and their degree of penetration to be dis-cussed in more detailed and more complete terms than would havebeen possible using pottery or arrowpoint types alone (pp. 43, 58).This makes it seem likely that if comparable information were avail-able from the surrounding area, more specific statements about themovements and settlement of aboriginal groups in the entire regioncould be made. It is hoped that this attempt to demonstrate theirusefulness will stimulate others to undertake the collecting andanalysis of chips when they visit archeological sites.HABITATION PATTERNSThe absolute time span represented by the total number of sites inthis study is not known with any certainty. However, some of thechanges in the courses of the swift streams near sites give a clue to aconsiderable lapse of years and should correlate with the habitationpatterns of each cultural group. These changes will be immediatelyapparent to a trained geologist, and even to an untrained observer theformation of terraces between a site and the nearby present-day riverbed has considerable suggestive value of change through time. Whena site of the ceramic period, such as RM-4, is located on the bank of ariver, and 35 yards inland and 8 to 10 feet higher there is a preceramic
Na57]^' ^^^^ CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINL^?^HOLLAND 75
"quartzite-using" station, RM-4B, with gross evidence of erosion be-tween the two, the impression of change and age is unavoidable.For 3^ears, local collectors have made several observations which,though impressionistic, are indicative of these geographical and cul-tural differences. In the valley of the Calfpasture River it had beennoted that artifacts were not generally found on the banks of the riverbut on terraces at some distance from it. In the valley of the SouthRiver (into James) the general impression was that "flint" (chert)artifacts were found near the river and those of quartzite were foundfarther away. Indeed, during the survey, the pattern of site loca-tions began to develop and it was of considerable interest to predict,with a certain amount of accuracy, the cultural horizon expected ifgiven the geographical position of an occupational area. For exam-ple, while at AU-44, a site wdth a pottery tradition on Middle River,a local resident reported the presence of "arrowheads" on a hill southof the site. Conscious note was made of the prediction that it wouldprobably be a site of the preceramic horizon. On investigation thearea was in sod, but 23 quartzite, 5 quartz and 8 chert chips, 1 green-stone Unclassified Blade, and 1 quartzite Unclassified Point were dis-covered. There was no pottery. The material unquestionably be-longs to a group who occupied the site during the preceramic
"quartzite-using" horizon. At AU-21, an early ceramic site onMiddle River, a 10-foot-high terrace parallels the river 50 yards fromthe riverbank where the site is confined. The bank and plateau ofthis terrace had been eroded. Before investigating the area it waspredicted that, if any artifacts were found, they would belong to apreceramic horizon. In the eroded gullies quartzite chips, wbich aremost common to one of the preceramic horizons, were found, but noartifacts.These observations opened the problem of habitation patterns.Would it be possible to determine anything regarding cultural pat-terns, or age of sites, by the data which had been assembled? Un-doubtedly many variable factors are present, and it is believed thatno single site can be used as evidence for any particular hypothesis.However, it might be possible to use groups of sites and their temporalplacement to minimize or accentuate these variables so they wouldform meaningful patterns.For this discussion the sites will be used with the temporal designa-tions that developed as a result of seriations. These six arbitrarydivisions are briefly summarized: "A," the historic period; "B-C," theperiod in which the New River Pottery Series blossomed in popularityand the Radford Pottery Series declined; "C-D," the increase in popu-larity of the Radford Pottery Series; "D-E," the beginning of the
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
ceramic horizon in this part of Virginia with the occurrence of theAlbemarle Pottery Series; "E-F," the "chert-using" horizon of thepreceramic period; "F-G," the "quartzite-using" horizon of the pre-ceramic period.With these time divisions as a guide, 61 sites, for which the datawere available on distance and height from a stream, and from whichan artifact, pottery, or chip sample had been classified, were plotted intable 5 with two vectors: horizontal?distance from the banks ofpresent-day streams; and vertical?height above water level. Thetemporal placement of each site has been given according to the alpha-betical time periods mentioned above. The distances from the streambank are given in blocks of 30 feet with all sites beyond 90 feet plottedwithout further breakdown. The height of each site above water levelis given in 10-foot units with sites above 30 feet plotted without furtherbreakdown. For easy reference the blocks of table 5 were letteredhorizontally and numbered vertically. To illustrate, AU-1, between60 and 90 feet from Back Creek and between 10 and 20 feet above it,will be found in block C-2. Reference to table 5 throughout thefollowing discussion is essential.From the plotting of the sites, it is immediately apparent that theonce-thought absolute correlation of preceramic sites on higher landsome distance from the present-day streams, with all the ceramic siteson the terraces and bottom lands adjoining the stream banks, does notexist. In other words, if this impression had proved a fact, all thepreceramic sites (i. e., sites with E-F or F-G time periods) would haveplotted in the blocks most distant from the stream and in the greatestheight above the stream, with all the ceramic-period sites falling innearest block (i. e., block A-1). Inspection of table 5 indicates thatsuch is by no means the case. However, there are some genorahza-tions from the table that may shed light on either the age or culturaltraits of certain groups of sites.Since in the Eastern United States generally it has been agreed thatpottery-using cultures are correlated with the introduction of seden-tary village life and the development of extensive agriculture, let usfirst examine the location of all sites falling into any of the ceramichorizons. These sites are designated by the time periods A-B, B-C,C-D, D-E. By inspection of table 5 it is noted that sites with thedesignations of B-C seem to be scattered from blocks A-1 to D-4,that is, from the area closest to the stream in both distance and height,to the areas most distant in both dimensions. But looking up thedescriptions of these particular sites gives us a better clue than thefirst inspection of table 5 would indicate. Height and distance fromthe stream unfortunately were not available for all the sites, so theabsence of many late sites on the chart is noticeable.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?HOLLAND 77
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78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Those with B-C time periods, plotting with great distances fromthe streams, fall into two major categories?rock shelters and burialmounds. The location of a rock shelter has nothing to do withstreams but rather the availability of the shelter; and burial moundshave no direct correlation with the presence or absence of satisfactory-conditions for the agricultural fields or the habitation sites. Thusthe locations of sites BA-1, AU-27, KB-?, and HD-9 in table 5cannot be of any significance to the problem at hand.Turning to the sites of time period D-E, or those at the beginningof the ceramic sequence in this part of Virginia, they all appear inblock A-1, or less than 30 feet from a stream and on a bank not over10 feet above the stream bed with the exception of two sites, AU-31and AU-46. With reference to the exceptions, AU-31 and AU-46are on bluffs overlooking the river. Since these groupings are thesites with the earliest history of agriculture in this part of Virginia, itis not unusual to find them coming close to the river's edge and seekingout the good bottomlands and low terraces for their crops. In otherwords, the position of the sites definitely correlates with what onewould expect of an agricultural group, and this type of plotting helpssubstantiate the general validity of the seriation and site groupingsinto ceramic and preceramic time periods based upon other data.The cultural pattern of agriculture caused these peoples to seek a geo-graphic situation most commensurate with their needs. Therefore, onewould expect the majority of the sites of this cultural horizon to fallinto a specific geographical distribution most beneficial to successfulaboriginal agriculture; i. e,, in the low bottomlands where the soil isricher and where the land holds the moisture longer.Turning to the "chert-using" preceramic sites or those found intime period E-F and the "quartzite-using" preceramic sites restrictedto time period F-G, we note a more scattered arrangement over table5. Either this means these peoples were not forced by their patternof life to live in a specific geographic situation as were the agricul-turists, or the terrain has changed so much since their occupationthat one can postulate a considerable age for some of the sites by astudy of terraces and stream erosion. Unfortunately such geo-morphological studies have not been made in Virginia althoughrecently certain members of the United States Geological Surveywere examining the possibility of dating some Middle River terracesfrom archeological information.Further examination of table 5 indicates that four sites (25.0 per-cent) in the "chert-using" preceramic horizon (time period E-F) arelocated in block A-1 as opposed to 12 (75.0 percent) sites of the sameperiod located more remotely from the stream banks either in distance
N0*57jp' ^"^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINL^?^HOLLAin) 79
or height. Similar circumstances occur in the "quartzite-using" pre-ceramic horizon (time period F-G) with seven (25.7 percent) in blockA-1 and 19 (74.3 percent) more removed, either in height above waterlevel or at greater distances. Checking the site numbers of each oneoccurring outside block A-1 of table 5 and referring to the site descrip-tions and notes, it is extremely significant that in each case there issome comment about the extensive erosion, the fact that the streamhas changed its course or cut more deeply into the terraces. However,erosion alone is by no means the explanation. If this were the case,then all the sites seriating in the bottom of the time sequence, i. e.,in the lowest part of time period F-G, should be the farthest removedin distance and/or altitude from the present-day streams. This isnot the case. In fact just as many "chert-using" sites as "quartzite-using" sites of the preceramic horizon are found on high terraces eventhough the seriated sequences suggest that the "quartzite-using"stations are the earliest in the sequence. The weight of evidence,therefore, suggests that, although erosion might be a factor which
will some day prove significant in working out relative time of an occu-pation of certain aboriginal sites in Virginia, the geomorphology ofthe region must be more thoroughlj^ analyzed by competent geologiststhan it has been up to the present time. Under these chcumstancesthe location of various preceramic sites suggests that theu- type ofsubsistence pattern did not regulate the location of their habitationsas strongly as when the Indians became agriculturists; hence the earlyhabitation sites merely needed to be near a good hunting ground, or apoint offering some satisfactory camping conditions and an availablewater supply.The results of this experimental study on aboriginal habitationpatterns in northwestern Virginia have not been overwhelminglysuccessful, yet they have not been so unfruitful as to suggest totalabandonment of such an approach for future students of Vu'giniaarcheology. Perhaps if the data were always carefully observed foreach site in the State, more fundamental conclusions could be drawnthan is now possible with the limited data at hand.In summary, sites of the agricultural period tend to be restrictedto bottomlands and lowest terraces nearest present-day courses ofstreams. Preceramic sites tend to be farther away and higher fromstreams, suggesting a possible time factor, with their present positionsresulting from erosion, but also apparently suggesting the lack of anycontrolling factor in their cultural pattern which would restrict theirvillages to any particular location, except from the standpoint of agood water supply, defense, hunting and fishing grounds, and waterroutes.
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEQUENCES OF NORTHWESTVIRGINIA TO ARCHEOLOGY OF EASTERN UNITEDSTATES
In summarizing the total results of the individual and combinedsequences obtained by this study, it is necessary to compare them withother scientific studies in Vu-ginia and surrounding areas. Althoughthe literature is quite extensive for eastern archeology as a whole, thenumber of reports dealing with archeological materials in Virginia oradjacent regions which seemed pertinent to this detailed study isactually very limited. It must be emphasized that conclusions drawnfrom the various approaches herein attempted are not necessarilyapplicable to other regions although it is felt that the methodologymight offer fruitful approaches to research problems of similar situa-tions in eastern North America. Indeed, it seems almost outside ofthe scope of this paper to do anything more than to show how thisintense study of one small area fits into Vkginia archeology. Certainlythe particular position of one type of point, sherd, or rock m^aterialhere does not argue for an identical position in any other part of theEastern United States. Until further work along similar lines is carriedout in Virginia and the surrounding States it will be impossible tocheck the validity of some of the conclusions.In the preceding section and on various charts the sequences havebeen arbitrarily broken and marked with letters of the alphabet forconvenience in designating time periods. Up to this section the var-ious reasons for the particular points of demarcation have not beenclearly delineated. This will be accomplished in subsequent para-graphs but it should be understood that when time periods D-E orB-C, or any other period set off by arbitrary time markers A throughG is used, these markers are not to be considered the main point ofthe discussion. One should, instead, view these designations as meretools to show various aspects in the development of aboriginal culturesin northwest Virginia.The following discussion is arranged by the various divisions ormarkers of time periods, beginning mth the earliest determined in thesurvey area and coming upward in time toward the historic.Time Marker G {beginning of Early Archaic).?This marker has beenordered at the earliest occupation of the area by preceramic culturesas found by this study. It is definitely not to be construed as mean-ing that this is the point of earliest evidence of man in northwestVirginia. It is firmly believed that one more subdivision remains tobe made and that will depend upon how much evidence of Paleo-Indian materials turns up in the future. To date, two eastern-typeFolsom points have been reported from the vicinity of RM-1 (Mc-
No*57]^'^^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA ^HOLLAND 81Gary, 1949, points No. 156, 157). Other such points have been re-ported northward in the drainage of the South Fork of the ShenandoahRiver. Therefore, there is reasonable expectation that someday aneastern version of the Paleo-Indian horizon will be clearly defined forthis area.Time Marker F {Early Archaic).?This point on the time scale hasbeen chosen to mark the transition between two clearly defined pre-ceramic horizons. The earlier, called "quartzite-using," extends overthe period located between Time Markers G-F and was so designatedbecause of the decided preference for quartzite (over 63 percent) asthe rock material for chipped-stone artifacts. In northwest Virginiathis horizon is uniquely limited to a narrow band of land at thewestern foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains along two South Riversand the South Fork of the Shenandoah River.Inspection of the projectile-point and blade-seriated sequence (figs.4 and 5) indicates a preference for large blades in this period. Thereis a gradual decline in their popularity from the lowest part of thissection of the sequence to Time Marker F, and, at the same time, aslight increase in popularity of projectile points occurs. Triangularpoints of any type are not typical of this horizon. Two projectilepoint forms, Notched Stemmed Type I and Side-notched Type M,show an increase in percentage occurrence from Time Markers G toF. At the same time these two forms increase (but never appear inlarge percentages, usually only 4 to 14 percent), large blade Type Q(Large Parallel-sided Stemmed) is increasing from 1 to 13 percentand blade Type U (Large Rounded Base) is decreasing from 28.7 to5.9 percent.From the study of the miscellaneous stone artifacts, the crude ax,the hafted end scraper, and the end scraper are more common in thispart of the sequence than at later times.Three-quarters of the sites of this time period were found either atremote distances or on high elevations from present courses of streams.This might be the result of their earlier age, with the stream chang-ing its course or eroding more deeply, but the controlling factor couldalso be the lack of a need for settlement in the bottomlands sincethese people were not practicing agriculture.A study of the literature suggests that sites that fall between TimeMarkers G-F in this study are manifestations of the Early Archaicas defined by GriflGin (1952, pp. 354-355) even though it is realizedthat many of the cultural traits in Griffin's classification are notavailable for comparison.Time Marker E {transition point between Late Archaic and EarlyWoodland).?It is traditional in the literature on North Americanarcheology to designate the point between the preceramic and ceramic
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
horizons, thus Time Marker E has been so positioned. Throughoutthe study it has been noted, however, that the complete preceramichorizon has two distinct traditions. The seriational studies indicatedthat sites showing a high popularity of chert belonged in the morerecent (upper) part of the preceramic zone. These sites fall betweenTime Markers E and F in the seriated sequences (fig. 9). In thisperiod there are distinct changes in the projectile-point types and per-centages of occurrence. Notched Stemmed Type I, Side-notchedType M, and Large Parallel-sided Stemmed Type Q decrease from14.8 to 5.6 percent, 13.8 to 5.6 percent, and 13.0 to 3.7 percent, re-spectively. At the same time Triangular Type C increases in popu-larity from 2 to 11 percent (fig. 5).The geographic distribution of sites falling between Time MarkersF and E is west of the so-called "South Rivers District," and there-fore west of the Early Archaic sites.Since Triangular Point Type O appears for the first time in anyconsistent large percentages, the sites with this type of point wereplotted on a map. The distribution is interesting for, in general,those sites with the lowest percentages are distributed more south-westerly than sites with higher percentages. Unfortunately for thistype of plotting, the number of sites was not sufficiently large to makedefinite trends on the map, but it was suggestive that TriangularType C first came from outside the survey area into northwesternVirginia from the southwest.It is extremely difficult to relate this horizon to another in Virginia,or nearby regions for that matter, owing to the scant amount of datafrom areas immediately outside the limits of the survey area. InAlbemarle County where a single preceramic horizon has been recog-nized (Holland, 1949), quartz is the preferred rock material, andtriangular forms never have a greater popularity than 5 percent; alsoother forms, such as projectile-point Types J and K, are more popularthan they are in this time period of the survey area. Little purpose isserved by comparisons with the published accounts of preceramichorizons of the Savannah River Focus in North Carolina (Coe, 1952,p. 305), the Red Valley Component in New Jersey (Cross, 1941, p.168), or the Poplar Island Component in Pennsylvania (Witthoft,1947, pp. 123-124), since they are not described in the same manner asthis study and, unfortunately, the data is not convertible for suchcomparison. However, it is the writer's impression after carefulstudy of these reports that little direct relationship exists between thepreceramic "chert-using" horizon of Time Period F-E and the pre-ceramic horizon in the aforementioned reports.Time Marker D (beginning of Middle Woodland).?Sites of thesurvey area within the pottery period start the pottery sequence at
No*57r"^*^^' CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA?^HOLLAND 83Time Marker E. From this point upward in time to the placedesignated as Time Marker D the pottery is more typical of theceramic traditions of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area ofVirginia than those types which later typify the Allegheny CeramicArea (cf. Evans, 1955, p. 103), These trends, in both the sm-vey areaand in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area, may be sum-marized as follows: The earliest sites have a high percentage of theStony Creek Pottery Series, moderate percentages of the AlbemarlePottery Series, and traces of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series;throughout the passage of time (upward in the sequence) the StonyCreek Pottery Series declines in frequency while the AlbemarlePottery Series increases and there is an early loss of the MarceyCreek Pottery Series (fig. 8)
.
All the sites in the survey area with sherds of Stony Creek orMarcey Creek Pottery Series were plotted on a map (fig. 11) ac-cording to their percentage occurrence in four categories: Sites with3-10 percent, 13-22 percent, and 35-60 percent pottery of theStony Creek Series, and the presence or absence of sherds of theMarcey Creek Pottery Series, regardless of amount. The variouspoints of breakdown in the percentage occurrences are purely arbi-trary but represent the most distinct breaks, e. g., no sites existed witha percentage frequency of sherds of the Stony Creek Pottery Seriesfrom 22-35 percent, hence this point was considered as a breakingpoint of two categories. Although a very small number of sites areinvolved, the results are nevertheless significant. Sites with sherdsof the Marcey Creek Pottery Series are found only along the westernfoot of the Blue Ridge Mountains, and in the same locale are siteswith the highest percentages (35-50 percent) of sherds of the StonyCreek Pottery Series. As one moves westward, away from the BlueRidge Mountains, Marcey Creek Pottery disappears entirely and thefrequency of Stony Creek Pottery falls so that the most distant siteshave only 3-10 percent (fig. 11). This distribution suggests thatthese pottery types, which are most typical of the Central and NorthCentral Ceramic Area of Virginia, enter the survey area as far as thecentral part of the Middle River valley with direction of movementdecidedly from the southeast and east. No influence can be demon-strated to have come from the north or west in Time Period E-D.At the same time that the pottery has shown such distinct trendsand directions of movement, the chipped-stone artifacts also showmarked trends. With the passage of time triangular points becomemore popular while various stemmed varieties continue to decline infrequency, i. e., Medium Triangular Type B increases from 0.6 percent(AU-13) to 7.1 percent (AU-5) and Triangular Type C from 8.7percent (AU-13) to 19.5 percent (AU-5). Of a total of five sites in
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
the entire study with Pentagonal Point Type E, four of them areabove Time Marker E. The same relative position of Type E, aswell as the trends of popularity of the various point and blade typesfor the survey area, also occurred in the study of sites in Virginia as awhole (see Holland, 1955, p. 175 and fig. 23).With the introduction of pottery, other artifact types changed:Drills, celt forms, and pipes became more frequent; steatite bowlswere popular on the earliest sites in the ceramic sequence; scrapers andcrude axes declined in frequency.The majority of the sites were near the streams in the bottomlandsinstead of more distant from the water, a point undoubtedly associatedwith the need for location of habitations in areas more favorable toagriculture.Although it is suggested that sites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 havecharacteristics of the Early Woodland Period and are found at theearlier part of the Time Period E-D, the real problem is the point ofdemarcation between the Early Woodland and Middle WoodlandPeriods. Evans (1955, chart 1) delineates the Middle Woodland asthe period in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area in whichthere is an increase in the Albemarle Pottery Series and a decline inthe Stony Creek Pottery Series. Although this process is takingplace at the three aforementioned sites, it seems more likely thatMiddle Woodland in the survey area begins with the steadily increas-ing popularity of the Radford Pottery Series, and either Evans'designation is too generalized a statement and slightly in error, orthere is a local factor to be considered which would make the perioddesignations slightly different for each area. It is felt that theceramic sites in the sequence for the survey area nearest the TimeMarker E would be Early Woodland and that Time Marker D isabout the beginning of the Middle Woodland Period.Time Marker C {Middle-Late Woodland)
.
?The point in the seriatedsequences of sites where the Radford Pottery Series reached itsmaximum popularity was arbitrarily designated as Time MarkerC, and means that the Time Period D-C probably representsMiddle-Late Woodland Period development. As the sites with pot-tery of the Stony Creek and Albemarle Pottery Series gave way tosites with the increasing popularity of the limestone-tempered Rad-ford Pottery Series, it was obvious that this reflects a new culturalmovement into northwestern Virginia, To see if it might be possibleto discover the direction of influence carrying the Radford PotterySeries tradition of limestone-tempered wares, all those sites with suchpottery were plotted on a map (fig. 12) and given a symbol according
^^t|!^op. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA ^HOLLAND 85
to whether they had 1-10 percent, 27-40 percent, or 95-100 percentRadford Pottery Series as derived from the percentage calculationsfound in the Appendix, table 7. Inspection of figure 12 indicatesclearly that the movement is from the southwest to the northeastwith those sites having the lowest percentage in the most extremenortheast position, whereas those sites with the highest percentageare to the southwest. This immediately suggests that the culturalinfluence, whether by diffusion or from the actual movements of agroup, came from this direction. These data rather interestinglyconfirm Evans' (1955, pp. 127-129) comments and propositions thatthe Radford Pottery Series in high percentage occurrences antedatesthe New River Series and the movement of both these pottery tradi-tions into the Allegheny region of Virginia is probably from thesouthwest, in West Virginia or adjacent regions.Only mounds RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound No. 1) and HD-9 (CloverCreek Mound) can be related to this time horizon on the basis ofpottery content. The bm-ial pattern of a flexed position with thebodies covered by stones, the occurrence of similar grave goods, thepresence of a mound built on a broad, level bottomland near a stream,are quite similar in the various mounds of AU-35-M, HD-9, RB-7,and RB-2, suggesting that they all must belong to the same culturalcomplex. The published data or museum collections do not permitaccurate comparison, but all the mounds excavated by Fowke (1894)in Virginia do not fall necessarily into this time period of the moundsin northwest Virginia.Time Marker B (Protohistoric)
.
?This point marks the period in thesequence where the New River Pottery Series reaches its maximumpopularity. Although this is not clearly defined by the sites in thearea, Evans' study for the whole of Virginia defines the potterydevelopment for the Allegheny Area in such a way there is littledoubt that the change from Radford Pottery to the New RiverPottery, with its subsequent increase in popularity, occurs at a timesomewhere around the extreme Late Woodland or Protohistoric.The single site, AU-2, having 64 percent New River Series and 2percent Radford Series with 34 percent unclassified sand-temperedpottery of a type definitely not of the Stony Creek Pottery Series,draws attention to the Southern Division of the Allegheny CeramicArea where the transition through time from the limestone-temperedRadford Pottery Series to the shell-tempered New River PotterySeries has been fully worked out (Evans, 1955, pp. 103-108). Thepottery of AU-2 may also be compared to the Keyser Farm materialwhere, of the body sherds classified according to temper, 78 percent
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
of the sherds v^ere shell tempered (Keyser Cord Marked; considereda subtype of the New River Pottery Series by Evans), 3.9 percentlimestone tempered (Page Cord Marked ; considered to be a subtype ofthe Radford Pottery Series by Evans) and 18.1 percent were "grit"tempered (Potomac Creek). A detailed discussion of this subjectcan be found in the original sources (Manson, MacCord, and Griffin,1944, pp. 402-407 ; Evans, 1955, pp. 60, 67) . The relative percentagesof temper in the three wares from each site are sufficiently close tomake it believable that AU-2 and the Keyser Farm Site are closelyrelated in time. Further, Schmitt (1952, p. 62) relates the KeyserFarm Site with various foci, such as Gala, Potomac Creek, etc., to theLate Woodland Period. Griffin (op. cit., p. 413) dates the site be-tween 1550 and 1650, and Evans (op. cit., p. 145) sees a high per-centage of New River Series Pottery belonging to a Woodland-FortAncient mixture in the Late Woodland Period in Virginia. On thebasis of these conclusions without contradictory evidence from thecurrent study, it is felt that Time Marker B designates the Proto-historic horizon.Time Marker A {Historic).?^The historic era begins in Virginia withthe English colonists in the tidewater area in 1607 even though somesources report a Spanish Mission was thought to have been estab-lished earlier on the Rappahannock River. To date, there has beenno proof of this non-English settlement in Virginia. In the Shenan-doah Valley the exact date of the introduction of European tradegoods has not as yet been established archeologically. In nearbyWest Virginia, recently, MacCord (1952) has given convincingevidence of Susquehannock occupation between A. D. 1630 and 1677at the Herriot Site on the south branch of the Potomac in HampshireCounty, W. Va. The major pottery types from this site have beenrelated to the Susquehannock during the Historic period by Witthoft(1947, pp. 249-253) and the minority pottery tjrpe resembles KeyserCord Marked from the Keyser Farm Site (Manson, MacCord, andGriffin, 1944, pp. 402-405).Unfortunately, no sites in the sm'vey area had any sort of tradegoods that could be dated historically, so the upper part of the se-quence must be left partially suspended and without a specific date ofany sort. Based upon the data of this study we must assume thateither the Indians were not living in the area covered by this surveyduring historic times, or for some reason the survey techniquesfailed to uncover late sites. With reference to the general pictureof aboriginal Virginia, the first postulate does not seem likely eventhough the region might have been so sparsely settled that no large
No.*57^^" ^^^" CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINLV?^HOLLAND 87deposits were left. This part of the sequence is therefore left forfuture study to verify.An examination of this chronological sequence in geographicalterms reveals a peculiar situation: the "quartzite-using" and "chert-using" preceramic sites have nonoverlapping distributions both intime and in space. The number of sites representing each area issufficiently large that sampling error does not seem a likely explana-tion, which leads to the implication that the area producing "quartz-ite-using" sites was uninhabited in "chert-using" times, and viceversa. Since there are no natural barriers or other geographical rea-sons for believing this to be true, it is reasonable to assume that bothareas were occupied at the same time and that the two cultures are inlarge part contemporary in the area. If this is the case, it would seemto invalidate seriation as a method of determining relative age ofsites and cidtures. Seriation has been shown to give reliable resultsso often, however, that some particular situation existing in the areaunder study must be sought to reconcile these discrepancies.One explanation that presents itself is that the archaic projectile-point forms that place the "quartzite-using" cultures early in the se-quence may represent a cultural lag which allowed these types tobe retained after they had been superseded in other parts of theEastern United States. The evidence concerning the origin of thetwo preceramic cultures suggests that this is a reasonable interpreta-tion. Since the "chert-using" ceramic culture can be shown to havemoved in from the west, it is probable that the "chert-using" pre-ceramic groups came from the same direction. Likewise, the fact thatthe "quartzite-using" ceramic culture has affiliations with the eastsuggests that the same may be true of the "quartzite-using" prece-ramic horizon. Evans (1955, pp. 128-129) has shown that whereas anumber of relationships between the Allegheny Area of Virginia andWest Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and Pennsylvania can be discerned,there were fewer influences on the part of the State lying east of theAlleghenies, and these were primarily from the north and south.The relative isolation of eastern Virginia might have allowed theretention of older projectile-point forms while the Allegheny Area wasbeing kept up to date by contacts with more active centers of culturalinnovation to the west.Further evidence in support of general contemporaneity of thesetwo preceramic cultures comes from the analysis of geographical loca-tion. When the sites were tabulated according to distance from theriver, it was found that about the same number of "chert-using" as
"quartzite-using" preceramic sites were distant from the present water
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173
channels and about the same number of both were close. Thissuggested that there was no appreciable difference in the antiquity ofthe two cultures (pp. 78-79).If this is a correct analysis of the problem, it provides additionaljustification for the approach outlined in this paper. If the projectile-point seriation had not been combined with rock-material analysis andgeographical distribution, the interesting suggestion that two typo-logically different groups were contemporaneous in this part of Vu--ginia would have been overlooked. The possibility that this may be soprovides leads for further research in the adjacent regions, in additionto showing with reasonable certainty an example of cultural lag on thearcheological level.This study of 82 sites in a restricted area of northwest Virginiashows a continuous typological sequence of the region from EarlyArchaic to Protohistoric times. If the analysis had been undertakenwith only one group of artifact types, such as pottery or projectilepoints or blades, or axes, etc., the broad scope of interpretationachieved for northwest Virginia could not have been made. It wasdiscovered in the early days of the survey that varying conditions forcollecting limited the types and amounts of artifact materials thatcould be obtained from many of the sites. Therefore, the use of chipmaterials was attempted. This heretofore untried technique inEastern archeology proved extremely profitable and not only made itpossible to utilize many sites otherwise unusable because of a lack ofsufficient specimens, but permitted the correlation of rock materialsfrom chips with those of the projectile points and large blades. Cer-tain interesting conclusions relating to both the materials availableand the importance of culture as a determining factor in the choice ofrock material resulted from this analysis. If future work in Virginia,as well as nearby areas, would incorporate a similar analysis of rockmaterials and chip collections, undoubtedly results of greater signifi-cance could be obtained than is now possible with only a single suchstudy of this type.Another experimental approach was the analysis of the physicalposition of the sites as related to local geographical features. Thisproblem needs much fm-ther exploration in other areas in Virginia ornearby States before conclusions can be stated positively. The corre-lation of the sites of ceramic-using cultures with bottomlands andthose of nonceramic-using cultures with terraces more distant fromthe stream may be explained by cultural determinants, or by a possible
Anthrop.Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINLi?HOLLAND 89No. 07 J 'factor of geological age and stream erosion. This approach em-phasizes the need for cooperation between the geologist and arche-ologist in the study of aboriginal occupation of the Appalachian Valleyof Virginia.
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128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173LITERATURE CITEDButts, Charles.1933. Geological map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia with explanatorytext. Virginia Geol. Surv., Bull. 42.1940. Geology of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia, Virginia Geol. Surv.,Bull. 52, pt. 1.COE, JOFFRE.1952. The cultural sequence of the Caroline Piedmont. In Archeology of theeastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.Cross, Dorothy.1941. Archeology of New Jersey. Vol. 1. Trenton, N. J.Evans, Clifford.1955. A ceramic study of Virginia archeology. With appendix: An analysisof projectile points and blades, by C. G. Holland. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 160.Ford, James A., and Willey, Gordon A.1949. Surface survey of the Virij Valley, Peru. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,Anthrop. Pap., vol. 43, pt. 1.FowKE, Gerard.1894. Archeological investigations in the James and Potomac Valleys.Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 23.Griffin, James B.1952. Culture periods in eastern United States archeology. In Archeologyof the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.Holland C. G.1949. Contributions to the archeology of Albemarle County, Virginia,Number Four?Preliminary definition of two foci. Archeol. Soc.Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 2.1963. The Madison Run Rockshelter in the Shenandoah Natoinal Park.Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 4.1955. An analysis of projectile points and large blades. Appendix in A ceramicstudy of Virginia archeology, by Clifford Evans. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.Bull. 160.Holland, C. G.; Evans, Clifford; and Meggers, Betty J.1953. The East Mound. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 3.See also Evans, Clifford.MacCord, Howard A.1947. A method of standardizing site numbering. Archeol. Soc. Virginia,Quart. Bull., vol. 2, No. 2.[MS., Archeological survey in Virginia during 1947-48 for the Division of1947- History and Archeology, Virginia Conservation Commission, Com-48.] monwealth of Virginia. On file with the Archeological Society ofVirginia.1952. The Susquehannock Indians in West Virginia, 1630-1677. WestVirginia Hist., vol. 13, No. 4.Manson, Carl; MacCord, Howard A.; and Griffin, James B.1944. The culture of the Keyser Farm Site. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts andLetters. Papers, vol. 29.McCary, Ben C.1949. Survey of Virginia-Folsom points No. 142-161. Archeol. Soc. Virginia,Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 1.
nS*57?'^*^' cultural patterns, VIRGDOA?^HOLLAND 129
ScHMiTT, Karl.1952. Archeological chronology of the Middle Atlantic States. In Archeol.of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.Valentine Museum, The.1898. Opening address of the president, act of incorporation, constitution,by-laws and catalogue of collections. Richmond, Va.1903. Report of the exploration of the Hayes' Creek Mound, RockbridgeCounty, Va. Explored Sept. 1901 by Edward P. Valentine for theValentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia. Richmond, Va.WiTTHOFT, John.1947. Smooth-base projectile points from eastern Pennsylvania. Pennsyl-vania Archeologist, vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 123-130, Milton, Pa.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 58AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHEARCHEOLOGY?THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT
By JAMES H. GUNNERSON
131

CONTENTS PAGBPreface 139Introduction 141Review of previous work 141Environmental setting 143Description of Dismal River sites 145Excavations in Harlan County Reservoir 145Site 25HN37 145Introduction 145Environmental setting 145Houses 146Roasting pits 158Other pits 159Pottery 160Work in stone 165Work in bone 172Work in antler 174Work in shell 175European trade material 175Faunal remains 176Vegetal remains 177Dendrochronology 177Burials 178Summary 178Site 25HN44 179Sandhills sites 180Introduction 180Environmental setting . 180Site 25H01. 181Site 25H02 181Site 25H03 181Site 25H05 182Site 25H07 183Introduction 183Pottery 184Work in stone 185Work in bone 186Work in shell 187Trade material 187Site 25H09 187Site 25H021 187Introduction 187Structures 188Pits 188Pottery 189Work in stone 193133
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Description of Dismal River sites?ContinuedSandhills sites?ContinuedSite 25H021?Continued pageWork in bone 198Trade material 204Vegetal remains 204Summary and conclusions 204Site 25H024 205Introduction 205Pottery 205Work in stone 206Work in bone 206Site 25HO30 207Site 25H031 207Site 25H032 207Site 25HY4 207Site 25C25 208Site25C27 208Site 25C28 208Site 25C29 208Site 25TM1 208Sites in Lincoln County, Nebraska 209Site25LN2 209Site 25LN3 210Site25LN4 210Site 25LN5 210Site 25LN6_ 211Site 25LN7 211Site 25LN9 211Site 25LN10 212Sites in southwestern Nebraska 212Site 25CH1 212Introduction 212Structures 212Pottery 213Work in stone 214Work in bone and antler 215Trade material 215Faunal remains 216Vegetal remains 216Dendrochronology 216Burials 216Site 25CH7 216Site 25CH8 216Site 25CH14 217Site 25DN1 217Introduction 217Roasting pits 217Pottery 218Work in stone 219Work in bone 220Trade material 221Dendrochronology 221
No.^SsT"^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 135
Description of Dismal River sites?ContinuedSites in southwestern Nebraska?Continued pageSite 25FR15 221Site 25FT9 222Sites in western Nebraska 222Site 25BN2 222Site 25GD2 223Site 25M02 224Site 25SF1 225Site25SX301 226Site 25SX00 226Sites in northeastern Colorado 227Site Colo.D:4:2 227Site Colo.D:l:7 227Site Colo.E:2:l 228Site Colo.E:7:l 228Site Colo.E:14:ll 229Site Colo.F:15:l 229Site Colo.G:4:gen 229Site Colo.G:16:6 229Site Colo.G:16:8 230Site Colo.K:5:l 230Site Colo.K:8:2 230Site Colo.M:9:6 230Site Colo.M:10:2 230Site Colo.N:4:l 231Site 17 231Site 26 231Site 38 231Site 101 231Site 104 231Lafayette Site 232Byers Site 232Boulder Site 232Tilden Site 232
"B. and M. Site" 232Weld Site 233Weld County general Site 233Sterling Site 233Sites in southeastern Colorado 233Site Colo.S:12:5 233Site CoIo.Y:12:gen 233Site Colo.U:5:9 234Site Colo.Y:13:l 234Site Colo.Y:14:l 234Site Colo.Z:5:7 235Site Colo.Z:6:l 235Site Colo.Z:14:2 235Sites in southeastern Wyoming 236Site 48PL11 236Site WY0.U:11:1 236Site WY0.AA:6:1 236
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Description of Dismal River sites?Continued pageSites in southwestern South Dakota 237Site 39FA45 237Site 39FA83 237Site in western Kansas (14SC1) 237Dismal River relationships 238Plains-Dismal River relationships 238Pecos-Dismal River relationships 241Promontory-Dismal River relationships 244Description of the Dismal River Aspect 245Subsistence 245Technology 245Tools and implements - 248Structures 248Adornment 250Exchange 25
1
Religion and mortuary customs 251Summary and conclusion 251Appendix 1. Classification of the sites of the Dismal River Aspect 253Appendix 2. Sources of information concerning Dismal River sites 255Bibliography 258ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES FOLLOWINGPAGE1. View looking east across 25HN37 2602. View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 25HN37 2603. a, House I, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. 6, House III, 25HN37,with postholes reopened 2604. a, House IV, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. 6, House V, 25HN37,with postholes in cross section 2605. a, House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor. 6, Aftercharred poles were removed 2606. a. Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25HN37. 6, Iron ax embeddedin fireplace of House VI, 25HN37 2607. Cross section of a roasting pit at 25HN37 2608. Restored pottery vessels from 25CH1 2609. Unusual Dismal River pottery 26010. Decorated Dismal River pottery 26011. a-c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25H021. d-/, Gravers from25HN37. ?^-?, Smoothed pieces of caliche from 25HN37 26012. Projectile points from 25HN37 26013. Projectile points from 25H021 26014. DriUs from 25HN37 26015. Drills from 25H021 26016. Knives from 25HN37 26017. Knives from 2511021 26018. Choppers from 25HN37 26019. End scrapers from 25HN37 26020. Scrapers with tangs or projections (a-/ and /i) and gravers {g and i)from 25H021 26021. Side scrapers from 25HN37 260
No?58"]^" ^*^* Pl-AINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 137PAGE22. End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37 26023. a-c, Sandstone abraders from 25HN37. d, Metate from 25HN37 26024. Sandstone abraders from 25H021 26025. Ground stone artifacts from 25H021 26026. Worked bone from 25HN37 26027. Triangular bone awls {a-c) and awl butts {d-e) from 25H021 26028. Splinter bone awls {a-c) and flat bone awls {d-e) from 25H021 26029. Worked bone from 25H021 26030. Bone and antler artifacts from 25H021 26031. Bone spatulas (a, h) and worked rib sections (c, d) from 25H021 26032. Worked bone from 25H021 26033. Worked bone from 25H021 26034. Bone tools from 25H021 26035. Bone fieshers from 25HN37 26036. Scapula digging tools: a and c from 25H021; h from 25HN37 26037. Iron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37 26038. European trade items from 25HN37 260TEXT FIGURES
13. Dismal River sites 14414. Ground plan of House I, 25HN37 14715. Ground plan of excavation 2 at 25HN37 14816. Ground plan of House II, 25HN37 14917. Ground plan of House III, 25HN37 . 15018. Ground plan of House IV, 25HN37 15119. Ground plan of House V, 25HN37 15220. Ground plan of House VI, 25HN37 16321. Classification chart for chipped points 15622. Lip forms of Dismal River pottery 16423. Lip decoration of Dismal River pottery 16524. Rim profiles of Dismal River pottery 166

PREFACEMuch of the data presented in this paper was obtained by agenciescooperating in the Missouri River Basin archeological salvage pro-gram. The main body of information comes from site 25HN37, inthe Harlan County Reservoir, south-central Nebraska, and from sites25H07, 25H021, and 25H024 in the potential Mullen Reservoir areain Hooker County, north-central Nebraska. The River Basin Sur-veys conducted its initial reconnaissance in these areas in 1946 and1947, respectively. Excavations at 25HN37 were carried out by theUniversity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, under the direc-tion of John L. Champe. Excavation at the Mullen Reservoirsites was conducted by the Nebraska State Historical Society Mu-seum, briefly under A. T. Hill and subsequently under the directionof Marvin F. Kivett.Data obtained from the potential Platte Reservoir area in Wyomingand the Angostura Reservoir area in South Dakota by initial surveyparties of the River Basin Surveys have also been considered.In the summer of 1949 the University of Nebraska, Laboratory ofAnthropology, sponsored a reconnaissance, carried out by J. H. andD. A. Gunnerson, to augment data bearing on the geographical dis-tribution of the Dismal River Aspect. The results of that sm'veyhave been included here.A number of institutions made previously collected material avail-able for study. The following should receive special thanks: the Uni-versity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology; the Nebraska StateHistorical Society Museum; Smithsonian Institution, Missouri RiverBasin Survey; the University of Denver; the University of ColoradoMuseum; the Robert S. Peabody Foundation Museum at PhillipsAndover Academy; and the University of Utah.Most of the material presented here was included in a thesis sub-mitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the master of artsdegree at the University of Nebraska. Research leading to the thesiswas supervised by John L. Champe. His guidance in the fieldand laboratory and his advice and encouragement during the prep-aration of the manuscript are largely responsible for whatever contri-bution this paper may represent. Marvin F. Kivett has been mostgenerous with time and information; particularly, he read the manu-script in thesis form and offered valuable suggestions for revision. I139
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
am indebted to George Metcalf for the stimulation provided by numer-ous discussions of the problems involved.Harry E. Weakly's dendrochronological analysis of the charcoalfrom 25HN37, resulting in the establishment of a date for the site,was a contribution of major importance. Anna O. Shepard kindlyprovided technical advice on pottery analysis and examined some ofthe pottery personally. Much of the faunal material from HookerCounty sites was identified by Theodore White. Weldon Frank-forter identified faunal material from 25HN37 and some of the boneartifacts from Hooker County. Other individuals who have assistedin various ways include Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., Waldo R.Wedel, Jesse D. Jennings, E. Mott Davis, Arnold Withers, HerbertDick, Paul Cooper, and Robert Cumming.Among the local people throughout the Dismal River area whoseassistance and hospitality are warmly remembered are Robert D.Stephenson, Carl Humphrey, Howard Dodd, R. W. Haines, H. H.McConnell, and Robert Halsey.Dolores Gunnerson assisted in all stages of the endeavor from thereconnaissance of the Dismal River area through preparation of thefinal manuscript, J. H. G.
AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHEARCHEOLOGY?THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT
By James H. Gunnerson
INTRODUCTIONThe Dismal River Aspect is an archeological complex occurring inwestern Nebraska, western Kansas, eastern Colorado, and southeast-ern Wyoming. The complex, which received its name from the dis-covery sites on the Dismal River in north-central Nebraska, has beendated at circa 1700 and is now generally attributed to Plains Apache.Dismal River material culture is simple and indicates that the sub-sistence pattern emphasized hunting, but that agriculture was prac-ticed. The sites are semipermanent villages or temporary camps ap-parently chosen with little concern for defensibility. The complexmight be described as an abbreviated version of some of the betterknown and more "typical" Plains complexes, with several distinctiveadditions, but it could probably be even better characterized as havingan alien base with an overlay of Central Plains traits. There is evi-dence linking the Dismal River people to the Southwest, but thus fartheir relationship to the Plains seems closer.REVIEW OF PREVIOUS WORKComponents of the Dismal River Aspect were first identified byA. T. Hill, W. D. Strong, and W. R. Wedel through reconnaissancein western Nebraska in the early 1930's. Strong reported the dis-covery sites on the Dismal River (Strong, 1932, pp. 152-155; 1935,pp. 212-217). Wedel (1935, pp. 180-182) described the brief investi-gations at 25FT9 in southwestern Nebraska. He has also presenteda preliminary report of the excavations at 14SC1 in west-centralKansas (Wedel, 1940 a, pp. 83-86).At Signal Butte, Strong (1935, pp. 225-239) found Dismal Riverpottery occurring in the most recent occupation level along withUpper Republican pottery. At Ash Hollow Cave it was possible todistinguish the Dismal River and Upper Republican manifestationsstratigraphically, and Dismal River was found to be the more recentof the two (Champe, 1946, pp. 19, 46, 62, 111).471762?60 10 141
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The collections made by E. B. Renaud during his surface recon-naissance of eastern Colorado in the early 1930's contain DismalRiver pottery. However, Renaud did not relate his finds specifi-cally to complexes being described in Nebraska, and his terminologyis such that one cannot always determine when he is referring toDismal River pottery in his reports (Renaud, 1931, 1932, 1933, 1935).There are indications in certain of his reports that he may also havecollected Dismal River pottery from northeastern New Mexico(Renaud, 1937, 1946).The chronological position of the Dismal River Aspect in theculture sequence established for the Central Great Plains has beendiscussed by Wedel (1940 b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152; 1949 b, p. 329).Datable southwestern sherds and pottery pipes, as well as GreatBend sherds, were found with Dismal River material at the ScottCounty Pueblo site in west-central Kansas. This trade materialsuggests a date of cu'ca 1700 for the Dismal River Aspect, supportingthe more exact dendrochronological datings obtained by Harry E.Weakly for the sites in Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 205;Weakly, 1946, pp. 105-110).The first detailed Dismal River site report was that of excavationsby the Nebraska State Historical Society at the Lovitt Site, 25CH1,in southwestern Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942). This work setup an artifact inventory for the Dismal River Aspect and demon-strated the existence of one focus, the Stinking Water Focus, to which25CH1, 25DN1, and 25FT9 were assigned. Champe (1949), in thepreliminary report of the archeology of White Cat Village, presentedimportant new evidence on Dismal River houses and assigned thesite to the Stinking Water Focus.Recently, Metcalf (1949) has suggested three pottery types for theAspect; Lovitt Plain, Lovitt Simple Stamped, and Lovitt MicaTempered. Smith (1949) was able to secure an identification ofmicaceous sherds (Lovitt Mica Tempered) occurring with DismalRiver sand-tempered ware at the Scott County, Kansas, Pueblo Site.These sherds were classified by Tichy as "late Rio Grande micaceousculinary ware."The relationship of the Dismal River Aspect to other archeologicalcomplexes has been considered by various archeologists. Keur(1941, p. 74) has suggested that Dismal River might be ancestralNavaho, but its chronological position precludes such a relationship.Huscher and Huscher (1943) have intimated that stone enclosures inColorado may have some connection with Dismal River, but theyhave reached no definite conclusions in the matter.
No.*58^^' ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 143
Speculations concerning the identity of the Dismal River peoplehave appeared in print since 1935 (Strong, 1935, pp. 212-217; Wedel,1935, p. 181), with more recent works favoring some Apache tribesas the most probable candidates (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 164-165,212-213; Wedel, 1940 b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152). Champe (1949,p. 292), in his preliminary report of White Cat Village, supplementedthe scanty ethnohistorical data with new cartographic evidence andpresented a systematic discussion of the problem, together with atentative identification of the Dismal River people "with the Cuarte-lejo and Paloma Apache and other Lipanan peoples of Apacheria of1700." In the opinion of Wedel the new evidence presented byChampe "virtually clinches" the identity of the Dismal River people(Wedel, 1949 b, p. 329). Secoy (1951) criticized Champe's methodbut arrived at essentially the same conclusions.This report presents new archeological data, much of which wasobtained in connection with the Missouri River Basin Survey archeo-logical salvage program, and utilizes both published and unpublisheddata toward a comprehensive description of the Dismal River Aspect.ENVIRONMENTAL SETTINGThe Dismal River people inhabited three somewhat varied portionsof the Central Plains area,^ the High Plains, the Sandhills, and theColorado Piedmont (fig 13). The High Plains form a broad, monoto-nously flat belt from 100 to 200 miles wide. They reach from Texas al-most to the Black Hills of South Dakota and include the western partsof Nebraska and Kansas as well as eastern Colorado. In tliis "short-grass country" west of the hundredth meridian, the yearly rainfallaverages less than 15 inches. Trees, mainly wiUow and cottonwood,were restricted for the most part to stream valleys, as were suchedible wild fruits as chokecherries, plums, and elderberries (?). Theuplands were covered with short grass of several varieties, and yucca,cactus, and sagebrush were to be found. With normal rainfall thegrass could support an abundance of game, including bison, antelope,mule deer, prairie dogs, coyotes, and prairie chickens. Only thestream valleys were suited to primitive agriculture, however, and eventhere the success of crops was closely related to the amount of rainfall.To the northeast, in Nebraska, the High Plains merge with thesparsely grassed dunes of the Sandhills, where the Loup, Calamus, andDismal Rivers have cut deep valleys. Again, trees are confined tonarrow strips along the watercourses. Small lakes and marshesformed by sand-blocked streams are common.
' Wedel's discussions of the Plains as the environmental setting for aboriginal existence render summarydescriptions of the area necessarily repetitious (Wedel, 1940 b, 1941, 1953).
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Figure 13.?Dismal River sites.
Erosion of the western edge of the High Plains loess mantle hasresulted in the rugged zone known as the Colorado Piedmont. Nearthe foot of the Rocky Mountains it is better watered and supportsmore vegetation than either the High Plains proper or the Sandhills.The rivers of the Plains flow east, providing east-west travel routes.Their tributaries, though often small, would have assured north- andsouth-bound travelers a source of water between the major streams.In general, the area to which the Dismal River people wererestricted, by choice or by other factors, favored a subsistence economybased on hunting, but it did not preclude agriculture on a limitedscale, and there is evidence to indicate that the Dismal River peopletook advantage of horticulture opportunities.
N?*58l^'^*^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 145DESCRIPTION OF DISMAL RIVER SITESEXCAVATIONS IN HARLAN COUNTY RESERVOIRSITE 25HN37INTRODUCTIONSite 25HN37 (White Cat Village) is located at the eastern edge ofthe region inhabited by the Dismal River people. It is in an areamore favorable to a hunting-farming economy than any other in whichDismal River sites have yet been found. The preliminary survey of25HN37 was made in the summer of 1946 by a party representing theMissouri River Basin Survey of the Smithsonian Institution. Mem-bers of the party, Marvin F. Kivett and J. M. Shippee, were able tolocate the fireplaces of three houses, as well as several concentrationsof refuse, by means of small test excavations.In 1948, a summer field school conducted by the Laboratory ofAnthropology, University of Nebraska, under the direction ofJohn L. Champe, made more extensive excavations at the site. Apreliminary report of this work has been published (Champe, 1949).In 1949, the Laboratory's second summer field school continuedexcavations at the site. Part of the additional information obtainedin 1949 was reported briefly at the Seventh Plains Conference forArcheology (Gunnerson and Gunnerson, MS.). Further work hasbeen done at the site subsequent to 1949 but the results were notavailable for inclusion. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTINGHarlan County (Moran, Coveil, and Abashkin, 1930) is part of abroad, loess-mantled plain wliich slopes gently eastward and whichhas been modified by the valleys of the Republican River, SappaCreek, and Prairie Dog Creek, whose intermittent tributaries have cutit into a series of divides, seldom over a mile wide. Several terracesoccur along the larger streams, including Prairie Dog Creek. Thenative deciduous trees, chiefly willow, ash, elm, boxelder, hackberry,and Cottonwood, are confined to the watercourses.The climate of Harlan County is characterized by wide seasonalvariations, with rather long and cold winters. The springs are usuallycool with considerable precipitation. The fall season is long withmoderate temperatures and only occasional rainy periods. Theaverage growing season is 151 days, between May 4th and October 2d.The mean annual rainfall is about 20 inches, 80 percent of which occursbetween April 1st and October 1st. Precipitation in July and August,however, is frequently rather low, and this factor, together with strong,hot winds which accelerate evaporation, sometimes causes shortdroughts. Crop failures, however, are rare.
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173Much of the bottom land in the county is Hall Silt Loam, a fertile
soil with high powers of moisture retention, which has produced largeyields of corn under modern cultivation methods. The land wascovered with an abundant growth of prairie grass before 1870, theyear when the first white settlers arrived. Such grass, along withwater and a broken terrain, would have assured the presence of game.Site 25HN37 is located about 6 mUes southeast of Alma, Nebr., inHarlan County, just south and southwest of the center of sec. 24,T. 1 N., R. 18 W. The village extends approximately 1,000 feetalong a terrace which forms the north bank of Prairie Dog Creek atthat point, and siu-face material is fairly abundant over an area 250feet wide. The village itself is nearly level, with a slight rise to thenorth. On the south there is an abrupt drop to the creek 30 feetbelow. On the west and southwest, the terrace slopes graduallydown to bottom land which is flooded occasionally by the PrairieDog. This stream follows a meandering course, but is swift flowingand contains water throughout the year. It is sprmg fed and hasa shale bottom in places. About 3 miles below the site it emptiesinto the Republican River. The country around 25HN37 is rough,for drainage has resulted in the carving of steep-sided canyons, leavingonly tongues of the original plain.The people living at 25HN37, then, enjoyed the advantages of alevel, well-drained site close to water, timber, and land tillable byprimitive methods, surrounded by country which offered prospectsof good hunting in all directions.Completion of the Harlan County Dam in 1951 and the subsequentimpounding of water has profoundly altered the environs of 25HN37.One branch of the reservoir, reaching up the Prairie Dog well beyondthe site, covers the bottom lands at normal pool, and at maximumpool the village itself will be submerged.HOUSESA comparison of the first six house patterns excavated at WhiteCat Village indicates that structures with five main posts were mostcommon. Five of the six houses were represented by five postholes,nearly evenly spaced around a fireplace. The other house (HouseII), had six postholes, symmetrically spaced. The six house patternshad an average radius of 6.8 feet considering the fireplace as thecenter and the circle of post molds as the circumference. All werenearly the same size, ranging from 5.9 to 7.5 feet in radius.There were several smaller postholes scattered around most of thehouse areas, but they formed no particular pattern. In the case offour houses, however, there was a pair of posts opposite the east sideof the pentagon and about twice as far from the fu-eplace as the main
No.*58l^' ^'^^^ PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 147
B
G N
?
Pestholes ? . & 19Fireplf^50 Q FeetFigure 14.?Ground plan of House I, 2SHN37.PosthoU data
PoBthole ABC DEM NDepth (feet) 1.4 1.5 0.9 1.0 1.1 1.1 0.9Diameter (feet) .7 .8 .7 .7 .7 .4 .4
postholes. These pairs of pestholes were spaced on an average of5.3 feet apart. The position of these pau-ed posts in relation to thehouses suggests that they represent part of an entrance structure.House I.?House I (fig. 14 and pi. 3, a) at White Cat Village wasrepresented by five main postholes arranged symmetrically arounda fireplace, with two additional postholes to the east which probablyrepresent part of an entrance. The main postholes formed a circleabout 15 feet in diameter. House I and House II overlapped (fig.15) so that the fireplaces were some 6 feet apart. The floors of thetwo lodges could not be distinguished, hence no stratigraphy couldbe established. The artifacts from these two houses are listedtogether in table 1.House II.?House II (fig. 16 and pi. 2) is represented by six post-holes arranged symmetrically around a fireplace, but no evidence ofpossible entrance postholes was observed. Five of the six postholeswere easily located at the floor level, but the arrangement suggestedthe presence of a sixth posthole near the fireplace of House I. Thissixth post was found but only after cutting thi'ough part of the floorat the edge of the hearth of the House I fireplace. Posthole A (fig. 16)was interpreted as representing an auxiliarj^ post set beside posthole
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Feet
Postholes of House I ?Postholes of House H ?Other {jostholes ?Fireplace of House I OFireplace of House H (q)Figure 15.?Ground plan of excavation 2, 2SHN37.
A', perhaps to strengthen a weak portion of the structure. Themain postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter.The only clue to the relative age of Houses I and II was the oblitera-tion of one of the postholes of House II near the fireplace of HouseI. It would appear that activity around the fireplace (of House I)probably obUterated the posthole of the earlier house (House II).The floors were just beneath the lowest level of cultivation, whichmakes it seem unlikely that the houses had been much more than 8inches deep. In some places the floors had been furrowed by theplow. A smaU trash-filled pit was found within the area excavatedfor Houses I and II. It does not seem to represent an integral partof either of the houses and wiU be discussed as a separate feature.
No.*58l^" ^^^* PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 149
?A> BA
o C ^
Postholes ?Fireplace Q -??" L_J_Feet -iO
PestholeDepth (feet)Diameter (feet).
Figure 16.?Ground plan of House II, 25HN37.Posihole dataA
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
B
? No
?
Postholes ? '^ ' ' A^f^.Fireplace Q '??^
Figure 17.?Ground plan of House III, 2SHN37.
Posikole data
Posthole -. A B C D EDepth (feet) - 0.5 0.8 0.9 1.0 0.6Diameter (feet) .5 .4 .4 .7 .6
-IP
N ONot recorded0. S 0.
5
in clearing this house, but since it was considered to be intrusive, itwill be discussed in the section on pits.Part of the floor had been removed by cultivation, which mayaccount in part for the shallowness of the pestholes. It was notpossible to determine whether this house had been shallower than theothers or whether more erosion had taken place. Artifacts (table 2)were common on the house floor, but none were of special importance.
Table 2,
?
Artifacts from House III
Description
^?*5^?P- P^^P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GTJNNERSON? M 151
B o N
?
Q . . . . ^ iOFeetPestholes ?Fireplace Q
Figure 18.?Ground plan of House IV, 2SHN37.
Posthole data
Pesthole A B C D EM NDepth (feet) 1.3 1.2 1.2 1.3 0.8 Not recordedDiameter (feet) 8 .8 .7 .7 .7 0.5 0.5
fireplace at about floor level. The significance of this area is unknown.The artifacts from this house are listed in table 3.
Table 3.
?
Artifacts from House IV
Description Comments
Pottery:BodyStone, worlsed:ScrapersPointsDriUsotherBone, unworkedShell, unworked.
Dismal River.
House V.?House V (fig. 19 and pi. 4, 6) was represented by fivepostholes symmetrically arranged around a fireplace, and two addi-tional postholes that probably represent an entrance. The mainpostholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter. An excavationapproximately 19 feet in diameter was made around the fireplaceand was extended an additional 7 feet to the east in order to locatethe entrance postholes. The house was unusual in that no extrapostholes and no artifacts were found within the area excavated.
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173
?E
?O G
A ^
E
No*58^^*^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 153
\ N /?D
^ X ? ?:
. <-
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The interpretation of the stains as the remains of leaner poles issubstantiated by the orientation of the pieces of charcoal, many ofwhich lay nearly radially from the center of the house. The sticksin one group, however, lay nearly parallel to one another but almostat right angles to the radius of the house circle (pi. 6, a). A fewof these pieces lay over posthole B. Since nearly all of the charredpoles lay outside of the circle of main pestholes, it seems more logicalto interpret these remains as part of the wall structure rather thanpart of the roof.The charred poles mentioned above which were not lying radially,were in line with some of the small round stains at the south edge ofthe lodge. Between these poles and stains were some other smallerpieces of charcoal, also lying approximately in line. If it could beassumed that these all represent the same leaners, the leaners wouldhave been at least 9 feet long, the distance from the ends of thecharred poles to the stains with which they were in line. The hori-zontal distance from the leaner stains to the circle of main posts isabout 4% feet, hence the center posts would have been 7 to 8 feet highif the leaners had terminated at stringers joining the tops of the mainposts.The fireplace of this house was not recognized until the mainpostholes were found, after which it was easily located in the centerof the pentagon. It first appeared as a black circle containing apiece of iron, burned bone, hematite, chai"Coal, burned earth, stone,and ash, all of which suggested a trash-filled pit. Later, when thisarea was cross sectioned, it was found to be a basin-shaped fireplacecontaining some refuse and covered with a black sooty material whichsuggested that the fire had been smothered. The black sooty materialcontained a considerable amount of hard, shiny, porous substance,some of which appeared fibrous in nature.A small sample of this material was heated in an open crucible overa gas flame. At first a very strong stench like that of burning animalmatter was given off. Continued heating resulted in the material'schanging from black to gray and eventually to buff.The iron object in the fireplace proved to be a trade ax (pi. 37)which had been forcibly driven into the fireplace (pi. 6, b) . The ax wasembedded in the west edge of the fireplace in such a position that thehandle would have been pointing east and upward at about 45 degrees,indicating that whoever struck it into the fu'eplace would have beenstanding on the east side.Speculation has led to at least two possible explanations for thisunusual occurrence. It has been suggested that the ax had been inten-tionally placed in the fire in order to burn out an old handle prior toinserting a new one. In such a case, it might weU have been driven
Anthrop, Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 155deep into the ground to protect the blade from excess heat. If thisexplanation were correct, it seems unlikely that the ax would have beenabandoned even if the house had burned down before it could be re-moved from the fire. The scarcity of trade material at this site andat other Dismal River sites suggests that such an ax would have beenan object of considerable value.Another possible explanation for the presence of the ax is that it wasleft by an enemy who may have fired the house and struck his ax intothe fireplace as a sort of coup.Two additional metal objects were found in House VI. A copperjingle (pi. 38, c) was found in the loose dirt in the house while the floorwas being leveled. There is little doubt that the jingle came fromthe floor of the house, but the exact provenience is not known. Theother metal object (pi. 38, d) was a piece of sheet brass, about 1.5 cm.wide and 3.4 cm. long. It had been doubled along its short axis butit had not been completely flattened together. It was found belowthe cultivated soil about 7 feet southeast of the fireplace.A few other artifacts from House VI deserve special mention. Aflint projectile point, type NBa (fig. 21), was found among somecharred poles about 1 1 feet north of the fireplace. This point had beenblackened by fu'e but was not spalled from excessive heat. Part of ared sandstone metate (pi. 23, d) was found at the top of posthole A.A second fragment of this metate was picked up on the surface. Aconcentration of large flecks of hematite was found in an area whichthey had stained bright red and which was sm-rounded by a veryblack stain. The red stain covered an area about 1 by 1^ feet andwas located about a foot south of the fireplace. The artifacts fromHouse VI are listed in table 4.Table 4,
?
Artifacts from House VI
Description
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
N
NotStemmed
s
CLASSIFICATION CHART FOR CHIPPED POINTS
NBai NBa4 NBb NBbi NBb2 NBc , . NC NCa JC. Diamond -shapedA A
D. Straight sidtfd" E.OMoid A. Contracting Stem B. Parallel- sided
Stemmed s*em C. Cxpar^ing Stem
Figure 21.?Classification chart for chipped points (Strong, 1935, p. 89).
set vertically. Four of the houses with five main posts had two addi-tional postholes located about twice as far from the center as were themain postholes, and opposite the easternmost side of the main postpattern. These additional postholes were interpreted as representingpart of an entrance structure. Other postholes were found in all butone of the houses, but these posts showed no regularity in locationand were not considered to represent parts of the main house struc-tures.The fireplaces were all basin-shaped areas of burned earth, usuallycontaining gray ash. They were always at a level slightly higher thanthe floor level and always in the center of the lodges. None of thehouses had prepared floors. The floors were considered to be at the
Anthrop. Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 157
level where the pestholes appeared; usually this was also the levelat which most of the detritus and artifacts occurred. In all sixhouses the floor level was at or just below the level of deepest cultiva-tion. The original depth of the houses can be estimated as from 0.8to 1.0 foot below the surface, but this is only a guess, since the fieldsin which the houses were found have been under cultivation for manyyears.The symmetry of the posthole patterns suggests that circles hadbeen constructed upon which the postholes were dug. The postholepatterns were drawn to scale, and studied in the laboratory. Thecenter of the house was determined by constructing the perpendicularbisectors of the sides and accepting the center of the area includedwithin the intersections of these lines as the center of the circle uponwhich the postholes lay. In the case of each house a circle wasdrawn around this center so as to intersect as many postholes aspossible. The centers of aU of the postholes in Houses III, IV, andVI (figs. 17, 18, and 20) were found to lie within 0.3 foot of such acircle. The centers of all but one of the postholes in each of HousesI, II, and V (figs. 14, 16, and 19) were found to be within 0.2 foot ofsuch a circle. The centers of the odd postholes were 1.4, 0,6, and 0.9feet from the respective circles. These variations could representadjustments to the length of available construction material. Thedifference between the longest and shortest sides formed by the mainpostholes is only 1.4 feet in House III but is as much as 3.4 feet inHouse IV. There is, of course, no simple way of constructing aregular pentagon. It is noteworthy that the pentagonal main postpattern was also found at House II at the Lovitt Site (Hill andMetcalf, 1942, pi. IV, 1 ; pi. X, 2). Further comparison of the DismalRiver houses with other types of lodges wiU be made when the DismalRiver Aspect is discussed in general.
Table 5.
?
Data on houses at White Cat Village (measurements are in feet)
Data for House?
II ni IV VI
Number of main postsDiameter of main post circle (approximate)Distance from center of house to center of fireplaceGreatest distance from center of house to main post-holesLeast distance from center of house to main postholesAverage distance from center of house to entrance post-holesGreatest distance between adjacent center postholes.Least distance between adjacent main postholesDistance between entrance postholesNumber of main postholes with bone "wedges"Diameter of fireplace (average)
5161.07.86.314.010.27.25.431.8
614
7.46.7None7.66.7None31.7
512
6.35.913.77.66.15.313.0
512
5.86.313.08.75.34.42.0
514
.87.66.613.79.26.66.52.0
514
7.47.0None9.87.3None2.2
471762?so- il
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ROASTING PITSOne so-called roasting pit was found at 25HN37. This pit originallyappeared as a ring of burned earth 3.4 feet east-west by 3.7 feetnorth-south. The ring varied from about Sji inches wide on the northside to less than K of an inch wide on the south. The fill within thisring included charcoal, bone, potsherds, and burned bone.When this ring had been completely exposed, the south half of thepit was cleared out, leaving the shell of burned earth. The resultingprofile was extended beyond the pit so as to present an entire crosssection of the pit (pi. 7). The mouth of the pit was found 0.6 of afoot below the surface and the bottom of the pit was 2.1 feet below themouth. The pit belled out to a maximum diameter of 4.3 feet east-west and 4.0 feet north-south.The pit had been filled in layers. Immediately above the hard,burned floor was a thin layer of ash; above this was a layer of charcoalless than 1 inch thick. Just above the charcoal came a layer ofmixed earth, rich in ash, and above that a layer of nearly clean yellowclay ranging from 4 inches in depth near the center to 1 1 inches nearthe walls. Above this was a softer layer, consisting almost entirely ofcharcoal and ranging from 2 inches thick near the wall to 4 inchesthick near the center. The charcoal was very fine grained andresembled charred bark or grass. Above the layer of charcoal wasanother layer of nearly clean yellow clay ranging from 2 inches indepth near the center to 5 inches in depth near the wall. The toplayer was rich in camp detritus and varied from 4 to 8 inches inthickness.Artifacts occurred almost exclusively in the upper level of the pit,although an articulated bison metatarsus flesher (pi. 35, a) was foundin the relatively clean layer just below the top level. The faunal
Table 6.
?
Artifacts found in roasting pit
Description
Pottery:RimsBodyStone, worked:PointsScrapersAbradersStone, unworkedBone, worked: Fleshers..Bone, unworked:BeaverBisonDeerTurtle shellTurtle boneotherShell, unworkedAntler, unworked: Deer
Comment
One articulated.Six incisors and a ramus fragment.
No.*58?^' ^''^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 159
remains found in the pit were both burned and unburned, whole andfragmentary. The presence of artifacts, together with other villagedetritus, seems to indicate secondary use as a refuse pit. The artifactsfound in the roasting pit are listed in table 6.OTHER PITS
Perhaps the most striking difference between White Cat Villageand the Lovitt Site is the lack- of the trash-filled pits at the formerwhich are so common at the latter. Two refuse pits were found atWhite Cat Village by the Smithsonian survey party in 1946 (Kivett,MS., 1946). The larger pit was basin shaped, somewhat oval, andmeasured 7 feet by 5.5 feet by 26 inches deep. The pit containedfragmentary animal bones, rim and body sherds, projectile points,a chipped-flint drill, bone beads (?), bone awls, a flint knife, a beavermandible, a stone pipe-bowl fragment, end scrapers, mussel shells,cut antler tips, and a scapula hoe fragment. Above this detrituswas a layer of ash 3 inches thick, 12 inches below the surface.The second basin was 42 by 38 inches, and 17 inches deep. Itcontained animal bones, body sherds, an end scraper, flint chips, acut antler tip, and black soil mixed with charcoal and some ash.Both of these pits are comparable to the pits at the Lovitt Site.The University of Nebraska field school located a small trash-filled pit at the southwest edge of House II. The pit was 36.5 inchesby 32 inches by 6 inches deep, and occurred 8 inches below the surface.This pit, which was basin shaped, contained charcoal, 20 fragments ofunworked bison bone (including 5 skull fragments and 6 fragmentsof teeth), 2 beaver bone fragments, a bone awl made of a bison ulnafragment, and a Dismal River pottery body sherd.In the northwest part of House III, another concentration of refusewas noted. This area was about 6.9 feet by 2.6 feet, but quite thin.Since the material lay just above the floor level of the house, whichwas from 7 to 10 inches below the surface, it may represent refusedumped into the house after it had been abandoned. No outlineof a pit was observed, and, for that reason, it seems incorrect todesignate this area as a trash-filled pit. The area did, however,contain a substantial amount of faunal remains, 93 specimens in all,including specimens identified as coyote, bison, deer, beaver, turtle,and mussel. The bone found was both burned and unburned; onlyone item, a coyote metapodial bone bead, showed human workman-ship. The area also yielded 12 pieces of stone, either unworked oronly slightly modified, except for a fragment of a sandstone abrader.Pottery recovered from the area included 37 body sherds and 6 rimsherds, all Dismal River.
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Other smaller concentrations of camp refuse were found about thearea, especially near the creek bank. However, this more frequentoccurrence along the scarp may be due, at least in part, to the factthat most of the testing was done in this area because it was not undercultivation. These concentrations were shallow, with no definiteoutline, and appear to be areas where camp detritus was dumped.The depth at which such detritus was found varied from just belowthe surface to about 15 inches below the surface and may representthe old village level. Most of the material, however, was in theupper 8 to 10 inches. Since the field has been cultivated for at least30 years, with consequent erosion, the relative depth of the materialhere does not seem significant.
POTTERY
Pottery is the most diagnostic artifact of the Dismal River complex,and for that reason it is important to note that the pottery from25HN37 is almost identical with the pottery from the other sites com-prising the Stinking Water Focus. The pottery recovered from25HN37 by the University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology,is classified in table 7. The classification follows that previouslyestablished by Metcalf (1949, pp. 73-78), who has defined two potterytypes, Lovitt Plain and Lovitt Simple Stamped, on the basis of surfacetreatment, and a third, Lovitt Mica Tempered, on the basis of thedistinctive tempering material.As Metcalf has pomted out, this classification is not entirelysatisfactory since on some restored pots there are both plam andsimple stamped areas. If such a pot were broken, sherds of bothtypes would result. Also, there is evidence, especially on rim andshoulder areas, suggesting that simple stamping had been smoothedover. Table 7.
?
Pottery found at 25HN37
Description
No.*58l^' ^^^* PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNERSON 161The size of the particles ranged upward to 1.0 or 1.5 mm. in diameterwith occasional particles as large as 5 mm. in diameter. All thesherds contained a large quantity of much finer sand or grit. Underthe microscope, there appeared to be just enough clay in the paste tohold this abundance of fine sand or grit together. Since texture,exclusive of larger sand particles, was so similar from sherd to sherd,it would appear that the fine grit or sand was not added to the pastebut was rather in the clay chosen for the paste. In some cases nocoarser sand had been added. However, 195 out of a sample of 224sherds showed larger sand particles, the smallest of which were from5 to 10 times as large m diameter as the largest of the small particles.The amount of tempering visible varied from about 2 to 25 particlesper square centimeter on the cross section of a freshly broken sherd.The surface of two sherds from 25HN37 presented a "spangled"appearance because of large amounts of mica included in the paste.The mica occurs in addition to the other tempering materials?finesand in the paste and larger sand tempering. These sherds areclassified as Lovitt Mica Tempered (Metcalf, 1949, pp. 77-78).Four other sherds from the site contain sufficient finely dividedmica to give the sherds a slightly metallic appearance. The surfaceof these sherds is not quite smooth but does not show simple stamping.The paste of the sherds, except for the finely divided mica, is wellwithin the range of the rest of the pottery from the site. One ofthese sherds was examined by Anna O. Shepard who states (letterdated May 5, 1950)
:
Not only are the mica flakes closely packed and parallel, they are also distortedwhich gives the paste an undulent structure. The peculiar surface appearanceof this sherd may be due to exposure of mica flakes which would not absorbcarbon as readily as the paste.
Texture.?Of the 224 sherds examined under a microscope, 29 con-tained only the very fine sand or grit which probably occurred natur-ally in the clay. In these sherds, the fineness of the grit was not quiteas uniform as it was in the others, but the size of the particles wasdecidedly smaller than particles of sand believed to have been de-liberately added.The very sandy, granular texture of this pottery probably accountsfor its breaking into such small fragments, but the sherds do notcrumble as might be expected. The breaks are, for the most part,along straight lines and perpendicular to the surface. There is notendency for the sherds to split and practically no tendency for thesurface to scale off. In general, the paste is fine textured, compact,and well worked.
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Hardness.?A random sample of 132 sherds was tested for hardness,with the following results
:
Harder than 1 but softer than 2 (selenite) , 5 sherds.Harder than 2 but softer than 3 (calcite) , 74 sherds.Harder than 3 but softer than 4 (fluorite) , 45 sherds.Harder than 4 but softer than 5 (apatite) , 8 sherds.The average hardness of the sherds tested was about 3.Density.?The density of 26 of the larger sherds from 25HN37 wasdetermined by weighing them first in air and then suspended in water.The following formula was used:
.
dry weight in air(dry weight in air? weight in water) -=- (density of water)The dry weight of these sherds varied from 6.36 to 39.42 grams. Theaverage density was 1.95 grams per cubic centimeter, and the rangewas from 1.71 to 2.19 grams per cubic centimeter. The median densitywas 1.97 grams per cubic centimeter. Two-thirds of the sherds havedensities between 1.85 and 2.05 grams per cubic centimeter.Porosity.?Twenty of the sherds which were checked for densitywere also checked for porosity. Sherds which had not been mendedwere selected for this particular test to eliminate any error caused bythe closing of pores by glue. The sherds adsorbed and absorbed anaverage of 0.12 gram of water per cubic centimeter of sherd. Therange was from 0.04 to 0.19 gram of water per cubic centimeter ofsherd. The median was between 0.12 and 0.13 gram of water percubic centimeter of sherd. The average porosity was about 0.12 gramper cubic centimeter as determined from the dry weight, wet weight,and weight suspended in water.The following formula was used:p . wet weight in air? dry weight in air(dry weight in air? weight in water) -^ (density of water)Color.?The color of the sherds varies from buff through gray toblack. The majority are dark gray. Frequently a thick, very darksooty deposit is found on excavated sherds and occasionally on sherdsfound on the surface. Usually sherds are the same color all the waythrough, but sherds with a dark surface and a buff core or buff sherdswith a dark core are not uncommon. Sherds also occur in which thetwo surfaces are of different colors. When dark sherds were refired inan oxidizing atmosphere in a small electric furnace, they assumed abuff to bright orange color. Since the sherds are predominantly grayto black, the buff color may represent refiring rather than a differentmethod of manufacture. The dark sherds were probably fired in areducing atmosphere.Surface treatment.?The surface treatment of pottery from 25HN37is in general of two types. About four-tenths of the sherds have
No.*58l^' ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 163
smooth surfaces and about six-tenths show parallel ridges ranging inheight from barely perceptible to about 1 mm. This treatment hasbeen designated by such terms as simple stamping, grooved paddling,or thong-wrapped paddling.The ridges tend to be placed vertically on the vessels but occasion-ally even converge or cross. Adjacent ridges may almost touch or bemore than a centimeter apart. The width of ridges is, for the mostpart, about 0.2 or 0.3 cm. The exact width is not easily determinedbecause the ridges do not always have sharp edges. Also, even singleridges are frequently not of uniform width. Generally the spacesbetween the ridges are a little wider than the ridges.Under a microscope the only difference between the appearance ofthe surface on the ridges and in the grooves is that the ridges show alittle more polish. Both of these surfaces are comparable to thesurface of most smooth sherds. There are a few smooth sherds,however, which have an almost waxy appearance and "feel." Ingeneral, the surfaces vary from smooth, almost polished, to per-ceptibly rough to touch. There has been some speculation as towhether or not all the pottery was once simple stamped and some ofit smoothed later before the pot dried.Only rarely can evidence, such as fine scratches, be found on theexterior which might indicate the method used to smooth the pottery.Occasionally more or less horizontal striations are found on the insideof the pot. These appear to be scratches m.ade by an anvil or othertool, or possibly by foreign particles adhering to such a tool.The surfaces, especially the outer, appear to have a much finertexture than does the paste in general. It is not possible to identifya slip on any of the sherds, so it has been suggested that fine clayparticles may have been floated to the surface by means of rubbingor patting with a smooth object. Such floating would have beenslight, for even on the smoothed sherds the very fine sand of the pasteis still evident although it does appear much less gritty than a freshlybroken edge.Decoration.?There is very little surface decoration on the potteryfound. One sherd exhibited a narrow line which appears to have beentrailed in before the pot was dry. A few sherds show what appearsto be black paint on a buff surface. This is found more frequentlyon the inside of sherds, usually on sherds without simple stamping andwith a black core. The small size of the sherds makes it impossibleto identify design elements. The "painted" sherds frequently havean almost shiny or burnished surface. Many of the plain sherds, bothsmooth and simple stamped, have this burnished quahty in varyingdegrees. It becomes more noticeable when the sherds are cleaned
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
with a dry brush after most of the dirt has been removed bywashing.Bim form.?There were 76 rim sherds collected from 25HN37.Over half of these have lips which are rounded to slightly flattenedwith occasional evidence of slight thickening. Smaller numbers ofrims were either gradually thinned toward the lip or had a beveledlip. The lips of still other rims were flared in, flared out, or flared both
/I n nn nyryi?
Figure 22.?Lip forms of Dismal River pottery.
in and out (fig. 22). The flaring seems to have resulted from pressureon the lip while the paste was still soft.The five cases of lip decoration occurred on flared lips and consistedof elongated incised punctates placed tangently and diagonally on thelip, single chevrons pointing tangently on the lip, and broad, smoothdepressions impressed in the lip (fig. 23).Vessel shape.?-There were no restorable pots and very few large rimsherds found at 25HN37, so no definite statement can be made as tovessel shape. On the basis of the three largest rim sections, the rimsappear to have been simple. They vary from almost vertical tosomewhat flaring (fig. 24). Four rim sherds were large enough toindicate that the rims joined the body of the vessel in a smooth curve.Four rims, representing at least three vessels, ranged in height from3.7 to 4.0 cm. The diameters of the orifices of two vessels wereestimated to be about 14 cm. and 22 cm.Thickness.?The thickness of 50 rim sherds, measured in such a wayas to avoid any thickening or thinning of the lip, averaged 0.6 cm.The thickness of 70 plain body sherds selected at random averaged0.65 cm. whereas a group of 80 simple stamped body sherds similarlyselected averaged 0.61 cm. Considered as a group of 150 sherds, theyaveraged 0.63 cm. in thickness.Pipes. ?Two, or possibly three fragments of pottery appear to befrom pipes. They are too fragmentary to be identified as to type.The paste is untempered and not unlike that of the vessel sherds.Comments on pottery.?The Smithsonian party found a flake of micaabout 1.5 by 0.5 cm. in size in an irregular pit at 25HN37. This findis of special interest since there is a question as to whether the raremica-tempered Dismal River sherds represent trade ware from theSouthwest or are of local manufacture. The presence of mica indicatesthat the Dismal River people knew of this mineral and secured it forsome purpose, perhaps for the manufacture of pottery.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 165
Figure 23.?Lip decoration of Dismal River pottery.
In general, the pottery from White Cat Village can be describedas a buff to gray or black ware with a very gritty, fine-textured,compact paste, tempered with fine sand if at all. It tends to breakperpendicularly to the surface along straight lines into very smallpieces. The surface is smooth or simple stamped and decoration,when it occurs, is limited to the lip area.WORK IN STONEAn abimdance of worked and unworked stone was found at WhiteCat Village, especially on the surface. By far the greater part of thestone was yellow or brown jasper which occurs in many places alongthe Republican River.
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Figure 24.?Rim profiles of Dismal River pottery. (Inside of vessels to right.) a-c.Straight rims, d-e. Curved rims. /, Recurved rim. g-i. Bowl rims.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 167
Flint or chert of light to dark gray was not uncommon, and a fewpieces of white flint were also found. Much of the jasper and chertexhibits flaws and layers of limestone and other minerals, showingthat the raw material had been secured from thin seams.In addition to these materials, several other types of stone suitablefor chipping were found. Two chips of obsidian, which is not nativeto the area, and a chipped piece of crystal quartz were found. Oneartifact, a projectile point, was made from a white, black, and yellowtranslucent material, probably chalcedony. One piece of mineralizedwood fashioned into a side scraper was also found.The workmanship on stone objects is characterized by a generalcrudeness which, on many artifacts, is sharply contrasted with a single,very finely chipped cutting edge. Projectile points in general wereskillfully made. Thus it appears that the crudeness representedchoice rather than lack of skill.Pecked or polished stone was much less common than chippedstone. Two kinds of worked sandstone, very soft red Dakota sand-stone and a somewhat harder, more firmly cemented, white or light-colored sandstone, were found. A few pieces of granitelike stonewere collected but no artifacts of this material have been found.Small, irregularly shaped pieces of caliche, a fine, white, chalky ma-terial, were common. A few pieces of limonite and numerous bits ofhematite were also found at the site. Only one fragment of catlinitewas found.Projectile points.?The projectile points from White Cat Villagewere made, for the most part, from the brown to yellow jasper which isfound commonly in the Republican River Valley. A few specimenswere made from flint varying in color from gray to nearly white,and one point was worked out of a chip of black, white, and yellowchalcedony. Table 8.
?
Projectile points found at 25HN37
Type
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173The complete points of types NBal and NBbl vary in length from1.7 to 2.7 cm. and in width from 1.0 to 1.5 cm. Only one of thebroken points appears to have been appreciably larger. Exceptfor this one, the points form a single continuous series although thelarger points present a more slender appearance. The chipping wasuniformly well done. The one large specimen mentioned above wasrepresented by very little except the base and notches and is so littlelike the others that it seems intrusive in the Dismal River complex.The complete points of types NBa and NBb vary in length from1.9 to 2.8 cm. and in width from 1.1 to 1.6 cm. The smaller points,in general, seem to be relatively thicker and show less uniformlyprecise chipping than the points of types NBal and NBbl. Manyof the smaller points are, however, made equally well. Seven points oftype NBa fit poorly into the series with the rest of the triangularunnotched points. They are all broken but appear to have beenlarger than those forming the series. Many of these larger pointsappear to have been triangular flakes with neatly retouched edgesand may have served as small knives rather than as projectile points.Some show only unilateral chipping except for the retouched edges.One point of type NAb2 (pi. 12, n) is nearly complete. This speci-men is 1.5 cm. long, 0.8 cm. wide, and shows very precise, uniformchipping. The NAb3 point is well made although incomplete (pi.12, p). The part found is only 1.8 cm. long and about 0.9 cm. wide,but it may have been about 2.5 cm. long originally. Both points areconsidered aberrant.The point of type SCb2 (pi. 12, m) is 2.6 cm. long and 1.6 cm. wideand delicately chipped from brown jasper. Two other points arediscussed separately because they are not readUy classifiable (pi.12, 0, q). One of them was somewhat leaf shaped with a flat baseand notches. This pomt is 3.6 cm. long and 1.8 cm. wide, with apronounced twist. The other point is a stemmed and shoulderedpoint with a flat base. The base is 3.5 cm. wide and 5.0 cm. long withprobably 1.0 to 1.5 cm. of the point missing. These two crudepoints are aberrant.Drills.?Drills of two types were found at White Cat Village.The more common is the so-called "cigar-shaped" drill, althoughexpanded base drills were not rare. The midsection of a double-pointed drill with projections on either side of the center was found(pl. 14, e.)Cigar-shaped drills (pl. 14, /, g) were made from prismaticflakes of jasper, generally triangular or ellipsoidal in cross section.One or both ends came to blunt points and many drills have a slighttaper for the entire length. The maximum diameter of holes drilledwith such tools would vary from about 0.9 cm. to about 2.4 cm.
No.*58]^" ^"^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 169The smaller drills tend to be more neatly chipped than the largerones and some are much smoothed or dulled, probably from extensiveuse in hard or abrasive substances. Most of the drills are representedby sections only. However, two complete drills which showed evi-dence of much use are 5.5 and 5.1 cm. long by 1.0 cm. and 1.1 cm. inmaximum diameter respectively. These drills are somewhat smaller,at least m diameter, than the average for all drills from the village.The expanded-base drills (pi. 14, a-d) are represented by 1 completeand 14 broken specimens. The shafts of these drills were smallerthan those of the cigar-shaped drills. The maximum diameter of13 expanded-base drUls was between 0.6 and 0.8 cm.; the other twowere about 1.0 cm. in diameter. The shafts were approximatelyrhomboidal in cross section and tapered gradually to a reasonablysharp point.The expanded base, or the portion that would be grasped, wassometimes left unfinished, but some shaping was done in mostinstances. In a few cases, the base had been finished to a smoothknob. The expanded-base drills do not show the dulling noted onsome of the cigar-shaped drills. Two other larger crude tools (pi.14, h, i) also appear to have been used for drills.Knives.?Well-made knives are rare at 25HN37. As mentionedbefore, a few triangular points were of a size better suited for use asknives than for use as projectile points. On these points the chippingwas delicate and evenly executed from one or both surfaces.The only other examples of extremely fine chipping occur on theedges of random flakes which vary in length from 2 to 7 cm. andappear to have initially had sharp edges. The chipping is usuallyfrom one face only, but is not restricted to a single edge or to straightedges, occurring rather wherever an edge is relatively thin andtapered.It is often difficult to decide which of these artifacts were delib-erately chipped and which show only use retouch. In many casesthe edge probably represents a combination of both. There appearsto be an even gradation starting with these thin flakes with veryfine chips removed by use from one face, through thicker and thickerflakes with more extensive chipping, untU the artifacts are definitelyscrapers.Five knives from the site form a series varying from roughly ovalto almond shaped. These were relatively thick and showed very littlepressure retouching. The four complete specimens (pi. 16, a-d)were from 3.7 to 5.5 cm. in length, 1.6 to 3.8 cm. wide, and from0.8 to 1.4 cm. thick.Of the artifacts recovered, at least one and possibly another representportions of knives with alternately beveled straight blades. The
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
chipping is well done but the sections of the artifacts are so smallthat little more can be determined about them.The only well-chipped large blade found was represented by asmall midsection. This knife showed uniform and well-executedpercussion and pressure flaking. The edges were nearly straight,but not quite parallel. The width of the section varies from 3.8 to4.0 cm.; it is 2.5 cm. long, and 0.8 cm. thick in the center. It issymmetrical in cross section.One other knife is worth special mention (pi. 16, d). Although thiswas not finished all over, it does possess a fine edge showing a uni-form curve. The blade has been formed by the skillful removal oflarge flakes from both sides by percussion. A few small flakes hadbeen removed by pressure from one side only. It is somewhat ovalin shape with one straight edge, and is about 0.5 cm. by 7.5 cm. andabout 1.7 cm. thick. Except for the high quality of chipping it couldbe classed with the crude choppers since it has the same general shape.Choppers.?At 25HN37, crude stone blades or choppers were com-mon. Many of these were made from thin slabs of jasper from whichthe cortex had not been entirely removed. They appear to havebeen crudely roughed out by percussion chipping and only rarelygiven a well-shaped edge by pressure flaking.One of the more common forms represented at this site is roughlyrectangular to oval; chipped from both sides of one long edge and onone or both ends. The opposite edge is usually square. Six com-plete or nearly complete specimens (pi. 18) range from 8 to 18 cm.long, 4 to 6 cm. wide, and 1.2 to 2.0 cm. thick. In addition to the4 nearly complete choppers of this form, 16 broken sections appearedto be portions of very similar artifacts.A second iy^Q of chopper is much like the first except that alledges have been chipped (pi. 18). Only 2 complete choppers ofthis type were found, but 19 broken specimens were quite similar.This group apparently has about the same range in size as the firstgroup described.Five other complete or partial choppers showed unilateral chipping.Except for this, they are comparable to the others.The use to which these choppers were put has not been deter-mined. Most of them show much battering on one or more cuttingedges. It would appear that many of them were used for hackingsome hard material such as wood or bone.Scrapers.?Scrapers were the most common artifacts found at25HN37. They were strictly utilitarian as is most Dismal Riverstonework. Generally speaking, these artifacts do not show muchmore chipping than is necessary to form a working edge. The piecesof stone from which the scrapers were made usually have one some-
No *58]^' "^^^^ PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 171
what smooth surface. In most cases this sm"face is the result of asingle spailing or fracture. Frequently the only chipping is that onthe scraping edge which meets the smooth sm-face at an angle ofabout 45 to 80 degrees. Occasionally, however, a scraper is foundwhich has been given an overall shaping and which represents carefulworkmanship. End scrapers (pi. 19) are most common but side scrap-ers (pi. 21) are also present. A few artifacts have scraping edges onmore than one margin.Usually the chipped edge is relatively thick although there seemsto be a smooth gradation into flakes retouched to produce a cuttingedge or showing use retouching. Other scrapers have a conven-tional snub nose at the scraping end combined with a thin, finelyretouched cutting edge along another margin.Another variation is represented by scrapers with graverlike pro-jections on the edges (pi. 22). These tangs vary in size from sharppoints to semicircular projections 1.5 cm. in diameter.One interesting feature of the scrapers in general is that many ofthem have received much hard use, to judge by the damage done tothe scraping edge. What was originally the cuttmg edge is oftencompletely broken back. The size of end scrapers varies greatly: inlength from about 2 cm. to about 8 cm., in width from less than 2 cm.to about 5 cm., and in thickness from about 0.5 cm. to about 2.5 cm.Most of the end scrapers, however, were between one and two timesas long as they were wide, and seldom if ever thicker than wide.Gravers.?Six specimens of worked stone from 25HN37 had littleparticular form except for small sharp projections (pi. 11, d-j). Theseappear to be deliberately chipped, usually from only one surface.These artifacts have been classed as gravers. As mentioned above,a few scrapers from the site also appear to have graver points chippedat some convenient place.Abraders.?Sandstone abraders, usually shaft polishers (pi. 23, a-c),were common at 25HN37. Most of them were made of very looselycemented red Dakota sandstone. One specimen was made of whitesandstone.Twenty-nine sections of grooved abraders, as well as many smallerpieces which could be abrader fragments, were found. There wereno complete abraders, but several were sufficiently complete to deter-mine the approximate width and thickness. These abraders variedin size from 1.5 cm. thick by 3.0 cm. wide to 2.6 cm. thick by 5.0cm. wide. The depth of the gi'ooves varied from about 0.1 to about0.4 cm. Two fragments, possibly of the same specimen, had gi'oovesin two faces.Two sections of shaft polishers, although they were not foundtogether, are so much alike that they could represent a pair of abrad-
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
ers which had been used together. These sections have nearly iden-tical outlines, and when they are placed with their smooth sidestogether the grooves are alined.In addition to these deUberately shaped artifacts, unshaped piecesof sandstone have been found which show random grooves. These,also, probably served as abraders.Pipes.?One small fragment of catlinite found at 25HN37 appearsto be a fragment of a pipe. The outer surface was well smoothedand the inner surface very rough. The specimen was 0.3 cm. thickand indicates that the pipe would have been somewhat square withrounded corners. A red stone pipe is reported to have been foundat the site by a neighboring farmer.Metates.?Only one specimen was sufficiently complete to beidentified as a metate (pi. 23, d). This was a slab of red Dakota sand-stone about 24 cm. by 15 cm. by 4 cm. thick. One surface was veryrough, but the other side was fairly smooth and slightly concave.The center of this surface was about 2 cm. lower than the edges.About half of the specimen was found in House VI at floor level inthe top of posthole A. The other half, which fits perfectly, was foundon the surface and shows two deep scratches which look as if they hadbeen made by farm machinery.Caliche.?A number of small irregular pieces of caliche were found(pi. 11, g-i) which vary in average diameter from 7 cm. to 1 cm.All the pieces appear to have been smoothed and somewhat roundedby rubbing on a flexible surface. It is possible that this material mayhave been used in the smoothing and whitening of hides or as a whitepigment for paint.Hematite.?Hematite occurred in all parts of the site in the formof small specks in the village level mixture. In House VI, relativelylarge amounts of hematite were found in the fireplace and an areajust south of the fireplace showed a rich mixture of hematite in avery dark stain. Usually the hematite was finely divided, but onelump which had been extensively scraped was found in House VI.The lump was 1.8 by 1.5 by 1.3 cm. It seems probable that hematitehad been used as red pigment for paint.Limonite.?Several pieces of soft, fine-textured limonite were alsofound. This material was soft enough and colorful enough to havebeen used as pigment for paint. One lump was found in House VIin the area rich in hematite just south of the fireplace. One lumpfound on the surface had a pit in one side and also showed evidenceof having been scraped in two other places.WORK IN BONEWorked bone was uncommon at 25HN37 whereas unworked bonewas common and sometimes well preserved. Since the Smithsonian
Anthrop. Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 173party which surveyed the site secured nearly as much worked boneas the Laboratory of Anthropology, the material collected by bothgroups will be discussed in this paper. Bone artifacts from WhiteCat Village are listed in table 9.
Table 9.
?
Bone artifacts from 25HN37
Description Number,SmithsonianInstitution Number,Laboratory ofAnthropology
Tubular bone beadsShaft wrenches.Metatarsus fleshersScapula digging tools .-.Fragments of worked scapulae.Eyed needle (?)-.Awls...Possible awls
Awls.?One rather blunt awl (pi. 26, e) and the fine point of anotherawl were found by the Laboratory of Anthropology. There was alsofound what may be the butt end of an even larger awl. An unfinishedsplinter of bone, one end of which is sharp and shows some polish onthe broken surface, is a possible awl. The one complete awl (pi. 26, e)was 8.0 cm. long with a maximum diameter of 0.8 cm.The Smithsonian Institution survey group recovered severalother types of bone awls. Three blunt awls or punches, triangularin cross section and made of the edge of ribs, were found in a trash-filled pit, Feature 1. They varied in length from 6.8 to 7.8 cm. Twoof them had the butt end rounded ; the third had the butt end broken.The awls were smoothed and polished all over. The points of thethree show considerable use and some indication of battering.None of them show any evidence of having been especially sharp,and one in particular appears to have come to a blunt point. Theywould hardly serve as awls in their present condition even though thepreservation is good. They may have been discarded because theyhad become dull.The Smithsonian group also found three splinter awls in the trash-filled pit. Feature 1. The one of these awls which is complete is 9.1cm. long. All three splinter awls are narrow, none of them being morethan 0.7 cm. wide. All three are sharp and show little evidence ofdulling although the points appear to have become well polishedthrough use.Beads.?Three tubular beads (pi. 26, a, h) made from canis meta-carpus or metapodial sections were found by the Laboratory ofAnthropology at 25HN37. These beads varied from 3.9 to 4.8 cm.in length and from 0.5 to 0.8 cm. in diameter. They were fau'lywell finished and the cut ends show some evidence of polishing.471762?60 12
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
There is no evidence of their having been decorated. Beads foundby the Smithsonian party are very comparable in size and shape.Shaft wrench.?The Laboratory of Anthropology also found afragment of a bison rib shaft wrench (pi. 26, c). The specimen wasbroken at the hole, which appeared to have been tapered from bothsides and worn smooth.Fleshers.?Both fleshers from 25HN37 (pi. 35) were found in theroasting pit. The articulated specimen was found in the fill of thepit whereas the other was in the top. The articulated flesher wasapparently never completed. The metatarsus had been broken andpartially split but not polished. Some work had been done on whatwould have been the cutting edge, but it had never been finished.The flesher made from a single bone had been nicely finished andmost of the rough edges smoothed. The cutting edge was sharpand showed no evidence of ever having had teeth or serrations. Bothspecimens were made of bison metatarsi.Scapula digging tools.?Only one of the scapula digging tools wascomplete. This specimen was 28 cm. long and 13 cm. wide (pi. 36, 6).The articular end and scapula spine had been cut and broken away.The preservation is poor but the edge does show use. Two smallerbut better preserved pieces of what were probably scapulae showpolishing from use. The spines have been rem.oved from these also.The fourth digging tool was badly broken but it also showed polishfrom use and showed no evidence of either the articular end or thespine. All are identified as bison. Other fragments of scapulaeshowed use but were too small to classify.The Smithsonian Institution party recovered two portions of scapu-lae from a trash-filled pit, Feature 1. Both specimens have beenworked and were probably sections of digging tools. The edge of onein particular shows considerable polish, probably from use.Needle (?).?From the same pit, the Smithsonian party recovereda section of bone needle or band. The section, which is brokenat both ends, is 6.5 cm. long, 0.5 cm. wide, and 0.2 cm, thick. Thewidth and thickness is uniform over the entire length. This piece iscurved, forming an arc about 0.5 cm. high with a span of 6.2 cm.It has been worked smooth and shows some polish on the outer sur-face, but shows no indication of either an eye or an encircling groove.The specimen resembles the eyed needle (?) from 25H021.WORK IN ANTLERThe Smithsonian Institution survey party found two antler tinesin a trash-filled pit at 25HN37. Both appear to have been partiallycut and then broken off. One of them has the tip broken off at anangle, possibly from use as a flaker or as some other tool. Both
No.*58]^' ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GimNERSON 175
show some polish near the tip which may be from use or may benatural. These two tines are 14.2 and 13.7 cm. long. A shorterpiece of antler tine was also found by the same Smithsonian Institutionparty. This specimen is 6.7 cm. long; it has been partially cut andthen broken off. The very tip appears to have been slightly flat-tened and somewhat polished, and has not been subsequently brokenor battered. WORK IN SHELLNo specimens of shell from 25HN37 definitely showed work. Onespecimen which was rectangular may have been shaped, but it wasso decomposed that tool marks were not discernible.EUROPEAN TRADE MATERIALEuropean trade material was uncommon at 25HN37. Three piecesof metal were excavated from House VI; the exact proveniencewas known for two of them. Five pieces of metal found on the sm'-face may represent either material possessed by the Dism^al Riverpeople or material lost more recently. Two pieces of chipped stone,believed to be gun flints, were also found on the sm'face.Axes.?The most significant metal object found was the iron ax(pi. 37) recovered from the fireplace of House VI. The details ofthe find are described in the discussion of House VI. The overalllength of the ax is 16 cm. and its weight is 1 lb. 9 oz. The blade is9.8 cm. long, 7 cm. wide at the cutting edge, and 3.6 cm. wide whereit attaches to the eye. The blade is 2.2 cm. thick where it attachesto the eye and thins evenly to Avithin about a centimeter of the cuttingedge, from which point it thins more rapidly. The cutting edge ofthe blade is curved and the entire blade is set at a slight angle to theeye and, hence, to the handle.The eye is not quite round and is tapered, being smaller towardthe handle. It is 5.1 cm. by 3.2 cm. at one end and 4.4 cm. by 3.1cm. at the other end. The longest diameters are in line with the blade.The eye is 4.2 cm. long at the side where the blade attaches and 4.6cm. long at the other side. The thickness of the u-on comprising theeye is about 0.7 cm.The ax appears to have been made from a single piece of iron,doubled to form the eye and then welded together to form the blade.This would leave the blade laminated with a welded seam the fulllength of it.The ax resembles closely those identified by Woodward (1946, pp.6-7) as camp axes or belt axes. These, he believes, were evolved inthe latter part of the 17th or the first part of the 18th centmy. Theax from White Cat Village is probably of French or English originbecause these groups commonly traded such weapons to the Indians
176 BUREAtr OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
whereas the Spanish rarely if ever did (Woodward, 1946, p. 33). Theax closely resembles one found at 25DK5, which is in the collectionat the Laboratory of Anthropology, University of Nebraska.Jingles.?A jingle (pi. 38, c) made of thin sheet brass was found in theloose dirt of House VI. The specimen appears to have been neatlymade, although it was badly broken when found. The part remainingis 2.5 cm. long and seems to have been conical in shape with a greatestdiameter of at least 0.8 cm. The diameter of the opening at the smallend is about 0.1 cm. A few small fragments of red hematite werefound in the jingle. The workmanship would suggest that the jinglewas not of Indian manufacture. A piece of sheet copper (pi. 38, d)was found on the floor of House VI. The piece was 3.4 cm. long andfrom 1.5 to 2.0 cm. wide. It had been bent so as to form a nearlyclosed ring with diameters of 0.5 and 1.5 cm. The workmanship iscrude and might represent an Indian's attempt to make a jingle fromsuch raw material as a copper kettle. A smaller, somewhat conicalpiece of sheet brass (pi. 38, e) was found on the surface. The specimenis 1.2 cm. long with diameters of 0.8 and 0.3 cm. at the large end.A piece of sheet brass 2.8 by 2.3 cm. w^s also found on the surface.The piece is irregular in shape and has been roughly cut. It is ofabout the same thickness as the small brass cone found on the surfaceand the bent piece of sheet copper found in House VI, all of which arethicker than the brass jingle found in House VI.Three irregularly shaped pieces of iron were found on the surface.Two of these are about the right thickness to have been cut from irontrade hoes. The third piece of hon resembles the point of a knife.It is, of course, impossible to establish whether or not these belongedto the occupants of the village or whether they were lost later.Gun flints.?One gun flint and what is probably another werefound on the surface of the site. The one specimen was rectangular,2.5 by 2.2 by 0.7 cm. thick and made of a translucent gray flint (pi.38, a). Three of the sides were beveled and the fourth side showedmuch battering. The two faces are parallel. There is no doubt thatthis is a gun flint. The other specimen (pi. 38, h) was of a light caramel-colored, slightly translucent flint. It was 2.7 by 2.6 by 0.7 cm, thickwith three beveled sides, one of which was curved. The two facesare parallel and the three beveled sides resemble the working edge ofan end scraper. Each of these three sides shows a little battering.It seems quite likely that this, too, is a gun flint, especially since noother specimens made of such flint were found at the site.
FAUNAL REMAINSThe faunal remains from the 1948 excavations have been identifiedby Weldon Frankfurter (Champe, 1949, p. 289) and found to represent
Nn*^8?^'^^^" PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNISTERSON 177o. 5 ]
six kinds of animals (table 10) in addition to chicken and cow. Theselast two can be attributed to recent White occupancy, especially sincethey were found on the surface. A much smaller faunal collectionwas made in 1949, but these remains have not as yet been identified.
Table 10.
?
Faunal remains from
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
BURIALSNo burials that could be associated with Dismal River people havebeen found in the vicinity of 25HN37. The only human skeletalremains recovered from the site were two teeth found in the excavationcontaining Houses I and II, near the fireplace of House I.SUMMARYInvestigations at 25HN37 have revealed a village that must beconsidered small in comparison with contemporary Plains agriculturalvillages father east, but probably a little larger or at least more compactthan villages of agricultural groups who lived in the Dismal Riverarea earlier. As an estimate, there were probably about 20 housesat the site, but the overlapping of at least two houses indicates thatthey were not all occupied at once. Further, the general paucity ofvillage refuse suggests that there may have been repeated occupationsof the site rather than a single prolonged occupation. Surface indi-cations suggest, moreover, that houses tended to cluster at the twoends of the thousand-foot-long site with ? possible gap in the middle.The houses at 25HN37 had five vertical center posts arranged in anearly regular pentagon and, in some cases, two posts indicating anentrance to the east. The fireplace was in the center of the lodge,whose living area was increased by the use of poles placed beyond andleaned against the central framework. The structure probably re-sembled a Plains earth lodge except that it was smaller, less deeplyexcavated, and may not have been earth covered.One heavily fired roasting pit found at 25HN37, like those at 25DN1and 14SC1, was presumably used for the preparation of food and laterfor the disposal of refuse. A few shallow trash-filled pits found at25HN37 were neither as common nor as well defined as those at 25CH1and 25DN1.The pottery from 25HN37 is virtually identical with that found at25CH1. It is buff to black in color, with a fine-textured, gritty,compact paste. Tempering, when present, consists of fine to medium-sized particles of sand. Rarely, mica is included. Decorationis uncommon and confined to the lips of vessels. Surfaces of sherdsvary from smooth to sharply simple stamped. No restorable vesselswere recovered from 25HN37.Most of the stone artifacts from 25HN37 were made by chipping.End and side scrapers are the artifacts most commonly found. Theprojectile points from the site were well made and predominantly oftypes NBa, NBal, NBb, and NBbl. Other chipped-stone artifactswere straight-shafted drills, expanded-base drills, knives, modifiedflakes, and crude choppers. Ground-stone artifacts consist chiefly ofsandstone abraders. The chipped-stone artifacts from 25HN37, other
No.*58r" ^'^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 179than projectile points and drills, are utilitarian, characterized by ageneral crudeness, with precisely chipped working edges occurringoften on otherwise roughly shaped artifacts. Very little emphasiswas placed on conserving stone. This might be explained by thepresence of outcrops of brown jasper in the vicinity, furnishing readilyavailable raw material.Work in bone is much less common than work in stone at 25HN37.This can be attributed only in part to poor conditions for preserva-tion, since some worked and unworked bone is well preserved. Boneartifacts found at the site consist of metapodial fleshers (not serrated),scapula digging tools, awls, and beads. Specimens of worked antlerwere rare and no specimens of shell had been worked.Several items of probable European origin were found at 25HN37.The most significant of these was an iron ax, which had been driveninto the fireplace of the burned house. The ax is probably of Frenchor English origin. Copper and brass jingles were found both inexcavations and on the surface. This trade material suggests a datingof about 1700.Faunal remains were abundant at White Cat Village. Most ofthese remains were identified as bison, but beaver, turtle, canis, anddeer were also found. The abundance of faunal remains and skin-dressing tools and the scanty evidence for the growing of crops indi-cate that the subsistence pattern of the Dismal River people, evenin this location so favorable for farming, emphasized hunting overagriculture.A date of 1723 has been established for the site on the basis ofdendrochronological investigations by Harry E. Weakly. This indi-cates an occupation only slightly later than that at other DismalRiver sites dated by the same method.
SITE 25HN44
Site 25HN44 is located about 2 miles southeast of Republican City,in Harlan County, Nebr. The site was originally investigated by theUniversity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, in the summerof 1948. At that time only the southern portion of the site wasexamined, and the artifacts recovered from the surface indicated thatit was almost exclusively Upper Republican. In the spring of 1950,a small group from the University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthro-pology, revisited the site and found that the northern part of the siteyielded Dismal River pottery. The few pieces of Dismal Riverpottery found during this later brief visit are all smooth but correspondvery closely to pottery from White Cat Village.This site is located on a fairly high terrace above what appears tobe an old meander bed of the Republican River, and is about one-half
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
mile north of the present stream channel. There may, however,have been a spring or small stream in a small valley or draw justbelow the site. SANDHILLS SITESINTRODUCTIONThe investigation of sites in the potential Mullen Keservoir areahas greatly increased knowledge of the Dismal River Aspect in thearea where it was first identified. A reconnaissance of this area,which is located in the valley of the Middle Loup River, just belowMullen in Hooker County, Nebr., was made in May 1947 by MarvinF. Ejvett for the Smithsonian Institution's Missouri River BasinSurvey. In the summer of 1949, Kivett returned to the area with aparty from the Nebraska State Historical Society, a cooperatingagency, to conduct salvage archeology. Five Dismal River siteswithin the potential reservoir were investigated. Three of these,25H021,25H07, and 25H024, were tested intensively, while 25H05and 25H09, less significant sites, received only surface reconnaissance.Excavation at these sites probably represents the first controlledarcheology conducted in the Sandhills region, where excavation haspreviously been considered impractical, and where most informationhas come from surface or "blowout" finds. Kivett has demon-strated that such features as postholes and pits can be found in thisextremely sandy soil. Further, he has provided data on Sandhillsmanifestations of a group also represented by sites located in moreecologically favorable areas. Thus it becomes possible to discusswithin the limits of the data the effect of changes in environment onthe material culture of the Dismal River people.ENVIRONMENTAL SETTINGHooker County is in the middle of the Sandhills which cover alarge portion of west-central Nebraska. The terrain is gently rollingdune sand, stabilized for the most part by bunchgrass, but withactive blowouts and a few drifting dunes. The county is traversedby the Middle Loup River, which flows through a narrow but fertilevalley, and by its tributary, the Dismal River, with a still narrowervalley. Older rivers have become choked with sand, forming smalllakes and marshes. Trees are found only along the streams, wherewild fruit also occurs. Primitive agriculture could have been prac-ticed in some places along the Middle Loup. The area between therivers has enough grass to support a limited number of animals and,although the area could not have supported large herds of bison, it isprobable that there was always a fair amount of game available,since the clear streams and springs provided an excellent water supply
No*58]^'^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNERSON 181throughout the year. The region has an average of 140 frost-freedays per year. The annual average rainfall is 20 inches, most ofwhich falls from April through August (Rice, 1914).SITE 25H01The sites on the Dismal River in Hooker County, Nebr., from whichthe Dismal River Aspect received its name, were investigated by A.T. Hill as early as 1920 and were later described by W. D. Strong(1932, pp. 152-155; 1935, pp. 212-217). The sites designated byStrong as Dl, D2, and D3 have since been renumbered 25H01, 25H02,and 25H03 respectively. In addition, the area at the forks of theDismal River between the two branches, where Strong reports findinga little material, has been given the number 25H04. The legal de-scriptions of these sites are on file at the Nebraska State HistoricalSociet}^ and the Laboratory of Anthropology at the University ofNebraska.Site 25H01 is located on the south bank of the Dismal River, 8miles west of Seneca, Nebr. The pottery from this site (Strong, 1935,pp. 215-216) was described as thick, ''hole tempered," and ridgedon the outer surface. It was later identified as Woodland ratherthan a variant of Dismal River pottery. Since then, however. DismalRiver pottery has been found at the east end of this site.The Nebraska State Historical Society has a smaU surface collec-tion from 25H01. The sherds are all very small and somewhat sandblasted. Both Woodland and Dismal River sherds are represented.The Dismal River sherds are dark buff to gray-black and usually havesmooth surfaces. One rim sherd has a smooth, rounded lip. Severalkinds of stone were represented at the site, including quartzite,jasper, chalcedony, obsidian, flint, and river boulders. Very fewstone artifacts are included in the collection.
SITE 25H02Site 25H02 is located along the south bank of the Dismal Riverjust below the forks. The level of the site is considerably above thelevel of the river, the ascent being steep. Carl Humphrey of Mullenfound several porcelain beads at this site.The Historical Society's collection from 25H02 is small, consistingof a Dismal River sherd and a few small chips of jasper, chalcedony,quartz, and quartzite. The sherd has a smooth, buff surface with analmost waxy feel. SITE 25H03Site 25H03 is probably the largest of the three sites along the southside of the Dismal River. It is located about 4 miles southwest of
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
the forks of the Dismal River on the south bank of the south branch,or about 15 miles south of Mullen, in Hooker County, Nebr. The siteis located on a high terrace overlooking the stream and is now dissectedby large, deep gullies. In addition, the surface shows evidence ofsevere wind erosion, but when the site was visited in 1949, much of ithad grassed over and only one large blowout at the east end of the sitewas still active.The Historical Society's collection from 25H03 consists of a fewDismal River sherds, numerous stone chips, and a sheet-iron jingle.The sherds are buff to gray black, small, and sand blasted. The pasteis gritty and most of the sherds contain a moderate amount of fine tomedium sand tempering. The surfaces are generally smooth; only afew show simple stamping. One sherd shows a few closely spaced,shallow punctates about 0.5 by 0.3 cm., apparently in rows. Thejingle is 2.5 cm. long and 0.9 cm. in greatest diameter. Chips andpieces of jasper, chalcedony, quartzite, obsidian, schist(?), and otherstone were common in the collection from the site but stone artifactsor even pieces showing work are relatively rare. These consist of afew fragments of projectile points and a piece of obsidian whichappears to be a point of a drill.Strong (1935, pp. 214-215) describes blackened, hard-packed areasfrom around which the soil had blown. These he interpreted ashearths. Also at this site he noted what may have been the remainsof an earthen wall. Strong thought that this might represent theremains of the "breastworks" referred to in the Omaha legend whichdesignated the forks of the Dismal as the place "where Padouca builtbreastworks" (Fletcher and LaFlesche, 1911, p. 91).
SITE 25H05
Site 25H05 is located on the south side of the Middle Loup Riverabout 8 miles east of Mullen, in Hooker County, Nebr.The Smithsonian Institution has a small collection obtained by theRiver Basin Surveys from 25H05, including five very small dark-gray sand-tempered Dismal River sherds, several pieces of workedstone, end and side scrapers, fragments of projectile points, and mod-ified pieces of stone, as well as several pieces of unworked stone andchips.The Nebraska State Historical Society also has a small collectionfrom the site. This consists of a small amount of worked and un-worked stone and a few fragments of bone, along v/ith one small splitsherd. The sherd is buff with a smooth surface and could be DismalRiver.
No*58]^'^^^" PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 183
SITE 25H07
INTRODUCTION
Site 25H07, the Lowe Site, is located about IK miles north and amile east of Mullen, in Hooker County, Nebr. The site was surveyedby Marvin F. Kivett in May 1947 for the Smithsonian Institution,Kiver Basin Surveys. In the summer of 1949, Kivett, with a partyfrom the Nebraska State Historical Society, made further tests at the
site. The data obtained are on file at, and were made available by,the Nebraska State Historical Society.A series of 10-foot squares was excavated along the terrace face,from which cultural material had eroded. The terrace was 10 to 12feet above the alluvial plain along the river and about 150 to 175 feetsouth of the channel of the Middle Loup River. Just south of the
site, the terrain slopes abruptly upward.The cultural zone was dark, charcoal stained, and about 0.8 footthick. It was overlaid with 2,2 feet of banded overburden which waschiefly sand or clay or a mixture of the two. A charcoal-stainedhumus layer 0.6 foot thick was found 0.6 foot below the surface of theground.No definite evidence of house structures was observed at this site.One fireplace was found but no associated postholes were located.The fireplace was 20 inches across, 8 to 10 inches thick, and consistedof from 2 to 5 inches of white ash overlying 3 to 4 inches of red sandwith some charcoal fragments. The fireplace was considered byKivett (MS., 1949) to be associated with two trash-filled pits.A hearth area, located 75 feet east-northeast of the fireplace, con-sisted of very black sand well mixed with ash, charcoal, and limitedamounts of burned earth. The area was 14 by 16 inches and 8 to 10inches thick, and showed some evidence of having had a preparedbasin; the walls, however, showed very little burning. The basinextended from 2 to 4 inches below the general village level.Trash-filled pit No. 1 was 26 by 30 inches and extended 12 inchesbelow the cultural zone. The fill consisted of charcoal-stained sandwell mixed with white ash, broken pottery, animal bones, and stone.A gully had cut into the pit and some ash and bone had washed downthe slope.Trash-filled pit No. 2 was 36 by 30 inches and 12 inches deep, andcontained charcoal-stained sand, a little white ash, worked andunworked bone, stone and pottery sherds.
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
POTTERYSite 25H07 yielded 39 rim sherds sufficiently well preserved toindicate lip form. Twenty-one had undecorated lips. The lips variedfrom slightly thinned to considerably thickened and from flat torounded (fig. 22). The thickening on some was confined to theportion immediately below the lip, whereas on one the rim wasthickened for the upper 2.5 cm. Rounded lips are more commonin this group than are flattened lips. A few lips were somewhatroughened but showed no decorative motif.The decorated lips (fig. 23) are generally thickened and frequentlyflat. The most common decorative motif from this site (on sevensherds) consists of elongated punctates placed tangently on the lip.The punctates vary in length from about 1 to 2 cm. and are relativelyfar apart, the space between being at least as long as the punctate.Two of these rims were unusual for Dismal River pottery in thatholes had been drilled through the vessel 1.5 to 2.0 cm. from the lip.The holes were about 0.3 cm. in diameter and had been drilled afterthe vessel was fired, possibly to lace together a crack.A variant of the punctate motif consists of somewhat shorter but
still elongated punctates placed diagonally in the lip, and spacedconsiderably closer together. Three sherds of this style were foundat 25H07. Four sherds with closely spaced lines impressed diagonallyacross the lip were found at the site.Two uncommon styles of lip decoration were found at this site.One sherd had incised lines placed diagonally across the lip. Atone place, the angle was changed drastically, leaving a V-shaped designwith lines approximately parallel to either side of the V and progressingaway from the respective sides. Three sherds had diagonally incisedlines in the lip, superimposed by nearly radially incised lines. Theends of these two sets of lines met at common points along the outsideedge of the lip.Both simple stamped and smooth rims were found at the site. Afew showed horizontal striations, probably tool marks left from theshaping or smoothing of the rim.The body sherds from the site are not especially distinctive. Sur-face treatment varies from sharp simple stamping through nearlyobliterated simple stamping to smooth, somewhat polished sherds.A few of the sherds have a slick, almost waxy feel. The few thick,smooth, buff to gray sherds found are very similar to the DismalRiver pottery from Ash Hollow Cave. The range in thickness at25H07 would appear to be the same as at 25H021. No heavily mica-ceous sherds and only a few containing traces of mica were found atthe site.
No.*58l^" ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 185The pottery is fine textured and gritty. Tempering ranges fromno additional tempering material to moderate amounts of fine sandwith an occasional inclusion of a larger particle. The paste is com-pact and appears to have been well worked. It is less granular thanthat from Wliite Cat Village and is almost identical to the potteryfrom 25H021. The pottery is generally buff to dark gray or blackwith an occasional sherd that appears to have been reburned to abuff color. The sherds are usually the same color all the way through,but sherds with different-colored surfaces or with a core differing incolor from the surfaces are not uncommon. Five buff sherds haveone red surface which shows a little polish and appears to be theinner surface in each case. The paste, except for having the carbonoxidized out, is within the range of that of other pottery from the
site. Several of the red sherds show simple stamping on the sideopposite the red surface. A few sherds had just a suggestion of blackpaint on a lighter background, but no design could be determined andthe color difference might have resulted from differential refiring.One body sherd from the site showed some incised decoration(pi. 10, d). Approximately parallel lines had been incised from 0.2to 0.4 cm. apart, and between some of the lines were single rows ofvery fine punctates irregularly spaced. Some of the lines were partiallyobliterated, probably from handling or working with the pot whUeit was still soft. The two surfaces of the sherd are gray whereas thecore is buff. The paste appears identical with that of the other potteryfrom the site.Several fragments of pottery pipes were found, including one whichhad been part of an elbow-shaped pipe. The bowl had been 0.3 cm.thick and probably less than 2 cm. in diameter. This particularfragment was from the portion of the bowl near the stem and includedpart of the curve where the bowl joined the horizontal part of thepipe. Another fragment appeared to be the point at the outside of thecurve of an elbow pipe. The other pipe fragments are not identifiableas to type. WORK IN STONEThere was only a moderate amount of worked stone from 25H07.The points from the site were made of chalcedony, brown jasper, andgray flint and are listed by type in table 11.
Table 11.
?
Projectile points found at 25H07
Type
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Five knives, all showing chipping from both surfaces, were foundat the site; four were made of chalcedony and one was made ofbrown jasper. One of the chalcedony knives was diamond shapedwith two adjacent sides much longer than the other two. Thebrown jasper knife was somewhat leaf shaped although not sym-metrical. A small fragment of what may have been a quartziteknife was also found. Several flakes showed some retouching andwere probably also used for knives.Only one large, crude chopper was found. It was made of quart-
zite, had been chipped from only one sm-face, and the edges showedsome battering, probably from use. The most common stone arti-facts from this site were end and side scrapers. As at other DismalRiver sites, there is frequently a scraping edge chipped on an other-wise unworked piece of stone. Sharp edges of several scrapers havebeen used for cutting, as shown by use retouching.Thi-ee pieces of light-colored sandstone which show use as abraderswere also found at the site. All three appeared to have been portionsof shaft smoothers. One bell-shaped hammer or grinding stone witha flat surface showing evidence of considerable use was found. Un-worked stone, especially such as would be easily flaked, was rela-tively uncommon at this site. This, together with the general lowquality of some of the material from which artifacts were made,suggests that stone was difficult to obtain.WOKK IN BONEWorked bone was not abundant at 25H07. Two scapula frag-ments, one showing considerable use, probably as a digging tool,were found. Two awls made of bone splinters were found. Onewas of the broad, flat type made from a split rib; the other was muchnarrower and showed no work except at the point. One completeand two partial awls or punches triangular in cross section were alsofound. The complete one was 6.2 cm. long. Two bone beads alsowere recovered from this site. One of them was 5 cm. long, 0.6 cm.in greatest diameter, and of almost uniform diameter for the fulllength. Both ends were smoothed. The other bead was brokenbut had been made from a relatively short bone with large articula-tions. A hole had been drilled through one articulation and into thehoUow portion of the bone. The other end is broken. The minimumdiameter of the portion left is 0.5 cm. and the maximum is 1.1 cm.An articular end of a bison long bone had been cut off but showed noother indication of having been worked.
nS.*587" ^''^' PI^AINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 187WORK IN SHELLA piece of shell which seems to have been worked was found at the
site. The specimen was 2.2 cm. long and 0.3 cm. thick. The crosssection was square. TRADE MATERIALA small, unidentifiable piece of iron was also found at the site.
SITE 25H09
Site 25H09 is located about 3 miles east and a little north of Mullen,in Hooker County, Nebr. The Historical Society has in its collec-tions from this site several small, sand-blasted Dismal River sherds.They are generally dull buff to gray-black. The paste is gritty andusually contains little or no tempering. Tempering, when present,consists of small amounts of medium-sized sand. Smooth sherdsseem to predominate over simple stamped sherds.A few chips of jasper, chalcedony, and quartzite are included inthe collection from this site.The Smithsonian Institution Missouri Basin Project has a smallcollection from the site consisting of several small sherds, a littleunworked stone, one type NBal projectile point, and what appearsto be a fire-spalled rubbing or milling stone.
SITE 25H021INTRODUCTIONThe Humphi-ey Site, or, as it is sometimes called, the MatthewsSite, is located on the south bank of the Middle Loup River about 5miles east of Mullen, in Hooker County, Nebr. The site was locatedby a survey party of the Missouri Basin Project of the River BasinSurveys, Smithsonian Institution, in the spring of 1947. It hadbeen known previously to local collectors. Marvin F. Kivett, whowas in charge of the survey party which located the site, returned inthe summer of 1949 under the auspices of the Nebraska State His-torical Society. Kivett, under the direction of A. T. Hill,^ with asmall party, spent several days testing the edge of the site which hadbeen badly gouged by graveling operations. The Nebraska StateHistorical Society has made the artifacts collected and the records ofthe excavation available for study. The site was visited by theauthor in the summer of 1949 but not until excavation had ceased.The site is located on a terrace about 20 feet above the flood plainof the river and has only recently been cultivated. The village area
' This was the last site dug under the direction of the late A. T. Hill, former director of the NebraskaState Historical Society Museum.
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
extends away from the river up a slight smooth slope and is estimatedby Kivett to be about 300 feet in diameter.The occupation level is covered with 1 to 3 feet of sandy soil whichwas topped with a good stand of native grass at the time of excavation.Excavation was confined to the edge of the terrace at the requestof the landowner. STRUCTURES
Postholes, fireplaces, and what appeared to be lodge floors werefound at the Humphrey Site. However, the postholes failed to forma definite pattern around a fireplace. The floors were representedby heavily stained areas and concentrations of village detritus. Onearea was covered by a layer of clay 1 to 2 inches thick which tiis,j havebeen brought in to form a floor covering. Also, charred timbers andtwigs found at floor level may have been part of structures. In atleast one instance, a posthole was found to contain a vertical bisonlong bone section, presumably used to tighten a loose post. Someof the postholes contained rotted wood. The fireplaces appeared asblack burned areas containing much carbon. The rings of red burnedearth which indicate fireplaces in less sandy areas were not presentat this site. PITSThe most significant features of the site were pits with a dark fillusually containing village detritus and artifacts. The sizes of thepits are given in table 12. Some of the pits were found at village level,whereas others were not detected until the village level had beenremoved and the dark fill was observed against the light-colored
soil below. Table 12.
?
Trash-filled -pits from 25H021
Feature No.
nS.*58^^' ^^^* PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNTERSON 189
area. The stones were surrounded by charcoal-stained sand, but noash was found. POTTERYThe pottery from 25H021 corresponds closely with that from theDismal River sites in southern Nebraska. The only differences arein the frequencies of various traits. Such differences seem too minorto justify the establishing of an additional focus, at least on the basisof pottery.The paste of sherds from the site is fine textured and definitelygritty, but is slightly less granular and less gritty than that fromWhite Cat Village. Gouging of the sherds with a steel probe leavesoccasional white streaks as if some of the particles powdered underpressure, but does not divide the 25H021 pottery into as discreteparticles as it does the pottery from White Cat Village. The temperingin the pottery from the two sites is comparable. It varies from no tem-pering material in addition to the very fine grit in the paste to moderateamounts of fine sand with only occasional inclusions of particles 0.2cm. or larger in diameter. Sherds containing mica in addition tosand are rare at this site.Surfaces of sherds from 25H021 vary from smooth and almostpolished to deeply simple stamped. A few of the surfaces suggestsimple stamping which has been almost obliterated by smoothing.Some of the pottery duplicates the relatively thick, smooth DismalRiver pottery found at Ash Hollow Cave and in lesser amounts at afew other sites. This pottery is generally buff to gray with an occa-sional black sherd.A sample of 100 body sherds from 25H021 was selected at randomand checked for hardness and thickness. The average thickness was0.6 cm. with a range of from 0.3 to 1.1 cm.The range of hardness of this same sample is given in table 13. Theaverage hardness is about 4.5.
Table 13.
?
Hardness of pottery sherds from 25H021
Hardness
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY IBuU. 173
were all smooth. The paste of these seven sherds does not appear todiffer from that of the other pottery at this site.The 100 sherds checked for hardness and thickness and texture werealso checked for surface treatment and found to be equally dividedbetween smooth and simple stamped. An additional 150 sherds ex-amined were found to contain 72 smooth sherds, 73 simple stamped,and 5 indeterminate. This verified the equal representation of thetwo surface treatments observed in tlie first sample.The rim sherds from 25H021 present a variety of types of lip decora-tion (fig. 23). Twenty-five of the sherds had lines either incised orimpressed diagonally across the lip. The distance between adjacentlines varied from 0.3 cm. to 0.9 cm. Seventeen of these sherds had athickened and somewhat flattened lip. There was no evidence ofthickening at the lip on the other eight sherds.Three rim sherds had parallel lines incised or impressed radiallyacross the lip. The lines were spaced about 0.4 cm. apart and werefrom 0.1 to 0.2 cm. wide.Two of the rim sherds had chevrons incised in the lip so that theypointed counterclockwise around the rim. The lip on one of thesesherds was 1.3 cm. wide with the arms of the chevrons from 1.2 to1.4 cm. long and spaced at about 2.2 cm. intervals. The secondsherd witli the chevron design had only one chevron. The lip wasslightly thickened and was about 0.6 cm. wide. The arms of thechevron, which pointed counterclockwise, were about 0.4 cm. long.One rim sherd had a thickened lip, somewhat beveled to the out-side. On the beveled portion of the sherd were deeply incisedopposed diagonals. The sherd was buff in color and had verticalstriations on the outside of the rim.Six of the rim sherds had elongated punctates placed on the lipwith the long axis of the punctate oriented tangentially on the lip.Five of these six sherds had a flattened lip, the other had a roundedlip.Four other rim sherds had lips decorated with punctates. Oneof these had punctates very close together. The punctates wereabout 0.4 cm. in diameter and the lip was 0.7 cm. wide. Anothersherd had elongated punctates in the lip with the long axis of thepunctates oriented radially. The other sherds had evidence ofpunctates in the lip but were so small that it was impossible to deter-mine the natm^e of the design.One rim sherd had broad shallow depressions across a slightlythickened lip. These depressions appeared to have been made bypressing the lip while it was yet soft with a finger or thumb. Therewas no space between the impressions.
No.*58]^' ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 191Three rim sherds had thickened lips with the surface of the lipirregularly roughened. One of these appeared to have rows of threesmall depressions diagonally across the lip.The majority of the rim sherds had no decoration on the lip (fig.22). Of these, 66 showed flattening of the lip with little or no thick-ening. The next most common variant was represented by 28 of therims. These showed flattening of the lip with very definite thick-ening. Such thickening was toward the inside of the vessel, or theoutside of the vessel, as well as toward both the inside and outside.One interesting rim sherd had horizontal ridges around the out-side of the rim. The ridges were 0.6 cm. apart with the top ridgeabout 1.0 cm. from the lip. Another rim sherd, about 1.5 cm. thick,had two grooves spaced 0.9 cm. apart encircling it. The sherd wasbroken just below the lower groove so the shoulder area was notpresent.One lug or ear was found at 25H021. The specimen was 2.0 cm.wide, 0.4 cm. thick, and had projected 1.8 cm. from the vessel. Ithas seven finely incised parallel lines on what was probably the topof the lug and two parallel incised lines extending from the under sideof the lug down on the vessel.One specimen may be part of a loop handle but is so fragmentarythat absolute identification is impossible. The piece is 1.2 cm. wide,1.8 cm. long, and 0.6 cm. thick. The paste of both the lug and thepossible handle is highly comparable to the paste of the other potteryfrom the site.The Historical Society has one miniature pot fragment from the
site.Another sherd closely resembles the smooth, thicker Dismal Riverpottery found at Ash Hollow Cave, except that it contains some micaalong with sand tempering. This particular sherd appears to befrom a flat-bottomed vessel with outward-sloping sides. The por-tion of this sherd representing the bottom is 1 cm. thick and the wallportion was 0.9 cm. thick.The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from 25H021two sherds which are of particular interest. One of them is a rimsherd (pi. 10, c) from what appears to be a constricted orifice bowlwith a definite shoulder angle. The lip is smooth and rounded.The most spectacular feature of the sherd is the incised decoration.Nearly parallel lines 0.4 to 0.5 cm. apart start at the lip and runstraight down to the shoulder angle where they are met by othernearly parallel lines at an angle of about 150?. The orifice appearsto have been 10 to 12 cm. in diameter. The shoulder area is about2 cm. wide. The sherd is 0.6 cm, thick. The paste is gritty and
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
quite compact, not unlike the paste of the rest of the pottery from the
site. It contains a small amount of fine sand tempering. Theouter surface of the sherd is black; the paste is a dark buff. Thesherd shows a little tendency to split and to break along the incisedline decoration.A body sherd from the site has two nearly parallel, lightly incisedlines about 0.9 cm. apart (pi. 10, a).There are a few sherds from 25H021 which show a suggestion ofpainting. One sherd shows dark parallel lines on a sherd with buffsurfaces and paste. Although buff sherds are rare in Dismal River,the color in this case could be the result of refiring in an oxidizingatmosphere. Except for this and one other buff sherd with a darkcore and a single poorly executed painted line, no design elementsare observable. These sherds, which may be painted, might besouthwestern sherds or show southwestern influence.The paint on some of the sherds appears to have been either spat-tered or dribbled on. The painting, if it may be called that, occurson both the inside and outside of the sherds and predominantly onsmooth sherds but occasionally on simple stamped sherds. Thepainting always appears as dark, often definitely black, on a buffsurface. One sherd has what may be an orange slip on the inside.The paste is buff, except for a very thin layer which is black, andshows some polish. Except for color, the paste is well within therange for the rest of the pottery from the site. Buff color is not ofspecial significance when found in Dismal River pottery since theblack pottery becomes buff when refired in an oxidizing atmosphere.Only one aberrant sherd was noticed in an examination of the en-tire collection from the site. This sherd (H25H02 1-1347) is verysmall but appears to be Upper Republican.Several fragments of pottery representing about six pipes werefound at 25H021. A portion of the bowl of one pipe had been rec-tangular with rounded corners (pi. 11, a), and appears to have beenabout 2.5 cm. by 3.0 cm. The edge of the bowl was thickenedto 0.5 to 0.7 cm. In the thinnest portion it was 0.2 cm. thick. Thelip was flat and quite compact. It showed no tendency to crumble.A few of the fragments of other pipes had similar paste. The pasteseems weU within the range of that in the pottery from the site.About a centimeter below the lip, an overall checked design has beenincised. Rows of parallel vertical lines have been incised over rowsof parallel horizontal lines. The parallel lines vary from 0.3 to 0.5cm. apart.Another portion of a pipe bowl appears to have been from a plat-form pipe (pi. 11, c). The outside diameter of the bowl had beenabout 5 cm. and the inside diameter about 1.5 cm. This left a flat
^?*5^^P-P^P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNERSON 193
lip about 1.8 cm. wide with closely spaced incised lines about 0.3 cm.long along the outer edge and radially oriented. The outside of thebowl became smaller below the lip and the inside of the bowl becamelarger. Two centimeters below the lip, the wall of the pipe was only0.7 cm. thick.Several fragments appeared to be portions of tubular or "cloud-blower" pipes. One flattened mouthpiece (pi. 11, b), probably fromsuch a pipe, was 2.9 cm. wide and 1.4 cm. thick. About 1 cm. fromthe end of the mouthpiece the specimen starts to taper. The holethrough the mouthpiece was 0.5 cm. in diameter. One fragmentfound with the pipe may represent part of the bowl. If so, the bowlwould have been about 0.5 cm. thick and perhaps 2 cm. in diameter.A fragment of another pipe indicates a flattened mouthpiece about3 cm. across and 1 cm. thick. The paste of these two "cloudblower"pipes is gritty and much less compact than is pottery from the site.The pipes show a greater tendency to crumble and split, suggestingthat the paste was less well worked than that used in vessels.A keel-shaped pottery fragment which probably represents part ofan elbow-shaped pipe was found with some other fragments that couldbe from such a pipe. One of the fragments is so curved that it mayhave been part of the inside of the curve of the elbow. The paste inthese fragments is very similar to the paste in the "cloudblower"pipe fragments. Several other pipe fragments are too fragmentaryto indicate original shapes.The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from 25H021 asmall pellet of pottery clay. The specimen is round, 1.3 cm. in di-ameter and 0.4 cm. thick in the center and thinner toward the edges.There are small lines across the edges of the object that may repre-sent intentional decoration or merely cracks formed by the flatteningof a ball of clay. The paste appears to be black with a light-coloredmineral deposit on the surface.
WORK. IN STONEStone, especially unworked stone, was relatively rare at 25H021,owing, perhaps, to the scarcity of workable stone in the area. Byfar the greatest amount of unworked stone consisted of moderatelyfine-textured white sandstone, many pieces of which appear to havebeen concretions.A great variety of stone had been used. Chalcedony, quartzite,brown jasper, and Bad Lands chalcedony were common, in a widerange of colors. A few pieces of light-colored flint and red sandstone,and rare pieces of crystal quartz and agate were also worked. A fewfragments of waterworn pebbles had been broken and worked, anda few pieces of granite and quartz show evidence of having been
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
pecked and polished. A fragment of obsidian and one of hematitewere found.A comparison of worked stone at 25H021 with that from DismalRiver sites in the southern part of Nebraska indicated limitations inboth the size and number of stone artifacts at25H021, except in thecase of sandstone abraders. The amount of unexploited workablestone recovered is also surprisingly small, although this might be dueto the limited excavation and the lack of surface collections. Theartifacts seem to show a little more care in chipping than those fromWhite Cat Village. For example, there are fewer nondescript piecesof stone with fine working edges. The best workmanship at bothsites is about equal; there tends to be less poor workmanship at25H021 than at White Cat Village. Further, the 25H021 stoneworkis characterized by a lack of large, crude choppers, and by an abun-dance of scrapers.All the types of stone represented by completed artifacts arerepresented by unworked stone or by the chips left from the manu-facture of artifacts. This suggests that any trading in stone was inthe form of raw material, rather than in the form of finished tools.Projectile points.?The projectile points from 25H021 are almostentirelj^ triangular in outline. They have either straight or concavebases and may be either notched or unnotched. A tabulation ofpoint types is given in table 14,Table 14.
?
Projectile points found at 25H021 >
Type
No*58l^'^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNERSON 195
drill, made of brown jasper, came to a rather blunt point and was 1.0cm. in maximum diameter.One specimen which may have been a drill (pi. 15, /) was about5.0 cm. long with a rather blunt point. It was 0.8 cmx. in diameterat the point and 2.3 cm. in diameter at the widest portion. Thisspecimen shows some use but is far from being worn smooth. An-other fragment which may have been used as a drill (pi. 15, e) has ashank about 2.3 cm. long and 1.4 cm. in diameter. It also showssome use. Two other possible drills (pi. 15, h, i) are chipped on onlyone face. Both are 2.8 cm. long and 1.4 cm. in greatest diameter.The points are rather blunt.One very unusual drill-shaped object (pi. 15, d) has an overalllength of 7.2 cm. Its outstanding features are two pairs of lateralprojections, about 2.8 cm. apart. The maximum diameter at theprojections is 1.6 cm., although the maximum diameter elsewhere is0.9 cm. The material is light-brown siliciiied chalk which does notflake leaving sharp edges. This material is lighter and softer thanjasper. In view of some of these properties, the specimen does notseem especially well suited for use as a drill.Knives.?Of the 21 artifacts from 25H021 considered to representknives, only 6 (pi. 17, a-/) showed careful workmanship. Two, andpossibly the other four which are broken, represent variations of thepoint type NAb2 (fig. 21). The two nearly complete blades were 4.7by 2.8 cm. and 4.4 by 2.7 cm. At least two and possibly all four ofthe broken blades had been larger than the two complete ones. Thematerials from which these were made were: gray, brown, and redflint or jasper; brown quartzite; and Bad Lands chalcedony. Theworkmanship on these knives was careful as compared with that onthe other knives from the site, but was far from delicate.The most common type of knife (pi. 17, g-i) from the site consistedof a cutting edge chipped on a thin sheet of chalcedony and, in oneinstance, on a thin sheet of brown jasper. These 10 specimens showlittle or no chipping except at the cutting edge. The original pati-nated surfaces were preserved elsewhere.The other knives show little in common except rough chipping fromboth surfaces. They seem to be random in shape and seldom showretouching. They are made from flint, jasper, and quartzite.Sharp flakes and retouched flakes, some as long as 7.5 cm., wereapparently used when there was a need for keener cutting edges thanare found on the knives. It is frequently difiicult to determine whetherthe chipping on a flake is deliberate or whether it represents useretouching. Usually the retouching on such flakes is from one surface
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
only. Such artifacts grade into side scrapers, and frequently endscrapers show evidence of any suitable edge having been used forcutting. The material again is jasper, flint, chalcedony, and quartzite.Flakes with modified edges are common as compared with other stoneartifacts at this site.Choppers.?The large, crude choppers tj^jical of the Dismal Riversites in southern Nebraska are, for the most part, lacking at 25H021.This could be due to the lack of readily available stone. There are,however, a greater proportion of crude knives at this site than atWhite Cat Village. It could well be that the knives represent thesubstitution of smaller but somewhat better-made tools to serve thesame purpose as choppers, whatever that might have been.Only three specimens from 25H021 are comparable to the largecrude choppers mentioned above. The one complete specimen is ofbrown quartzite and is 7.5 by 5.5 cm. It shows rough chipping,probably by percussion alone, from both surfaces. In size, thisspecimen is comparable to the smaller specimens from White CatVillage. The two broken specimens from 25H021 are of green quartz-ite and show percussion chipping on only one surface. One, in partic-ular, shows much battering of the cutting edge.The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from 25H021 onelarge crude chopper, in the tradition of those from White Cat Village.This specimen is of greenish quartzite and is 16 cm. long and 6.5 cm.wide. It has a cutting edge chipped along one long side from onesurface only.Scrapers.?Seventy artifacts which could be classified as end scrapersare made from a variety of materials including brown and gray flint,chalcedony, agate, and quartzite. The gray flint seems to be morefrequently represented in scrapers than in other types of artifacts.Only one scraper of quartzite and none of Bad Lands chalcedony wasfound. The end scrapers range in size from about 2.5 to about 6 cm.in length and from about 2 to 3.5 cm. in width of scraping surface.Thickness varies from 0.5 to 1.7 cm.End scrapers, for the most part, show overall chipping in contrastto the scraping edges chipped on random pieces of stone found socommonly at White Cat Village. Six of the scrapers had smallprojections or tangs resembling "graver" points (pi. 20, a-f). Oneunusual scraper (pi. 20, h) had two concave edges. Both of theseedges, along with the scraping edge, seemed to show considerableuse. This specimen also had five projections of different sizes whichcould have been used as "gravers."A few of the end scrapers had other edges which might also havebeen used as scrapers or cutting tools. These edges vary from well-chipped scraping edges to mere evidence of use retouching. Only a few
Na&sT'^^^* P^-'^INS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 197
of the scrapers showed excessive battering or duUing of the scrapingedge.The eight side scrapers from 25H021 are less well made than are theend scrapers, and are frequently random pieces of stone which havebeen beveled on one or more edges from only one face. Less careseems to have been taken in producing an even, uniform edge thanin the case of end scrapers, and the scraping edge is frequently thinneron the side scrapers than on the end scrapers. In the artifacts from25H021 there is a gradation from a very few well-made side scrapersthrough crude knives or small choppers on to flakes showing retouchingor use-retouched edges. Occasionally there is a combination end andside scraper from this site.Other chipped-stone artifacts.?One artifact found at 25H021 appearsto be a small "spoke shave." It has a finely chipped concave edge1.3 cm. across. This could have been used for shaving down arrowshafts or for other similar work. In addition, it has three pointswhich could have been used as gravers.Three other artifacts (pi. 20, g-i) have points but do not seem torepresent drills. Two of them have been chipped from only one sur-face. Since the point appears to have been deliberately formed,these may have been used as gravers. One which is chipped fromboth surfaces (pi. 20, g), however, could represent a poorly shapedpoint, knife, or drill.Ahraders.?Of the 29 abraders, all broken, found at 25H021, 23were of the shaft-polisher type (pi. 24, a-/), showing a groove acrossone face of the stone. The grooves are about 1 cm. in width and varyin depth from 0.1 to 0.5 cm. Only 2 of the 23 had grooves in morethan one face. These had one groove in each of two opposite faces.Six of the abraders had grooves of other widths. One of them hadtwo grooves, 1.0 and 1.5 cm. wide, in one face. These grooves were0.5 and 0.3 cm. deep respectively. There was also a narrow shallowgroove in one end. Four of the abraders had from 1 to 15 narrow,shallow grooves (pi. 24). None was over 0.3 cm. wide and mostdid not continue across the entire surface. The abraders with thenarrow grooves could have been used for such purposes as sharpeningawls. One abrader had a shallow groove across one face 1.8 cm. inwidth. Four were of red Dakota sandstone, the rest were from whiteto buff Ogalalla (?) sandstone.Ground stone.?Ten pieces of stone had been ground and pecked andthen polished. About as many more may have been polished but aretoo fragmentary for certain identification. The materials polishedare, in order of their frequency: quartz boulders, hard sandstone,and schistlike stone. The specimens large enough to identify appearto have been biscuit-shaped rubbing stones with one or both faces
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
showing use. The faces are either flat or convex. The one completespecimen (pi. 25, b) had one flat surface and one unworked surface.Its dimensions are 14 by 8.5 by 2.5 cm.Two flat pieces of buff sandstone have one face well impregnatedwith a red substance resembling hematite. One piece of fine-grainedhematite shows scraping which, from the direction of the scratches,would appear to have been done with a blade of some kind.Only two specimens show any sign of battering, as would be ex-pected if they had been used as hammerstones. One of these (pi.25, a) shows use on both ends. This specimen is 9.6 cm. in lengthand 6.2 cm. in greatest diameter.
WORK IN BONEWorked bone was abundant and well preserved at 25H021. Com-plete and broken artifacts, as well as unfinished artifacts and scrapsleft from the process of manufacture, were found (table 15).
Table 15.
?
Bone artifacts from 25H021
Artifacts
Scapula digging tools..Shaft wrenchesFlesherUlna pickPerforated scapula hoeWhistle..Eyed needle... ._.Tubular beadsFlat awlsTriangular awls
1 Possibly another.
Number
145
8718
Artifacts
Stemmed projectile pointSocketed pointScraps from awls, etcRound beadAwl buttsSplinter awlsFlakerArmbandRib beamersSpatulas
Number
'1U18121111143
Worked scapulae.?Fourteen pieces of bison scapulae appear to beportions of digging tools (pi. 36, a, c). All these lacked the articularend, and several show that the articular end has been cut and thenbroken off. The scapula spine had been removed from all, and ineach case the cutting edge is well polished. Some have a beveledcutting edge, but there is no consistency with regard to which waythe edge is beveled, and it is not possible to determine whether thebevel was intentional or a result of use. There is no obvious indica-tion that these tools were hafted.The only scapula artifact retaining the articulation is shown inplate 34, c. Both the costal and dorsal margins of the glenoid cavityhave been partially cut away and polished. A hole about 18 by 20cm. has been drilled through the scapula about 11 cm. from thearticulation. The spine has been removed. Unfortunately, littlebut the neck of the scapula remains, the rest having been broken off.Since none of the digging tools described above retain the articulation.
^?t|^?P-P^P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUKNERSON 199
it seems unlikely that this specimen is a portion of such a tool. Itmore probably represents a hoe or adz type of tool. The cuttingaway of portions of the glenoid margin has produced a groove perpen-dicular to the flat portion of the scapula. It seems likely that thiswas done to facilitate the hafting of the tool, since a handle could belaid in this groove and bound to the scapula by means of thongspassed through the hole and tied to the handle on either side of thescapula. If green thongs were used, the handle would be very securelyfastened when the thongs dried.Fleshers.?The one bone flesher found (pi. 34, a) was not toothedand was not found articulated. It was made from a bison metatarsusby cutting or breaking it at an angle. The break was then partiallysmoothed and a cutting edge sharpened.Shaft wrenches.?The four shaft wrenches found (pi. 30, e) weremade from ribs. None of these were complete but were broken at thehole. The drilled holes were about a centimeter in diameter andeither worn smooth or polished. The hole in one of the specimensappears to have been either drilled at an angle of about 45? or to havebeen very much elongated on one side. The hole in another wentstraight through. Another bone fragment has a hole about 0.6 cm.in diameter drilled through it. The specimen resembles a portion ofa shaft wrench except for the smallness of the hole.Whistles.?One bone artifact found at 25H021 was probably a bird-bone whistle (pi. 32, j). The outside diameters of the bone are 1.1and 1.5 cm. It has one hole, about 0.6 cm. in diameter, drilled intobut not through the bone about 2 cm. from one end. There is no holefor the next 3 cm. but from there on, the side in which the holeswould probably be, if there had been more, is broken away. Thelength of the portion remaining is 12 cm. but this does not representthe entire length of the specimen, since it is broken. There is a Vincised in the end of the specimen near the hole. The sides of the Vare 0.6 cm. long and the apex is at, and just cuts through, the end ofthe whistle.Bone projectile points.?The two bone projectile points found at thesite are of different types. The stemmed point (pi. 30, b) is rec-tangular in cross section with the sides slightly convex. The stem isround in cross section. The point appears to have been made from asection of long bone, since just a little of the cancellous inner portionof the bone is found on one side. The surfaces show fine diagonalscratches which appear to have resulted from shaping with sandstoneabraders. The body of this point is 7.3 cm. long, 1.2 cm. wide, and0.7 cm. thick at the largest portion. The stem is 2.2 cm. long and thediameter at the thickest portion varies from 0.6 to 0.7 cm.The other bone projectile point found (pi. 30, a) is ellipsoidal in.
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
cross section and socketed to receive the shaft. The specimen is 7.8cm. long and the diameter varies from 1.0 to 1.4 cm. at the thickestportion. The socket, which tapers, is 1.6 cm. deep, about 0.6 cm. ingreatest diameter. Three V-shaped notches have been cut about 0.7cm. deep into the socket. Thus the exact base of the specimen isrepresented by three points, nearly equally spaced. The pointshows scratches around it as if it had been shaped by being rotated ona piece of sandstone. Another conical piece of bone or antler aboutthe same length and a little larger at greatest diameter may representanother similar projectile point, but its preservation is too poor for itto be positively identified as such.Another artifact from the Humphrey Site may have also been abone projectile point (pi. 30, c). In most respects, the specimenresembles the awls with a triangular cross section. It has, however,had a round stem worked on the butt end. The specimen is 11.6cm. long and 1.3 cm. in greatest diameter. In cross section it isshaped like an isosceles triangle, with the two equal sides the longest.The stem (which is nearly round in cross section, about 2 cm. long,and tapering) shows considerable polish, but the point shows little.One side of the specimen shows the cancellous portion of the bone,which suggests that it was made from the edge of a rib. The artifactshows sufiicient symmetry to have been intended for a projectilepoint.Beads.?-Tubular beads were the most common type found at25H021 (pi. 32, a-g, i). The workmanship on these varied greatly,the crudest being nothing more than sections cut from suitable bones,with little or no polishing of even the cut ends. The bead showingthe most work (pi. 32, /) was slightly barrel shaped and the bonefrom which it was made had been greatly thinned and highly polished.This bead was 2.0 cm. long and varied in diameter from 1.0 to 1.2cm. The thickness of the bone was nowhere over 0.2 cm. and in mostplaces it was thinner at the ends, the bead was thinned to a sharpedge. The other tubular bone beads varied from 2 to 5 cm. in lengthand from 0.4 to 0.8 cm. in diameter. A few scratches were found onthe beads but nothing resembling a design was present.Another bead from the site (pi. 32, h) is unusual. It is oval in shape,0.9 cm. by 0.7 cm., and is 0.3 cm, thick but deeply concave on oneside and convex on the other. The concavity equals the thickness ofthe bead. A round hole through the bead is centrally located and isabout 0.2 cm. in diameter. The entire bead is smooth and shows ahigh polish, even on the concave surface and in the hole. The ma-terial is very fine grained and white and has been identified as probablytooth. The workmanship is extremely good.Awls.?Bone awls were common at 25H021 and three types were
nS^SS*]^* ^^^* PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 201
represented. The most common type is triangular to nearly roundin cross section (pi. 27, a-c), and, for the most part, these appear tohave been cut from the edge of ribs. The cancellous inner portionof the bone is visible on one side of the awl. These awls are pointedat one end and usually rounded at the other. Occasionally the pointsare dull and some examples are rather abruptly pointed.The second type of awl is represented by pointed flat sections ofsplit bones (pi. 28, d-J). These are usually sharply pointed, butshow very little work except on the point. The shape and size vary,but they are several times as broad as they are thick. One side iscancellous in nature and seldom indicates any attempt at smoothing.The third type of awl found at this site consists of random boneslivers which have been pointed at one end (pi. 28, a-c). The roughedges above the points may or may not be smoothed. Frequentlythe points of these awls are very sharp.A series of specimens closely resembling the awls triangular incross section were found (pi. 27, d-J). However, none of thesepossessed points. One end was worked smooth, usually roimded,and the other end was roughly broken. If it were not for the factthat many more of these specimens resembling awl butts were foundthan broken points of awls, it might be assumed that they werebroken awls. Only 2 of the 21 specimens showed smoothing of thebroken end. The name "punches" has been suggested for thesespecimens, but this does not seem appropriate since there is noevidence of battering on the end of the tool and the specimens arepolished or at least smoothed everywhere but on the broken end.Scraps and blanks.?The worked bone from the site included manyitems which appear to have been scraps left from the manufactureof awls. Two pieces (pi. 29, e) appear to be blanks for triangularawls. Both of these are the edge sections of split ribs which havebeen somewhat smoothed along the split edge and on one end. Suchlong sections were probably cut into proper lengths by scraping thebone thin at one point and then breaking it. Several specimensshow the end left by such a cutting method (pi. 29, 6, d). The roughend which was tapered from the thinning was then smoothed intothe point (or butt) of the awl.Several small portions are rectangular in cross section and appearto be scraps remaining from the manufacture of bone projectilepoints (pi. 29, a, c).The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from 25H021 asection of bison scapula left from the manufacture of some boneimplement, possibly a projectile point. The end from which theimplement was severed has sufficient size to have furnished materialfor a projectile point of the rectangular cross-section type. At this
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
end the bone, exclusive of the cancellous portion, is 1.1 cm. thickand has been worked down to about 1.5 cm. in width. Since no otherbone artifact was found which appeared to have been made from thissection of a scapula, and since the square projectile point found is socompletely worked as to have eradicated an}^ evidence of its source,it is possible that this specimen may represent the scrap remainingafter the removal of the section from which a point was made.Eyed needles (?).?A well-made bone artifact, resembling a curvedneedle (pi. 33, a), was 10.4 cm. long, 0.5 cm. wide, and 0.2 cm. thick.One end is broken, but the other end had a neatly drilled hole about0.2 cm. in diameter, the edge of which is 0.2 cm. from the end of theartifact. The specimen has been well shaped and smoothed butshows little polish. Kidder (1932, p. 239, fig. 200, i) illustrates avery similar artifact except that it does not necessarily appear to becurved. The caption refers to it as "Fragment of bone head-band?"The curvature of the 25H021 artifact is too great for it to haveserved such a purpose. The chord joining the two ends of this arti-fact is 8 cm. long. The distance from the midpoint of the chord tothe artifact is 2.7 cm. There is no evidence of the specimen's havingbeen used as a needle since there is no evidence of polish through useor of polish in the eye. In addition, there is no taper to the specimen.A much shorter specimen may represent another similar artifact(pi. 33, h). It is 4.4 cm. long, 0.6 cm. wide, and 0.3 cm. thick. Thespecimen shows much less curvature than does any portion of thelonger specimen. On the inside is a groove about 0.1 cm. from theend and less than 0.1 cm. wide. The groove is found only on thisone side. The end nearest the groove is squared off and somewhatsmoothed. The preservation of the bone is not too good, so it isdifficult to determine whether or not the other end has been smoothed.The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from this site stillanother fragment of a similar artifact. This specimen is 6.1 cm. long,0.8 cm. wide, and 0.3 cm. thick. A hole a little over 0.2 cm. in diam-eter is drilled through the specimen 0.7 cm. from one end. The otherend is broken. The specimen shows slight curvature and is wellfinished, with square corners throughout.Armband (?).?A perforated bone artifact in the Historical Societycollection from 25H021 (pi. 33, c) may represent a head or arm-band. Only one corner of this specimen remains. The specimenvaries in thickness from 0.2 to 0.3 cm. and is 12 cm. long and 4.1cm. wide. The hole, which is very near the corner, is 0.3 cm. indiameter and nearly round. The curvature is considerably less thanthat of the needlelike artifact. The chord distance between the twoends is 10.8 cm. The midpoint of the chord is 2.0 cm. from theartifact. The preservation of this artifact is not good so it is difficult
nS.^SSJ^' ^*^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 203
to determine the degree of polish which it may have had. The grainof the bone appears to run lengthwise of the artifact. Four scrapsof bone appear to have been worked in a similar manner. Thesepieces, which are much better preserved than the armband, appearto have been left from the manufacture of other artifacts. All ofthem appear to have been thinned b}^ scraping on both the insideand outside of the bone. Cutting was done by sawing or cuttingnearly through the bone and then breaking. The thinning appearsto have been followed by flattening the bone and eventually formingthe bone by curving it in the direction opposite to that in which thebone was originally curved. The four fragments appear to have beencut off at different stages of manufacture.Bone spatulas (?).?Three other flat, thinned pieces of bone werefound (pi. 31, a, 6). Two of these are spatula shaped with one roundedend. The smaller one, which shows the least thinning, is well im-pregnated with what appears to be red hematite. The other roundedspatula is thinned to almost a sharp edge which shows considerablepolish. The third artifact in this group has a blunt point whichshows shaping, smoothing, and some polish. Except for the point,which shows the definite work, the artifact is only superficiallysmoothed.Worked rib sections.?Four rib sections from this site have been cutor broken and the ends polished (pi. 31, c, d). Only one has bothends present. It has a large sliver broken or cut out of the side.These specimens all show considerable use of one or both of the thinedges of the rib. In one specimen, the edge has been worn into thecancellous portion of the bone. All the specimens appear to repre-sent relatively straight sections of ribs, probably bison. These couldpossibly be considered "beaming" tools.Ulna pick (?).?One bison ulna shows considerable battering onthe pointed end (pi. 34, d). The battering has apparently resultedfrom use, although not necessarily from use as a pick.Flaker (?).?A piece of antler tine (pi. 30, d) 8.5 cm. long was foundat the site. The large end has been partly cut and then broken off.The specimen shows some indication of having been smoothed byscraping, and has been polished, probably by use. The tip has beenbroken off, perhaps by use of the specimen as a flaking tool for workingflint, etc. This use, however, cannot be verified.One piece of split long bone (pi. 34, a) has a working edge muchlike that on a flesher. The bone fragment shows little work exceptfor the cutting edge, 3.8 cm. long, which is beveled toward what wasthe inside of the bone and shows considerable polish from use. Theentire artifact is 16.5 cm. long. It was probably used as either adigging tool or a skinning tool.
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Faunal remains.?The unworked bone from the Humphrey Sitewas identified by Theodore White, paleontologist with the SmithsonianInstitution. The animals which he found represented are listed intable 16.
No*58^^'^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 205
of agriculture and provides the first good evidence of aboriginal agri-culture in the Sandhills area. Wild plant foods were utilized, asevidenced by cherry pits. The relative abundance of skin-dressingtools and awls suggests extensive use of skins, which would be expectedin a subsistence economy centered on hunting. The absence of bothfish and horse bones from this site is of interest, since such bones arelacking at other Dismal River sites and in view of the suggestedethnohistoric identification of the Aspect with Athabascans, whotraditionally used no fish and were late in obtaining horses.Dating for this site is only speculative, but it was probably occupiedabout 1700. This date is suggested because of the presence of metaland because of the great similarity between the material from thissite and that from sites dated by dendrochronology. There is charredwood from the site which might furnish dates if a tree-ring series isever established for that area.This site seems more worthy of further excavation than any of theother Dismal River sites in the area because it has not been damagedby blowouts and because it apparently is very prolific. The occurrenceof postholes and fireplaces would suggest that further work mightlead to the discovery of house patterns.
SITE 25H024
INTRODUCTION
Site 25H024 is located about 2 miles east of Mullen, in HookerCounty, Nebr. The site, which is now slightly grassed over, has beenbadly scarred by blowouts in the past. It is located on the secondterrace on the south bank of the Middle Loup River. Marvin F.Kivett, with a party from the Nebraska State Historical Society,tested the site in the summer of 1949. Previously, the site was knownto local people, who had done a little digging. It is Kivett's opinionthat most of the village level has been blown away.Excavation at the site was confined primarily to the clearing of abadly burned, trash-fiJled pit. The pit contained charred wood andother material, burned bone, both worked and unworked, burned clay,burned stone, both worked and unworked, and pottery sherds.Much of the bone and stone was so damaged by the burning that itwas not recoverable. An especially interesting feature of the pit wasthe many bone beads found in it. A few scattered postholes were foundat the site but these failed to form pattern.
POTTERYThe pottery from site 25H024 is highly comparable to that fromsite 25H021. It appears to be about equally divided between simple471762?60 14
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
stamped and smooth. The thickness varies from 1.3 to 1.1 cm. andthe color ranges from buff to gray and black. Tempering varies fromnone to moderate amounts of fine to medium-large sand. The pasteis gritty, moderately compact, and fine textured. The sherds gen-erally break squarely and seldom split.The lips of the rim sherds from 25H024 showed a few decorativetechniques not foimd thus far at other Dismal River sites (fig. 22).One of these consisted of incised zigzag decoration in a thickened,flattened lip. Another sherd had broad punctates in the lip, apparentlymade with fingertip because the impression of the fingernail is evident.Another sherd had large diagonally impressed lines almost across thelip. The impressions are 0.3 cm. wide and lack about 0.2 cm. of ex-tending across the outer margin of the sherd. These could have beenintended as elongated punctates which did not extend across the lip.Two other sherds showed irregular roughening of somewhat thick-ened, flattened lips. One rim sherd had diagonally incised linesacross the lip. Nine sherds had smooth lips varying from roundedto somewhat flattened and thickened.One small fragment of a clay pipe was recovered from 25H024.
WORK IN STONEMuch of the stone from 25H024 came from a pit which had beenheavily fired, resulting in the destruction of many artifacts. However,two fragments of projectile points were found at another part of the
site. One of these, type NBb, was made of obsidian. The other wasof chalcedony and was represented by the point only. Four endscrapers and a fragment of a side scraper were also found. Threespecimens, two of which were badly fire spalled, appeared to be large,crude choppers. The largest of these was 16 by 9 cm. One arrow-shaft polisher and another piece of fine sandstone with many finegrooves were found also. A few chipped pieces of stone showedworked edges but no particular shape.
WORK IN BONEMuch of the bone from 25H024 came from the heavily burned pitand was consequently badly damaged. Thirty-nine bone beads orsections of bone beads plus several smaller fragments were found inthis pit. A few of these may represent sections of the same bead.In general, the beads show little work except for the cutting off atboth ends. There is little difference in diameter in a single bead.Although it is not alwaj^s possible to determine whether a bead iscomplete or broken, nine beads appearing complete varied from 4.3
^?*||?P-^^P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 207
cm. to 5.8 cm. in length. The largest diameter is 0.9 cm. None ofthe beads showed any decoration. The same bm-ned pit yieldedsections of what appeared to have been two fiat bone needles (?) orheadbaads (?) such as were found at 25H021. None of the fragmentsshowed any indication of eyes. Three fragments were rectangular incross section, 0.6 cm. wide and 0.4 cm. thick. The other 11 fragmentswere also rectangular in cross section and were about 0.9 cm. wide and0.4 cm. thick.A flat splinter bone awl was excavated from the site. This speci-men is 7.2 cm. long and 1.5 cm. wide at maximum width.A large amount of rotten wood was found at the site, especially inpostholes.Several pieces of black, porous, charred or coked material foundin the burned pit closely resemble some of the material found in thefireplace of House VI at the White Cat Village although the materialfrom 25H024 may be more porous.
SITE 25HO30The Nebraska State Historical Society has a surface collection fromsite 25HO30, which is located 8 miles southwest of Mullen, in HookerCounty, Nebr. Most of the pottery from the site is Dismal Riverbut some is similar to the pottery found at Glen Elder, Kans.
SITE 25H031
Site 25H031 is located about 13 miles southeast of Mullen, in HookerCounty, Nebr. The Historical Society's collection from the sitecontains what appears to be Dismal River pottery but with coarsersand tempering than is usually found. A little pottery from the siteappears to be Glen Elder. SITE 25H032
Site 25H032 is located 15 miles southwest of Mullen, Nebr. TheHistorical Society's collection from this site contains coarsely temperedpottery similar to that found at 25H031. This probably representsa variation of Dismal River pottery.
SITE 25HY4The Nebraska State Historical Society has Dismal River potteryfrom one site in Hayes County, Nebr. This, the Horn Site, 25HY4,is located about 3 miles northwest of Palisade, Nebr. One rim sherdhas a smooth, rounded lip. Some of the sherds show a little mica.Two chips of obsidian were also found.
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
SITE 25C25
Site 25C25 is a blowout about 30 miles north and west of Mullen,Nebr. The Nebraska State Historical Society has a small collectionfrom this site. The pottery resembles, for the most part, materialfound at various sites in Nebraska and Kansas which has been desig-nated as 'Glen Elder" after a site in Kansas. There are a few sherds,however, which look very much like Dismal River and which, becauseof their paste, do not fit into the other series.
SITE 25C27The Nebraska State Historical Society has a large amount of potteryfrom site 25C27, all of which appears to be Dismal River, althoughsome of it is sand blasted, making identification difficult. Thetempering in some of the sherds is a little coarser than is usuallyfound in Dismal River pottery although several sites in the samegeneral area have yielded pottery similarly tempered. A few of thesherds (pi. 9, b) have a surface treatment or decoration not yetreported from other Dismal River sites. These sherds have whatappears to be rows of square to rhomboid punctates covering theentire sherd. The punctates are not especially distinct or regularlyspaced and some sherds appear to have received some smoothing afterthe decoration was applied. The treatment somewhat resembles aform of check stamping but the surfaces are so eroded from sandblasting that a precise description is impossible.The stone in the collection from this site is not especially distinctivealthough a few pieces of obsidian are present.
SITE 25C28The Nebraska State Historical Society's collection from site 25C28contains very little material, but the pottery appears to be a mixtureof Dismal River sherds and Glen Elder sherds. This site is near theNorth Loup River, about 12 miles northwest of Brownlee.
SITE 25C29Site 25C29 is located near the North Loup River, 9 miles northwestof Brownlee, in Cherry County, Nebr. The Historical Society hasin its collection from this site small sand-blasted sherds which lookvery much like Dismal River. Some of the sherds appear to havebeen refired. SITE 25TM1Site 25TM1 is located about 5 miles west of Thedford, in ThomasCounty, Nebr. It consists of an extensive blowout at the north edgeof the high table along the south side of the Middle Loup River.
No*58T'^*^' PI^AINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 209The Nebraska State Historical Society has a small surface collectionfrom site 25TM1. The pottery is primarily Upper Republican witha few small Dismal River sherds. The collection also includes an ex-panded base drill, a point of type NBbl, two fragments of points oftype NBb, the point of another, and numerous stone chips.
SITES IN LINCOLN COUNTY, NEBRASKAHarry E. Weakly supplied the Laboratory of Anthropology of theUniversity of Nebraska with small surface collections from, and thelegal descriptions of, sites in Lincoln County, Nebr. Eight of thesesites had yielded Dismal River pottery. In the summer of 1949 asurvey party from the Laboratory of Anthropology attempted to re-locate these sites. Unfortunately several of the sites had been de-stroyed by construction work or had grassed over since the droughtyears when the sites were first reported.
SITE 25LN2
Site 25LN2 is located about 8 miles south and west of NorthPlatte, Nebr. The collection sent in by Weakly contained an abund-ance of Dismal River pottery. It ranged in thickness from 0.2 to0.8 cm. The paste was compact and gritty, containing little or nosand tempering. The sherds are both simple stamped and smooth,some with a suggestion of polish.The most interesting feature of the sherds from this site is the useof finely incised line decoration. Three rim sherds, all from the samevessel, were unusual for Dismal River. The rim (pi. 10,/) was defi-nitely recurved and met the shoulder area of the vessel at a nearlyright angle. The rim area, which was about 4 cm. high, was decoratedwith areas of opposed diagonal lines. The lines were spaced about0.2 cm. apart. The shoulder area was similarly decorated but thelines were slightly farther apart. The lip was decorated with diagonal,elongated punctates. The paste of these sherds had all the charac-teristics of Dismal River pottery. It was black, compact, gritty, andcontained a little very fine sand. In addition, none of the potteryfrom the site could be identified as anything except Dismal River.The other rims from the site were smooth and either flattened orrounded. A few sherds, either body sherds or rim sherds from whichthe lip had been broken, showed fine parallel trailed lines.Three projectile points from the site were included in the collection.Two points of types NBa and NBal were made from quartzite. Thethird, type NBbl, was made of brown jasper.The site has been destroyed by the construction of a canal.
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
SITE 25LN3
Site 25LN3 is located about a mOe northwest of Somerset, Nebr.,on a ridge about 30 feet high rising out of a pleasant valley about 2miles above the headwaters of Medicine Creek. The rich little valley,only a mile or so wide at this point, offers a pleasing contrast to therolling, sandy area surrounding it. Just to the southeast of the siteis a lagoon which still holds water for part of the year.Weakly 's collection from the site contained 31 Dismal River sherdsplus many very tinj^ sherds too small to catalog separately. One sherdwas of special interest (pi. 9, c). It was decorated with an area ofelongated punctates or tool marks. These were about 0.5 cm. longand 0.3 cm. wide, and were closely spaced in rows. They were soarranged that a punctate was opposite a space in the next row givingthe impression of rows and diagonal check rows. The punctates werenot evident from the inside. The paste of the sherd was dark brownand well within the range of Dismal River pottery.The Laboratory of Anthropology survey party relocated the siteand found worked and unworked stone and a few bone fragments butno pottery. Robert R. Halsey, nephew of Douglas McDermot whofarms and owns the site, has a collection of material from the site in-cluding Dismal River and Upper Republican pottery, worked stone,and a clay trade pipe, as well as two extra stems from such a pipe.
SITE 25LN4Site 25LN4 is located about 6 miles south of North Platte, Nebr.The collection sent in by Weakly from this site contains both DismalRiver pottery and cord-roughened pottery, probably Upper Republi-can. Both types are well represented. The site is on an erosionremnant almost completely cut off by deep gullies from the mainportion of a high, level tableland. It is easily accessible only bymeans of one rather narrow neck of land, and commands an excellentview of the valley. There is, however, no apparent source of waterin the vicinity unless there has been a spring nearby. The Laboratoryof Anthropology 1949 survey found some worked stone but no potteryat this site. SITE 25LN5Site 25LN5 is located north of North Platte, Nebr., about one-halfmile north of the North Platte River. The area slopes quite gentlyup from the river and is on a low terrace but well within the rivervalley. The site has been destroyed by the building of a large high-way and the development of a suburban district. Three types ofpottery are included in the collection sent to the Laboratory ofAnthropology by Weakly. Heavy cord-roughened sherds comprised
nS.^SsT'^^^' plains apache archeology?GUNNERSON 211
the bulk of the pottery, but the collection included a number ofsherds resembling Glen Eider pottery. A few sherds which weredefinitely out of the range of this pottery are identifiable as DismalRiver. SITE 25LN6
Site 25LN6 is located just south of the South Platte River, oppositeNorth Platte, Nebr. The legal description would place the site on avery low terrace, not much above flood level. Weakly sent fourDismal River sherds, two of which fit, to the Laboratory of Anthro-pology from this site. The sherds are dark gray, about 0.5 cm.thick, and appear to have a very hard, compact, fine-textured paste.The outer surfaces are smooth but slightly irregular. One lip isrounded in one place and is slightly flattened and thickened atanother. The sherds are within the range of Dismal River potteryand closely resemble some of the pottery examined from sites inColorado. It seems likely that the sherds are from a single vessel.
SITE 25LN7
Site 25LN7, or the Kelso Site, is located on Birdwood Creek, about16 miles north and west of Hershey, Nebr. Weakly gave the Lab-oratory four sherds from this site. Two of these appear to be DismalRiver and two appear to be Upper Republican. In addition, the1949 survey party found more Dismal River sherds at the site. Thelandowner, Mr. Kelso, gave the party another sherd from the sitewhich contained enough mica to give the surface a spangled appear-ance. He also gave them a large white porcelain (?) bead, one ofseveral which he had found on the site. The survey party foundseveral pieces of worked and unworked stone, including a chip ofobsidian; also a small blue glass trade bead. Both Mr. Weakly andMr. Kelso reported boulder-lined fireplaces at the site. The surveyparty did not find the fireplaces, but they did find burned rocks andfragments which appeared to be from such fireplaces. Several de-pressions which Kelso thought might represent houses were testedbut with negative results. SITE 25LN9Site 25LN9 is located about 2 miles north of Dickens, Nebr. Thesite as reported by Weakly was located in a blown-out field, but the1949 survey party from the Laboratory of Anthropology could notrelocate the site. One sherd from the site is badly sand blasted andpartly refired but is still within the range of Dismal River pottery.The other seven sherds from the site appear to have been paintedand are probably of southwestern origin. The paint appears to havebeen red and black on sherds with orange-buff surfaces and a gray
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
core. The sherds are small and sand-blasted. The painted areasappear to have withstood the sand blasting better than the unpaintedareas. SITE 25LN10Site 25LN10 is located about 3 miles south from North Platte,Nebr., on a high point commanding a view of much of the PlatteValley and is known locally as Lookout Point. The collection fromthe site contains a predominance of Upper Republican pottery witha few pieces of Dismal River. The Dismal River pottery is bothsimple stamped and smooth to almost polished. The sherds aregenerally dark on the inside and buff on the outside. One fragmentof what appears to be a pottery pipe was also found. The site hasbeen partially destroyed by construction work.
SITES IN SOUTHWESTERN NEBRASKA
SITE 25CH1
INTKODirCTIONThe first Dismal River village site to be extensively excavated wasthe Lovitt Site, 25CH1, which is located 12 miles north of Wauneta,Nebr., in Chase County. This site was partially excavated in 1939by the Nebraska State Historical Society with W. P. A. labor. Thereport of this excavation along with a summary of the Dismal RiverAspect, as it was known at that time, has been the principal source ofpublished information concerning the Dismal River Aspect (Hill andMetcalf, 1942). In the course of excavation about 3,000 squareyards of the area were uncovered. The site was excavated in 10-footsquares, for the most part.The village, which covers about 75 acres of low terrace along theeast side of Stinking Water Creek, is nearly surrounded by the walls ofthe valley, which would protect it to a considerable degree both fromobservation and the full effects of the wind.STRUCTURESOnly two house structures were found at the Lovitt Site. HouseI had 32 postholes forming portions of three circles around the fireplace(Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pi. X, 1; pp. 169-170). All these poles werelocated within a circle about 20 feet in diameter. None of these postsappeared to have been over 5 inches in diameter. Dismal Riverpottery, stone and bone artifacts, and a few pieces of metal were foundon the floor of House I which was about 10 inches below the surface.House II was represented by five postholes arranged in a circleabout 11 feet in diameter around a fireplace (Hill and Metcalf, 1942,
No*&"^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 213
pi. IV, 1; pi. X, 2; pp. 170-171). The pestholes averaged 3K inchesin diameter and varied from 17 to 28 inches in depth. The house wasin a portion of the site which had been badly eroded, and the fireplacewas only 3 inches below the surface. A few scattered post molds werefound in the immediate area, but they did not show any direct connec-tion with the structure.A third possible structure was represented by three parallel rows ofpost molds (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pi. IV, 2; pi. X, 3; pp. 171-172).Two of the rows consisted of three post molds and the third of two.However, a disturbed area could have eliminated a ninth post moldwhich would have completed an approximate square. This patternwas interpreted as possibly representing a sunshade or summer shelter.The most common structural features at the site were irregularlyshaped shallow pits. Frequently the pits consisted of several smallerconnected pits. The pits varied from 12 to 51 inches in depth andfrom 1 to 15 feet in diameter. In general the fill in the pits was darkerthan the surrounding area and contained ash, charcoal, bone, artifacts,and general camp detritus. None of these pits showed evidence ofintensive firing although a few had lenses of charred plant materialwhich appeared to have been burned in the pits. The use of the pitsis problematical. They appeared to be entirely unsuited for storageor cache pits. They may have been borrow pits from which dirt hadbeen removed for some structural purpose, or they may have been dugstrictly for the disposal of refuse. Midden areas, as they are com-monly thought of, were not found at the Lovitt Site, nor were heavilyburned roasting pits, such as occur at some other Dismal River sites.
POTTERYThe Nebraska State Historical Society has in its collection fourrestored vessels from 25CH1, and the Laboratory of Anthropology hasone restored vessel (pi. 8). The vessels are globular to somewhatelongated, with slightly pointed bases. The necks are somewhatconstricted, and the straight or slightly curved rims are either verticalor slightly flaring. The vessels are small to medium in size, rangingfrom about 10 to 23 cm. high and from about 12 to 23 cm. in greatestdiameter.A detailed description of the pottery from 25CH1, the Lovitt Site, isavailable (HUl and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 179-185), so will be summarizedonly briefly. A reexamination of the pottery from this site yieldedvery little additional information.The pottery varies in color from buff to'^gray and black. Fracturesare usually in straight lines and are clean./ Tempering material, whenit occurs, is sand or occasionally mica. About 70 percent of the sherds
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173have a smooth surface, and the others have a sunple stamped surface.Most of the sherds are harder than 3 but softer than 4.Decoration is usually confined to the lip of the vessel and occurs on62 of the 425 rim sherds. Lip decoration consists of incised, im-pressed, or punched designs (fig. 23). A few sherds had inciseddecoration such as horizontal parallel lines, areas of horizontal linesalternating with areas of diagonal lines, or incised triangles. Onemica-tempered sherd has a row of three nodes about 0.8 cm. in di-ameter and 1.4 to 1.8 cm. apart appliqued on the surface.Rim forms found at the Lovitt Site are flared, vertical, reversecurved, and bowls (fig. 24). No handles or lugs were found, but onerim sherd has a vertically placed ear.Fragments of two miniature vessels are included in the materialfrom the site.One variant pottery type from 25CH1 not previously reported ap-pears to have been coiled (pi. 9, a). Two sections, probably from thesame vessel, have horizontal rounded ridges or corrugations spacedabout 1 cm. apart. The ridges show a little polish but the grooves arerough. The vessel appears to have been globular with a somewhatconstricted neck. No rim sections are present, but the neck has beensmoothed and joins the body in a smooth curve. The sherds show adefinite tendency to break along the grooves. The paste is comparableto that of other pottery from the site. It is gritty and compact andcontains a moderate amount of fine sand tempering. The hardness isbetween 5 and 6.A few sherds of Woodland pottery were also found at the site.Pottery pipes are reported from the site. These are mostly tubularin shape, although part of at least one elbow pipe was found. Theyare made of the same paste as the vessels, but are much more fre-quently decorated. Decoration usually consists of incised lines,although punctates are also used (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 179-185;pi. VII, 1). WORK IN STONERoughly chipped tools are typical of the worked stone at 25CH1,but some of the artifacts showed fine chipping. End scrapers weremost common among the stone artifacts, but side scrapers were alsonumerous. The projectile points from the site are predominantly oftypes NBa, NBal, NBb, NBbl, but a few other types were found.Objects classed as knives varied from retouched flakes to well-madediamond-shaped knives with the four edges alternately beveled.Several artifacts classified as celts are apparently comparable to someof the objects classified as choppers from White Cat Village.The drills from 25CH1 were predominantly of two types; the ex-panded-base type and the straight or cigar-shaped drills. In addition,
No*58T'^*^' PI^^^INS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 215
a few specimens from the site are like the latter except for one, two,or three projections near the center of the specimen.Arrow-shaft polishers and other sandstone abraders were the mostcommon artifacts of ground stone found at the site. Metates of com-pact sandstone, pecking stones, and one broken grooved maul also werefound. Two types of stone pipes are reported: an elbow-shaped pipeof limestone, and tubular or "cloudblower" pipes of steatite. Onefragment of catlinite (?), presumably from a pipe, was found. Aturquoise bead and another ground-stone object classified as a pendantwere also found. Pieces of hematite, yellow ocher, and mica alsooccurred at the site, but none of these had been fashioned into anyparticular form. The mica was presumably used as the source oftempering in some of the pottery and the other two minerals are con-sidered sources of pigment (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 188-195;pi. VII, 2; pi. VIII). WORK IN BONE AND ANTLERWorked bone was common at 25CII1. The most common boneartifacts were scapula hoes or spades, either with or without thearticular surface. Knives were also found which were made fromsections of scapulae. Three types of awls were found: flat awls,splinter awls, and awls round to triangular in cross section. Somespecimens called punches were very much like the latter type exceptthat the point was very blunt. These could have been used for flakers.Tubular bone beads, one with finely incised straight-line decorations,were found at the site.Fleshers made from the metapodials of elk or buffalo were alsofound. The cutting edges were both smooth and toothed. Severalhemispherical sections of bone with cancellous portions exposed wereinterpreted as hide tanners. A small cancellous section of bone wellimpregnated with red pigment was thought to be a "paint brush."Several stemmed bone and antler projectile points were found. Aportion of a broken bone shaft wrench was also recovered.Two pieces of antler tines were found which had a notch cut out nearthe point. These are thought to represent hafts for end scrapers.Several bison or ellv ulnae were found which had apparently beenused as picks. Other pieces of bone had apparently been worked,and some pieces of worked shell, probably ornaments, were found(Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 195-202; pi. IX).
TRADE MATERIAL
Several pieces of metal were found at the site. These includediron and copper jingles, a tubular rolled copper bead, a brass objectwhich may have been a projectile point, four iron awls, and several
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
amorphous metal pieces (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 202-203; pi. VI,A, C, D, E, F, G). FAUNAL REMAINSThe bones recovered from the site were predominantly bison, but
elk, deer, and antelope bones were numerous. Other remains includedbeaver, turtle, and canis. Skulls and foot bones of the latter werenot uncommon in pits. It is interesting to note that fish and horsebones were not identified from the site (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 204).
VEGETAL REMAINSCharred corn, corncobs, and cornhusks were found in severalpits. Pits of wild plums, hackberries, and perhaps chokecherrieswere also found (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 204-205).DENDROCHRONOLOGYA dendrochronological study by H. E. Weakly resulted in theestablishing of an outside date of 1706 on samples of charcoal from25CH1 (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 205).
BURIALSA search was made for burials in the area around 25CH1, but nonewere found (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 205).
SITE 25CH7The Nebraska State Historical Society has small collections con-taining Dismal River pottery from several sites in Chase County,Nebr., other than the Lovitt Site.Dismal River pottery was found at the McCallum-Hofer Site,25CH7, about 9 miles north of Wauneta, Nebr. Much of the potteryfrom this site is buff colored and relatively thick and resembles theDismal River pottery from Ash Hollow Cave. One rim sherd is thinand has a rounded, diagonally incised lip. There is only one mica-tempered sherd in the collection ; the others show little or no tempering.Nearly all the sherds are smooth, only a few being simple stamped.One chip of obsidian was found at the site.
SITE 25CH8The Skelton Site, 25CH8, yielded Dismal River pottery much likethat from the Lovitt Site. Triangular, side-notched points and achip of obsidian were found at this site. The site is located about 6miles north of Wauneta, Nebr., near the forks of the Stinking WaterCreek.
^?^|^P-^^P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 217
SITE 25CH14The Baker Site, 25CH14, yielded both smooth and simple stampedDismal River pottery. One rim sherd has a thinned lip incised witha fine chevron design. One smooth sherd has what may have beenparallel trailed-line decoration. The site is located 6 miles north ofEnders, Nebr., on the south bank of the south branch of the StinkingWater Creek. SITE 25DN1 ^
INTRODUCTIONThe Nichols Site, 25DN1, is located on the north and east side ofMuddy Creek, 7K miles north of Max, in Dundy County, Nebr.This site is on a gently sloping terrace which in places drops abruptlyto the creek and in other places is separated from the creek by lowerterraces. Immediately surrounding the site, the terrain is very rough.The site was tested by the Nebraska State Historical Society inthe spring of 1939. Their excavations consisted of a north-southtrench 150 feet long crossed at the north end by an east-west trench250 feet long. The trenches were 20 feet wide and were laid out in10-foot squares.No houses were found. However, 14 pits were reported. Most ofthe pits were quite shallow and irregular in shape, varying considerablyin size. Most of these pits contained small amounts of camp detritussuch as bone fragments, pottery sherds, worked stone and bone,burned vegetal material, and in one case a fragment of rusted iron.
ROASTING PITSTwo of the pits were bell-shaped roasting pits and have beenreported previously (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 177-178).The bottom of one pit was 57 inches below the surface of theground. It had a maximum diameter of 62 inches at a point 10 inchesabove the floor. The diameter of the neck where it could first bedetermined, about 9 inches below the surface, was 46 inches. Theother pit was 36 inches deep, with the greatest diameter of 60 inchesat a point 8 inches above the floor. The diameter of the neck whereit was first detected was 30 inches.The bottoms of both pits were covered with a layer of charcoaland ashes several inches thick. On top of this layer was a layer oflimestone 8 to 10 inches thick, badly decomposed from heat. On topof the limestone was a thin layer of charred corncobs and cornhusksand in one pit a charred ear of corn in the husk. The fill above thisconsisted of burned and clean dirt and then trash.
' Report based primarily on field notes of P. Newell on file at the Nebraska State Historical Society
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
POTTER"?The pottery from 25DN1 is comparable with, if not identical with,that from 25CH1 and 25HN37. The color was from black to darkgray with an occasional buff sherd. The paste is fine textured, quitecompact, and gritty, with from moderate amounts of fine sandtempering to no tempering in addition to the fine grit in the paste.The surface varies from deeply simple stamped to smooth and some-what burnished in appearance. Frequently the simple stampingappears to have been partially or almost completely smoothed off.Only three decorated lips are included in the 15 rim sherds fromthe site. One lip is decorated with diagonally impressed lines, anotherwith elongated punctates placed tangently in the lip, and the thirdhas incised chevrons pointing around the lip. The smooth lips areboth rounded and flattened and vary from thinned to considerablythickened. In general, the thickened lips tend to be flattened whilethe thin lips tend to be rounded. The rims are both smooth andsimple stamped.One fragment of a pottery pipe probably represents a cloudblowertype. The pipe was decorated with parallel incised lines from 0.2 cm.to 0.3 cm. apart. The lines appear to have encircled the pipe and areto be seen on the outer surface of the entire fragment which is from0.3 to 0.6 cm. thick. The hole through the pipe has been at least acentimeter in diameter. The paste is very similar to that found inthe pottery from the site.The Laboratory of Anthropology has in its collection from thesurface of the site one sherd which contains a large amount of gold-colored mica in the paste. The outer surface of this sherd is blackand deeply simple stamped. The inner sm"face is smooth and dullorange. The mica is far more noticeable on the inside. The pasteof the micaceous sherd appears to be well within the range of thatfound in the rest of the pottery from the site with the exception ofthe addition of the mica.Surface decoration on pottery from the Nichols Site is not common.A few buff to gray sherds have dark areas suggestive of paint. TheNebraska State Historical Society has one sherd with a single narrowtrailed line. The Laboratory of Anthropology has one sherd withthree parallel, narrow trailed lines (pi. 10, b) and another with a singletwisted cord-impressed line (pi. 10, e) from the surface of the site.Painted sherds, probably of southwestern origin, have been foundby a group including the present writer, and are said to have beenfound on the site by local collectors (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 194).There are no restored pots from this site. One sherd, however,suggests a somewhat globular-shaped vessel with a flaring rim. Therim is about 2.5 cm. high and the vessel appears to have been about
Anthrop. Pap.No. 58] PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 219
13 cm. in maximum diameter. The neck shows considerable constric-tion. The walls of the vessel are about 0.4 cm. thick. The lip is smoothand somewhat rounded. The surface shows horizontal marks but nosimple stamping. The marks probably resulted from smoothing thevessel. WORK IN STONEWorked stone was relatively common at 25DN1. The greaterportion of the chipped stone from the site was yellow to brown jasperwith only an occasional piece of gray flint, chalcedony, and quartzite.The majority of the chipped-stone artifacts were scrapers. Thereare 54 end scrapers in the Nebraska State Historical Society's collec-tion from the site. Many of these show use on other edges as sidescrapers or knives.Side scrapers are fully as common, but it is more difficult to delimitthis type of artifact. There is an even gradation starting with crudechoppers, chipped from only one surface, through side scrapers, flakeswith retouched edges, and flakes with use-retouched edges. Fre-quently more than one edge shows flaking. The workmanship variesfrom rather crude percussion chipping with little or no pressure re-touching to very fine, well-controlled pressure chipping. There is noconsistency in the shape of these artifacts. The edges appear to havebeen chipped on pieces of stone with almost any shape.The scrapers, especially the end scrapers, show much less batteringor extreme dulling of the scraping edge than did those from White CatVillage.Only five points were found at 25DN1 by the Nebraska StateHistorical Society. Four of these were made of brown jasper andone was made of chalcedony. The University of Nebraska, Labora-tory of Anthropology, has an additional 15 points from the surfaceof the site. These points are made from brown to yellow jasperexcept for three points made from chalcedony, obsidian, and whiteflint. The projectile-point types found at this site are listed in table17.
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Five drills were also found at the site by the Nebraska StateHistorical Society. Three of these were expanded-base drills. Theone which was perfect had a point 1.8 cm. long and 0.6 cm. in greatestdiameter. A cigar-shaped drill showing much use was also found.The portion remaining is 6.9 cm. long and 1.4 cm. in greatest diameter.Another drill appeared to have been a small cigar-shaped drill 0.9 cm.in greatest diameter, which had had a smaller point chipped in it.The smaller portion was 1.0 cm. long and 0.5 cm. in greatest diameter.Large, crudely chipped choppers were much less common and weresmaller at the Nichols Site than at White Cat Village. However,the specimens found showed chipping from both two surfaces andone surface.Some of the scrapers had points with convex surfaces that couldhave been used for gravers. One specimen had a concave notch0.9 cm. wide chipped from one side as though it had been intendedfor a "spoke shave." The concave edge was smooth except forone small projection which divided it into two smaller concaveedges. The piece had a large convex edge so chipped as to formslightly more than a semicircle, the diameter of which was 1.9 cm.One irregularly shaped piece of jasper had a finely chipped, graver-sharp point.Only three specimens from the site appear to be portions of well-chipped knives. All these are so fragmentary that their originalshape is not determinable.Seven fragments of sandstone abraders are included in the HistoricalSociety collection from the site. They are made from both whiteand brown sandstone. At least one had been of the shaft-polishertype. Three other pieces of ground stone came from the site, but
all are too fragmentary to identify. Some of them could have beenfrom milling stones or metates. One small rounded piece of whitesandy chalk came from the site.WORK IN BONEWorked bone was rare at the Nichols Site. Five pieces of scapulaewere found which showed use, probably as digging tools. Awls werethe next most common bone artifacts. One complete awl and aportion of another were of the flat, broad, split-rib type. These hadbeen well made and showed much use. Another awl or punchtriangular in cross section was also found. This specimen taperedless abruptly to a point than do many artifacts of this type. Twobone beads were found at the site. One was 6.5 cm. long and variedin maximum diameter from 0.8 to 1.1 cm. One end showed part ofthe expanding section near the articulation. The other was nearlycylindrical. It was 4.5 cm. long and 0.8 cm. in maximum diameter.
No^SsT'^*^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 221An eyed bone needle or band also recovered from the site is 0.9 cm.wide and 0.2 cm. thick. The portion of the specimen remaining isbroken in fom' pieces which altogether measure about 11.5 cm. inlength. The end appeared to be an old break. There is slightvariation in width along the length of the specimen, but there is noevidence of its having tapered. The eye is 0.2 cm. in diameter and0.5 cm. from the end which has been somewhat smoothed and rounded.Three fragments of antler ma}^ have been worked or cut, but nodefinite shape is observable.TRADE MATERIALOne small fragment of iron is included in the Historical Societycollection from the site. The piece is irregular in shape, about 2 cm.across and 0.3 cm. thick. DENDROCHRONOLOGYDendrochronological examination of the charcoal from the NicholsSite made it possible to establish an outside date of 1709 (Hill andMetcalf, 1942, p. 205). This date was arrived at on the basis of amaster chart established at North Platte, Nebr. ; because of the dis-tance between the two localities, Mr. Wealdy, who made the study,states: "I do not consider the above datmg as enthely reliable andconclusive."The assignment of the Nichols Site to the Stuikmg Water Focusof the Dismal River Aspect has been previously suggested (Hill andMetcalf, 1942, p. 221). Such an assignment seems enthely justifiedon the basis of the present examination of the material recovered.It seems highly desirable that additional work be done at this site,especially since painted southwestern sherds have been found there.
SITE 25FR15The easternmost Dismal River site yet discovered is in FranklinCounty, just west of the mouth of Cottonwood Creek and about amUe west of Bloomington, Nebr. The site was located originally bya local collector and was revisited by a survey party from the Uni-versity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, in the summer of1949. The site is on a high terrace overlooking the Republican Riverto the south and Cottonwood Creek to the east. The potteryrecovered consisted of both Dismal River and Upper Republicansherds in about equal amounts. Stone was abundant at the site,but pottery was scarce. There were no stone artifacts especiallydiagnostic of Dismal River, but there was nothing in the generalappearance of the stonework which would distmguish it from DismalRiver material.471762?60 15
222 BOREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
SITE 25FT9One of the fii'st Dismal Eiver sites to be mentioned in print wasthe Dick Site (Wedel, 1935, pp. 180-182), 25FT9, then known asMedicine Creek 5. Resemblances between the pottery from this siteand sherds from some previously known but um"eported sites on theDismal River, on the Stmking Water near Wamieta, and at SignalButte were discussed at that time.The Dick Site was examined in the summer of 1934 by a party fromthe Nebraska State Historical Society, but only a few hours werespent there. The site is located on the top of a long, narrow erosionremnant between Brush Creek and Medicine Creek at their confluenceabout 2 miles west of Curtis, Nebr.The pottery from the Dick Site was described by Wedel (1935,p. 180) as follows:Pottery was very dark gray to black in color. Paste was fine and black. Tem-pering consisted of very fine sand, sparingly used. Surfaces were well smoothed,the exterior being generally burnished and somewhat shiny. Perhaps a thirdof the sherds were lighter in color, and the exterior showed broad shallow toolingmarks or basketry impressions. Rims were characteristically vertical and nevercollared. A collection of twenty-five rimsherds from this site, in the possessionof John Adams, includes eighteen undecorated and seven decorated. The for-mer, seen in profile, have a sharpish or flattened lip. Decorated rims usuallyhave a slight thickening at the lip. Their treatment was usually with smalldiagonal incisions across the lip or else were repeated thumb impressions. Cordmarked sherds were entirely absent.Other artifacts found at the Dick Site and considered to be inassociation with the pottery were end scrapers and triangular ornotched points, Unworked bison long bones were recovered and abone awl was reported to have been found there previously. Fivecrudely made copper jmgles were found in association with thepottery.The only evidence of structures consisted of two fireplaces sur-rounded by a level rich in village detritus. No postholes were found.Hill and Metcalf (1942, pp. 208-209) report the occurrence of cornand bison scapulae hoes at 25FT9.An examination of the site m 1949 failed to reveal any additionalinformation. A few artifacts were found on the surface, but thecondition of the soil was such that excavation was impossible in thelimited time available.SITES IN WESTERN NEBRASKA
SITE 25BN2The University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, has afew sherds from 25BN2, the Bull Canyon Site, which is located in
No^lsT'^'^^" PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 223
the northwestern part of Banner County, Nebr. About a thkd ofthese sherds, includmg four rims, are Dismal River. One of the rimshas a rounded, smooth lip. The paste is gritty and heavily temperedwith medium-sized sand. The outer surface is smooth except forhorizontal striations, which may be tool marks. This sherd is about0.5 cm. thick and buff to black in color.Another rim sherd has a rounded, smooth lip, somewhat flared tothe outside. The rim appears to have been curved. The paste isblack and gritty and contains a small amount of medium-sized sandtempering. The sherd is about 0.7 cm. thick and is smooth on themside as well as the outside.The lip of a third rim sherd is decorated with large, deep, roundimpressions placed close together. At these punctates, the lip isconsiderably thickened toward both the inside and outside. Thepaste is black, gritty, and fine textured, but one very large sandparticle is in evidence. The sherd is 0.5 cm. thick.The other rim sherd has a smooth, rounded lip which is thinned inone place and slightly thickened at another. This rim appears tohave been curved and flaring. The paste is compact and grittywith a fine uniform texture. There is no evidence of added temper-ing material. Both inner and outer surfaces show horizontal stria-tions, which may be tool marks. The surface of the sherd is buffand black, smooth on the inside and slightly rough on the outside.The sherd closely resembles pottery similar to Dismal River fromColorado. The association of this sherd with good examples ofDismal River pottery at 25BN2 strengthens the identification of theColorado pottery as a variant of Dismal River.Two body sherds have a gritty paste and contain only a little sandtempering. One has a black paste and an almost polished outersurface.The Bull Canyon Site may be stratified. Both Upper Republicanand Woodland pottery are found with the Dismal River pottery.The occurrence of three components as well as the presence of variantDismal River pottery suggests that further work at the Bull CanyonSite might be very profitable.
SITE 25GD2Ash Hollow Cave, or site 25GD2, is located 3 miles southeast ofLewellen, in Garden County, Nebr. The site is a small rock shelterlocated high in the east wall of Ash Hollow, a steep-walled valleywhose mouth opens into the valley of the North Platte River. Thecave, which contained deep, stratified deposits of cultural materialseparated by sterile zones, was excavated by the Nebraska State
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Historical Society in 1939. The archeology was reported by John L.Champe (1946).The upper level (Lens A) at Ash Hollow Cave, yielded a preponder-ence of Dismal River pottery, while only three Dismal River sherdsoccurred m the next two lower levels. The Dismal River pottery fromthe site is from 0.5 to 1.0 cm. thick with smooth surfaces, some ofwhich show polishing or burnishing and a few of which feel slightlywaxy. Other sherds feel gritty to touch. The paste is usually dark,although the surface color is predominantly buff with some sherdsgray black. The paste is compact and gritty, tempered with a moder-ate amount of fine to medium sand. The lips are smooth and rounded.Judging from the rims, it would appear that portions of only twovessels were recovered from the site. One of these had a slightlyrecurved rim about 3 cm. high. The other vessel appears to havebeen a bowl or a vessel with an extremely high recurved rim. Per-haps the most striking feature of the pottery is that all the sherdsrepresent one of the less common variants of Dismal River pottery.This fact is not necessarily significant if only two vessels are repre-sented.The rest of the artifacts from Lens A are not out of place in a DismalRiver component. The short tubular beads from Lens A (Champe,1946, p. 47) which were previously unreported from Dismal Riversites have since been duplicated from site 25H021. The occurrenceof gravers at 25HN37 and 25H021 has also been established.The charcoal from Lens A at Ash Hollow Cave was found to repre-sent the years 1587-1684 (Champe, 1946, p. 47). The terminal date,found on three specimens from the lens, plus an additional 20 yearsallowed to take care of outer rings which were burned away, wouldgive an approximate date of 1704 for the last occupation of this level.
SITE 25M02The Pumpkin Creek Site, 25M02, is located about 5 miles southeastof Bridgeport, m Morrill County, Nebr. The Laboratory of Anthro-pology has a surface collection from this site made by the NebraskaState Ai'cheologieal Smwey. The location, which is on record in thefiles of the Laboratory of Anthi-opology, was visited by the 1949survey party but no cultural material was found. The site which ison the west side of Pumpkin Creek, slopes gently up from the creekand then more steeply until the high tableland is reached. Much ofthe area, which is now in pasture, appears to have been badly blo^vn outat one time and has since grassed over. It seems quite likely that thematerial was collected during drier years when the blowouts wereactive.
No^SsT'^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 225The pottery in the collection from 25M02 is about equally dividedbetween Dismal River and Upper Republican. The Dismal Riverpottery is from buff to black, generally with a black paste, moderatelyfine textured and compact. The paste, which is gi'itty, contains amoderate amount of fine to medium sand tempering. Some of thesherds seem to have a slightly greater tendency to crumble underpressure than does the pottery from White Cat Village. Other sherdsare equally as compact and cohesive as those from White Cat Village.The surfaces are generally smooth; some are gritty to touch; some are
slick, and almost waxy. The majority, however, are rough, whichcould be due in part to their having been sand blasted. A very fewsherds suggest simple stamping which has been nearly obliterated bysmoothing. Smce none of the sherds show definite simple stamping,it seems likely that these marks may be due to some other cause.One rim sherd appears to have been slightly flaring, with a smooth,rounded, slightly thinned lip.The projectile points from the site would fit well into a DismalRiver artifact inventory. They are almost entnely of the typesNBa, NBal, NBb, and NBbl. The materials represented are bro^vnjasper, quartzite of various colors, gray flint, chalcedony, and obsidian.Obsidian is relatively abundant at this site.The rest of the stonework, with the exception of some nicely chippedknives and knife fragments, is well within the range of stonework fromother Dismal River sites. It consists chiefly of scrapers, choppers,knives, and modified flakes. One drill from the site is cigar shaped,with one end chipped down to a flner point. The larger stone speci-mens are of quartzite and jasper.
SITE 25SF1A preliminary report of the excavations at Signal Butte, 25SF1, inScotts Bluff Comity, is presented by Strong (1935, pp. 224-239) . Hereports the finding of pottery identical with the thin gray-blackpottery from the sites on the Dismal River, 25H01 and 25H02. Thispottery occurred with Upper Republican pottery in the upper levelof this stratified site.The site is located on a small isolated erosion remnant about 16miles south and west of ScottsblufF, Nebr. Half of the site was ex-cavated by Strong for the Bureau of American Ethnology m 1932.The other half v/as left for further testing at a later date, but reliccollectors have destroyed the greater part of the upper level of the
site.
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
SITE 25SX301
Several years ago Carl Speiice, now deceased, sent small collectionsof pottery to the Laboratory of Anthropology from two sites nearCrawford, Nebr. The exact location of the sites was not indicated,but they were named the Glenn Site and the Roundtop Site. The1949 Laboratory of Anthi'opology sm'vey party contacted severalof Mr. Spence's associates in Crawford m hopes of learning thelocation of these two sites. Roy Viele recalled visitmg a site abouta mile west of Glenn, Nebr., with Mr. Spence, and supplied the partywith the exact directions to get to the site.The site, which has been given the number 25SX301, lies on ahigh terrace on the south side of the White River. The terrace dropsoff abruptly to the river in some places and overlooks a lower, narrowterrace at other points. The survey party found very little materialat the site : a scraper, a few flint chips, and a small sherd which couldeasily be Dismal River. Mr. Spence had sent nine sherds, probablyfrom this site, to the Laboratory of Anthi'opology. All these wereblack with a gritty, compact paste, lightly tempered with fine sand.The sherds were about 0.5 cm. thick and all quite small. One wasa rim sherd with a smooth, slightly flattened lip. Both surfaces weresmooth and in places appeared almost polished. Two other sherdswere body sherds, smooth on the inside and decorated with rows ofelongated punctates or tool marks on the outside (pi. 9, /). Thesemarks were 0.3 to 0.4 cm. long and 0.2 to 0.3 cm. wide. Some ofthe sherds exhibited parallel rows of punctates which formed crossrows also. At least one sherd appeared to have the punctatesarranged in a curved line.
SITE 25SX0OHoward Dodd, another associate of Mr. Spence, remembered theirfinding pottery on the top of, and around the edges of, an isolatederosion remnant about one-half mile southeast of Roundtop, a dis-tinctively shaped hill which is a well-known landmark about 16 milesnorth and west of Crawford, Nebr. The survey party, however,could not relocate the site. The pottery which Mr. Spence had sentin from near Roundtop is of at least three types. The majority iscord roughened, resembling Upper Republican in paste and Woodlandin surface treatment. Three rim sherds from the site appear to beDismal River. One of these is black with a gritty, compact pastecontaining a moderate amount of fine sand tempering. The rim wasapparently straight or slightly flared, about 2.5 cm. high and 0.5 cm.thick. The surfaces were smooth except for slight horizontal stria-tions, probably tool marks. The other sherd, apparently from a
NofssT'^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 227
miniature bowl, had a black, fine-textured, slightly laminated pastewhich was gritty and untempered. The sherd was 0.5 cm. thickwith a smooth, rounded lip. Another small rim sherd was badlydamaged but appeared to be from the same miniature vessel.One thin, hard, orange sherd from the site is very much like somepottery from Glen Elder, Kans.SITES IN NORTHEASTERN COLORADOSITE colo.d:4:2From site Colo.D:4:2 the University of Denver has one sherdwhich looked like Dismal River pottery. The rest of the pottery wascord roughened. The site is a rock shelter in Larimer County, Colo.,located near the Colorado-Wyoming line about 22 miles southwestof Tie Siding, Wyo. SITE colo.e:i:7From site Colo.E:l:7 the University of Denver collection containswhat appears to be good Dismal River pottery in texture, tempering,color, rim form, and thickness. There was, however, no indicationof simple stamping. The rim sherds indicated a simple, slightlyflaring rim, joining the body of the vessel in a smooth curve. Thelips were rounded and smooth with a slight thickening which variedfrom 0.5 cm. to 0.9 cm. The surface of the rims, both inside andoutside, was slightl}^ rough but showed no signs of manipulationexcept for some horizontal toolmarks. Many of the sherds, bothbod}'' and rim, had a thin buff deposit on the outer surface and brokenedges. This layer fails to dissolve in either acid or water and seemsto represent a deposit formed on the sherds while they were in theground, which for some unknown reason failed to adhere to the innersurface. Other than for this coating, all the sherds are entirelyblack except for one in which the outer fourth of the sherd is buff,perhaps from refiring.The sherds vary from 0.4 to 0.8 cm. in thickness. All are quiteheavily tempered with sand. The paste has a very sandy or grittytexture when examined under a microscope.Other pottery from the site closely resembled Dismal River potteryin all respects except that it showed neatly executed cord roughening.The paste when observed under a microscope contained very finegrit which could be indigenous in the clay from which the potterywas made. Although no cord-roughened pottery has ever beenidentified as Dismal River, the cord-roughened pottery from this sitedoes resemble Dismal River pottery in many ways and has not beenidentified with any other known complex.
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
This site in Larimer County, Colo., about 17 miles north and westof Wellington, was visited by a party from the University of Nebraskain the summer of 1949 (Gunnerson and Gunnerson, MS., 1949).The site is located in a very rocky area just northwest of a small lakewhich appears to be fed by an intermittent stream. The area tothe north and west of the lake is well above high-water level. Theland then rises to a steep but symmetrical hill which is a readilynoticeable feature of the landscape. The presence of a site in thatarea was corroborated by the landowner, but a surface reconnaissancefailed to yield anything except numerous chips of flint, chalcedony,and quartzite. The soil is quite sandy and is for the most partgrassed over. In drier years, more artifacts were probably exposedby wind blowing the sand away.
SITE colo.e:2:iThe University of Denver had in its collection two sherds from siteColo.E : 2 : 1 . Both of these sherds fell within the range of Dismal Riverpottery. The site is located in the northern part of Weld County, Colo.
SITE cglo.e:?:!The collection from the University of Denver's site, Colo.E : 7 : 1, con-tained many sherds within the range of Dismal River pottery as knownin Nebraska. Twelve Dismal River sherds from the site were borrowedfor study; three of these were heavily mica tempered.One rim sherd, which was mica tempered, showed definite simplestamping to within about a centimeter of the lip. The sherd appearedto be from a vessel which had either a slightly flaring rim curvingsmoothly into the body or an unusually high rim. The sherd was blackwith a thin buff mineral deposit on it. The paste is not especiallycompact and showed no tempering material except for much mica.The paste is, however, quite gritty and granular in nature. The simplestamping, which was nearly vertical, was not sharp, and the entiresurface presented a rough appearance as though the paste was notfully plastic when the surface was manipulated. There is no evidenceof the surface having been smoothed after manipulation. The insideof the sherd shows horizontal marks, probably from a tool used insidethe vessel. The lip is thinned and smooth.Two body sherds appear to have identical paste and surface treat-ment and could easily have been from the same vessel. One of thesemica-tempered sherds has a slight angle as though it were the junctionbetween the rim and the body. It shows diagonal simple stampingon the outside and horizontal lines on the inside.The other rim sherd was black except for a thin mineral deposit.The rim was about 2.5 cm. high and straight. There was a slight but
N?*58T"'^^^* PI^^NS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 229
definite angle where the run met the body. The sherd was 0.8 cm.thick and lightly tempered with sand . The paste was gritty and showeda very slight tendency to be flaky, although generally it was granularin nature. The lip was smooth and rounded. The surfaces showedhorizontal marks probably left by a smoothing tool. The inside showeda general roughness.One body sherd was definitely simple stamped in the Lovitt tradi-tion; two others may have been simple stamped and the ridges laternearly obliterated by smoothing. The body sherds, with the exceptionof the mica-tempered ones, are tempered with medium to fine sandwith an occasional inclusion of a larger particle. The paste is gritty,much like that of the pottery from southern Nebraska. The sherdsrange in thickness from 0.4 to 0.8 cm. They are generally black witha few showing a buff outer surface. Some of them have a thin buff-colored mineral deposit.Colo.E : 7 : 1 site is located in Weld County, Colo., about a mile and ahalf south of Cornish. The area considered to represent the site wasscouted by the University of Nebraska survey party. Chips of quartz-ite, chalcedony, flint, quartz, and obsidian were found, but no potteryand only one piece of worked stone. There is evidence of a largeblowout, now grassed over, which could represent the source of thecoUection, for the site was recorded as a blowout site.
SITE COLO.E : 14: 11The collections of the University of Denver contain pottery resem-bling Dismal River from another site in Weld County, Colo.E: 14: 11,located about 5 miles east of Fort Lupton. A reconnaissance of thesite failed to disclose any evidence of occupation.
SITE colo.f:i5:iThe University of Denver collection contained only one sherd fromthe site Colo.F : 15 : 1. This sherd appeared to be Dismal River. Thesite is located in Washington County, Colo., 10 miles north and westof Aki'on. SITE colo.g:4:gen.A collection at the University of Denver from Sedgwick County,Colo., Colo.G:4:gen., contained two sherds which could possibly beDismal River, along with cord-roughened sherds.
SITE colo.g:i6:6The University of Denver had only one sherd from site Colo.G : 16 : 6,which is located in Yuma County, Colo., 2 miles south and west from
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173Wray on the south side of the Republican River. The sherd is wellwithm the range of Dismal River pottery.
SITE colo.g:i6:8Another collection at the University of Denver from about 10 milesnorth of Wray, Colo., in Wray County, contains one sherd within therange of Dismal River and one cord-roughened sherd.
SITE colo.k:5:iThe University of Denver's collection from site Colo.K : 5 : 1 containsmany very small sherds with a few larger ones which appear to be wellwithin the range of Dismal River. The one run sherd has a smooth,rounded lip. The six sherds studied were mostly smooth with a blackgritty paste. Four contained little or no additional temperingmaterial and the other two were moderately tempered with coarsesand. The outer surfaces of all the sherds tended to be somewhatrough in comparison with sherds from Dismal River sites in southernNebraska. One of these sherds appeared to have been simple stamped.The site is in Summit County, Colo., and is identified by the number5SU2 in addition to its number in the quadrangle system.
SITE COLO.K
:
8:2The University of Denver kindly lent a few sherds from siteColo.K: 8:2, in Jefferson County, Colo., 4 miles south of Morrison.Three of these sherds, two of which were rims, had black paste and arather small amount of sand tempering. The paste was micaceousand somewhat gritty. The surface was nearly smooth but wasgritty to touch. The lips were rounded and smooth. One rim was2.5 cm. high and straight or slightly flaring. This pottery fromColo.K:8:2 may well represent a variant of Lovitt Mica Tempered,differing primarily by the inclusion of some smooth sand. The otherpottery from the site was cord roughened and very heavily temperedwith sand and rough grit. Three sherds had a bright-red outersurface and a buff inner surface.SITE colo.m:9:6A few sherds in the University of Denver's collection from siteColo.M : 9 : 6 appear to be Dismal River. This site is in Elbert County,about 6 miles east of Buick, and is known locally as the "boneyard."SITE COLO.M : 10:
2
One rim sherd in the University of Denver's collection fromColo.M: 10:2 could be Dismal River. The site is in Elbert County,Colo., 13 miles north and west of Limon.
No.^lsT' '^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 231
SITE colo.n:4:iThe collection from site Colo.N.-4:1 contains two sherds whichlook very much like Dismal River. This site is in Yuma County,Colo., about 6 miles south of Laird and is described as being in loosesand, 3 miles from the north bank of the Arickaree River.
SITE 17The University of Colorado Museum was able to supply informa-tion on five sites in Colorado from which pottery resembling DismalRiver had come. The collections from these sites had been made by acollector who had taken care to mark the specimens according to thesite they came from and to determine the exact location of such sites.The specimens and sites retain this collector's numbers.Site 17 yielded one small sherd which looked like Dismal Riverpottery but the sm'face was badly sand blasted making definiteidentification impossible. The sherd contained buff and black layersand was tempered with medium fine grit. This site is located inLarimer County, Colo. SITE 26The pottery from site 26 resembles Dismal River pottery. In thecollection were two buff sherds of medium thickness. They were grittempered and contained a little mica. The surfaces of the sherdswere smooth and appeared to have been slightly polished. One ofthe sherds had part of a handle which was about 1.3 cm. in diameter.White and blue glass beads had also been found at this site.
SITE 38
Site 38 yielded thin brownish pottery which very closely resemblesDismal River. The tempering was gi*it with a trace of mica. Thesurface showed some indication that it may have been simple stampedand then smoothed to almost a polish. The site is in Larimer County,Colo. SITE 101The pottery from site 101 was a dull-buff color and was well withinthe range of Dismal River pottery. It was tempered with fine gi*itand contained a little mica. The surface was smooth but not polished.The site is located in Boulder County, Colo.
SITE 104There was a Dismal River rim sherd in the collection from site 104.The sherd was smooth and black and tempered with grit together with a
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
little mica. The lip was smooth and rounded; the rim was slightlyflaring. There were a few horizontal striations, probably tool marks,on the inside. The site is on the east side of a "hog back" just southof Mount Morrison. LAFAYETTE SITEH. H. McConnell, of Boulder, Colo., has pottery which resemblesDismal River pottery from three sites. One site about a mile east ofLafayette, Colo., yielded both Dismal River pottery and cord-roughened pottery, as well as a few sherds which may have had asouthwestern origin. The Dismal River sherds are smooth and con-tain a little mica. One Dism.al River rim sherd was decorated withincised diagonal lines. An attempt was made to relocate this sitebut without success. BYERS SITEMr. McConnell also had Dismal River pottery from a site about10 miles north of Byers, Colo. The sm*face of some of this potterywas smooth. The surface of the rest was slightly UTegular but notsimple stamped. BOULDER SITEA few sherds resembling Dismal River pottery had been found ona site about 9 miles east of Boulder. Most of the sherds from this
site, however, were cord roughened. There was a trace of mica inboth the cord-roughened and Dismal River sherds.TILDEN SITER. W. Haynes of Fort Lupton, Colo., has Dismal River potteryfrom four sites in that vicinity. Pottery from the Tilden Site, about4 miles north of Hudson, Colo., is well within the range of DismalRiver pottery but tends to be relatively thick. The outer surfacesare smooth, although a few sherds may have been simple stampedand then smoothed over. The paste is generally black with fine grittempering and traces of mica. The outer sm-faces are baff to blackin color and the inner sm-faces are buff to gray. A little obsidianwas also found at this site.
"b. and m. site"The "B. and M. Site," about 3 miles northeast of Hudson, Colo.,also yielded Dismal River pottery. The color was black to gray andthe sherds varied from medium thick to thick. They were grittempered, some showing traces of mica. The surfaces are generallysmooth and, on one sherd, somewhat polished. Some obsidian wasfound at this site.
No*58?"^^^" PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 233WELD SITEA Dismal River rim sherd was found at a site northeast of Weld,Colo. The lip is slightly thickened to the inside. The surface of thesherd is buff and the core is black.WELD COUNTY GENERAL SITEMr. Haynes has Dismal River pottery from another site in WeldCounty, Colo. The sherds from this site are both smooth and simplestamped. The sherds are relatively thin (about 0.4 cm.) and lightlytempered with fine grit and an occasional piece of larger grit. All thesherds contain mica, some more than others. The sherds are for themost part black; a few are buff or buff on the outside and black on theinside. STERLING SITEThe Nebraska State Historical Society has a small collection of pot-sherds from a site in Logan County, Colo., about 6 miles northwest ofSterling. Two sherds from the collection are identifiable as DismalRiver pottery. Most of the pottery from the site, however, is cordroughened, and may be some variant of Woodland.
SITES IN SOUTHEASTERN COLORADOSITE COLO.S:l2:5A rim sherd in the University of Denver's collection from siteColo.S:12:5 closely resembles certain Dismal River sherds (pi. 9, d).This sherd appears to be from a vessel about 10 cm. in diameter atthe neck with a flaring, somewhat cmwed rim. The sherd is 0.5 cm.thick, has a black gritty paste, and is tempered with moderately finesand. The lip is smooth and round. Both sm-faces are smooth andfeel somewhat polished. The outer surface on the shoulder area isdecorated with rows of elliptical punctates. The rows, which are notquite evenly spaced, appear to be horizontal and start about 1.8 cm.from the lip. The punctates are about 0.2 by 0.3 to 0.4 cm. in size.There is also a fine incised line parallel to and just below the lip on theoutside of the vessel. The site is in Pueblo County, Colo. Theexact location is on record at the University of Denver.
SITE COLO.y:l2:GEN.The University of Denver had some material from the areaColo.Y:12:gen. Two smooth black sherds from this area are wellwithin the range of Dismal River pottery.
234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
SITE COLO.U:5:9The University of Denver collection from Colo.U:5:9 contained afew sherds which could be Dismal River, together with coiled andpainted southwestern pottery. Of the four pieces of pottery re-sembling Dismal River which were borrowed for study, three werebadly sand blasted and the fourth was very small. All were black todark gray and contained a moderate amount of sand tempering. Thepaste was gritty and very compact. The one sherd that was notsand blasted had a buff mineral deposit which obscured the surfacecolor. A fresh break indicates that if any color other than black ispresent it is extremely thin. The outer surface is nearly smooth andsomewhat polished. There are very slight parallel ridges which mayrepresent simple stamping which has been smoothed out. The site islocated in Cheyenne County, Colo., about 17 miles northwest ofEads. SITE colo.y:i3:iA study collection of pottery from site Colo.Y:13:l was borrowedfrom the University of Denver. Both cord-roughened and smoothsherds are present, the two types showing considerable difference inpaste and tempering as well as in sm"face treatment. The smoothpottery does not differ greatly from Dismal River pottery as found inNebraska. The paste is black and sand tempered. It is not quiteas gritty and is a little more cohesive than the Dismal River potteryfrom southern Nebraska. This could, of com'se, represent individualvaluation or variations in the material available. The hardness isbetween 4 and 6. One thinner sherd shomng tool marks on bothsurfaces contains a moderate amount of finely divided mica. Thesite is close to the southern boundary of Colorado about at its center.The exact location is on file at the University of Denver.
SITE colo.y:14:iAnother site in the same area, Colo.Y: 14:1, yielded pottery resem-bling Dismal River as well as coiled and cord-roughened sherds.The outer surface of at least one coiled sherd appears to have been
vitrified. Of the eight sherds borrowed for study from the Universityof Denver, two appear to be well within the range of Dismal Riverpottery. Two other sherds resemble Dismal River pottery. Thepaste of the two sherds most like Dismal River is somewhat morecompact and less gritty than most Dismal River pottery as it is nowknown. The sherds contain moderate amounts of sand. Theirsurfaces are smooth and appear to have a slip or pseudoslip on oneor both surfaces. The color ranges from buff through black, withvariations on a single sherd. The two sherds resemblmg Dismal
No*58T'^'^^" PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY GUNNERSON 235River pottery less closely are cruder and rougher in appearance withvery large sand particles for tempering. The paste is black andsomewhat gritty. One of these sherds is a rim sherd with a smooth,rounded, slightly thinned lip. The rim appears to have been slightlyflared. The outer sm-faces show horizontal striations which mayhave resulted from shaping the vessel. This site is located in CostillaComity, Colo., near Las Lauces and near the Rio Grande River.
coLo.z:5:7The University of Denver has five sherds from site Colo.Z:5:7,one of which looks very much like mica-tempered Dismal Riverpottery. The site is in Huerfano County, Colo.
coLo.z:6:iSome of the sherds from site Colo.Z:6:l resemble Dismal Riverpottery. One is a highly micaceous rim sherd. The lip is rounded,slightly thickened, and smooth. The paste is gray in color andsomewhat flaky from the large amounts of mica. The surfaces areslightly rough to touch. A smooth gray ware is also present in thecollection. The paste of this is more com^pact and less gritty orgranular than that found in most pottery definitely identified as DismalRiver. The surface may be slightly rough to touch or smooth witha slight indication of polish. Red and buff painted pottery alsocame from the site. coLo.z:i4:2The sherds that the University of Denver has from site Colo.Z:14:2fall well withm the established range for Dismal River pottery. Thepaste is black, moderately compact, and somewhat gritty or granular.It contains a moderate amount of fine sand tempering. One rimsherd has a rounded, slightly thinned lip and appears to have beencurved and slightly flaring. Both sm-faces are nearly smooth,although the imier surface is somewhat the rougher. One small bodysherd is polished on both surfaces. On one surface there is a traceof burned black deposit similar to that found on many other DismalRiver sherds. Another small body sherd has the outer surfacedecorated with oval punctates about 0.7 cm. long and 0.2 cm. wide.These appear to have been arranged in rows parallel to the long axisand in cross rows at not quite right angles. There is evidence of alittle smoothing of the surface after the punctates were impressed.The other surface is smooth and shows some polish. Another bodysherd shows a few striations on the outer surface but nothing whichresembles simple stamping. The surfaces of this sherd are slightlyrough to touch. This site is in Las Animas County, Colo.
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173SITES IN SOUTHEASTERN WYOMINGSITE 48PL11The Smithsonian Institution has in its collection from site 48PL11some pottery very suggestive of Dismal River. The site, located inPlatte County, Wyo., near the Platte River, apparently is a multi-component site, and since all the pottery and most of the othermaterial in the collection is from the siu-face, nothing can be said asto the association of pottery with other artifacts.Four of the sherds are relatively thick, ranging from 6 to 12 cm.,and are nearly smooth. The surface has a suggestion of polish. Thepaste is black, fine textured, gritty, and moderately tempered withsmall- to medium-sized sand. The sherds contain a little mica, whichgives the surface a slightly spangled appearance. The surfaces ofthe sherds appear gray to buff. The lighter color is due in part, atleast, to a thin mineral deposit which adheres to both the surfacesand the edges of the sherds. One rim sherd indicates a straight orslightly flared rim with a smooth, rounded, slightly thinned lip. Thepottery is somewhat reminiscent of the thick, smooth pottery foundin restricted amounts at most Dismal River sites and exclusively atAsh Hollow Cave. It is very similar to some of the pottery from theBull Canyon Site in Banner County, Nebr,Two smaller sherds from 48PL11 are much more like the majorityof the Dismal River pottery. One of these sherds is smooth on theoutside with a few very fine striations on the inside. It is black andabout 0.5 cm. thick. The paste is very compact, gritty, and containsa little fine sand tempering. The other sherd is of about the samethickness but is buff in color. The paste is a little less compact, butis still gritty. It is quite heavil}^ tempered with medium to coarse sand.Even though all the pottery can be duplicated from other DismalRiver sites, there is too little evidence to warrant the assignment ofthis site to the Dismal River Aspect. It seems likely that furtherinvestigation would justify such an assignment.
SITE WYo.u:ii:iThe University of Denver collections include Dismal River potteryfrom two sites in Wyoming. Site Wyo.U:ll:l contained one andwhat may be another Dismal River rim sherd. In addition to thesesherds, much cord-roughened pottery came from the site. The siteis in Goshen County, Wye, about 15 miles north of Lingle.
SITE wyo.aa:6:iThe other site in Albany County, Wyo., from which the Universityof Denver has secured Dismal River pottery is Wyo:AA:6:l. The
No.*58"^" ^*^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNTSTERSON 237
pottery from this site is relatively thick, measuring from 0.5 cm. to1.2 cm. The color ranges from buff to black. The paste is gritty andmoderately compact. Except for this grit, the only tempering materialconsists of occasional chunks of broken rock. One sherd had a some-what polished appearance but the rest were rather rough to touch.The sherd "with the polished appearance has the more compact paste.The pottery from this site is much like Dismal River pottery from AshHollow Cave, 25GD2, and the Lovitt Site, 25CH1.
SITES IN SOUTHWESTERN SOUTH DAKOTASITE 39FA45The occurrence of Dismal River material in South Dakota is asyet unverified. The Smithsonian Institution has, however, recovereda few sherds from Fall River County, S. Dak., wliich are suggestive ofand fall well within the range of Dismal River pottery. These sherdswere recovered during the intensive testing of sites to be destroyed bythe Angostura Reservoir. One sherd from site 39rA45 appears to befrom the shoulder area of a Dismal River vessel.
SITE 39FA83
Site 39FA83 yielded three sherds within the range of Dismal Riverpottery. The paste of these sherds was fine textured, gritty, andcontained fine sand tempering. One relatively thick sherd with asmooth surface appeared to be from a miniature vessel. The surfaceof another thinner sherd appeared slightly scaly.
SITE IN WESTERN KANSAS (14SC1)
Site 14SC1, or the Scott County, Kans., Pueblo Site is located 15miles north of Scott City, Kans., in the valley of Beaver Creek on thewest side of the stream. The seven-room pueblo, along with some sur-rounding features, was excavated in 1898 by Williston and Martin(1899, pp. 124-130; Martin, 1909) and was considered by them torepresent the ruins of Quartelejo, referred to by early Spanish explorers.Some of the pottery from this excavation in the collections at theUniversity of Kansas has recently been identified by Tichy and indi-cates a late 17th century date for the site (Smith, 1949, p. 295). Thesample of sherds includes Tewa and Pojoaque Polychrome, "Kapo"black ware, late red wares, and Rio Grande culinary wares. Some ofthe sherds from the site previously classified as Dismal River wereidentified by Tichy as "late Rio Grande micaceous culinary ware"(Smith, 1949, p. 295).471762?60 16
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
It is interesting to note that most of the artifacts illustrated byMartin (1909, pis. VII-IX) would not be out of place among artifactsfrom Dismal Kiver sites, although presumably most, if not all, of thespecimens were found within the pueblo.In 1939, the Smithsonian Institution conducted further excavationsat 14SC1. With regard to this work Wedel (1940 a, p. 83) states:Traces of a seven-room pueblo ruin opened by Williston and Martin in 1898 wererelocated. Middens yielded potsherds and artifacts of stone, bone, and horn,as well as rare objects of copper, iron, and glass. Charred maize, and squash orgourd rinds indicate horticulture, but quantities of animal bones suggest thatsubsistence was primarily by hunting. Contrary to expectations, Puebloaninfluences were almost negligible. Aside from the stone-walled ruin and nearbypre-white irrigation ditches there was a bare handful of sherds, some painted,and a few incised clay pipe fragments presumably attributable to late South-western stimulus. Numerous bell-shaped roasting pits and large irregular trashpits, as also the great bulk of artifacts recovered, show close relationship to sitesof the protohistoric Dismal River culture of southwestern Nebraska. No housesof indigenous type were found.Wedel (1947, p. 151) also reports that a pipe fragment identified as oflate Rio Grande stvle was found associated with Dismal River materialand is thought to date from the latter part of the 17th century to theearly part of the 18th century. He also states (ibid., p. 151) that
?
A very few shell-tempered "Quiviran" sherds in the Scott County Site suggesta slight degree of direct intercourse and partial contemporaneity between DismalRiver and Great Bend people . . .The 1949 Laboratory of Anthropology survey party visited theScott County Pueblo Site. It was covered with weeds but smallpottery sherds, pieces of stone, and bone fragments were to be foundin the loose dirt around animal burrows and in the ruts in a trailaround the monument which marks the site of the pueblo excavatedby Williston and Martin. The sherds found were all Dismal River,and closely resemble pottery from the sites in southern Nebraska,One sherd with a buff surface maj^ have had black paint applied.A projectile point, type NBb, an end scraper, an expanded-base drill,and the point of another drill were also found.DISAIAL RIVER RELATIONSHIPSPLAINS-DISMAL RIVER RELATIONSHIPSThe Dismal River Aspect has little time depth in the Plains. A50-year period centered at about 1700 includes all the dated sites.Moreover, there are no known archeological complexes in the Plainswhich could be ancestral to Dismal River. Sterns Creek Woodlandhas been suggested as an ancestor (Martin, Quimby, and Collier,1947, pp. 331-332) but there is no evidence to support such a specula-tion. Champe (1949, p. 291) has already refuted this suggestion.
NolssT""^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 239The Dismal River area contains little evidence of other complexescontemporaneous with, or just preceding, the Dismal River Aspect.Much of the area had formerly been occupied by Upper Republicanpeople, who utilized it much more intensively for agriculture. TheUpper Republican occupation, however, was terminated just priorto a severe drought which may possibly be correlated with the greatdrought in the Southwest at the end of the 13th century.The only sites which seem to date from after the Upper Republicanbut before the Dismal River occupation are those variously designatedas "White Rock," or "Glen Elder" (Stephenson, 1954, p. 20). Thesesites are, for the most part, located along the eastern edge of the DismalRiver area, although Wedel (1947) reports the occurrence of potterysimilar to that from such sites from near Sundance, Wyo. Severalsites in northern and northwestern Nebraska have Dismal River and
"Glen Elder-White Rock" pottery occurring together on the surface.Contemporaneity of the two complexes in this area has been neitherestablished nor disproved.The "Glen Elder-White Rock" material is probably the older, andmay represent a Siouan group that skirted the Pawnee territory ineastern Nebraska.It is now generally agreed that the Dismal River people werePlains Apache. Thus far, however, it has not been possible todefinitely identify any archeological site as a specific village describedin early historical accounts, although it is likely that the Scott County,Kans., Pueblo Site was one of the rancherias of El Quartelejo. Theserancherias were scattered; some were several days' journey from thelarge Quartelejo Apache settlement called Santo Domingo by theSpanish. Spanish sources state that the houses built by the originalTaos refugees about the middle of the 1600's were found at SantoDomingo (D. A. Gunnerson, 1956, p. 355) ; therefore Santo Domingowas probably the original "El Quartelejo." But the Picuris who fledto the Plains in 1696 were, by 1706, scattered among several QuartelejoApache rancherias. One of these, Sanasesli, was 40 leagues fromSanto Domingo (Thomas, 1935, pp. 70-71). The Dismal River sitein Scott County, Kans., is probably one of the Quartelejo rancheriasat which Picuris Indians were living circa 1696-1706, rather than theoriginal "El Quartelejo." This idea gains strength from the factthat pueblo sherds from the Scott County site "confirm a late seven-teenth and early eighteenth century dating" (Wedel, 1949 b, p. 329).The Dismal River Aspect shares enough traits with its Plains con-temporaries so that it can be considered a Plains complex, eventhough?judging from its trait list?a poverty-stricken one. It mightbe said to have an alien base with a thick veneer of Plains traits, someof which were not wholeheartedly accepted. Many Plains-Dismal
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
River similarities seem to represent borrowing by the Dismal Riverlatecomers. (Athabascans are known to be adept at this.) Ofcourse, many of the traits shared by the Dismal River people andsuch protohistoric groups as the Lower Loup (Pawnee) (Wedel,1938, pp. 6-9) and the Great Bend (Wichita) (Wedel, 1942, pp. 3-6)are by no means restricted to these groups nor to the protohistoricperiod.The most specific protohistoric Plains trait found in the DismalRiver complex is that surface treatment of pottery which has beencalled simple stamping. (It involves the use of a grooved or thong-wrapped paddle.) This trait is most commonly found at sites in theeastern part of the Dismal River area, where these people were prob-ably influenced by the people of the Lower Loup Focus and the GreatBend Aspect, who also employed the technique. However, somehighly micaceous sherds reminiscent of Taos ware, but simple stamped,occurred in Colorado. The Dismal River people formed their pots bythe paddle and anvil method, apparently without coiling. This linksthem to the Plains, as opposed to the Southwest. The paucity ofhandles suggests affinity with the Wichita (Wedel, 1949 a), although itcould just as well reflect non-Plains (possibly Southwest) influence.Vessel shape is somewhat similar to that of the Wichita, but evenmore to Taos-Apache-Navaho wares.In brief, Dismal River pottery seems to present a non-Plains potterytradition modified by the incorporation of the Plains technique ofsurface treatment called simple stamping.The Dismal River house is not the Plains earth lodge. Nowhereelse in the Plains has a pattern involving five basic posts been found.In Dismal River houses the center posts form a ring with a diameterabout half that of the house. This trait is characteristic of manyPlains earth lodges, but it is by no means limited to the Plains.Nor are the central fireplace and the eastern entrance. It is possiblethat the Dismal River house represents a compromise between thePlains earth lodge and a type of dwelling known earlier to the Apache,such as the Navaho hogan (one style of which has a basic pattern ofthree main posts plus two entrance posts) (MindeleflF, 1898, pp. 489-493)
.
The Dismal River baking pit is alien to the Plains, and the typicalPlains cache pit is not found at Dismal River sites. Sunshades havesuch wide distribution that they are of little value for comparativepurposes. Other Dismal River artifacts could, for the most part, belost in Plains assemblages. A few which are peculiar to Dismal Riveras compared with other Plains complexes are: end scrapers with tangsor graver points, "cigar-shaped" drills with lateral lugs, tubular pot-tery pipes, and much-polished bone punches. The great number ofcutting, chopping, and scraping tools with a minimum of work except
No? 58*]^' ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 241
on the use edge is also distinctively Dismal River. A notable absencefrom the Dismal River assemblage is the Catlinite pipe, a protohis-toric and historic time marker in the eastern part of the Plains.Dismal River shares with contemporary Plains groups such itemsas bison scapula hoes, bison metapodial fleshers, bone and antlerprojectile points, bone awls, tubular bone beads, bone arrow-shaftwrenches, cancellous bone paint brushes, bone paint (?) spatulas,small triangular flint projectile points, chipped end scrapers, sidescrapers and knives, and grooved sandstone shaft polishers. DismalRiver differs from other Plains complexes in the degree to whichthese various items are emphasized. In the Dismal River assemblage,for example, the common snub-nosed scraper outnumbers all otherstone artifacts by a wide margin and bison scapula hoes are notcommon. PECOS-DISMAL RIVER RELATIONSHIPSMany of the artifacts from Pecos (Kidder, 1932) show a strikingsimilarity to those of the Plains in general and to those of the DismalRiver Aspect in particular. The types of bone artifacts, and eventhe variations, coincide to a large extent. The item most conspicu-ously lacking in the Pecos series is the scapula hoe or digging tool;only one dubious specimen was present.Kidder describes 10 types of awls well represented at Pecos. Theyare classified as mammal leg bone, mammal rib, and bird bone, withsubclassifications according to the portion of the bone used. TheDismal River inventory includes all these types except for awls with
all or part of the articulation remaining, and those made from birdbones.The Pecos collection contains a series of bone tools classified as
"four-sided tools" (flakers (?), polishers (?), and rubbing (?) tools)which vary in shape, but somewhat resemble very blunt awls show-ing much wear and/or polishing. Many of these may be reusedawls. Similar artifacts occur at Dismal River sites and have beencalled punches or flakers, or have been discussed as awls. Such toolsare apparently not common in other complexes in the Southwest orin the Plains. They do, however, occur in the Promontory (Utah)complex.Articulated metapodial fleshers, with and without serrations on theblade, occurred at Pecos in post-Columbian deposits. These arti-facts are known from many Plains complexes including Dismal River,from the Promontory complex, and, in historic times, from much ofthe Plains and Midwest. Kidder recognized that these fleshers fromPecos were of Plains type. Similar tools or scrapers made of otherbones also occur in both the Dismal River and Pecos complexes.
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Cylindrical bone beads are common to Pecos and Dismal River.Spatulalike tools show more elaboration at Pecos as what Kidderterms spatula awls. Head (?) bands of bone or antler occur in bothcomplexes, some types being common to both and others not. Mis-cellaneous ornaments of bone, antler, and bear claws occur in both.Flageolets and whistles are well represented at Pecos, but are muchless common in Dismal River. Shaft wrenches and eyed needles occurin both complexes. Projectile points of bone and antler are repre-sented by both socketed and stemmed types in both complexes.Another shared trait is the use of cancellous portions of large bones,which at Pecos are found in the later deposits.A few items of bone represented at Pecos which have not yet beenreported in Dismal River are spindle whorls, musical rasps, and objectsidentified as weaving and matting tools. The Pecos bonework showsmore elaborate decoration, and there are more objects probablyintended for ornaments than in Dismal River. Objects made ofshell, especially beads and ornaments, are numerous at Pecos butrare in Dismal River.The stone industry of Pecos is much like that of the Dismal RiverAspect. The ground-stone industry, however, was better developedat Pecos. Also, the crude choppers common at Dismal River sitesare not reported from Pecos.Projectile points from Pecos represent a great variety of types, butthe triangular points, with and without side notches, predominate asin Dismal River. The types of drills are nearly duplicated in thetwo assemblages. This is especially interesting since the plain-shafted or "cigar-shaped" drUls and the same type of drill with lateralprojections seem to be restricted in the Plains to Dismal River, Thevariety of knives, ranging from well-made leaf-shaped and alternatelybeveled diamond-shaped blades to incidental flakes showing use ascutting tools, is comparable in the two complexes. End scrapers andside scrapers are common in both complexes although there is no indi-cation that any of the scrapers from Pecos are as crude as some fromDismal River, nor is there any indication that tanged scrapers werefound at Pecos. Kidder noted a radical increase, beginning circa1550, in the number of snub-nosed scrapers, side scrapers, and "two-edged" knives (alternately beveled) in the later deposits. This heinterpreted as due to increased Plains influence. Among the aberrantflint forms from Pecos were rectangular objects simUar to gun flints,which are reminiscent of one specimen from 25HN37.Although ground-stone artifacts are much more common and variedat Pecos than at Dismal River sites, a few types are shared. Themost common of these are sandstone abraders, especially arrowsmoothers. Other types found in both complexes but more numerous
No*58T'^*'^* I^I^^^^INS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY GUNNERSON 243
at Pecos include metates, grooved mauls, hammerstones, tubular andelbow pipes, pendants, and beads, especially turquoise.A reexamination of Pecos pottery failed to reveal any sherds indis-putably Dismal River. Some of the plain black-ware sherds couldbe confused with Dismal River pottery, but, on the other hand, thesefit smoothly into the Pecos series. One sherd, however, is worthyof special mention. It is smooth, black, and decorated with rows ofelliptical punctates. Such sherds (pi. 30, e, j) are rare, but do occurat widely scattered Dismal River sites, coming from as far north asSioux County, Nebr. Another sherd of this type, found at Taos, hadapparently eroded out of the adobe of the old ruined mission thatwas completed in 1726.Tubular clay pipes shaped like specimens from Pecos, but muchless ornate, are found at some Dismal River sites.In considering the similarities between the artifacts of Pecos andthose of the Dismal River Aspect, one must keep in mind the timefactor. The dates for Dismal River sites have thus far clustered around1700. Pecos was occupied for several centuries and many of its arti-fact types apparently persisted for much or all of this time. Forother specimen types, the age is not known, especially where fewexamples are found. It is interesting to note, however, that Kidderattributes many of the Plains-like and least southwestern types torelatively late phases (post-Columbian and later) of the occupation.A fuller discussion of the probable significance of this increased influ-ence from the Plains is given by D. A. Gunnerson (1956, p. 349). Shesuggests that the influx of Plains artifacts which began at Pecos about1550 was a result of interaction between Pecos people and the Teyaand Querecho. Moreover, she presents evidence which suggests thatthe Teya were the direct ancestors of the Lipanan Apache, includingthe now-extinct Cuartelejo Lipanans. It would appear, from her evi-dence, that Lipanans have been trading at Pecos, and sometimesliving there, from circa 1525 to at least as late as 1752. Moreover,until the Comanche invasion forced the Lipanans out of most of
"Apacheria," those Apache seem to have virtually monopolized thePecos-Upper Rio Grande Pueblo trade. Alost of the Plains materialfound at Pecos, then, is probably of Lipanan origin. How much ofit is specifically traceable to Pecos interaction with Lipanans of theDismal River Aspect can probably not be determined. Durmg thewinter of 1751-52, 300 men of the Cuartelejos, Palomas, and Carlanaswere "in the environs of the Pueblo of Pecos with their families, liv-ing so sociably and neighborly as to indicate their general love forthis province. Leaving their women and children in the Pueblo ofPecos, they are accustomed to go to the Plains to hunt buffalo fortheir support" (Velez, in Thomas, 1940, p. 124).
244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173The area around Pecos and the Upper Rio Grande Pueblos shouldbe thoroughly examined for evidence of Dismal River campsites.There is a possibility that the Dismal River people, when in theSouthwest, may have lost their veneer of Plains traits so that theirsites will be hard to identify. However, if objects found also atPecos, and apparently of Southwestern origin, were carried far intothe Plains, it is at least possible that Plains artifacts were carried tocampsites around Pecos and Rio Grande Pueblos, especially Taos andPicuris.It is possible that some of the small open sites near Taos describedby Jeancon (1929) may represent the sites of Dismal River people orother Lipanans, but his description of the material is too sketchy foran identification to be based upon it.PROMONTORY-DISMAL RIVER RELATIONSHIPSA reconsideration (Gunnerson, J. H., 1956) of material collectedfrom caves on Promontory Point, north-central Utah (Steward,1937) suggested that Promontory-Dismal River relationships maybe much closer than previously realized. A few Promontory-DismalRiver similarities had been noted before (Hill and Metcalf, 1942,pp. 188, 197), and Steward (1937) called attention to Plains traitsat Promontory Point. Significant traits shared by the two com-plexes include: toothed bison metapodial fleshers, tanged endscrapers, sandstone arrow-shaft smoothers, tubular steatite pipes,blunt bone "punches" or "flakers," triangular projectile points tubu-lar bone beads, several types of bone awls, and bone spatulas. Bothcomplexes are characterized by an abundance of end scrapers, greatvariation in the quality of stonework, and heavy dependence uponbison. Some Dismal River pottery is identical with part of the potteryfrom Promontory Point. Many of these traits are not found inother complexes in the Promontory area. Most are common in thePlains, but some are restricted, in the Plains, to the Dismal RiverAspect.The similarities between the two complexes are sufficiently numer-ous and specific to suggest that the Promontory culture is closelyrelated to the Dismal River Aspect. The chief problem in comparingthe two complexes is that the Promontory material is from caveswhereas the Dismal River material is from open sites. It is likely,however, that open Promontory sites providing evidence of structurescould be found. The intervening area, especially southern Idaho andWyoming, should be surveyed in an attempt to locate additional sitesrelated to these complexes.
NoflsT*^^^' PI^'^INS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 245At present there is no accurate date for the Promontory culture.Its similarities to the Dismal River Aspect suggest that it is con-temporaneous with that Plains complex. The presence at Promon-tory of the toothed bison metapodial fiesher, a protohistoric timemarker in the Plains, strengthens the probability that the Promontoryculture existed circa 1700. It is possible that the Promontory peoplewere Dismal River buffalo hunters who followed bison herds up theNorth Platte River and into the Great Basin, where bison survivedin the Promontory area until early historic times.DESCRIPTION OF THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECTSUBSISTENCEThe Dismal River people had a subsistence economy based pri-marily on hunting and secondarily on agriculture. Bison appearsto have been the chief animal hunted, although numerous deer andbeaver bones are also found. Turtles and mussels were utilized, butthere is no evidence of fish and very little of fowl. The only indicationof domesticated animals is the occurrence of dog bones. The presenceof the skull and paw bones of a dog in a pit at 25CH1 suggests thatdogs were eaten. The absence of fish bones is interesting in the lightof the Athabascan taboo against the eating of fish and in view of theprobable abundance of fish in the streams near the villages.Evidence of agriculture is present but limited. Bison-scapula dig-ging tools, which were probably used for cultivation of crops, have beenfound at several sites, and at 14SC1 there are irrigation ditches possiblyattributable to the Dismal River occupation. More direct evidenceof agriculture is present in the form of the charred remains of corn,and squash or gourd.The Dismal River people apparently made use of wild plant foods.Remains of plums, chokecherries, hackberries, and black walnuts havebeen found. TECHNOLOGYThe evidence that these people worked skin is indirect, butabundant. A large proportion of the chipped-stone artifacts suchas scrapers and knives were probably skin-working tools. The sameis true of the metapodial fleshers and the numerous bone awls. Somehemispherical pieces of cancellous bone found at 25CH1 were classifiedas hide tanners with the idea that they were used to smooth hides.The smooth pieces of caliche from several of the sites may have beenrubbed on the hides to whiten them.Bone tools appear to have been important to these people. Bonefrom several animals, as well as antler and horn, lias been worked.The most common method of cutting bone appears to have been
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
scraping or cutting partially into the piece and then breaking it.The scraps left from making awls and arrow points suggest thatmuch of tlie shaping of these specimens was completed before thesurplus bone was removed. The striations on some of the boneartifacts probably resulted from their having been shaped and smoothedby rubbing, in some cases with a rotary motion, against sandstoneabraders. A few abraders have very narrow grooves which couldhave served to sharpen awls. Flint drills could have been used todrill bone.A wide variety of stone was worked by the Dismal River people.The raw material chosen was usually that most readily available,although stone not native to the immediate area is often found at a
site. The more common types of stone worked are: jasper, flint,chalcedon}^, quartzite, and sandstone. Other t3^pes of stone used,though not extensively, were: obsidian, schist, river boulders, quartz,turquoise, and, very rarely, catlinite. Pieces of caliche, hematite,and limonite show use but were apparently not fashioned into imple-ments. The most common methods of working stone were by per-cussion and pressure flaking, although some grinding, pecking, andpolishing was done. Antler tine and possibly bone flakers wereused for pressure flaking and small stones showing use as hammerstones m.ay have been used for the percussion flaking. In general,the quality of the stonework was poor, but the delicately chippedprojectile points and drills demonstrate an ability to do good work.Well-chipped cutting edges or scraping edges occurred on tools other-wise shaped little or not at all.The Dismal River people apparently chose clay with an abundanceof very fine grit as the raw material for their pottery. They oftenadded medium-sized sand as tempering and perhaps, occasionally,pulverized mica. The uniformly compact natuj-e of the paste andthe lack of lamination suggests that the paste was well worked.Shaping appears usually to have begun with lump modeling, followedby paddle and anvil shaping which in turn was sometimes followedby smoothing. The paddle used was probably either grooved orthong-wrapped, since it left ridges and depressions on the surfaceof the vessel. Firing was done in a reducing atmosphere at a temper-ature well under that necessary for vitrification but high enough toproduce a reasonably durable ware.Dismal River pottery is the artifact most diagnostic of the DismalRiver Aspect. Single sherds from other complexes could be confusedwith Dismal River pottery, but there is little chance for confusionbetween series of Dismal River sherds and pottery from any otheridentified complex on the Central Plains. The most diagnostic traitsof Dismal River pottery are its gray-black color, smooth or simple
Anthrop. Pap. pL^INS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY GUNNERSON 247No. obJ
stamped surface, gritty paste, tendency toward straight squarebreaks, small sherd size, tempering (usually fine to medium sand oroccasionally mica) and scarcity of decoration, which, when present, isalmost always confined to the lips and consists of punctates andincised or impressed lines.Only five restorable vessels have been found. All of these werefrom 25CH1 and were of approximately the same shape. The vesselsare globular to somewhat elongated with a constricted neck. Therims are straight or flaring and meet the body of the vessel in a smoothcurve. The vessels are small to medium in size with the largest only23.5 cm. in both height and maximum diameter. Individual sherdsand sections of vessels suggest several other forms, including bowls,bowls with constricted necks or the "seed-bowl" type, vessels withflat shoulders and recurved rims, vessels with flat bottoms, andminiatures.Pottery shows regional variation. The smooth, thicker potteryfound at Ash Hollow cave in western Nebraska becomes the pre-dominant type in Colorado where simple stamped pottery is rare.Furthermore, at some of the Colorado sites, pottery very similar toDismal River pottery, but with coarse tempering, occurs associatedwith what is probably Dismal Eiver ware; This occurrence of coarse-and fine-tempered Dismal River-like pottery is reminiscent of Prom-ontory ware and may be related to it.Even in the area where the Dismal River complex is better known,there are some interesting variations. At the Hooker County sitesthe percentage of decorated rims and variety of lip decorations issignificantly greater than at White Cat Village or the Lovitt Site,although at these latter sites the number of sherds collected wasmuch larger. A portion of a vessel with a flat bottom and flaringwalls, suggestive of Shoshone influence but with a mica-temperedpaste, was found in Hooker County.The Lovitt Mica Tempered sherd types pose another problem,since some of these sherds have also been identified as Rio Grandemicaceous culinary ware. The uncommoness of such sherds at DismalRiver sites might support the idea that micaceous ware had been ob-tained by trade if it were not for the fact that some of these sherds aresimple stamped. Unmistakable painted Southwestern sherds havebeen found at Dismal River sites in Kansas and southern Nebraska.One other tantalizing ceramic trait is the occasional occui-rence ofDismal River sherds with parallel rows of elliptical punctates. Thedistribution of this type is from Pecos and Taos to north-centralNebraska, but with seldom more than one sherd at a site. The sig-nificance of this trait is not understood since nowhere does there seemto be a site where this t^^pe is at all common.
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Clay and occasionally stone pipes were made. Pipes were of twotypes. The more common were the tubular or "cloud blower" pipesresembling those from Pecos but generally far less elaborate. Theothers are elbow shaped.TOOLS AND IMPLEMENTSTools used by the Dismal River people were limited in variety and,for the most part, were of types used by other Plains groups. Chipped-stone projectile points were small, triangular, and well made, with andwithout side notches. Some chipped knives were well made, butcrude choppers and retouched flakes were far m-ore common. Drillswere of several types; some had expanded bases; others were cigarshaped, and some were cigar shaped with lateral lugs, a type restrictedin the Plains to Dismal River. Gravers and "spokeshaves" were notnumerous and not standardized as to form. Both end scrapers andside scrapers are extremely numerous and one type, end scrapers withgraver points or tangs, is diagnostic of Dismal River. Some chipped-stone artifacts were well m.ade, but most were crudely executed exceptfor the working edge.Ground- and pecked-stone tools are far less common than chippedtools on Dismal River sites. Sandstone abraders are common andwere apparently used for smoothing arrow shafts and for miscel-laneous gi"inding such as sharpening bone awls and shaping bonetools. Other stone tools include shallow metates, and hammerstones.Bone and antler tools were also important in the Dismal Rivercomplex. Bison-scapula hoes, although not numerous, were used.Fleshers were made from bison metapodials. Awls were m.ade fromseveral different bones and were of several types. Socketed antlerand stemmed-bone projectile points were used. One distinctivetype of bone artifact resembles a blunt awl and has been referred toas a "punch" or "flaker." For the most part such artifacts are wellpolished. Antler-tine flakers also occur. Other bone artifacts in-clude eyed needles, bison-rib shaft wrenches, cancellous bone "paintbrushes," bone "spatulas," head (?) bands, beads, whistles, andulna picks. STRUCTURESInformation on house structures has been obtained primarily fromtwo Dismal River sites, White Cat Village and the Lovitt Site. Sincethe most common house type at White Cat Village is also found atthe Lovitt Site, it seems justifiable to consider the typical DismalRiver lodge as semipermanent, about 25 feet in diameter, probablywith a covering of grass or brush over a 5-post foundation plus leaners,and built either on the surface of the ground or in a shallow excavation.Apparently some care went into the construction of these lodges since
No*58T'^"^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNTSTERSON 249
the central pestholes are commonly arranged on an almost true circle.Judging from the size of the center posts, pains were taken to selectrelatively large posts of nearly the same size. The posts in tm-nwere set deep enough in the ground to provide a substantial basis fora structure. Sometimes posts were wedged in their holes with bisonlong bones.Dismal River houses do not appear to be closely related to otheraboriginal Plains dwellings. It has been pointed out that Navajohogans also have five posts. This similarity, however, is restrictedto the number of posts since the three hogan foundation posts areslanted and the lodge is confined to the area within the five posts,whereas the pestholes of the houses at White Cat Village were verticaland the diameter of the inner post circle represented only about halfof the total diameter of the house.The type of construction found in Wichita houses could probablybe ruled out on the basis of the shallowness of leaner stains found inHouse VI at White Cat Village. The outer poles of Wichita houseswere set sufficiently deep to permit their tips being bent and tiedtogether.The archeological evidence can probably be best interpreted interms of a structure somewhat similar to the Plains earth lodge.The evidence suggests that five center posts about 9 feet high wereset in a circle about 14 feet in diameter. Beams were then laid betweenthe tops of adjacent posts. Two additional entrance posts may havebeen set about twice as far from the center as the main posts, andbeams laid from these two posts to the central group.Smaller poles were then pushed into the ground and leaned againstthe beams joining the central posts. The butts of these leaners weresomewhat less than a foot apart, forming a circle with a diameterabout twice that of the circle formed by the central posts. Theleaners in turn were probably covered with grass or brush and pos-sibly some dirt was banked around the lower portion. It seems likelythat a roof would have been formed by laying poles across the top ofthe structure and then covering them with more brush or grass.The smallness of the lodges would eliminate the necessity for anouter circle of posts joined by rafters to the inner circle and to theground by leaners as in the case of the larger Plains earth lodges. Thesize of the houses did not seem to depend too much upon the size ofthe foundation. At 25CH1, the five center posts of House II averaged0.3 foot in diameter and formed a circle about 11 feet in diameter.The smallest two of the six houses at 25HN37 were 12 feet in diameterwith foundation postholes averaging 0.5 foot and 0.7 foot in diameter.The other four houses were 14 or 15 feet in diameter with postholesaveraging 0.7 or 0.8 foot in diameter. These facts suggest that what-
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ever the superstructure may have been, it could probably have beensupported as well by small poles as by sturdy poles. Verification ofthe five-post pattern as typical of the Dismal River Aspect as a wholemust await evidence of structures from other sites.Two other variant structiu-es are worthy of consideration. At theLovitt Site one pattern of postholes suggested a rectangular sunshadesupported by nine poles. At all Dismal River sites thus far exca-vated, there is a scattering of postholes with no apparent pattern.These could represent structures or racks of some sort.A nine-room pueblo was found at 14SC1. It seems likely that thisstructure was built by refugee Pueblo people, but the possibility thatit is of Dismal River authorship has not been completely ruled out.Baking pits were found at three Dismal River sites. These pitsare about 3 feet in both depth and diameter and were used for cook-ing gi'een corn and perhaps other foods in large quantities. The pits,which often contain burned rocks, were heated by building a largefire in them; then the fire was removed and the food was placed inthem. The pits would subsequently be filled with village refuse.Such pits are missing at Hooker County sites, where the ground isperhaps too sandy for such pits to have held their shape.Refuse was also disposed of b}' fillmg shallow irregular pits scat-tered throughout the village. Whether these pits had other func-tions is not known. Midden areas also occm\ The cache pits whichare characteristic of most of the Plains agricultm-al complexes aremissing at Dismal River sites. There is no du-ect evidence of largestorage facilities. ADORNMENTNo archeological evidence concerning the dress of the Dismal Riverpeople has been found, and very Httle indication of adornment. Thelatter is chiefly in the form of beads. The most common type of beadis made from tubular sections of bone with the length about five timesthe diameter. Such beads are often made of metapodials of dogs orcoyotes and are usually from 3 to 5 cm. long.Small turquoise beads have been found at several Dismal River
sites. These undoubtedly represent commerce with other groups tothe Southwest. Copper and iron conical jingles, commonly used byPlains and Southwestern Indians to decorate clothing and other equip-ment, are also found. Some of these appear to be of European manu-facture while others were probably made by the Indians from suchraw material as copper or brass kettles.At least four pigments were available to the Dismal River people.Red hematite, yellow limonite, white caliche, and black charcoal havebeen found. Pieces of hematite and limonite show scraping, whichsu^ests the production of powder. This was probably done to secure
No^SsT" ^'^^' PL^^^S APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 251pigment, but it is impossible to determine whether or not it was ac-tually used in body decoration. Cancellous bone "paint brushes"and spatulalike bone objects impregnated with red pigment have beenfound also. These could have been used for the application of paint.EXCHANGEThere is evidence that the Dismal River people engaged in trade,but not very extensively. They received such things as metal jingles,iron awls, and possibly axes and guns from European sources eitherdirectly or indirectly. There is also evidence of trade with other In-dian groups. Both Great Bend and Southwestern sherds have beenfound in Dismal River villages in southern Nebraska and Kansas.The occm-rence of obsidian at sites might represent another com-modity traded for, apparently in unworked form, since chips are foundmore frequently than artifacts. Turquoise beads were probably ob-tained from the Southwest. The occurrence at sites in Hooker Countyof artifacts made from brown jasper of a type found along the Re-publican River could be explamed either by trade between closely re-lated groups or by journeys to obtain the material.RELIGION AND MORTUARY CUSTOMSThe only inferences as to the religion of the Dismal River peopleare drawn from negative evidence. The lack of fish bones in theirvillages, even though they were on streams which contained fish,could indicate a taboo against eating fish. The lack of evidence con-cerning bm'ials of these people, even after careful search, could indi-cate a fear of the dead resultmg in an avoidance of graves. This, intm'n, may have prevented the burial of bodies near one another andprobably caused them to be buried far from the villages. Both ofthese speculations are compatible with the practices of the southernAthabascans. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSNumerous sites in the Central High Plains have yielded the arche-ological remains of a people who subsisted primarily by hunting, butsupplemented the natural food resources of the area by the practiceof horticulture. Those of the sites which have been dated belongto a 50-year period circa 1700. The complex of archeological traitsrepresented at these camps and villages has been termed the DismalRiver Aspect. The sites in the eastern part of the area of distributionare more closely related to one another than to sites in the western partof the area and have been grouped in the Stinking Water Focus. Thewesternmost sites may, with additional work, be found to constitute asecond focus.
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The archeological evidence indicates that the Dismal Rivor peoplepossessed essentially the same hunting and skin-working tools used bj?-other Plains groups of circa 1700. The scarcity of tools commonlyidentified with aboriginal Plains horticulture and the absence of typicalPlains storage pits leave their habits of food raising and storage indoubt. On part of their pottery the Dismal River people used amethod of surface treatment commonly employed by their neighborsto the east, the Pawnee and Wichita.Traits showing contact with the Southwest, though few, are equallyspecific: Pueblo trade sherds, turquoise, and drills with lateral lugs.Dismal River artifacts show striking similarities to those of Pecos,the only eastern pueblo from which comparative data are available.More surprising, in view of the intervening area, are the similaritiesbetween Dismal River and the Promontory culture in Utah. Theseare close enough to suggest that the Promontory culture representsDismal River hunters who followed bison herds into the Groat Basin.The Dismal River lodge, as interpreted from the post pattern,remains unique; it is not Plains, Southwest, nor Basin.The identification of the Dismal River people as Plains Apachebrings with it explanations for many of the problems presented byDismal River archeology. First, it permits us to identify the DismalRiver Aspect as a final phase of Apache domination of the High Plains.It explains the fact that both Plains and Southwestern influences aredetectable in the Dismal River Complex, for, since circa 1525, thePlains Apache had been familiars of both Pueblo and Plains agricul-tural villages. It is generally agreed that the Athabascans in theSouthwest originated in the north, and it seems probable that theycame via the High Plains circa 1525. The next major problem con-cerning these Apache groups is the identification of their earliermanifestations.
APPENDIX 1
Classification of the sites of the Dismal River Aspect
\
Site
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU, 173
Classification of the sites of the Dismal River Aspect?Continued
Site
APPENDIX 2SOURCES OF INFORMATION CONCERNING DISMAL RIVER SITESGiven below is a list of the sites mentioned in this paper which areeither definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect.The agency or agencies which have material and/or informationconcerning the site are also listed and are given in the approximateorder of the amount of the material in their respective collections.The abbreviations for the agencies follow :UNLA. ._ __ University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology,Lincoln.NSHS Nebraska State Historical Society.SIMRBS Smithsonian Institution, Missouri River Basin Surveys,Lincoln, Nebr.UD University of Denver, Department of Anthropology,Denver.UC University of Colorado Museum, Boulder.UK University ot Kansas Museum of Natural History,Lawrence.HHM Collection of H. H. McConnell, Boulder, Colo.RWH Collection of R. W. Haynes, Fort Lupton, Colo.SI Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agencyhaving information concerning them
SITES IN NEBRASKA
Site
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agencyhaving information concerning them?Continued
SITES IN NEBRASKA?Continued
Site
nS.*581^* ^^^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 257
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agencyhaving information concerning them?Continued
SITES IN WYOMING
Site
BIBLIOGRAPHYChampe, John L.1946. Ash Hollow Cave. Univ. Nebraska Stud., n. s., No. 1. Lincoln.1949. White Cat Village. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 285-292.Fletcher, Alice C, and LaFlesche, Francis.1911. The Omaha tribe. 27th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol.Gunnerson, Dolores A.1956. The Southern Athabascans: Their arrival in the Southwest. ElPalacio, vol. 63, pp. 346-365.Gunnerson, James H,1956. Plains-Promontory relationships. Amer. Antiq., vol.22, pp. 69-72.Gunnerson, James H., and Gunnerson, Dolores A.MS. Further notes on the Dismal River Aspect. Paper presented atSeventh Plains Archeological Conference, Lincoln, Nebr., November1949.Hill, A. T., and Metcalf, George.1942. A site of the Dismal River Aspect in Chase County, Nebraska. Ne-braska Hist. Mag., vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 158-226.HuscHER, Betty H., and Huscher, Harold A.1943. The hogan builders of Colorado. Southwestern Lore, vol. 9, No. 2.Gunnison, Colo.Jeancon, J. A.1929. Archeological investigations in the Taos Valley, New Mexico, during1920. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 81, No. 12.Keur, Dorothy L.1941. Big Bead Mesa. Soc. Amer. Archeol., Mem. No. 1,Kidder, A. V.1932. The artifacts of Pecos. Pap. Southwestern Expedition, No. 6,Robert S. Peabody Found, for Archeol., Phillips Academy, Andover,Mass.Kivett, Marvin F,MS. Field notes. (1946.) MS. on file at River Basin Surveys headquarters,Lincoln, Nebr.MS. Field notes. (1949.) MS. on file at Nebraska State Historical Society,Lincoln, Nebr.Martin, H. T.1909. Further notes on the Pueblo ruins of Scott County. Kansas Univ.Sci. Bull., vol. 5, No. 2.Martin, Paul S., Quimby, George I., and Collier, Donald.1947. Indians before Columbus. Chicago.Metcalf, George.1949. Three pottery types from the Dismal River Aspect. Proc. Fifth PlainsConf. for Archeol. Univ. Nebraska, Lab. Anthrop., Note Book No.1, pp. 73-78. Lincoln.258
N?*587"^*^' PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY?GUNNERSON 259
MiNDELEFF, CoSMOS.1898. Navaho houses. 17th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. 2, pp.469-517.MORAN, W. J., COVELL, R., AbASHKIN, B. J.1930. Soil survey of Harlan County, Nebraska. U. S. Dept. Agr., Bur.Chemistry and Soils [Soil Survey Rep.], ser. 1930, No. 12.Renaud, E. B.1931. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado, Denver.1932. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado, 2d Rep. Denver.1933. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado, 3d Rep. Denver.1935. The archeological survey of Colorado, 4th Rep., seasons 1933 and 1934.Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., The Archeological Survey of theHigh Western Plains, 6th Rep. Denver.1937. Northeastern New Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., TheArcheological Survey of the High Western Plains, 9th Rep. Denver.1942. Reconnaissance work in the upper Rio Grande Valley, Colorado andNew Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., Archeol. Ser., 3dPap., Denver.1946. Archeology of the upper Rio Grande Basin in southern Colorado andnorthern New Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., Archeol.Ser., 6th Pap. Denver.Rice, T. D., and Party.1914. Reconnaissance survey of western Nebraska, U. S. Dept. Agr. FieldOperations of the Bureau of Soils, 1911. Pp. 1875-1889.Secot, Frank R.1951. The identity of the "Padouca"; an ethnohistorical analysis. Amer.Anthrop., vol. 53, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 625-542.Smith, Carlile S.1949. Archeological investigations in Ellsworth and Rice Counties, Kansas.Amer, Antiq,, vol. 14, pt. 1, pp. 292-300.Stephenson, Robert L.1954. Taxonomy and chronology in the Central Plains-Middle MissouriRiver area. Plains Anthrop., pp. 15-22.Steward, Jullian H.1937. Ancient caves of the Great Salt Lake region. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.BuU. 116.Strong, W. D.1932. An archeological reconnaissance in the Missouri Valley. Explorationsand Field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1931, pp. 151-158.1935. An introduction to Nebraska Archeology. Smithsonian Misc. Coll.,vol. 93, No. 10.Thomas, Alfred B.1935. After Coronado, Spanish exploration northeast of New Mexico, 1696-1727. Documents from the Archives of Spain, Mexico and NewMexico. Norman, Okla.1940. The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778. Albuquerque,N. Mex.Weakly, Harry E.1946. A preliminary report on the Ash Hollow charcoal. In Champa,1946, pp. 105-110.
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Wedel, Waldo R.1935. Contributions to the archeology of the Upper Republican Valley.Nebraska Hist. Mag., vol. 15, No. 3, pp. 133-209.1938. The direct-historical approach in Pawnee archeology. SmithsonianMisc. Coll., vol. 97, No. 7.1940 a. Archeological explorations in western Kansas. Explorations andField-work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1939, pp. 83-86.1940 b. Culture sequences in the central Great Plains. Smithsonian Misc.Coll., vol. 100, pp. 291-352.1941. Environment and native subsistence economies in the central GreatPlains. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 101, No. 3, pp. 1-29.1942. Archeological remains in central Kansas and their possible bearing onthe location of Quivera. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 101, No. 7.1947. Culture chronology in the central Great Plains. Amer. Antiq., vol. 12,No. 3, pt. 1, pp. 148-156.1949 a. Some Central Plains sherd types from Kansas. Proc. Fifth PlainsConf. for Archeol. Univ. Nebraska, Lab. Anthrop., Note BookNo. 1, pp. 86-90. Lincoln.1949 b. Some provisional correlations in Missouri Basin archeology. Amer.Antiq., vol. 14, pp. 328-339.1953. Some aspects of human ecology in the Central Plains. Amer.Anthrop., vol. 55, pp. 499-514.WiLLisTON, S. W., and Martin, H. T.1899. Some Pueblo ruins in Scott County, Kansas. Kansas Hist. Coll.,vol. 6.Woodward, Arthur.1946. The metal tomahawk. Bull. Fort Ticonderoga Mus., vol. 7, No. 3,pp. 2-42.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 1
View looking cast across 25HN37. House IV is in the immediate foreground. Houses I,II, and III are in the middle of the picture. Houses V and VI were located just beyondthe fence near the top of the picture. The trees at the right of the picture are alongPrairie Dog Creek.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 2
lA-*-S.
^'^; ?,.' !
.t/^"^"^
1^
. . . 'l^Sl^.
> N^V^^i^'
--ATi
^ X
View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 2SHN37. The five pestholes in theforeground represent House II. The sixth posthole was later found near the fireplaceof House I.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOUOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 3
a. House I, 25HN37, with pestholes reopened. Steel chaining pins indicate locations ofother pestholes in the excavation, h. House HI, 25HN37, with pestholes reopened. Theextra pestholes in the excavation are also evident.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYH ' BULLETIN 173 PLATE 4
^-'
a, House IV, 25HN37, with pestholes reopened, b, House V, 25HN37, with postholes crosssectioned.
BUREAU OF AMERfCAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATES
a. House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor, b, House V'l, 25HN37, after charredpoles were removed.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
^
>.
BULLETIN 173 PLATE 6
\ r
?1%^
^^^
^?t.^^v
Kfug^y
?^\4"
rji2_ ._. ??J' .' <Jr
a Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25HN37. Tlie arrow points north, b, Iron axembedded in fireplace of House VI, 25HN37.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 7
Cross-sectioned roasting pit at 25HN37.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATES
'**??*.
Restored pottery vessels from 25CHI. a, Height, 9 inches, b, Height, 10 inches, c.Height m inches, d, Height, 7}^ inches, e, Height, 8)^ inches, {a, University ofNebraska Laboratory of Anthropology Collection; b-e, Nebraska State Historical SocietyCollection.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 9
a
f
Unusual Dismal River pottery, a. Coiled pottery from 25CH1. h, From 25C27.Show surface decorated with punctates; c, from 25N3j i, from COLO:S:12-5From 2SSX301. {h is 3.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 10
#
Decorated Dismal River pottery. Incised decoration on sherds a-d and/, e, Has a cord-impressed line, a, c, From 25H021. h, e. From 2SDN1. d, From 25H07. /, From25LN2. {b is 2.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 11
a
^ '
a-c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25H021. d-f, Gravers from 25HN37. g-i. Smoothpieces of caliche from 25HN37. (b 3.1 cm. long; ^, 3.3 cm. long; g, 3.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 12
Projectile points from 25HN37. {a is 2.4 cm. long.)
BUREAUlOF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 13
/
w
Projectile points from 25H021. (Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 14
Drills from 25HN37. {a is 4.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 15
Drills from 25H021. (Lower left is 2.9 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 16
a
Knives from 25HN37. (a is 5.5 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 17
a
'&^->% '#^ '"
g
Knives from 25H021. (g is 11 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 18
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 19
End scrapers from 2SHN37. (Upper left is 4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 73 PLATE 20
g
/
Scrapers with tangs or projections {a-f and /;) and gravers (g and /) from 25H021. {his 4.5 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE^I
c
Side scrapers frona 25HN37. (Upper right is 5.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 22
End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37. (Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 23
a
a-c. Sandstone abraders from 25Hi\37. d. Metate from 25HN37. (c, 7.7 cm. long; d, 20cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 24
/
Sandstone abraders from 2SH021. {b is 4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 25
Ground stone artifacts from 25H021. a, Hammer stone, b, Grinding or rubbing stone.(a, 19 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 26
Worked bone from 2SHN37. a, b, Beads, c, Shaft wrench, d, Butt of an awl or punch.
e, Awl. {b is 4.2 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 27
Triangular bone awls (a-c), awl butts (d-e), and bone "punch" (/). (a is 8.8 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 28
Splinter bone awls {a-c) and flat bone awls (d-e) from 2SH021. (a is 8.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 29
Worked bone from 25H021: a, c, Scraps left from making bone projectile points(?). b, dScraps left from making triangular awl. e, Blank for triangular awl. (c is 4.9 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 30
Bone and antler artifacts from 25H021. a, b. Bone projectile points, c, Bone projectilepoint(?). d, Cut antler tine, e. Shaft wrench, {b is 9.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 31
Bone spatulas {a and b) and worked rib sections (c and d) from 25H021. {a is 7.9 cm.long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOUOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 32
Worked bone from 25H021. a-i, Beads. ;", Whistle, (a is 4.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOUOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 33
Worked bone from 2SH021. a, Broken-eyed needle(?). b, Needle fragment(?).Bracelet(?) or head band(?). {b is 4.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 34
Bone tools from 25H021. a, Metapodial flesher. h. Possible flesher. c, Ulna pick(?).{a is 7.1 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 35
Bone fleshers from 2SHN37. a is only partially finished.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 36
Scapula digging tools, a, c. From 25H021. b. From 2SHN37. {a is 19 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 37
Iron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37. (16 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 38
a
f
European trade items from 2SHN37. a,b, Gun flints, c-e, Copper or brass jingles, (c is2.5 cm. long.)
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBuUetin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 59THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO,MICHOACAN
By M. W. STIRLING
261
471762?60 18

CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 265Use of the atlatl 265Description of the atlatl 267ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES FOLLOWINGPAGE39. Preparing to throw spear, a, First position, b, Method of engagingthe spear 26840. Preparing to thi-ow spear, a, Second position. 6, Final position 26841. Four atlatls from Janitzio. Front and profile 268263

THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO,MICHOACAN
By M. W. Stirling
INTRODUCTIONIn 1944, while engaged in archeological work for the NationalGeographic Society and the Smithsonian Institution, I visited LakePatzcuaro in the State of Michoacan with Richard Stewart of theNational Geographic Society. We took the opportunity of accom-panying a small group of Tarascan Indians from the village of Ja-nitzio, on a coot-hunting trip on the lake. The pictures that illustratethis article were taken by Stewart, who also made a kodachromemotion-picture record of the hunt.USE OF THE ATLATLAs is well known to ethnologists, the use of the atlatl, or spearthrower, still persists on Lake Patzcuaro. The term "atlatl" is, ofcourse, an Aztec word. The Tarascans call it "phatamu." Onceemployed throughout the Americas as the principal weapon ofthe aborigines, it was used many centuries before the bow andarrow. Curiously enough at the beginning of the 16th century whenEuropeans reached the New World, with the exception of a few scat-tered areas the spear thrower was extensively used only in the twomost civilized regions. Middle America and Peru. This seems para-doxical at first glance, but the reason may be that in these regions ofintensive agriculture, hunting had become unimportant, while to thewild tribes the superiority of the bow and arrow as a hunting weaponwas more apparent.That the atlatl was an effective weapon in warfare, as used by thePeruvians and Mexicans, is amply attested in the early Spanish chron-icles. It is even possible that in close combat it was superior to thebow and arrow. Very elaborate carved spear throwers, embellishedwith gold and semiprecious stones, were used by military leaders inboth Mexico and Peru.It was not long after the Conquest that the atlatl went out of useas a weapon of war, but it persisted until recent years as a hunting265
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173implement among the Aztecs in the region of Xochimilco in the Valleyof Mexico, and among the Tarascans on Lake Patzcuaro. Probablythe only other region in the New World where the spear thrower hasnot entirely gone out of use is among the Nunivak Eskimo of westernAlaska. Interestingly enough, here, too, it is used only for aquatichunting, principally of birds but sometimes of sea otter and smallseals. For land hunting the Nunivak use the bow and arrow. Thehunting techniques in these two \videly separated regions are verysimilar. The Eskimo approach a flock of "sitting" birds as closelyas possible. As the flock rises from the water they launch the multi-pronged spear into its midst. The Tarascans do the same.On Lake Patzcuaro, coots or mudhens are quite numerous and arehunted at almost any time. In the fall, migrating ducks of manyspecies come to the lake in quantities, and this is the time most of thehunting is done.On October 31, according to George Foster,^ a large communalhunt is conducted. On this date as many as a thousand canoes, eachcontaining several men, gather near Janitzio, the island vUlage.The hunters form two large concentric rings with the canoes aroundthe largest concentration of ducks. Those in the inner group approachand launch their spears simultaneously as the flock rises. Theremaining ducks fly a short distance and usually alight in the spacebetween the two rings. The outer ring then converges and repeatsthe attack. On this particular hunt thousands of ducks are killed.Except for this one day, duck hunting is an individual affair, from oneto four canoes in a line stalking the birds.On the occasion that Stewart and I went out as observers, therewere two hunting canoes, each with a single occupant. The targetwas a large flock of coots. We approached very slowly, the canoesclose together, stopping to drift from time to time. When we werewithin about 30 yards of the flock, the birds became uneasy and tookflight. As they left the water, the two hunters rose to their feet andlaunched their spears into the mass of birds. On the first approach,one coot was hit, the other throw was a miss. Each hunter has twospears, and if the approach is close enough, he quickly throws thesecond.The birds alighted about 300 yards away and we made a secondapproach. This time each man got a bird. We tried two moreapproaches, but by now the birds had grown wary and we could notget within range, so the hunters gave up.The approach is made with the canoe pointed toward the flock.When the hunter is ready to throw, he quickly stands erect, with his
1 Empire's children: The people of Tzlntzuntzaa, by George M.Foster, Inst. Social Anthrop., Publ. No. 6,Washington, 1948.
No*59?]^' ^*'^' "^SB OF ATLATL, MICHOACAN?STIRLING 267
left foot forward. The shaft of the spear is grasped near the middleand lifted by the left hand. At the same time the atlatl is graspedin the right hand, the index and middle fingers are inserted throughthe two holes, and the remaining fingers and the thumb grasp thehandle. The spur is instantly engaged in the hollow at the butt ofthe spear shaft, the spear is lifted by the left hand to shoulder heightand parallel to the water. In this position the shaft is released by theleft hand and launched by the right with a sweeping overhand motion.The shaft is steadied in position, parallel to the long axis of the canoeuntil the instant the throw is started, the thumb and fingers graspingthe atlatl handle.DESCRIPTION OF THE ATLATLThe shaft of the spear is made from the giant reed (Arundo donax) ,an introduced species from Asia Minor that is now widespread in theWestern Hemisphere.^In aboriginal times it is probable that the native cane, Gyneriumsagitfatum called cana brava, was used. However, this is muchheavier than the introduced species and its use was probably aban-doned when the lighter cane became available. This is not only easierto throw, but it floats. It is cut at the butt of the shaft just belowone of the joints, so as to leave a hollow receptacle for the spur of theatlatl. The forepart is cut about 6 inches from the joint. Into theopening thus formed are inserted the three wires, whose wide-spread-ing poir ts form the leister. The entire shaft is about 9 feet long.The atlatl itself is carved from "palo azul" wood and is about 24inches in length. It is concave on the under side and convex on theupper so that in cross section it is more or less U-shaped. Just beforethe handle it becomes broad and flat so as to admit the two fingerholes. The handle itself is rectanguloid to cylindrical in cross section.The upper end of the grooved under surface ends in the spur whichengages the butt of the spear. Above this on the upper surface is alarger spur, or hook, which is used to retrieve the floating spears fromthe water.The manufacture of atlatls is carried on by a few specialists inJanitzio who sell them to the hunters for about a peso to a peso^anda half. The spears are sold for about the same amount.Atlatls are frequently depicted in the native codices and at stillearlier periods in carvings on stone monuments, both by the Aztecsand the Maya.^Invariably these are represented as very much shorter than theTarascan specimens, but I believe that this is the result of artisticconventionalization. More than a dozen elaborately carved and
' Botanical identifications by Dr. F. A. McClure, of the Department of Botany, IT. S. National Museum.
' The atlatl or spear-thrower of the ancient Mexicans, by Zelia Nuttall, Archeol.and Etlmol. Pap., Pea-body Museum, Harvard University, vol. I, No. 3, 1891.
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
decorated Mexican atlatls have been preserved from the tune of theConquest.*These vary in length from a Httle over 20 inches to 24% inches,which makes them approximately of the same proportions as theTarascan examples. It is probable that the efficiency of the imple-ment would be impaired if it varied too much from the 20- to 24-inchrange.In addition to these actual examples of early atlatls, there are agood many descriptions written by 16th-century chroniclers, which,together with the native illustrations, show that at least three typesof atlatl were utilized.The spears, too, are described with some frequency by the earlywriters. Torquemada records a tradition in which HuitzUopochtli,god of war, gave the Aztecs the weapons with which they fought,
"long spears made of cane stalks and tipped with obsidian, whichthey threw with a certain implement called 'atlatl.' "The anonymous conqueror, who was one of the recorders of theCortez Conquest, speaks of "spears throAvn by a crossbow made ofanother piece of wood. These spears were tipped with obsidian, orwith very sharp strong fish bones. Some had three points and inflictedthree wounds at once."Zelia Nuttall makes an interesting observation as to the possiblederivation of the term "atlatl": "Considering that the original useof the atlatl was in aquatic chase by the atlacatl, or fishermen, whosename is a synthesis of atl, water, and tlacatl men, I venture the sug-gestion that the word "atlatl" may primarily have been a s;^mthesisformed with the verbal noun tiatlacani, thrower, and atl, water. Thiswould give the word atlatlacani meaning 'water thrower,' "It seems clear that the atlatl and spear, as used on Lake Patzcuarotoday, is in almost every respect the same implement that was usedin pre-Columbian times. The iron prongs now used in place of fishbones, or fire-hardened wood, are about the only concession to moderntimes. It can be assumed that the methods of using this interestingdevice are also the same as those employed five centuries ago.
* The wood carver's art In ancient Mexico, by Marshall H. Saville, Mus, Amer. Indians, Heye Founda-tion, Contr., vol. 9, 1925.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 39
Preparing to throw spear, a. First position, b, Aleliiod of engaging the spear.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 40
Preparing to throw spear, a, ScajiiJ [)i>t,itiiiii. b, ImikiI iiusiinn
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 41
Four atlatls f/oni Janitzio. Front and protile.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBuUetin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 60A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT
By SAUL H. RIESENBERG and SHIGERU KANESHIRO
269
471762?60 19

CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 273Type 1 script 273Type 2 script 277Present-day knowledge and distribution of the writing 279Number and sequence of characters 282Origin of the writing 282Distinctness of the two types 282Similarity of Type 2 script to the alphabet 283Syllabic values 283Type 2 history reconstructed 284Possible sources 284Linguistic affiliations 287The alphabet of Truk 287Alfred Snelling and the Trukese castaways 288Adoption of the Trukese characters 290Spread of Type 2 writing 293Type 1 history 294Invention at Faraulep 295Foreign influence 296Date of invention 297Derivation of characters 297Analysis of the writing 299Phonemes, phonemic combinations, and characters 299Length of vowel not distinguished. 300Vowel characters 302Lack of exact correspondence of characters and syllables 303Effect of dialects 304Representation of final consonants 305Comparison of native texts 307Summary 309Literature cited 311Tables 313ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES FOLLOWINGPAGE42. Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of FaraulepIsland, Faraulep atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) 33443. Tattooing in native scrip on leg of Letaweribul, a woman of FalalapIsland, Woleai atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) 33444. Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-house beams, FaraulepIsland, Faraulep atoll, (a, b, Photographed by S. Kaneshiro;
c, photographed by E. Quackenbush.) 334
271
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173TEXT FIGURES PAGE25. Type 1 symbols and values (facing) 27426. Type 2 symbols and values (facing) 27827. Paragraph from Smith's roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in nativescript by R. of Ifaluk 30828. A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk 310MAP
1. Area of the occurrence of the script. _. 281
A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT
By Saul H. Riesenberg and Shigeru Kaneshiro *
INTRODUCTIONThe existence of a peculiar system of writing in the Woleai Islands ^has received almost no attention from ethnologists or paleographers,and none at all from linguists. It is a script which, the present writersare convinced, has developed in consequence of stimulus diffusion, touse Kroeber's term, and as such is to be reckoned among the smallnumber of scripts so originating, such as the Bamun ideographicscript and the Vai and Cherokee syllabaries. It is the purpose of thispaper to explain its origin and development and to analyze its form,content, and use. TYPE 1 SCRIPTThe first published notice of a Caroline writing was made by J.Macmillan Brown (1914, pp. 89-91; 1927, pp. 117-120). In 1913 hepaid a brief visit to Woleai atoll, where a chief, Egilimar by name,wrote for him a sentence in the native script; later he received a list of51 characters and their phonetic values. Brown did not inquireinto or was not told anything of the origin of the writing. The listis reproduced here in column B of figure 25. It is the type of writingwhich we will refer to hereafter as Type 1 . As Brown points out, thesjnubols do not resemble those of any system known from elsewhere.The script is now known only to five men on the islet and to some in Faraulep,an islet a hundred miles distant. But it is probably a relic of a wide usage in thearchipelago. There is no possibility of any one of the five having inventedit. . . . This Oleai script is manifestly the product of long ages for the use of the
' The authors are indebted to Drs. A. L. Kroeber and William Sturtevant for advice and criticism, to Dr.y. Uyehara for assistance with Japanese characters, to Dr. Ward Qoodenough for advice on Trukese lin-guistics, to Dr. S. H. Elbert for critical reading of the text and for assistance with tape recordings, and toMr. Frank Mahony who obtained considerable information incorporated in the text from Truk and sur-rounding islands. Several students from Micronesia at the University of Hawaii were also of much help,among them Tosiwo Nakayama of Truk, Bethwel Henry and Bailey Olter from Ponape, Nicholas Leon yGuerrero from Saipan, Edmund Qilmar from Yap, and David Ramanii from Palau.
' The term "Woleai" as generally used has two meanings: Woleai atoll itself; and the whole Woleai groupin the Central Carolines, consisting of Woleai atoll, Eauripik, Ifaluk, Faraulep, Qaferut, Olimarao, Elato,Lamotrek, West Fayu, Satawal, and Pikelot. Of these islands, Gaferut, Olimarao, West Fayu, and Pikelotare uninhabited. The group is often referred to also as simply "the Woleai." Just to the east of the grouplie Puluwat, Pulusuk, and Pulap, known today at Truk as "the Western islands;" we will be concerned inthis paper with Puluwat. 273
Explanatory notes for figure 25ColumnA. Numbers assigned to characters and used in text. Numbering after Brown'ssequence, 1 to 51, and arbitrarily thereafter.B. Brown (1927, p. 118). Brown's sequence, cliaracters, and attributed values.Woleai, 1913.C. Damm (1938, fig. 279). Sequence and characters from wooden board.Faraulep, 1909.D. Damm (1938, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men's house. Faraulep,1909.E. Kramer (1937, pi. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoe and bamboobox. Woleai, 1909.F. Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 128, 272). Characters from tinderbox andflute. Satawal and Puluwat, 1909.G. Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributedvalues. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934.H. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed valuesin Smith's orthography.II
- C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, characters,? andattributedvalues; attributed values of column J in Smith's orthography.
L. L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.M. N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.N.l R. of Ifaluk; 1955 and 1957A. Sequence, characters, and attributed valuesO.J in Smith's orthography,P.IT. of Lamotrek; 1955 and 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributedQ.J values in Smith's orthography.R. B. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.S. A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.T. S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters. REMARKS
1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D, E, F,G, L, M, and T by comparison of form of character, and of value if given,with form and value of characters of the other columns.2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants' lists but occurring inword samples; or are variant forms from word samples.3. Values in columns B and G are as given by Brown and Someki respectively.Attributed values in columns H, J, N, O, P, and Q are based on hearing oftape recordings and are in Smith's orthography, except those in parentheses,which were heard under hurried field conditions. Attributed values incolumns I, R, and S, in parentheses, not taped; are given as roughly recordedin field. Attributed values in columns K, L, and M, in parentheses, nottaped; values were written by these informants in Japanese katakana, and arehere shown in the orthography used by Prof. Y. Uyehara of the Universityof Hawaii, who has transcribed the katakana characters for us.*4. Underlining of numbers in various columns indicates the place up to whichinformants' sequences match the sequence of Brown (column B).
?The katakana used by Woleai natives Is a quite unorthodox one, and some of the combinations used areapparently Intended to form sounds Impossible In Japanese. Thus, the device known as nigori or chon-chon, used In Japanese writing to transform a character representing a surd consonant into a sonant con-sonant, is used by C. and N. (columns K and M) for various other purposes: e. g., it is used by both C. andN. as part of values of characters 21, 22, and 34, and seems to be intended in these instances to convert mto mw or r to rw. in other cases it is apparently meant to achieve vowel values intermediate between twoJapanese ones (e. g., characters 9, 10, 31, 67). Various combinations of katakana characters are transliteratedby us with hyphenated values, and seem also to be intended to form vowels absent in Japanese.
KO.
i.Al :f' 1 r '"."'v
1?

M
1

No*6o7'^''^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 275. 60]
Iorganisers of a highly-organised community of considerable size. In other wordsit must have belonged to the ruling class of an empire of some extent, that neededconstant record of the facts of intercourse and organisation.'There are some scattered references to Brown's discovery, but fewwriters have commented on it even briefly. Mason (1920, p. 152)accepts Brown's opinion, quoted above, uncritically. Diringer (1948,p. 448), agreeing in part with Brown, states thatthe origin of the Woleai script is perhaps in some way connected with the FurtherIndian branch of scripts, although this connection does not appear evident, eitherfrom the graphic or from the phonetic points of view. There is, however, thepossibility of the mixed process of invention and borrowing, called "idea diffusion."And Imbelloni (1951, p. 164 and fig. 25), in an attempt to link thescript to Easter Island writing and other scripts of his "Indo-Pacific"graphic system, refers to it as being based on Semitic syllabaries andhaving diffused to the Carolines via India and Malaya; he too regardsit as the remains of a formerly more developed system. A moresober judgment is that of Metraux (1957, p. 199), who says that thescript may very well have been "invented on the spot under the in-fluence of Malay, Indian, or even European writing."These theories derive entirely from Brown's report. Earlier thanBrown, in 1909, the Hamburg Siidsee Expedition had visited Woleaiand neighboring atolls, but the reports of ethnographic work on theseislands were not published until 1935 and later. These publicationsdo not discuss or even refer to the Type 1 writing, but they containillustrations of objects which bear the same characters. One of theauthors, Damm (1938, fig. 279), copied from a wooden board whichhe found at Faraulep a series of 29 symbols.* This series is reproducedhere as column C of figure 25. As will be seen by comparing theseFaraulep symbols with those from Woleai in column B, there is virtualidentity in graphic form and in sequence, as far as they go. Brown'scharacters Nos. 24, 25, and 28 do not appear, and his character 31does not seem very like the one in corresponding position in theFaraulep series, but otherwise they are alike. Apparently the boardrepresents the effort of someone to set down in proper order an alreadydefined set of symbols, perhaps for instructional purposes.There is also a line of characters copied by Damm from a beam in amen's house at Faraulep (1938, fig. 280). These are not a series, but
' Brown, 1927, p. 119. This is perhaps not so fantastic an idea as might at first appear, for the Yap
"empire," a religio-political hegemony which once may have stretched beyond Truk to the east, still includesin its domata all of the Woleais. But the Yapese themselves, who control the "empire," do not possess anynative script.
* This is the only instance of writing In which the symbols run from right to left, as reproduced by Dsmm.But it Is very likely that the board from which the figure was taken was held upside down by the copier.It is impossible to tell from the characters themselves if this was so, since, as will be seen from examination offigures 25 and 26, orientation of the characters is of no significance; but one Informant who was shown a copyof Damm's figure inverted the paper in order to read it.
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
constitute a sentence of actual writing.* Occurring in these lines are11 of the above 29 characters, 8 more characters which are not amongthe 29 but appear on Brown's list, including the missing No. 28, andtwo others which are only on lists furnished us by our present-dayinformants (fig. 25, col. D). In addition, the Siidsee Expeditionvolumes contain illustrations of a bamboo tinderbox and two canoesfrom Woleai, a Puluwat nose flute, and a tinderbox labeled "Satowalbzw. Polowat," all of them incised or painted with characters of thesame type (fig. 25, cols. E and F).It is evident, therefore, that the characters found by Brown in 1913at Woleai were known there and elsewhere in the Central Carolinesin 1909; and further, that Brown did not collect the complete set.^In the Japanese literature on Micronesia available to us we havefound only one reference to the writing, in spite of the long period ofJapanese occupation, 1914 to 1945. This is by Someki (1936, p.178, fig. 5; 1945, pp. 405, 476-477, and figs. 189, 230) who illustrates38 characters of the same type (27 of them occurring among Brown's51, 7 others which appear on lists furnished by our informants, and 4which only Someki gives). They are not presented in any formalsequence; we have located them in various positions in column G offigure 25 by means of comparison of their graphic forms with charactersin the other columns and by means of their attributed phonetic values,which, however, often deviate considerably from the values in theother columns. Someki states that the characters, which he ap-parently collected at Faraulep in 1934, occur only at Ifaluk, Elato,and Faraulep, and he illustrates a wooden bowl from Elato whichbears a few of the characters. He derives some of the symbols, whichhe identifies as of Roman alphabetical origin, from an early Europeaninfluence, and, like Imbelloni, speculates that the others are linkedto Easter Island writing.
? Two informants have read tbis line for us, as follows (the numbers are those of the characters in figs. 25and 26):39/X/4/ni/46/30/28/III/23/25/IV/III/ 11 /53/16/11/I/17Wolipwc/ masturbate / he /and/ FoimeyatIt will be noted that, as in the samples of writing collected by ourselves, there is no separation of wordsor phrases and no pimctuation. One of our informants, C, occasionally uses a tiny triangle or diamondbetween words at the level of the uppermost portion of the characters; its use is inconsistent, but it seemsto be intended to terminate phrases and sentences.
? There is also to be noted the existence In 1909 of a set of numeral signs at Faraulep (Damm, 1938, pp. 213-216). Damm attributes their Invention to a chief Saueru; he states that the symbols originated from tattoodesigns and from signs taken from Japanese newspapers, and that their recency of invention was evidentfrom their limitation to use in copra transactions. Since no other authority mentions them, and since nonative ofwhom we inquired during 1954-57 knew anything of them, we will not discuss them further.
nS*6o1^' ^''^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 277TYPE 2 SCRIPTThe Siidsee Expedition volumes, while they fail to refer directlyto the type of writing we have called Type 1, present a second set ofcharacters of a very different type. From Ifaluk, Damm (1938,fig. 180) gives a list of 18 characters belonging to this second type andshows their phonetic values. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278)give almost the identical script from Satawal; it contains 19 charactersof the same graphic form with nearly the same values as the Ifalukcharacters, in slightly different sequence. These two lists are pre-sented by the German anthropologists without comment or analysis,except that Damm attributes the introduction of this writing atIfaluk to a castaway missionary from Truk. The symbols arereproduced here in columns B and C of figure 26, and are of the tj^peof writing which the present authors will call Type 2. Not only arethe symbols and their values different from Type 1 writing; they areclearly derived, as is evident upon simple inspection, from Romancharacters, while the symbols of Type 1 in nearly all cases show noresemblence to Roman alphabetical characters.These are the only two series of Type 2 that we have found in thepublished materials. But in the lines of writing from the Faraulepmen's house, previously mentioned, there are also some symbols ofType 2. And in the three words which Brown appends to his Woleailist there are three characters which mystify him, since they do notoccur in his list of 51 Type 1 characters, but which can be identifiedfrom the Ifaluk and Satawal series as belonging to Type 2. Besidesthis, all of the illustrated objects previously mentioned bear char-acters of this type in addition to the ones of Type 1, and there areadditional illustrations of a Lamotrek house and a Puluwat canoedecorated in Type 2 characters only (fig. 26, cols. D-H). And inSomeki's list there are 11 characters of this type (fig. 26, col. I).We have, then, evidence that in 1909 both types of S3anbols wereknown at Woleai, Faraulep, Puluwat, and probably Satawal, if notelsewhere, and that at least Type 2 characters were known at Ifalukand Lamotrek. In 1934, the date of Someki's visit, both systemswere known at Ifaluk and Elato.
Explanatory notes for figure 26ColumnA. Numbers assigned to characters. Numbering after M.'s sequence (col. J).B. Damm (1938, fig. 180). Sequence, characters, and attributed values.Ifaluk, 1909.C. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278). Sequence, characters, and attributedvalues. Satawal, 1909.D. Damm (1938, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men's house. Faraulep,1909.E. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 128). Characters from tinderbox. Satawalor Puluwat, 1909.F. Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 212, 272). Characters from canoe and flute.Puluwat, 1909.G. Kramer (1937, pi. 9c). Characters from beams of men's house. Lamotrek,1909.H. Kramer (1937, pi. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoes and bamboobox. Woleai, 1909.I. Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributedvalues. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934.J. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed valuesin Smith's orthography.C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, charactersand attributed values; attributed values of column L in Smith's orthog-raphy.R. of Ifaluk: 1955, 1957A, and 1957B. Sequence, characters and attributedvalues; attributed values of columns N and O in Smith's orthography.Q. A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.R. L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.S. N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.T. O. of Falalus, Woleai, 1957. Characters and attributed values.U. P. of Eauripik, 1957. Sequence and characters.V. S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters.REMAEKS1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D-I, R,S, T, and V by comparison of form of character, and of value if given, withform and value of characters of the other columns.2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants' lists but occurring inword samples; or are variant forms from word samples.3. Values in columns B, C, and I are as given by Damm, Damm and Sarfert,and Someki respectively. Attributed values in columns J, L, N, and Oare based on hearing of tape recordings and are in Smith's orthography,except those in parentheses, which were heard under hurried field conditions.Those in column N were obtained from informant R. reading not his ownlist of characters but the list by informant M. (given in column J). At-tributed values in columns K, P, Q, and T, in parentheses, not taped; aregiven as roughly recorded in the field. Attributed values in columns M,R, and S, in parentheses, not taped; values were written by these inform-ants in Japanese katakana, and are here shown in the orthography usedby Prof. Y. Uyehara of the University of Hawaii, who has transcribed thekatakana characters for us.*4. Numbers preceding characters in columns B, C, J, P, and U, form separateseries, independent of any series of numbers in figure 25. Numbers preced-ing characters in columns K-0 are in the same series as those precedingcorresponding lists of characters in figure 25 by the same informants, sincethese informants gave lists containing characters of both types.
?See footnote following notes to figure 25.
]
t
.< H
O.,'
J
I
oa)
ovD
Io
r~

B CDEFGHIJKLM N P Q R S TU V
I

^?tj5?P- P'^P- CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 279PKESENT-DAY KNOWLEDGE AND DISTRIBUTION OF THEWRITINGWe were able, in 1954 to 1957, to obtain lists of symbols of one orboth types from various living informants of Woleai, Faraulep,Lamotrek, Ifaluk, and Eauripik. These sjmnibols are included infigures 25 and 26 under informants' names. In addition we havesamples of the writing, though not lists of characters, from severalother persons of all these atolls; and additional persons were able toread or at least to identify many of the characters. We also havesamples from tattooing and from canoe-house beams (pis. 42-44).The number of people who today know the writing is not certain.At Faraulep two men and two women provided us with lists whichincluded both types of characters (fig. 25, cols. H-M, and fig. 26,
cols, J-M, R, S), and the two men wrote sample words and texts;another two men and two women (two of them of Woleai origin) wereable to recognize from 14 to 38 Type 1 characters and 15 to 17 ofthose of Type 2; still another woman is said to know the wi'iting; inthis list of Faraulepese familiar with the system we should also reckona tenth person, a man who died in 1955, but who the previous yearhad recognized 17 symbols of Type 2 and is said to have known theother type. As for the other atolls in the Woleais
:
Woleai atoll: Two women of Falalap Island gave us Type 1 listsand wrote Type 2 characters in sample words (fig. 25, cols. R, S;fig. 26, col, Q) ; a Falalus man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col. T) ; aWottagai woman and a Siliap man wrote some Type 2 charactersand words; two Wottagai men could read symbols of Type 2; and wecopied examples of writing in tattoo and on house beams and tinder-boxes at Falalus and Wottagai (as we did also at Faraulep) . Eauripik
:
One man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col, U), and another man recog-nized 16 of the Type 2 characters and wrote sample words; a thirdman, the last at this atoll who knew Type 1 writing, died recently.Ifaluk: One man wrote three lists containing both types (fig. 25,cols. N, O; fig. 26, cols. N-P) and a long text in characters of bothtypes, as well as sample words; another man wrote a similar text(his characters are shown in fig. 25, col. T, and fig. 26, col. V) ; and athird man, who claimed to have once known the whole system,could read a large number of the characters. Lamotrek: A man ofIfaluk origin who learned the wi-iting at Ifaluk by means of lettersfrom Faraulep, gave us two Type 1 lists (fig. 25, cols. P, Q) and wasable to read additional characters of both types; he also wrote samplewords; a second man recited the lists orally; and a third could readmany of the characters; and again there was writing on house beams.Elate: No one knew the system, although several persons bore
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
tattooing in Type 2 characters done by a woman now dead, and wecopied characters from house beams. Satawal: One man who diedin 1955 liad the previous year recognized some Type 2 characters;no one else literate in the writing could be found, although a Satawalwoman who did tattooing in both types is still living at Palau, andat least four women (one of them from Woleai) were tattooed withthe symbols; and waiting on house beams, most of it dating fromJapanese times, was once more recorded. As for Puluwat, east ofthe Woleais, though three informants knew the writing for what itwas, they could read none of it and stated that the few people whohad known it were dead. Altogether we have samples of writingand/or lists of characters from 27 living or recently deceased persons,as well as characters copied from tattooing and from beams and otherobjects. No doubt some of the people whom we tested only forreading ability can also write in the script.It would appear, then, that the writing has or once had a geo-graphical distribution from Eauripik in the west to Puluwat, 300miles to the east, and was known on all the inhabited islands between.(See map 1.) Specific inquiry elsewhere in the Carolines establishedthat it had not existed beyond these limits,^ but it was often recog-nized for what it was; people on Pulusuk, for example, have heard ofit as "writing of Faraulep." Within the area where it exists, notmany persons seem ever to have known it, and knowledge of it isdeclining. While formerly there was some interest among youngerpeople in learning the writing, many today use an adaptation ofJapanese katakana writing instead, and the children are being taughtto write in the English alphabet in Government schools. All of ourinformants were past their youth. Previously, Avhen more peopleknew the system, it was used for writing letters to one another, oftento request supplies of native and European commodities, but nowa-days, with travel made easier and with stores available, this functionof writing has lapsed. The few people who know the script todayuse it primarily to record chants and magical and medicinal formulae.One man says he learned the writing specifically in order to be able torecord songs, medicines, and magic, which he keeps in a notebook.A recent convert to Catholicism keeps a notebook of catechism lessonsin the writing. An Ifaluk man who, in late Japanese times, becamelost at sea, states that during his misadventure he kept an account inthe native writing which included the birds he saw "and their mean-ing." Lt. Kevin Carroll (tragically killed in Iran in 1957), who wasan administrator in the military government at Yap in 1946, told usthat he sometimes transmitted orders to the Central Carolines,through an Ifaluk amanuensis, in the native script.
' We have no Information for Pulap, just east of the Woleals.
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 281No. 60]
I?,
10 E
H a
3 0.3o c
-i?
i
s
4-1a,
(L)
1)UcVu!-?uuOu
7^ ^ ?r-o
282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173NUMBER AND SEQUENCE OF CHARACTERSFrom all the sources previously mentioned and from the lists ofcharacters and samples of writing we ourselves have collected, we havea total of at least 78 characters of Type 1, to most of which we canassign phonetic values, and 19 of Type 2. We also know that there isa definite sequence. For Type 1, M.^ of Faraulep gives a list of 42characters identical in sequence with the first 42 of Brown's list fromWoleai. Of the three lists obtained from C, one is identical insequence as far as Brown's No. 21, one as far as No. 22, and the thirdto No. 50 (except for character 35, which is given as the 80th in C.'slist). Similarly, of R.'s two lists containing Type 1 characters, onecoincides with Brown's as far as character 43 (with some omissions^and the other up to character 20 (with one omission) and again from29 to 43. From T., one list (with two omissions) runs in the sameorder up to No. 18, and another list (with some omissions) to 47.B. gives a list which duplicates Brown's from 1 to 12, omits 13 to 38,but resumes at 39 and runs to Brown's 49. And the list by A. runsin Brown's sequence to No. 44 (with four omissions and with No. 28out of order). The list from the Faraulep wooden board of 1909,with three omissions, also runs in the same sequence up to No. 32.As for Type 2, only five lists are given in sequence separate fromType 1 (fig. 26, cols. B, C, J, P, U). It will be seen that four of themagree as far as No. VI. The Ifaluk list of 1909 and the Faraulep listof 1955 agree completely in sequence except for the omission of onecharacter in the former. The Satawal list of 1909 and the Eauripiklist of 1957 likewise are in agreement (not considering omissions) asfar as No. XI, and both have No. XIX in seventh position.It is evident, then, that we have here a system of writing which wasweU-defined some time before 1909.ORIGIN OF THE WRITINGDISTINCTNESS OF THE TWO TYPESWhat is the origin of the Carolinian writing? We may disregardthe speculations of Brown, Diringer, Imbelloni, and Someki, sincethere is no evidence to support them and they border on the fantastic.In answering this question, it is important to note that of the five listsof characters we have obtained from published sources, two (Brown'sWoleai list and the list from the wooden board found at Faraulep byDamm) contain only one type, the non-alphabetical type which we
' Designations of informants referred to in this paper are as follows: A.: Marutang of Falalap, Woleai.B.: Nachomai of Falalap, Woleai. C: Chiyemal of Pigue, Faraulep. L.: Laichib of Pigue, Faraulep.M.: Magilo of Pigue, Faraulep. N.: Nesawen of Pigue, Faraulep. O.: Maluchorang of Falalus, Woleai.P.: Fagolifek of Eauripik. R.: Maroligar of Ifaluk. S.: Tarof of Ifaluk. T.: Tachep of Lamotrek.
No*60]^' ^'^^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 283have called Type 1; two (the Ifaluk and Satawal lists published byDamm and by Damm and Sarfert) contain symbols which are all ofType 2; only one (Someki's), which appears to be in no formal se-quence, has both types. In other words, the natives from whom thelists were obtained themselves consider the symbols to be of twotypes; we have not sorted them out on any logical grounds. Also,some of our informants gave us the two types in two separate sets.Other informants gave us mixed lists, but nevertheless distinguishthe characters as belonging to two types of writing.SIMILARITY OF TYPE 2 SCRIPT TO THE ALPHABETWhen we first examined the symbols it was immediately apparentthat those of Type 2 were taken without great alteration from Romanalphabetical symbols ; they all appear to be modified forms of our ownupper-case letters; whereas most of those of Type 1 bore little resem-blance to the alphabet or, it seems evident from examination of theexhaustive compilation of other forms of writing illustrated by Dirin-ger, to any other known system of writing. It therefore suggesteditself to us that Type 2 was first introduced into these islands fromsome European source, and that, perhaps because it fitted poorlyinto the native phonetic patterns, another system, Type 1, was thendevised in order to fill a need for more adequate representation.SYLLABIC VALUESIt was apparent also that neither type of symbol was used alpha-betically, except for symbols representing vowel sounds alone. Thethree words that Brown gives us indicate that both types were beingused in 1913 to represent syllables, not single phones. The wordsand phrases we later obtained from our own informants verified ourguess that this was in fact a syllabary, and suggested what the processof development had been. AU the symbols, of both types, have nameswhich are also their attributed phonetic values (although, as weshall see, in actual writing values are often only approximate). Ex-cept for characters representing vowels alone, nearly all of whichbelong to Type 2, they represent open syllables composed of aninitial consonant or semivowel followed by a vowel. Fm'ther, everysymbol of Type 2, excluding those representing vowels alone, hasan attributed value whose vowel portion is a long i, while all symbolsof Type 1, with two exceptions (Nos. 7 and 67) have as their vowelportions attributed values other than i. Writing is accomplishedby a mixed alphabet-syllabary system; when a syllable consists ofa vowel alone, the character for that vowel is used, as in alphabeticalwriting; when it is formed by a consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel-plus-vowel combination, the appropriate syllabic character, of eithertype, is used. (See table 2.)
284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173TYPE 2 HISTORY RECONSTRUCTEDThis evidence caused us to guess that a European alphabet or amodified form thereof had been introduced to these islands, but withnames attached to the letters different from those we know them by;that the names for the consonantal letters consisted of the phoneticvalue of the consonant followed by an i suffix; that the natives didnot understand the acrophonic principle upon which the names werebased, hence did not attempt to write alphabetically but took thesenames as having syllabic value and tried to write their language withthem ; ^ and that they devised the other system of writing, Type 1
,
when they found the first system of syllabic representation, Type 2,inadequate to reproduce all the sounds of their language. Thisreconstruction of history seemed consistent with the consistentlyopen form of the syllable in this language, syllable-final consonantscommonly occurring only at the ends of words. Binary geminatesequences occur, but dissimilar consonants are almost always sepa-rated by at least an excrescent vowel. Among the 301 Woleai wordsthat we have assembled from the text material in Smith (1951),written in his orthography, only three combinations seem to be excep-tions, those italicized in the place names So/w/g, Ysi/n/rw/ipii/g, and Ya/nga/ZA/ge/ra/i/lh. Thus, since the spoken language in large part iscomposed of open monosyllables, such a system of wi'iting serves itwell. When a spoken word has a terminal consonant, only the con-sonantal portion of the final character used in writing the word re-tains phonetic value, and the vowel portion which follows it becomesvalueless. POSSIBLE SOURCESWhere could the natives of these islands have obtained theRoman characters? Dates of discovery by Europeans range from1686 for Faraulep to 1828 for Eauripik, but the natives were in inti-mate contact with other islands which had earlier contact with theWest; Yap, for example, was discovered in 1526, and Fais in 1543.In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, visits by explorers and trad-ers became fairly frequent, and a number of ship's deserters andcastaways have left accounts of their stay in various of the Carolines.But missionaries failed to establish permanent stations in these islandsuntil the end of the 19th century, and the natives remained in vir-tuallyaboriginal condition. The natives themselves were probably moreactive agents in culture dispersal in those days than were explorers,traders, or missionaries. They are skilled mariners and navigators,and possess a remarkable geographical knowledge. Much has beenwritten of the navigational skill and exploratory zeal of the Polyne-
? For examples of writing In 1909 with exclusively Type 2 characters, see Damm and Sar/ert (1935, p. 277).
No*6oT"^*^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 285
sians, but the similar qualities of the Micronesians have remained inobscurity. According to Hornell (1936, p. 438), "In all the Microne-sian groups of islands the design of the outrigger canoe reached ahigher level of development than in any part of Polynesia, as did alsothe knowledge of the science of navigation possessed by certain ofthe islanders." Meinicke (1876, p. 374) likewise refers to the nativesof the Carolines and Marshalls as the foremost mariners of the Pacific,far surpassing the Polynesians in this respect, and Kramer comparesMicronesian and Polynesian geographical Imowledge with similaradvantage to the former. In earlier days a flotilla of canoes from theCentral Carolines assembled each April at Gaferut^? and made the300-mile trip thence to Guam in the Marianas in 8 days; canoes fromWoleai, Faraulep, Lamotrek, Elato, Satawal, Puluwat, and possiblyPulusuk and Namonuito participated in this expedition; they tradedshells, mats, cordage, and canoes for iron knives, beads, and cloth,and made the return voyage in May or June. Guam, be it noted,had been missionized by the Spanish beginning in 1668. This com-merce, apparently interrupted by the Spanish conquest of the Mari-anas, was resumed in 1788 and persisted until 1873. Kittlitz (1858)encountered Caroline natives in 1827, e. g., at Faraulep, who alreadyspoke fluent Spanish, an ability no doubt acquired on visits to Guam.Objects of Marianas origin were traded farther east than the islandsdirectly involved in the commerce, e. g., to Truk and Namoluk (Finsch,1900, p. 48; Gu-schner, 1912-13, p. 180), which got theh- iron toolsand tobacco from Puluwat. Lutke (1835, p. 295) found cats on Luku-nor (in the Nomoi group), known by the Spanish name "gato," which,no doubt, were obtained from the Marianas via such native traders.A permanent colony of Carolinians grew up in the Marianas after1815, with settlements at Guam and Saipan, and later at Tinian.These colonists, who numbered many hundreds, came, and continueduntil recent years to come, from the very islands we are here concernedwith, as well as from others which lack the writing; visits back andforth to their home islands were frequent; much trading involvingEuropean manufactures occurred.There was also contact with the Spanish in the Philippines. TheSpaniards at Guam employed Caroline crews to take them as far asthe Philippines. The journal of the Salem ship Clay, Capt. W. R.Driver, reports finding in the Fijis in 1827 two natives of the Carolinesleft there by a Manila brig 5 years before; these men signed on theClay as crew members and returned to Manila. Traditions of sea-farers cast away in the Philippines and successfully returned homeare known as far east as Puluwat. The first knowledge of the Woleaiscomes from Spanish accounts of 30 canoeloads of people from these
" Not West Fayu, as Is often stated In the older literature on the subject.471762?60 20
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173
islands driven ashore at Mindanao and elsewhere in 1664, and theliterature contains many more such reports in later years, includingthe most recent case in 1954. Many of these castaways made theirway home, either by themselves or aboard foreign vessels.Another point of contact with the outside world was by way ofYap, whose dominion over all the Central Carolines has been describedby several writers, ^^ and continues in diminished degree until today;formerly it extended farther east than the islands we are concernedwith here, and contacts with Europeans would have been possible atboth ends of the area involved. Mission activities at Yap, to be sure,did not commence until 1886, but traders were active there earlierin the century.Finally, maps drawn by natives of these islands and sailing directionswhich they are capable of giving reveal knowledge of places in thePhilippines, parts of Indonesia, the northern fringe of Melanesia,and some of the islands of the Gilberts and Polynesia.Nevertheless, none of the foregoing gives us any clear indicationthat some early contact with the West or with literate natives fromother regions resulted in familiarity with writing among CentralCarolinians. We have only one report of writing from this areabefore the German expedition's visit in 1909: Arago (1822, p. 35)reproduces a letter from a Satawal chief written in response to theorder of a trader at Rota in the Marianas; the writing used in thisletter is purely pictographic, the chief having made drawings of theobjects he desired in return for the shells which he had for barter, andthere is not the slightest resemblance to the system of writing we arehere concerned with. Nor is this system reported by Chamisso,Choris, Dumont d'Urville, Freycinet, Kittlitz, Kotzebue, Lesson,or Liitke, all astute observers, in the early 19th century, and it is notlikely that it would have escaped the attention of Christian, Finsch,or Kubary in the latter part of that century if it had existed then.It seemed to us therefore that the writing must be of more recentorigin. Also it appeared that the most likely place to look for itssource was in the islands to the east of the area concerned. To thewest and north are Palau and the Marianas, whose inhabitants speakIndonesian languages, and Yap, whose language, although it isusually classified as Micronesian, is very different from the languagesof the Central Carolines. The borrowing of Roman characters fromthese islands, even though some of the natives of the Woleais speakYapese, would for these reasons have been difl&cult. But moreimportant, alphabetical writing was introducted to the Marianas,Palau, and Yap by the Spanish, and the letters of the alphabet, as
11 See Lessa, 1950.
No*6o1^'^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 287given orally by the natives of those islands today, all have modifiedSpanish names, very different from the names in the Central Carolinesof the Type 2 characters which we have considered to be of alphabeticalderivation. LINGUISTIC AFFILIATIONSThe language of the Central Carolines belongs to a larger linguisticgroup which has a geographical range stretching from Ulithi in thewest nearly to Truk and Nomoi (or the Mortlocks) in the east, andincludes also the islands south of Palau. This area has four sub-divisions: in the west, Ulithi, Fais, and Sorol; to the southwest,Sonsorol, Pulo Anna, Merir, Tobi, and probably Mapia; to the east,Pulap, Pulusuk, and Puluwat; and in the center, all the inhabitedislands of the group commonly referred to as the Woleais: Faraulep,Eauripik, Lamotrek, Elato, Ifaluk, Satawal, as well as Woleai atollitself. The Woleais, together with Pnluwat, constitute the areawhere the writing is known. The languages of these four subdivisionsare mutually intelligible, differing only in some phonemic shifts andin some minor vocabulary changes. Farther east, the inhabitants ofTruk and of the islands to the north and south of Truk, including theNomoi group, speak dialects of another language, whose relationshipto the first language group is close but not sufficiently so to permitmutual intelligibility. However the two vocabularies offer a greatnumber of cognates and the phonemic patterns are not remarkablydifferent (Smith, 1951).THE ALPHABET OF TRUKIn the first language area there has not been, until the time ofthe American administration, beginning after World War II, anyliterature in the native tongue. But in the second area there hasbeen, since 1878, a series of Bibles, hymn books, catechisms, arith-metic instruction books, and so on. These are all in the Nomoidialect, and were all written by the missionary Logan, who was as-signed this task by the American Board of Commissioners for ForeignMissions.^^ The books are used not only in the Nomoi group but in
" Available to us are the following, all by the missionary Logan:Maku en Mark. 1880 and 1882 editions. Honolulu.Kapas fel, puk eu, kapas en lorn kana, Mortlok. 1880. Honolulu.Nor an lamalam kana; kapas an Mortlok (Mortlock Island Hymns). 1881. Clnciimatl.Puk an afalafal, kapas an Mortlok. 1881. Honolulu.Testament Sefa an amam Samol o Ran amanau JIsos Kralst. 1883 (1st edition) and 1944 (7th edition).New York.Kapas fel, puk eu: kapas en Kot, Mortlok. 1884. New York.Aritmatik. 1887. Honolulu.Puk an als fel, me ais an lamalam kana (Mortlock catechism). 1888. Honolulu.Puk an k61, me k61 an lamalam kana, Ian kapas an Ruk me Mortlok. 1888 (2d ed.), Honolulu; andn. d. (3d ed.), San Francisco.
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBuU.178
all of the Truk area without accommodation to dialect difference.They are printed in ordinary roman characters, some of them alsousing a number of diacritical devices. '^Trukese today, who write alphabetically and who still use the LoganBible unaltered from its 19th century form, when asked to recite theiralphabet nearly all respond with the following sequence : A E I O U F SKLMNATTRT^T.^* These are the very same characters that areused in three of Logan's books, except that Logan also uses a J. (Jis used on Truk by the older generation, almost solely for writingbiblical names.) Also one of the Logan books {Puk an afalafal, 1881,p. 1) contains, apparently for instructional purposes, almost the samesequence:AEIOUFJKLMNA^PRi?ST. In oral recitation,the vowels have approximately Spanish values, and the consonantswhich follow are given as though suffixed by i, thus: fi, si, ki, li, mi,
ni, ngi, pi, ri, chi, ti. That is, the names of the Trukese consonantsare the same as the names and phonetic values of the Type 2 syllabiccharacters of the Woleais.^^ There are only five vowels as againstthe eight in the Type 2 lists, and the sequence of characters is shghtlydifferent?we will shortly attempt to explain these differences?butthe relationship would seem to be obvious. The Truk area wouldseem, then, to be the source of the Type 2 wiiting of the CentralCarolines. Moreover, inasmuch as Logan began his work in 1878,Type 2 writing must have come into use since that date.ALFRED SNELLING AND THE TRUKESE CASTAWAYSHow did the Trukese alphabet get to the Woleais? No AmericanBoard missionary was ever stationed there, but the Ifaluk informantsof Damm told him that a missionary from Truk, who was en route fromUlul (in Namonuito atoll) to Truk in a sailing canoe, together with anumber of Trukese, was driven ashore at Eauripik at some unspecifiedtime; there he remained until a Woleai chief arrived and invited himto accompany him back to Woleai ; the Trukese already knew how to
'3 Logan's books all contain the following roman characters; A, E, I, 0, IT, F, J, K, L, M, N, P, K, S, T.Three have in addition AT and R. Three others have N, R, A, and O. The 1888 catechism has all of thesecharacters, plus an umlaut E. The second edition of the hymn book published in 1888 has all of thesecharacters again, as well as diacritical devices?accent, two forms of circumflex, and umlaut?for A, E, I,and O, which also have italicized forms. The 3d edition of the same hymn book (n. d., but published before1899) converts all of these forms to Italicizatlon. After 1900 the only nonstandard orthographic devices areItalicized N, R, A, and O.1* The Spanish, before 1900, Introduced their own alphabet, which has never caught on, one reason beingthat two of the consonants, as pronounced by the Spanish, form words with vulgar meaning.
" The alphabets of Ponape and Kusaie, in the Eastern Carolines, and of the Mai shall Islands are similar;that is, they are given with the vowels, pronounced with Spanish values, fii-st, then the consonants whichagain all have names with i endings. Apparentl y this regularization of consonantal names was the standardpedagogical device of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions missionaries. Theseislands, however, have languages with phonemic systems different from those with which we are concernedin this paper, a fact reflected in the local alphabets; thus the missionaries did not introduce F at Ponape,where there is no corresponding phoneme, but did introduce both D and T. These alphabets, therefore,could not be the source of the Type 2 writing.
Na6oT"^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 289
write and taught the art to their hosts at Eauripik and Woleai; theaccount goes on to say that the Trukese went back to Truk via Ifalukand Lamotrek and taught writing to the inhabitants of these atolls too.To this account is to be added that of Burrows and Spiro (1953, p.201), who say that writing "came to Ifaluk from Woleai, where it wastaught by a missionary." (Burrows gives no further informationabout the writing.)One of our informants, a man of Eauripik, confirmed the foregoingin the following words: "An American Protestant missionary fromTruk got lost on a boat during German times (1900-1914). Hestayed there (Eauripik) and taught the people (how to write) ....His name was Misinining. He was there only for three or four monthsand left for Falalap (in Woleai) where he soon died." AnotherEauripik man refers to this missionary as Misililing and remembersthat he and the Trukese all gave instruction in writing.All of these accounts, of course, must refer to the writing we havecalled Type 2, since the castaway party from Truk must have usedfor instruction the alphabet known to them, and we have seen that thealphabet is the inspiration of Type 2 writing.The mention of a missionary called "Misinining" sent us to therecords of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,where we found that a Rev. Alfred Snelling was missionary to Trukbeginning in 1888, and that he was lost at sea in a native boat in 1905(Bliss, 1906, pp. 129, 162; American Board of Commissioners forForeign Missions, Annual Reports, 1886 to 1906). The equation ofMr. SneUing and "Misinining" is obvious. Damm (1938, p. 133)and Kramer (1937, p. 203), in context unrelated to anything bearingon the script, also refer to Snelling. Damm relates only that Snellingsailed in a native canoe for 93 days until he reached Eauripik, whencehe went to Woleai. Ki'amer gives the story in greater detail, tellinghow Snelling, en route from Puluwat and Ulul to Truk, went astrayand drifted for 3 months until he reached Eauripik, whence a boatcrew from Woleai fetched him to their island, where he died.None of these published accounts which mention Snelling say any-thing about his role in the introduction of writing. However, Mr.Frank Mahony, presently District Anthropologist at Truk, has estab-lished the connection in the following interview with a Trukese namedAiras. The story of Snelling is well known at Truk, but Airas, whowas a student at Snelling's school in 1900, and who made the ill-fatedvoyage with him, is apparently the last survivor of that journey.Mahony relates:
Snelling left Totiw [Tarik] Island [in Truk atoll] intending to go to Ulul andPiserach [both in Namonuito atoll]. He picked up the chiefs of Puluwat and Ululon Etten [in Truk atoll], then west to Tol [in Truk atoll] to get Sirom and Kinion
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173[two men]. Snelling took 400 baskets of preserved breadfruit with him to giveto . . . Piserach and Ulul. They left Truk and went to Piserach, thence toUJul, then back to Piserach. They left Piserach around 2:00 PM to make thereturn journey to Truk. . . . Ten hours later . . . they were still not outof sight of Piserach. . . . At 3 :00 AM a light breeze blew up . . . While Snellingslept some passengers they had picked up on Ulul . . . talked the crew intochanging course. . . . From then on they searched in vain for Truk. Theyhad a little copra and some drinking coconuts aboard. ... At the end of seven-teen days this was all gone. They managed to catch a few fish. They were atsea about ninety days until finally they got to Eauripik. Meanwhile . . . fourof them had . , . died of starvation. The people of Eauripik took very goodcare of them. . . . When a big chief of Woleai named Okupeniar [Kramer giveshis name as Agupelior] came they went with him to Woleai . . . [The three Jap-anese living there] took Snelling into their house. . . . Snelling knew he wasgoing to die and asked to be moved ... to the men's house , . . and in twenty-four hours he was dead. . . . After a few months Airas and the others leftWoleai and went to Lamotrek. . . . Then they went on to Satawal and on toPuluwat . . . then after a couple of weeks . . . back to Truk.Maliony:Did you hold school on the islands?Airas:No, we 1* just taught them to write. . . . They didn't know how before. . i .We taught (the Trukese alphabet) to the people of Eauripik and Woleai . . .but not to the people of Satawal, Puluwat, and Lamotrek. . . . We didn't staylong enough on these islands, and besides they already knew how to write. OnLamotrek the Guamanian wife of the white trader had taught the people how towrite. . . . The people of Satawal probably learned from Lamotrek.ADOPTION OF THE TRUKESE CHARACTERSAiras recalls the following alphabet as used by himself and theother Trukese instructors: AEIOOUFSKLMNNPRRJT.It differs from the modern Truljese alphabet only in having two extraletters, O and J. Of these letters, all six vowels occur in the Type 2writing of today, where the vowels A, E, I, and O are to be found inpositions I, III, IV, and V, and where U occurs in different positionson different islands (see fig. 26). The fifth character in Airas' series,O, is no doubt the sLxth in the various versions of Type 2 writingand is to be equated with the italic O of some of the Nomoi boolisof Logan. As for the other two vowels in Type 2 ^vriting, one of them,the second in all the series, is very likely the italic A of most of theNomoi books, and the E-like character. No. XVI, is possibly derivedfrom the italic E which we have found in three of those books (thoughwe later suggest a possible Japanese katakana derivation.) Atras'failure to include these two letters in his series may very well be due
"0 For the record, we should mention the names of the other Trukese teachers, who, with Airas, carriedon their Instruction, using pencil and paper as -well as writing in the sand. They are Kinion, Sirom, TJne-itor, and Resapechik.
NaeSr"^^^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 291
to a fault of memory; 50 years have passed since his adventm-e, duringwhich time the Trukese alphabet has become standardized in theversion given on page 288, so that Airas may be influenced by modernwriting, which tends to omit italics.All the consonantal names in the alphabet given by Airas are pro-nounced by him with i endings. Identification of most of them withthe Type 2 characters is readily apparent upon inspection and neednot be discussed. A few Type 2 characters have been altered in ori-entation (as Nos. IV and XI) or in minor detail (as Nos. VIII, X,XIII, and XIV) .'^ Only the Type 2 symbol representing the soundwi (No. XII) is at all puzzling. Possibly it is the letter J, which oc-curs in aU the Nomoi printed books, where it is used interchangeablywith S; it occurs also in Airas' alphabet, where, like S, it has the name
si. J is disappearing in modern Trukese writing because of thisequivalence with S, but its former position is shown by its replace-ment by S between F and K. Now if J was indeed among the letterstaught to the people of Eauripik and Woleai, as Airas states, itsobvious superfluity may have resulted in its being used in Type 2writing to represent a sound for which no symbol was available butwhich was felt to be required, namely wi; the position of characterXII at the very end of the Satawal list (see fig. 26), as though it wastacked on after this transformation was effected, suggests this explana-tion.^*The only letter in both the Trukese alphabet and in Airas' list whichdoes not appear in Type 2 writing is L. In the Nomois, where Loganworked out the alphabet used in all the printed materials of the Trukarea, I and n are both phonemes, as they are also, apparently, in all ofthe low islands around Truk. But at Truk itself there is no I phoneme,only n, and L is used in writing when necessity is felt to defer to tradi-tional spellings based on the Nomoi Bible, the Bible used at Truk.Now at Woleai atoll there are four corresponding phonemes, whichSmith (1951) writes I, Ih, n, and nh (the h indicating a release). Thesephonemic distinctions are probably made also in the speech of most ofthe other Woleais. Yet in the writing no necessity is apparently feltto make the same distinctions; we shall see that this holds true for thecharacters of Type 1 also, that is, those characters whose syllabic
" Thanks to Mr. Mahony, an old man of Murilo (an atoll north of Truk) has furnished us with examplesof the alphabetical characters used In the Truk area about 50 years ago, apparently as the missionaries taughtthem. There are some differences in form of the characters when they are compared with the Type 2writing of today in the Woleais, but at least his E, N, and T bear the same peculiar embellishments asthe corresponding Woleai characters (see fig. 26), so it would appear that the alteration from the graphicform of Roman upper-case characters did not occur in the Woleais but in the Truk area.
" Airas would seem to have transposed J and S in position in his series. However, a Nomoi man whowent to Snelllng's school at Truk from 1897 to 1901 gives the final letter of the alphabet as he learned it asJ, so possibly Snelllng's party introduced It to the Woleais in this position. Modern samples of tattooingcollected by Mr. Mahony at Puluwat contain a J-llke character which Is read as wi, not ??.
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 178
values contain these four consonants, suffixed with vowel sounds otherthan i. If L was among the letters taught by Airas and his com-panions, it had dropped out of use as a Type 2 character between1905, the date of Snelling's drift voyage, and 1909, when the SiidseeExpedition collected Type 2 lists at Satawal and Ifaluk. However, inthe various Type 1 series there is an L-like character at position 33,whose value Brown gives as la and the consensus of our informantsmakes to be ne or nae. We may guess that the Trukese castaways in-troduced L and N as equivalent in name, because of the Trukese pho-nemic pattern, and that L was therefore converted into a Type 1symbol whose value was rather similar; one of our informants, C,actually states that character 33 was indeed so derived.Airas' account is that the Trukese castaways taught the alphabetas they knew it only to the natives of Eaiu-ipik and Woleai; that theGuamanian woman at Lamotrek had already taught the people of thatisland to write; that Satawal probably got its writing from Lamotrek;and that by then the people of Puluwat also knew how to write. How-ever, it is hardly possible that the Satawal writing of Type 2, recordedin 1909, would have had the consonant-plus-^ value pattern, as it did,if it were of Guamanian origin. Guam uses a standard Roman alpha-bet, whose letters have Spanish names, while the Satawal charactersof Type 2 are in form, name, and value completely in the Woleai pat-tern. Moreover, the form, name, and value of the Lamotrek char-acters obtained in 1955, as well as the form of the Lamotrek and Pulu-wat characters of 1909 painted and incised on the various objects, pre-viously mentioned, are all of the same pattern. As for the Guamanianwoman, a Lamotrek informant who in 1905 would have been about 18years old denies that she taught anyone to write. Either Airas' mem-ory is at fault or whatever Guamanian influences may have been pres-ent in 1905 had disappeared by 1909. If missionaries had previouslyvisited Puluwat, as Snelling did the islands north of Truk in the courseof his missionary work, or if natives of Puluwat attended the mis-sionary school at Truk, it is possible that there may have been a sepa-rate introduction of the alphabet there; there do seem to have beennative missionaries from Truk at Puluwat from time to time. Thismight explain Airas' statement that the people of Puluwat alreadyknew how to write. Examples of relatively recent tattooing collectedby Mr. Mahony from islands all around Truk, including Puluwat, aredone in upper-case alphabetical characters, many of which show thepeculiarities of the Type 2 characters we have recorded from theWoleais (e. g., the triangular embellishments on the cross strokes ofthe E, T, and other letters) ; these may stem from a separate influencefrom Truk.
No*60]^'^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 293
In this connection, it will be noted (see fig. 26) that the two Type 2lists of 1909 are in rather different sequence. The Ifaluk list (col. B)of 1909, however, is identical to the Faraulep list (col. J) of 1954, ex-cept for omission of No. XV, and R.'s partial list (col. P) of 1957 agreesin having No. VI out of order and Nos. XIV and XV reversed. Onthe other hand, the Satawal list (col. C) of 1909 is in fairly close agree-ment with the Eauripik list (col. U) of 1957, as well as with the present-day Trukese alphabet and with the alphabet Airas says he taught atEauripik and Woleai m 1905; all of them have U (No. XIX) followingitalic O (No. VI), then F (VIII), S (XV), and, except for one of theselists, K (VIII) ; and P (XIV) is followed by R (XVIII) and italic R(XIII) except on the Eauripik list. This would possibly suggest thatthere were two separate introductions of the alphabet, each in adifferent sequence; but then it must be assumed that in each case thesame development followed, that is, the names of the letters were bothtimes taken as their phonetic values and the letters converted into asyllabary. More likely the alphabet introduced in 1905 at Eauripikand Woleai was simOar in sequence to Airas' list as he gave it 50 yearslater, and as it diffused among the Central Carolinians a second tradi-tion developed which became fixed by 1909, as seen by the persistenceof the Ifaluk sequence of 1909 until 1954 at Faraulep.It is also of interest at this point to note a similar development inType 1 writing. Characters 24, 25, and 28, occurring in identical po-sitions in the lists of Brown (Woleai) and of M. and C. (both of Pigue,Faraulep) , are either missing entirely or are out of sequence in both ofthe lists of R. (Ifaluk) and in those of T. (Lamotrek) and A. (Woleai),as well as on the Faraulep wooden board found by Damm in 1909.Also, T.'s hst and R.'s fists place No. 52 directly after No. 47. Itwould therefore seem that at least two slightly different sequences inType 1 writing already existed in 1913 (the date of Brown's visit), andthat this difference has persisted until today. This is probably whatR. has in mind when he states that there are two different systems, onewhich developed at Faraulep Island, the other at Pigue Island (bothin Faraulep atoll), and that further changes have occurred in thecourse of teaching the writing to other people. Though we have nospecific information as to inventors of new characters, it seems obviousthat there have been many since the first invention was made; thevariability in the different lists after the first 50 characters (see fig. 25)attests to such development.SPREAD OF TYPE 2 WRITINGWe do not have a great deal of information about the spread ofType 2 writing after the introduction of the alphabet by Snelling andhis party, and what we have is sometimes conflicting. According to
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173Damm the Trukese castaways taught writing to the people of Eauri-pik, Woleai, Ifaluk, and Lamotrek. A Eauripik man, Maninifek, statesthat SneUing himself gave the instruction to the people of Eauripik.P. of Eauripik, who attended some of the lessons, recalls that bothSnelling and the Trukese were the teachers. Informants at Woleai,Ifaluk, Lamotrek, and Satawal state that the castaway party stoppedfor brief periods of time at those islands on their return journey toTruk, but gave instruction only at Woleai. Lamotrek informants alsosay that they learned from one Reghipol, who returned to Lamotrekfrom Woleai about 2 months after a typhoon which we date as havingoccurred in March, 1907; he had learned to wi'ite at Woleai, un-doubtedly in Type 2. But two women of Woleai, A. and B., sayType 2 writing came to Woleai from Lamotrek; this can hardly becorrect, since we know that the alphabet, from which Type 2 writingsprang, was taught at Woleai by Snelling. C. and Tereso of Pigue,Faraulep, say that their atoll got its Type 2 writing from Lamotrekalso. And Burrows (1953) reports that the Ifaluk (Type 2?) writingcame from Woleai. These are the only statements we have as to thedispersal of the Type 2 script from its presumable Eauripik-Woleaicenter. TYPE 1 HISTORYWe have already stated our conclusions that the Type 2 writingcomprises, apart from its eight vowels, a syllabary consisting of sym-bols which are all of consonant-plus-'i phonetic value, that these valuesare the same as the names of the alphabetical characters taught by acastaway Trukese party in 1905, those characters having becomeconverted into a syllabary as the result of their names being taken ashaving syllabic value. The Type 1 writing was developed throughstimulus diffusion after a period of trial with Type 2 alone, when theinadequacy of the latter was recognized (a Woleai woman makes thisstatement in vu-tually the same words); it consists, with a very fewexceptions, of characters whose values are all consonants suffixed byvowels other than i.There are some examples of attempts at an early stage in thedevelopment of the writing to set down words with the use of Type 2characters exclusively (Damm and Sarfert, 1935, p. 277). Thus u/li/ge/tis written with characters XIX/X/VIII/XVII, bo/da/u with XIV/XVII/XIX, ja/li/gi/o/m with I/X/VIII/III/XI, etc. We also haveexamples in tattooing and from modern informants who know onlyType 2 writing. B., who knows both types and who writes her nameas 1/20/21/16, gives as an alternative form X/XIII/XI/IV, all inType 2. A., writing the island name Sa/taa/wa/1, WTites it as 37/25/14/33, but gives alternatively XV/XVII/XII/X. Obviously the modern
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 295
method of writing, which uses characters of both types, is much moreprecise than Type 2 alone.INVENTION AT FARAULEPInformants from all the islands agree that Type 1 writing wasinvented at Faraulep, and the script is generally called ishilh Foeshavlap(wi-iting of Faraulep). Even people who cannot read the writing, asfar east as Puluwat, at once identify it by this name. Three informants(two Ifaluk, one Lamotrek) state that they learned Type 1 writing atIfaluk from Faraulep visitors; another Ifaluk man says he learned itat Ifaluk from a man of Woleai origin who had long been a resident ofFaraulep. Several Woleai people also give Faraulep as the place fromwhich Woleai got its writing; three Woleai women learned the systemat Faraulep, two of them shortly after the 1907 typhoon. ThreePuluwat people, none of whom can read the script, say that Puluwatobtained it from a canoeload of Ifaluk voyagers. At Satawal a Farau-lep man is said to have taught the Type 1 writing, which no one atthis atoll now can read. There also appears to have been some instruc-tion among various Central Carolinians when they worked togetherduring Japanese times at the phosphate mines at Angaur, in thePalau group. We have several statements to the effect that the systemwas learned through exchange of letters between various of theislands.^* We have no other clues as to dispersal of the Type 1writing.Several informants give the names of the inventors, all of whom wereresidents of Faraulep.^*^ Though the Ksts of names differ, there isconsiderable agreement among them. The claim by Faraulep natives
Tairu
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
that the Type 1 writing was invented at Faraulep, the support forthis claim by natives of other islands who state that they learned thewriting at Faraulep or from Faraulep visitors, and the universalappellation of the writing, even among people who cannot read it, asisMlh Foeshavlap, leave us satisfied that the invention was made atFaraulep and was largely, if not entirely, the work of a group ofFaraulep natives. FOREIGN INFLUENCEWe are less satisfied about the possibility of alien influence. TheSudsee Expedition reports state that at various times between 1900and 1910 there was a copra station at Faraulep to which severalJapanese seem to have been attached. One informant from Eauripikstates that the Type 1 script was made at Faraulep by a Japanesenamed Soshaki or Soshiki, and that a Filipino named Serifino orSerbino may have helped. A Faraulep man states that the Farauleppeople themselves invented the writing but were later helped by aJapanese and a Filipino. At Woleai a woman of that atoll, wholearned the writing at Faraulep and who gives the names of fourFaraulepese as the inventors, states that the Japanese helped bycontributing two characters, Nos. XVI of Type 2 and 61 of Type 1,from Japanese katakana; these two characters do actually nearlycoincide with two Japanese characters in both graphic form andphonetic value. A Woleai man living at Faraulep since shortlyafter the invention insists that the Japanese Soshiki definitely did nothelp, and a Woleai woman who has lived at Faraulep since beforethe invention (and who is named by others as one of the inventors)denies that the Filipino was involved. All other informants statesimply that the Faraulep people whose names ihey give were theinventors. We examined the possibility of Filipino influence, remotethough it might be; but none of the symbols of any of the Filipinoscripts can be related to the Woleai symbols (see Gardner, 1943;Diringer, 1948; Conldin, 1953). We also point out that two charactersin addition to Nos. XVI and 61 are similar in appearance to Japanesecharacters; these are No. 26, which resembles the Japanese kanjiform for "sun," and No. 34, which is like the Japanese kanji form for
"wood" or "tree"; together, with the addition of one stroke to char-acter 34, they would stand for "Nippon," and undoubtedly Japanesegoods labeled thus were available to or seen by these islanders.However, in neither case is the phonetic value of the symbol similarto the Japanese value, so no more than the graphic form could havebeen borrowed. Also, in the case of character 26, informants haveidentified it as a representation of a canoe outrigger platform, as willbe seen. The evidence for Japanese influence goes no further, although
No.*60*]^' ^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 297
it is possible that the facts that katakana is a syllabary and thatSoshiki may have been consulted by the inventors may have reinforcedthe idea of creating a syllabary, first stimulated through the names ofletters of the Trukese alphabet having been taken as being theirphonetic values. DATE OF INVENTIONAs for the date of the invention of Type 1 writing, native informantsstate that it occurred "after the big typhoon," when the Germanadministration had to evacuate many distressed people to islands inthe same area less hard hit, as well as to Yap, Palau, and Saipan.This typhoon can be no other than the one that struck these islandsMarch 27-30, 1907; other typhoons of which there is record areeither too early or too late. Now the Siidsee Expedition ethnologistsworked in all the islands we are concerned with during Novemberand December of 1909, and found the writing as far east of Faraulepas Puluwat. The invention must therefore have occurred betweenthese dates, and would probably have been closer to 1907 than to 1909to have had time to spread so far by 1909.
DERIVATION OF CHARACTERSThe form of the characters and their values suggest several pos-
sibilities concerning then- derivation, apart from the four which maybe linked with Japanese characters. Some of the Type 1 symbolsappear to be modified forms of the alphabetical signs of Type 2.Thus character 3 is apparently an altered T, with the value changedfrom ti to ta. Using the same criteria of resemblance in form andvalue, character 8 would be derived from R, 11 from M, 12 from N,33 from L, 40 from S, 48 from A^, and 66 from F.Other characters, as their graphic forms show, are attempts torepresent natural or artificial objects, and the values of these char-acters are also the same as or close to the names of such objects.These constitute a kind of rebus writing. Among such characterswe may list the following identifications made by informants:
5. Sprouting coconut9. Bird's wing13. Ulcer, boil14. Canoe (represented under sail)16. Forked branch used for hand net and flying-fish net19. Portion of bonito26. Canoe outrigger platform28. Fish backbone29. Trigger fish30. Perfume bottle31. Woman's breast
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
32. Midrib of coconut palm leaf (showing leaflets to either side)35. Saw36. Coconut palm tree41. Porpoise43. Lure of bonito hook45. Leaf53. Leaf of Hibiscus tiliaceus56. Fishhook (modern type)60. Canoe seat64. A plant bearing this nameNos. 29 and 41 have the same graphic form and the same names asconventionaHzed tattooing elements, and may have been takendirectly from tattoo design rather than from the animals they repre-sent. No. 24 also may be a tattooing design.Some other proposed identifications, made not by informants butby the authors, using the same criteria of similarity in form andname, are:
2. Tattooing-rake handle10. Composite bonito hook15, Mast38. Cock's tail feather42. Ear ornament consisting of two interlocking rings44. FingernailBrown also suggests that No. 12 is "bamboo" and No. 37 is "knife,"but the resemblances in these cases strike us as elusive.The fact that the characters are so frequently of rebus type mayindicate that the inventors became preoccupied for a time with thisprinciple of representation during their development of the system,and that some of the gaps in our identifications might be filled byfurther research in the vocabulary of material culture. It is of interestalso that the phonetic value of the Type 2 character A^ (No. IX) isalso the native word for "tooth," which the form of the characterresembles, especially in the variant form given b}'- C. Perhaps it wasthis coincidence which first suggested the rebus principle.Of the other characters, some may well have been borrowed fromdecorative design elements, but we have not recognized any exceptthose already described. Most of the others are very likely the prod-uct of pure imagination. Indeed, this must needs be the case, forCarolinian dialects in these islands are extremely deficient in wordsconsisting of open monosyllables, upon which the syllabary is based,and even more so in such words which can be concretely represented.We should note that Brown's list, but none of our lists, includesseveral symbols (Nos. 14, 31, and 43) whose attributed values areshown as closed monosyllables. It is possible that he misheard thesounds: certainly the word for canoe (No. 14) is wa, not warr as Brown
No*60*]^" ^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 299
writes it, in the Central Carolines as far east as Truk; it becomes waronly beyond Truk, at Ponape. Similarly the name of the bonitohook lure (No. 43) has no final consonant as Brown gives it. Thefemale breast (No. 31) is indeed tut, as Brown has it {tuut in Smith'sorthography), just as the trigger fish (No. 29) is properly vwp, but inthe syllabary No. 31 becomes tu (tuu) and No. 29 becomes pu, in ourlists; the words for these objects seem to be compounded forms ofolder roots (Goodenough, 1953, p. 16, and personal communication),and these compounds are apparently sufficiently transparent to thenatives to allow isolation of the open syllables for the purpose of in-cluding them in the syllabary. Possibly this was done because ofpaucity of open monosyllabic words in the language. A similar proc-ess may have resulted in the discarding of final consonants of stillother words which may have been utilized for the syllabary, butwhich we have not been able to identify in such altered form asbelonging to the rebus type.ANALYSIS OF THE WRITINGPHONEMES, PHONEMIC COMBINATIONS, AND CHARACTERSWe wish now to examine the actual writing and its adequacy torepresent the language.According to Smith (1951) the Woleai language has 50 phonemes.There are 11 vowels which occur both long and short, 2 vowels oc-curring only short, the semivowels w and y, and 24 consonants. Forthese phonemes Smith has developed an orthography in roman letterswhose official adoption has been proposed to the Trust Territoryadministration; we will use it in the remainder of this study, as wehave done in the figures and tables. ^^
21 Smith's published work is nontechnical In language, and his phonemes were established by means ofminimal pairs. The values indicated below are, in Smith's words, "only a meager approximiation indeed."For this reason we are not satisfied that our transcription In his orthography of the attributed values of thevarious characters in figs. 25 and 26 is always accurate. His description of the orthography, which Is adaptedfor use without diacritical marks, is as follows:a fatherah fa-theraa fataah fa-tBe fedaeh fe-de fatheree safeeeh sa-fei seaih sea-11 sito oakoh oa-koa offcab o-ff06 hors d'oevresoeh hors d'oe-vresu bootuh boo-tuu Numberguuh NiZ-mbergV (like "oe" but with tip of tonguevh curved up and back)w woody pes
b
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173From Brown, Damm, Sarfert, and Someki, and from our variousinformants we have a total of 97 characters (78 of Type 1 and 19 ofType 2) which are used to write the Woleai language. All of thesecharacters, except those which represent vowels alone, have syllabicvalues of the consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel-plus-vowel pattern.Smith's phonemic analysis would indicate that there is a theoreticalpossibility of 624 such syllables (24 consonants and 2 semivowelscombined with 24 vowels) ; with the addition of the 24 vowels whenthese form independent syllables, there might be altogether 648symbols.Of course, it is most unlikely that all 624 combinations actuallyoccur in the language. We have assembled from Smith's text m.ate-
rials a list of 301 Woleai words written in his orthography, and intable 1 the frequency of occurrence of all syllables among these301 words is shown. There actually occur only 162 syllables of theconsonant-plus-vowel and semivowel-plus-vowel types, as well as13 syllables composed of independent vowels, a total of 175. It isstriking that the phonemes d and ngh do not appear to occur insyllable-initial position at all, but in these 301 words occm* only ter-minally. Some of the columns headed by other consonants (e. g.,ch, j, n, rw, ill, z) have only one or two entries under them. Morethan 175 different syllables must, of course, occur in the language.Our informants have written for us 222 of the 301 words (see table 2),have failed to use 21 of the symbols (VI, 7, 9, 24, 30, 44, 54, 55, 57,61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78), and use 3 of them onlyas terminal consonants (5, 47, and 52). Presumably the attributedvalues of these symbols are not the same as those of any other symbols,so failm-e to use them would mean that the appropriate syllables donot occm- in these particular words but may very well occur in others.Even so, it is unlikely that more than, say, 250 or 300 syllables ac-tually occm* in Woleai speech. In the first 50 words (not countingrepetitions) of Smith's text there occur 62 different syllables; in thenext 50 words 29 more syllables occur; in the next 50, 18 others;in the 222 words written for us by our informants, there are alto-gether 157 different syllables; and in the total of 301 words takenfrom Smith, only 18 more or a total of 175. (These 18, which we donot have written in the native script, are: hvh, je, kii, loe, loeh, Ihii,me, mwah, rah, ree, soe, shii, waah, waeh, wo, yaa, yaah, yoe, in Smith'sorthography.) If a curve is projected on the basis of these figures,it appears to flatten out at something under 250 syllables in 750 or800 words. LENGTH OF VOWEL NOT DISTINGUISHEDWe may reduce still further the possible number of syllables in thewriting. The distinction between long and short vowels does not
Naeo?"^*^' CAROLINE SCRIPl^RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 301
seem to be utilized. We are not certain of the phonetic values ofsome of the symbols, but when we analyze words which informantshave written for us we are seldom confronted by any two characterswhich seem to be distinguishable only on the basis of difference invowel length; rather, when a native writes the characters for twosyllables which contain the same consonant and whose vowel suffixesare identical except for being short in the one case and long in theother, he almost always uses the same character to represent both.The following examples (see table 4), in Smith's orthography, showthis to be true (in each case h following the vowel indicates length):Syllable Character used {and number of times so used)i IV (44), III (1)ih IV (6)u XIX (11), XIX+39 (2)uh XIX (2)uu 16 (4), IV (4)uuh 16 (2)V 16 (6), IV (1)vh 16 (1), XIX+14 (1)bu 29 (5), 59 (3), 13 (1)buh 29 (1)fa 32 (40), 66 (1)fah 32 (2)ga 46 (29), 50 (4), 74 (3)gah 46 (2)gi VIII (26), VIII+III (1)gih VIII (2)la 1 (24), 6 (1), 33 (1)lah 1 (3)li X (5)Uh X (2), 36 (1)Iha 1 (3), 33 (3)Ihah 1 (4)ma 23 (9), 21 (1), 11 (2)mah 23 (7), 21 (1)maa 23 (12), 11 (1)maah 23 (7)mae 11 (24), 19 (2), 23 (1), 34 (2)maeh 11 (2), 21 (1), 23 (1)pa 43 (29), 26 (1)pah 43 (1)pi XIV (5), XIV+III (2)pih XIV (7), XIV+III (1)roe 35 (2)roeh 35 (1)sa 37 (7)sah 37 (1)see 40 (2), 40+IV (3)seeh 40+IV (3)Shi XIII (15), XIII+ III (1), XV (1)471762?60 21
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Syllable Character used (and number of times so used)shih XIII (2)shv 28 (1), 28+16 (1)shvh 28 (1), 40 (1)ta 3 (18), 18 (1), 25 (2)tab 3 (13)to 17 (22)toh 17 (2)tuu 31 (5), 31+ 16 (1)tuuh 31 (1), 31+ 16 (1)ya I (50), III (1), IV+III (1)yah I (3)yoa XVI (1)yoah XVI (2), I (1), II (1)
It will be noted that, by and large, the frequency of occurrence oflong vowels is much lower than that of short vowels. Perhaps forthis reason the natives of the Woleais have found it unnecessary toinvent characters which make the distinction.Instead of 648 theoretically possible combinations, we have thenonly 338 (24 consonants and 2 semivowels combined with only 13vowels), and 13 vowels which can occm' not in combination.VOWEL CHARACTERSOf the 97 characters that we have found, a number have only vowelvalues; just how many is not certain. In table 1 it will be seen thatof the 24 (both long and short) vowel phonemes in the Woleai language,only 13 actually occur as independent syllables in the sample of 301words. Possibly if we had more than 301 words, more of the 24vowels would appear. The other 11 vowel phonemes occur only insyllabic combinations. Of this 13, 4 are long vowels and in all wordsthat informants have written for us they are represented by the samecharacters that stand for their short forms. This would leave 9vowel phonemes for which characters would seem to be needed.Now among our total of 97 characters there are some 13 which mayor may not be intended to stand for vowels: I, II, III, IV, V, VI,XII, XVI, XIX, 14, 16, 39, and 72. (Possibly No. 74 should beincluded among them.) In the 222 words wi'itten by our informants(see table 2), only 3 of these 13 characters never represent semivowel-plus-vowel syllables (although they may have semivowel values whenused terminally). Thus character IV usually represents the phonemei, and also occurs as ee, ih, ih-\-a, ih-\-y, uu, v, and -y; it never appearsin a written word in the form semivowel-plus-vowel. Similarly XIXis always u, uh, or -w; and 16 is always uu, uuh, v, vh, i-\--w, or -y.Four others of the 13 characters may occur either as vowels alone orwith semivowel-plus-vowel values: thus character I can be a, but also
No.*6o']^" ^'^^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 303
ya, yah, yae, or yoah; III is ae, ee, or i, but also ya, yae, ye and -?/; XVIis oa, but also yoa, yoah, and yoeh; and 39 is o once, otherwise wa,waa, wae, we, woe, -w. Four other characters of these 13 appear onlywith semivowel-plus-vowel values: II is ijoah in its lone occurrence;V is we, woa, or yoeh; XII occurs in our examples only as wih; and 14is wa, wae, or woa. We have no examples of words containing char-acters VI or 72. (See tables 2 and 3.)It is apparent that there is considerable variation in vowel valuein these characters, as there must needs be if they are to represent all13 (or 24, if we consider length) vowel phonemes when these phonemesdo not enter into syllabic combinations with consonants and semi-vowels. If we eliminate the 4 characters among the 13 that seem tooccur only with prefixed semivowel values and if we disregard char-acters VI and 72, which do not occur in oiu- 222 wi'itten words, we haveleft just 7 characters which may be used to represent the 9 (or 13, ifwe consider length) vowel phonemes which actually occur as inde-pendent syllables in the 301 words taken from Smith (table 1).It is likely that additional samples of writing from more informantswould clarify matters; it is possible that all 13 of these characters maybe read indifferently as simple vowels or with initial w- or y-. But fromthe evidence at hand, if we do not consider the three characters (IV,XIX, and 16) which do not seem ever to have the value of semivowel-plus-vowel, and ignoring for the time being variation in vowel valueof the others among the 13 characters, there remain 94 charactersout of the total of 97 to represent all of the possible syllabic combina-tions. It is obvious that the system is inadequate for truly phonemicrepresentation, and that many of the 94 characters must serve forseveral combinations.LACK OF EXACT CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARACTERSAND SYLLABLESThis conclusion is further borne out when we examine the range invalue of the various characters as they are actually used in the writing.We have seen how Avide this range is for the 13 characters we have justdiscussed. Table 3 lists all the syllables occurring among the 222words which we have been able to obtain in the native script, ar-ranged according to the conventional numerical sequence of figures25 and 26. We see that character 4, for example, is used for at least6 different syllables
?
ba, baah, bae, be, bee, and boe; character 33 isused for 11
?
la, lae, le, lee. Hi, Iha, Ihae, Ihe, Ihi, nhae, nhe; character50 serves for the syllables ga, gae, ge, ka, ke, and kee; etc.But not only must one symbol serve for several different syllables.It is apparent that the same syllable may be represented by different
304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
symbols. Table 4, which lists in alphabetical order all the syllableswhich occur in the 222 words, illustrates this point; for example, thesyllable Ihi is written by one native with character 33 three times,character X 25 times, X+33 once, and X+IV once, and by a secondnative with X three times and 33+X once; similarly pu is writtenwith characters 10, 13, or 59; sha with 18, 20, or 37; etc.These two phenomena?the use of one symbol for several syllables,and the representation of one syllable by several symbols?explainin part the facts that the name or attributed value of a symbol, asseen in the various lists in figures 25 and 2G, sometimes differs, andthat in the writing of words the attributed value occurs only part ofthe time as the actual phonemic shape of the syllable the symbol isintended to represent. It would appear that when it is necessary torepresent a sound which differs from the attributed value of anycharacter, a choice may be made among two or more characters whoseattributed values are close phonologically. For example, we havenot recorded tv as the attributed value of any one character (it ispossible, of course, that we have misheard some of the tape-recordedvalues), but in writing the word f&ltvfih. one native uses 32/31/33and a second uses 32/XVI1/33; symbol 31 is otherwise used by thefirst man for tu and tuu, and XVII by the second man for ti and tii.It would seem that each man has chosen, to represent the syllable tv,for which neither seems to know a character which has this as itsattributed value, a character with an attributed vowel value on eitherside of it in articulation.EFFECT OF DIALECTSSome of the differences in choice of character by different nativesmay be due to dialect difference, but we have no way of assessing itseffect, since such differences as may exist have not been determined.The only statements that Smith (1951) makes on this point are asfoUows (p. 40): "Islanders . . . may have difficulty in deciding on 'a'or *aa' depending on their island of origin. These are separate pho-nemes on Weleeya (Woleai) and Foeshavlap (Faraulep) but perhapsnot on Yaurwpiig (Eauripik). This is of course independent of thefact that some words are pronounced slightly differently on differentislands"; and (p. 27): "On Eauripik 'tafeey' is pronounced 'tafee' and
'maaht' is pronounced 'maeht.' " (R. of Ifaluk apparently hearsta/fee/y, not ta/fee, for he writes the word with three characters:3/66/III; and he distinguishes maah/t, which he writes 23/25 or 23/17,from maeh/t, 21/40.) The occasional use by various informants of two,or even three, characters for what, in Smith's orthography, should bea single syllable, would also suggest dialect differences not recordedby Smith; thus, in the following examples of syllables written by
No.*6o1^" ^^^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 305Smith as consonant-plus-ee or consonant-plus-eeA, the informantswrite an extra character, namely IV, apparently for an additionalvowel
:
6ee/yae R.: 4+ IV/Ulkee/i R.: SO+IV/llIli/mee/g R.: X/ll+ IV/50rwee/g R.: 47-\-S9+IV/50see/g R., C, and M.: 40+IV/50seeh/gi R., C, and M.: 40+/F/VIIIREPRESENTATION OF FINAL CONSONANTSThe choice of a character to represent a final consonant seems tobe much more capricious than the choice of a character to represent afull syllable. We have already pointed out that the attributed valueof a character loses it vowel portion when the character is used for theterminal consonant of a word. In table 4 it will be seen how wide achoice of character seems to be permissible for such use. Neverthe-less, some regularities are discernible. For example, 18 words termi-nating in -g are listed in that table, some of them written severaltimes and by as many as three natives ; for the -g the informants havewithout exception used character VIII in four words, in four otherwords they agree on character 2, in another jfive words they all usecharacter 41, and they invariably write character 50 in five more.How are we to explain such consistencies in usage, sporadic thoughthey are? In some Malayo-Polynesian languages there occurs a finalvowel that is so weakly pronounced as to seem inaudible. While thisphenomenon does not appear to be a feature of Woleai speech today,it may well have been so in the past; and if we may credit the in-ventors of the Type 1 script with ability to reconstruct the ancientpu from modern pup and tuu from tuut, as previously described, it ispossible that in these instances the character chosen to represent -gis the one whose full syllabic value includes the vowel sound whichwas formerly terminal.In the use of final characters in some words there is a hint that per-haps the informants are anticipating a vowel which would appear onlywhen additional syllables were suffixed to the same words. Thus wehave character 33 for -Ih in the word mwae/ZA., and also for Ihe in thecompound mwae/ZAe/we; 33 is used again in mi/si/lh and in the com-pound mi/si/lhae/lh] but in the word rae/lh, informants use for -Iheither 33 or X, as though this word might be compounded in differentways, and in the one compound form which we have in native script,Tae/lhi, the syllable Ihi is written with the character X.Occasionally the vowel preceding the final consonant seems to in-fluence the choice of character for that consonant. Thus -I is almostalways written with character 33, occasionally with X; but character
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
36, which is used for the syllable luu in the word F^/la/luu/s and forIv in the word fae/Zv/w, also represents -I in the words vh/Z (as writtenby one informant out of two) and uuh/Z (by both of two informants)
;
in other words, 36 seems to be the choice in these instances becausethe vowels of the preceding syllables are similar to the vowel portionof that character's full syllabic value. Again, character 2, whichusually has the value go (see table 3), is used terminally as -g only inthe words yae/lo/^, So/w/g, to/g, and toh/g (but not in sho/g) , that is,in words where the preceding vowel is o. And the only times charac-ter 31 is used terminally are in the words tuu/t and tuuh/^, character31 otherwise having the value tu, tuu, tuuh, or tv; in practically allother cases of -t informants agree in the use of character 25.However, the principle which seems to develop from the foregoingdoes not seem to apply to many of the other terminal consonants. Insome cases it would seem that it is the consonant, not the vowel, ofthe preceding syllable that determines which character is to be usedfor the final consonant of a word. Thus all informants use character6 for the -n of bu/ri and -nh of hu/nh, but use 33 or 36 for the -nh ofpu/nA. Again, both C. and R. agree on character 12 for -ngh intah/ngh, but 52 for -ngh in Ihah/ngh; all informants use IX for -ng in
ch.Q,/ng, \ah/ng, and tah/ng, and all of them use 52 for -ng in Ihah/ngand u/ng; they agree again on XIII for the -c in wih/c and on 5 for the
-c in mwoa/c-mwoa/c ; and there are further cases of such unanimityin choice of character to be used for final consonants. Perhaps thereis some component of the phoneme which determines such seeminglyarbitrary choice.There is also some evidence, although not so strong, that sometimesthe reverse occurs; that is, that the final consonant may determinewhich character is to be used for the preceding syllable. For example,R. and C. use character 47 consistently for final r or ?^w. In the wordssorw, raesorw, galiisorw, and josoar the syllable preceding -r and -rw iswritten with character 68. The only other time 68 is used is for thesyllable sho in the word jo/sho/s; whereas for sho in the word sho/gcharacter 45 is used. How is this to be explained? It would seemthat R. has misunderstood the word joshos and taken the final con-sonant, -s, as -r or -rw, since he writes 47 for it, instead of XV or 62as he does for all other cases of -s. It therefore suggests itself thatthere is some kind of relationship between these two characters, 47and 68, and that the use of the former requires the use of the latter.Whether such relationships are of a functional nature, whether thesystem of spelling has in the course of years of use become arbitrarilyconventionalized, or whether some aesthetic judgment is applied whichprevents or encourages the juxtaposition of certain characters, is amatter that we are unable to settle. In many cases, perhaps in most
No.*6o7'^^^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 307
cases, there seems to be no clear rule; rather it may be whim whichoften dictates which of several final characters is to be used. Never-theless, examination of table 4 gives the impression that some rulesare operative. COMPARISON OF NATIVE TEXTSThe foregoing analysis is, of course, based entirely on examinationof the 222 words in Smith's orthography that we have been able toget natives to write in the Caroline script. Smith's text, which isaddressed to the natives and which consists of a guide to his proposedsystem of spelling, is naturally limited by his vocabulary and mode ofexpression. (See fig. 27.) But we have available to us two othertexts, of native composition, by R. and S.,^^ both of Ifaluk (fig. 28).They have not been tape-recorded or put into Smith's orthography,but they will enable us to discuss frequency of occurrence of thesymbols. S. uses 68 characters out of the 97, a total of 1,178 times;R. uses 65, a total of 483 times. Of the symbols (fig. 25, cols.N and O; fig. 26, cols. N-P) given by R. separately from the text, 10 donot occur in the text; and occm-ring in the text but not in the lists are6 symbols. In other words, he knows 75 of the 97 characters, but inwriting he makes use of only 65, of which 3 are the apparently simplevowels (IV, XIX, 16), so that he limits himself to 62 charactersrepresenting syllabic combinations for the 624 possible combinations.Of these, 11 are used only once, 8 only twice, and 10 only three times.We have no comparable hst of symbols and attributed values fromS. with which to compare his text. He does not use in the text 29 ofthe symbols known to us; 22 of these 29 are also absent from R.'stext, and 10 are among those apparently unknown to R. Of the 65which he uses, 10 occur only once, 4 twice, and 7 three times.Percentagewise, some comparisons between the two men are ofinterest, assuming that we have adequate samples of this universe,speaking statistically. Character 7, not used at all by R., occui-swith a frequency of 4.4 percent of the 1,178 characters written by S.Character 46 occurs in R.'s text with a frequency of 0.2 percent, butS. uses it 28 times as often, with a frequency of 5.6 percent. Therespective figures for R. and S. for character 35 are 2.1 percent and6.0 percent; for 50, 6.0 percent and 3.4 percent; for 39, 3.9 percentand 1.9 percent. There is less significance in the difference in occur-rence of other characters.Evidently, then, the system is flexible enough to permit of consid-erable freedom in expression of preference through employment ofone character or another. In order of descending frequency, the
? S. Is the man described by Spiro (1950) as a psychopath. He Is kept confined at Ifaluk in a coconut loghut. Whether this fact diminishes the value of the comparison between his writing and that of R. we arenot prepared to state.
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 178
^ 'v ^ i>^ ^ a /^ X c? X
Figure 27.?Paragraph from Smith's roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in native scriptby R. of Ifaluk. (Words are shown separated by spaces for purposes of clarity; in theoriginal they run continuously.)(For explanation, see opposite page.)
preferences of the two men for their most frequently used charactersare: R. S.Percent PercentX 7.0 IV 8.050 6.0 X 6.6III 5.8 35 6.0IV 5.4 46 5.625 4.7 7 4.433 4.7 33 4 2In a smgle person's writing, however, there is considerable con-sistency. Part of R.'s text is written twice. The duplicated portioncontains 187 characters in both versions, which are identical exceptfor the following changes in spelling in the second version: substitutionof IV for 16 in one word; 37 for 40 in another word; 38 for 17 in atliird ; 6 for 33 ; the sequence III-50 for IV-46 ; and the sequence 6-52for 1-2 in still other words. We are probably dealing here again withcombinations of phonemes whose values lie within a range of overlapbetween values associated with two different characters, so that onechoice is as good as the other.
nS*W"^''^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 309EXPLANATION OP FIGURE 27
Characters used in figure 27 shown by numbers assigned to them (refer to figures 25and 26). Text and translation as given by Smith {1951, pp. S-/f, S3).IV 33 VIII 33 46 26 3 33 XV 4 32 17 VIII 45 41i /Iha/ gi/ 1 ka/pe/ta/ 1 si /bae fa/ to/ gi sho/ g4 III 4 39 39 46 26 3 33 VIII 20bae yae/be wae-wae ka/pe/ta/
1
gi /sb39 39 ? 2 42 X 39 33 I 35 X 11 33 3 IVwae-wae/lh go/zv/lhi we/lee/ya rae/lh mae/lae ta/ i46 26 3 X 39 33 I 40 23 36 III 4 17 XIX 1 26ka/pe/ta/
1
we/lee/ya si /mii/ Ih yae/be to/ u /la/ p41 1 I 20 4 III 4 23 20 15 VIII VIII 20gv/la ya/sh bae yae/be ma/sha/ra/ g gi /sh35 X 50 35 VIII 35 VIII X 46 26 3 X IV IX 33 XVrae/lh ge/ra/ gi /roe/ gi /Ihi ka/pe/ta/
1
i /nge/lii/ s4 XV 4 41 1 4 III 14 IV 35 XVbae si /bae/gv/la bae yae/wa/ v /rii/ sIV III 11 33 IV XIII 33 46 26 3 X IV IX 33 XVih / y mae/lhae i / shi / Ih ka/pe/ta/ 1 i /nge/ lii/ sIV 39 12 IV III 11 33 2 42 ? 39 33 I 12i /woe/ngoe ih/ y mae/lhae go/zv/lh we/lee/ya ngeIII 23 20 15 VIII 35 20yae ma/sha/ra/ g roeh/sh
Ilhagil kapetal sibae fatogi, shog bae yaebe wae-wae kapetal. Gish wae-waelhAll words written in this way are WTitten just as they sound. We spell Woleaigozvlhi Weleeya, raelh maelae tai kapetal Weleeya. Simiilh yaebe toulap gvlasounds, not Woleai words. Therefore Woleai has ayash, bae yaebe masharag gish, raelh geragiroegilhi kapetal Ingeliis bae sibaegvla.much better and easier way of spelling than English has.Bae yaewavriis ihy maelhae ishilh kapetal Ingeliis, iwoengoe ihy maelhae gozvlhIt is difficult to spell the words of English but it is easy to spell the soundsWeleeya, nge yae masharag roehsh.of Woleai. SUMMARY
In 1905 an American missionary from Trulc, Alfred Snelling, and aparty of Trukese were cast ashore at Eauripik. Here they gaveinstruction in writing with the alphabet which had been developed inthe Nomoi Islands. The natives of Eauripik took the names of theletters as being their syllabic values and converted the alphabet intoa syllabary. These letters constitute the symbols we have called
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
A^mo^f ^^h.tr k cf ^ g f ic^ EC r isu V' 7!/' A/ \Q/ vp r c r r-ari r/3),3^ g
Figure 28.?A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk.
Type 2. The syllabary diffused to Faraulep where the deficiencies ofthe writing became apparent, all consonant signs of the originalalphabet now having syllabic values consisting only of consonants-plus-i. The Faraulepese, between 1907 and 1909, invented a wholenew set of symbols, Type 1, taking some of the signs from theirenvironment and their material culture and giving them as theirvalues the names of these objects; other signs were made by alteringthe form of Type 2 symbols; a few may be of Japanese derivation;and some are the products of imagination. By 1909 the writing, ofboth types, had spread to eight atoUs of the Central Carolines and itis still known on five of them today.
NaeoT''^'*^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 311
Previous authors have speculated that the writing represented theremains of a formerl}^ more developed system, that it was related toscripts of the Asiatic mainland, that it was linked to Easter Islandwriting, etc. But it has been demonstrated that the Woleai syllabaryrepresents a case of recent stimulus diffusion, like the Vai and Cherokeesyllabaries.The writing, v/hich is still being added to by new inventors fromtime to time, represents only crudely the language it is used for. Asymbol may be used for more than one syllable, and a syllable may berepresented by more than one symbol. In time, more exact corres-pondence might develop. However, the writing will probably dieout before this occurs.LITERATURE CITEDAmerican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.1886-1906. Annual reports. Boston.Arago, J.1822. Promenade autour du monde pendant les annfees 1817/1820 sur lesCorvettes du Roi I'Uranie et la Physicienne commandees par M.Freycinet. Vol. 2. Paris.Bliss, Theodora Crosby.1906. Micronesia. Fifty years in the island world. Boston.Brown, J. Macmillan.1914. A new Pacific Ocean script. Man, vol. 14, No. 43, pp. 89-91.1927. Peoples and problems of the Pacific. Vol. 1. London.Burrows, Edwin G., and Spiro, Melford E.1953. An atoll culture. New Haven.CONKLIN, H. C.1953. Hanun6o-English vocabulary. Univ. California Publ. Ling., vol. 9,pp. 1-290.Damm, H.1938. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Slidsee-Expedi-tion, 2 B, vol. 10, pt. 2.Damm, H., and Sarfert, E.1935. Inseln um Truk. G. Thilenius, ed., Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi-tion, 2 B, vol. 6, pt. 2.DiRiNGER, David.1948. The alphabet. New York.FiNSCH, Otto.1900. Carolinen und Marianen. Sammlung gemeinverstandlicher wissen-schaftlicher Vortrager, vol. 14, pp. 651-710.Gardner, Fletcher.1943. Philippine Indie studies. Indie Bull. No. 1, Ser. of 1943. San An-tonio.GiRscHNER, Max.1912-13. Die Karolineninsel und ihre Bewohner. Baessler-Archiv, vol. 2,pp. 123-215; vol. 3, pp. 165-190.GOODENOCGH, WaRD H.1953. Native astronomy in the Central Carolines. University Museum,Univ. Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
HoRNELL, James.1936. The canoes of Polynesia, Fiji, and Micronesia. Bernice P.. BishopMuseum, Spec. Publ. 27, vol. 2.Imbelloni, J.1951. Las "tabletes parlantes" de Pascua, monumentos de un sistemagrdfico indo-ocednico. Runa, vol. 4, Nos. 1-2, pp. 89-177.I^TTLITZ, F. H. VON.1858. Denkwiirdigkeiten einer Reise nach dem russischen Amerika, nachMikronesien und durch Kamtschatka. 2 vols. Gotha.Kramer, A.1937. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi-tion, 2 B. vol. 10, pt. 1.Lessa, William A.1950. Ulithi and the outer native world. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 52, pp.27-52.LtJTKE, F.1835. Voyage autour du monde ex6cut6 par ordre de sa Majeste I'EmpereurNicolas ler. Paris.Mason, W. A.1920. A history of the art of writing. New York.Meinicke, Carl E.1876. Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans. Leipzig.M^TRAtrx, Alfred.1957. Easter Island. New York.Sarfert, E., see Damm, H., and Sarfert, E.Smith, Alfred G.1951. Gamwoelhaelhi ishilh Weleeya (guide to Woleai spelling). HighCommissioner, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Honolulu.(Mimeograph.)Someki, Atsushi.1936. Karorin shoto no ki-sara ni tsuite (the wooden dishes used in theCaroline Islands). Japanese Journ. Ethnol., vol. 2, No. 2, pp.172-190.1945. Micuronejiya no fudo to mingu (topography and implements ofMicronesia). Tokyo.Spiro, Melford E.1950. A psychotic personality in the South Seas. Psychiatry, vol. 13, pp.189-204.Spiro, Melford E., see Burrows, Edwin G., and Spiro, Melfobd E.
Anthrop. Pap.No, 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 313
CO
^ o
CO
S
O
oS
CO
a ?
S5s
3goEh
^
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Table 2.
?
Words written by Caroline Island natives in Caroline script[On left, words from Smith, In his orthography; on right, spelling of those words in native characters.Characters are shown by numbers assigned them in figures 25 and 26. Numbers in parentheses indicatenumber of times word is thus written, if more than once, by each informant. Double diagonals followingthe number of a character indicate that the character is apparently used for two successive syllables. In-formant designations: R.= Maroligar; 0.=ChiyemaI; M.=Magilo; T.=Tachep; A.=Marutang.]ae/ta - R.: 111/3ae/tae/i R.: III/3/IVae/ta/1 R.: III/S/IVae/ta/i/fiiAh ? - R.: III/25/IV/VII/33ae/to/u/la/p R.: III/17/XIX/l/26aAe/fah/pae/t - R.: 1/33/32/66/25 (2)baah/sh R.: 4/20; O.: 4/20; M.: 4/20ba/bl/o/rw R.: 4/29/XVI/22bae R.: 4 (21); C: 4bae/s -- --- R.: 4/XV; C: 4/XVbae/sh R.: 4/XIII, 4/40; 0.: 4/XIII; M.: 4/XIIIbae/y R.: 4/111bee/yae R.: 4+IV/niboa/d R.: 13/XVII; 0.: 13/XVII; M.: 13/XVIIboe/ga/re R.: 4/46/35buh/k ? - R.: 29/2bu/n -- R.: 29/6; O.: 29/6; M.: 29/6bu/nh - R.: 29/6; C: 29/6ca/ng R.: lR/12, I8/IX; O.: 18/12; M.: 18/12ca/ngh.... R.: 37/52cha/ng R.: 18/IX; O.: 18/IX; M.: 18/IXee/bae R.: III/4ee/tae R.: 111/25ee/tae/mwaAh R.: III/3/19/33ee/ta/1 R.: IV/3/33faa/t-faa/t R.: 32/25-32/25; C: 32/25-32/25Fae/la/la/p.. R.: 66/1/1/26fae/lv/w R.: 32/36/39, 66/36/39Fa/go/sa/p R.: 32/56-I-IV/37/26Fa/la/luu/s R.: 66/1/36/62faAh - R.: 32/X, 32/33 (2)Fa/ra/gi/ye ?
-
R.: 32/35/VIII/IIIfa/th-fa/th R.: 32/17-32/17 (2); O.: 32/17-32/17fa/th-fa/thvAM- R.: 32/17-32/17/X f4); C: 32/17-32/17/Xfa/tilAh C: 32/XVII/.33; M.: 32/XVII/33fa/ti/lh R.: 32/XVII/X; C: 32/XVn/X; M.: 32/XVII/Xfa/to/gl R.: 32/17/VIII (7); C: 32/17/VIIIfa/tvAh R.: 32/31/33: C: 32/XVII/33fl/to/u R.: VII/17/XIX+39 (2)foa/ri R.: 27/XVIII (3); C: 53/XVIII; M.: 27/XVIIIFoe/sha/v/la/p R.: 32/20/16/1/26, 66/18/16/1/26; O.: 66/18/16/1/26; M.: 66/18/16/1/28; T.:66/18/16/1/26 (2)ga/bu/ngh --- R.: 46/13/IX, 46/59/58ga/ch R.: 46/28ga/fl/tae/g R.: 46/VII/25/VIII (6); O.: 74/VII/25/VIIIgah/th R.: 46/17; C: 46/17ga/i/ga/bu/ngv - R.: 46/IV/50/59/58 (2)pa/1/ma/ngI/y R.: 46/IV/ll/IX/III, 2//23/IX/IIIQa/la/ya/li/ma/ng R.: 46/33/I/X/ll/IXgaAii/so/rw R.: 46/33/68/47 (2)ga/mwoe/lha ? - R.: 46/19/33ga/mwoeAhaeAhi R.: 46/19/33/X (3), 46/19/3.V33, 46/19/33/X+33; O.: 74/19/33/Xca/re R.: 46/35, 50/35; C: 74/omlUedga/wae/waa/y R.: 46/39/39/III (2); C: 50/14-|-IV/39/IVge/pa/t R.: 50/43/25; C: 50/4.3/25; M.: 50/43/25ge/ra/gi/roe/giAhi R.: 50/35/VIII/35/VIII/X|i/sh -? - R.: VIII/20(5);C.: VIII/20goa/mw R.: 2/19 O.: 2/19go/mw - R.: 2/34; O.: 2/49go/sh R.: 2/5; O.: 2/5; M.: 2/5go/zvA ? - R-: 2/42/33go/zvAh R.: 2/42/omittedgo/zvAhi. R.: 2/42/X (5), 2/42/33; C: VIII/omltted/33+XgvAa.? - ? - R.: 41/1; C: 74/1I/faeAhuu/g R.: IV/66/36/41; C: IV/66/36/41i/gaeAha ? R.: lV/50/1 (3)ih/a/j R.: IV//46Ih/mw - R.: IV/19; O.r IV/19Ih/r R.: IV/35ih/sh... - R.: IV/XVIh/y R.: IV/III (2), TV// (3)lAe/gih/r -. R.: IV/33/VIII/35; C: IV/3.3/VITI/35lAha/giA R.: IV/33/VIII/33; C: IV/33/Vin/XI/ngeAii/s R.: IV/IX/33/XV (2)1/shl.-.. R.: IV/Xni (4), IV/XIIH-III; C: IV/XIII1/shlAh - R.: IV/XIII/33 (6), IV/XV/33, IV/XIII/1; 0.: IV/XIII/X1/shiAhl R.: IV/XIII/33, IV/XIII/X+IV1/taeAh - R.: IV/3/331/taeAhl. R.: IV/3/X1/ti/paeAM - ? R.: IV/XVII/26/X
Anthrop.Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 315JNO. blljTable 2.
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Words written by Caroline Island natives in Caroline script?Continuedl/woe/ngoe R.: IV/39/12I/ya/ng R.: IV/I/omittedjaAhae ? R.: 46/33jo-jo R.: 2-2 (3); C: 2-2jo/sha R.: 2/37; C: 2/18jo/sho/s R.: 2/68/47jo/soa/r - ? - R.: 2/68/47ka - R.: 46(5)ka/lh - R.: 50/1ka/pa/tee/yae - - R.: 50/43/25/IIIka/pe/ta/i R.: 46/26/3/33 (6), 46/26/3/X (3); C: 46/26/3/33, 46/26/3/X, 50/43/25/33ka/pe/ta/lhi R.: 46/26/3/Xkee/i R.: 50+IV/III; C: 46//ke/pa/t R.: 50/43/25 (14); C: 50/43/25; M.: 50/43/25ke/pa/te/ka/y R.: 46/26/3/46/IV-l-IIIlae - R.: 33la/go/sha/g R.: 1/2/18/41; C: 1/2/18/41lah/ng. R.; 1/lX; O.: 1/IX; M.: 1/IXIhae/n R.: 1/XIhae/nh R.: 1/X (2)IhaiJ/ng R.: 1/52; O.: 1/52Ihab/ngh R.: 1/52; C: 1/52Ihl... R.: X (2)lih/mw -- R.: X/19; C: X/11lih/wa/nhae/y R.: 36/39/33/IVU/mee/g ?. R.: X/ll+IV/50maah/lh - R.: 23/36; C: 23/36; M.: 23/36maah/t R.r 23/25,23/17; C: 23/25; M.: 23/25maa/lbl R.: 23/Xmaa/sv/r R.: 23/62/47; C: 23/62/47maa/t ? R.: 23/25; C: 23/25; M.: 23/25maa/zv/r R.: 23/62/47; C: 23/62/47mae -- R.: 11 (9), 34 (2); C: 11; M.: 11maeh R.: 11; C: 11; M.: 23.maeh/t ? R.: 21/40mae/lae. - R.: 11/33 (7); 0.: 11/1-|-1IImae/lae/1 - R.: 11/33/33mae/lhae. R.: 11/33 (2)mae/lhae/1 R.: 19/33/33(2)mae/taa/lh R.: 11/3/33(2)mah.. - - -- R.: 23; C: 23; M.: 23mah/ch R.: 23/20; M.: 21/28mah/lh... R.: 23/36; C: 23/36; M.: 23/36ma/ngi/y - R.: 23/IX/IIIma/sha/ra/g R.: 23/20/15/VIlI (3); C: 23/20/15/VIIIma/tae-mae/tae/1 R.: 23/25-23/25/Xma/th R.: 23/17; C: 23/17mi/lh.. R.: XI/33; O.: XI/33mi/si/lh R.: XI/XV/33mi/si/lhae/lh R.: XI/XV/33/33mwae/lh... R.: 19/33mwae/lhe/we R.: 11/33/39mwa/lhi.. R.: 21/Xmwl/lh R.: 67/33; C: XI/33mwoa/c-mwoa/c R.: 34/.5-34/5; C: 49/5-49/5rnwoe/lae/lh - R.: 19/33/33Na/mwoa/chU/g R.: 1/34/20/VIII; M.: 1/49/20/VIIIngaAhi R.: 48/Xnga/li R.: 48/X (2)nge R.: 12(7)nbe/pa/1 R.: 33/43/33 (4), 33/43/Xpaah/l_. R.: 43/IV; C: 43/IV; M.: 43/rVpah/nga/sh R.: 43/48/20pa/nga/lh ? . R.: 43/48/33(3)Plh/g C: XIV/50;M.: XIV/50plh/pih - R.: XlV/XIV-t-III; C: XIV/XIV; M.: XIV/XIVpi/pL R.: XIV/XIV+III; O.: XIV/XIV; M.: XIV/XIV+IIIPu/lo/wa/th R.: 13/6/14/25pu/nh --. R.: 10/33; 0.: 59/36raa/sh R.: 35/20rae/lh R.: 35/X (5), 35/33 (7), 35/33+X; 0.: 35/omittedrae/lhi - R.: 35/X (2); 0.: 35/Xrae/so/rw... R.: 35/68/47ra/ra/lh R.: 15/15/33re? -- R.; 35(5)re/bae -- R.: 35/4 (4); C: 35/4 (4)roeh/sb R.: 35/20roe/sa/fa/to/gi R.: 35/37/32/17/Vinro-ro. - R.: 22-22; C: 22-22ro/w-ro/w - - R.: 15/XIX-15/XIXrwee/g R.: 47+39+IV/50 (2)Sae/pa/lh. R.: 37/43/33sah/g -- R.r 37/41
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173Table 2.
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Words written by Caroline Island natives in Caroline script?ContinuedSa/taa/wa/l R.: 37/25/14/33 (2); O.: 37/25/14/33; M.: 37/25/14/33; A.: 37/25/14/33see/a/w R.: 40//39 (6)see/g. - - R.: 40+IV/50; C: 40+1V/50; M.: 40+IV/50seeh/gi R.: 40+IV/VIII; C: 40+IV/VIII; M.: 40+lV/VIIIsee/mwoe/y R.: 40/34/16(2)see/o/w R.: 40//39se/mwoe/y - - R.: 40/34/16(2)sha/g --- R.: 18/41 (3), 37/41shib/m R.: XIII/19; C: XIII/19sho/g - R.: 45/41 (5); C: XV/omittedshv - R.: 28; C: 28+16shvh/w R.: 40/XIX; C: 28/39si R.: XV (2)si/a R.: XV/I (3)sl/bae R.: XV/4 (8); O.: XV/4si/t)a?/gv/la R.: XV/4/41/1 (3)si/boe R.: XV/4si/fa/to/gi R.: XV/32/17/VIII (2)si/ga/1 R.: XV/46/33si/mii/lh R.: 40/23/36; C: XV/XI/33si/tl/pae/lhi. R.: XV/XVII/26/Xsi/ya R.: XV/I (3)so/rw R.: 68/47 (2)So/w/g R.: 42/XIX/2ta/fee R.: 3/66+IIIta/fee/y ? R.: 3/66/IIItah/d -? R.: 3/XVII; C: 3/XVII; M.: 3/XVIItah/1 R.: 3/33; C: 3/33tah/lh R.: 3/X; C: 3/Xtah/ng R.: 3/IX; C: 3/IXtah/ngh - R.: 3/12; C: 3/12tah/t R.: 3/25; C: 3/25ta/i R.: 3/IV; C: 3//ta/pi/lh R.: 18/XIV/omlttedTe/o/ma/L. R.: XVII/39/21/33ti/11/gi/ae/lh R.: XVII/X/VIII/III/Xti/rl/gi R.: XVII/X/VIII+IIItoe/toe... R.: 38/38; C: 38/38to/g R.: 17/2; C: 17/2toh/g R.: 17/2; C: 17/2to/u/la/p .- R.: 17/XIX/1/26 (3); C: 17/XIX/1/26, 60//1/26tu/tu R.: 31/31; C: 51/51tuuh/t R.: 31+16/31; C: 31/31tuu/t R.: 31/31; C: 31/31tuu/tuu... R.: 31/31; C: 31+16/31uh/ng R.: XIX/52; C: XIX/12u/lu/nhv/lhi R.: XIX/65/65/Xu/ng... R.: XrX/S2; C: XIX/52uuh/1 R.: 16/36; C: 16/36uu/r R.: 16/35; C: 16/35uu/rw R.: 16/47; C: 16/35uu/we.... R.: IV/39 (4)vh/1 R.: XIX+14/33; C: 16/36wae-wae... R.: 39-39; C: 14-omittedwae-wae/lh R.: 39-39/omltted; C: 39-39/XWe/lee/ya R.: 39/33/1 (14); C: 39/33/1 (6); M.: V/33+I/IV+IIIwih/c R.: XII/XIII; C: XII/XIIIwoa/m R.: V/X (2)woa/lo/w R.: V/6+XIX/39, 14/65/39Woe/tte/ga/i/w R.: 39/25/46/16//yae R.: Ill (2)yae/be R.: III/4 (10), 1/4; C: III/4 (2)yae/be/ga/ch R.: III/4/46/28yae/fa/th R.: III/32/17yae/ga/fl/tae/g R.: III/46/VU/25/VIIIyae/1 R.: III/33yae/lo/g R.: III/6/2yae/mwoe/lh R.: III/19/33yae/tae/tae/I R.: III/25/3/IVyae/to/u/la/p R.: I/17/XIX/1/26yae/wa/1 R.: III/14/33yae/wa/v/rii/s R.: III/14/IV/35/XVya/f.-- R.: I/VII; C: I/VII; M.: I/VIIyah/f R.: 1/66; C: 1/66; M.: 1/66ya/r. R.: 1/35ya/re/maa/t R.: 1/35/23/25; C: 1/35/23/25 (2)ya/re/maa/taa/I.. R.: I/35/23/3/X; C: I/35/11/3/Xya/sh R.: 1/20 (12), 1/40ya/th R.: 1/17ya/to/we R.: 1/17/39Ya/u/rw/pll/g.... R.: I/XIX/8/XIV/50, III/XIX/8/XIV/50yoah... R.: XVI; C: IIyoah/la/gU/lh R.: XVI/1/VIII/X; 0.: I/6/omitted/Xyoa/rw R.: XVI/22yoeh R.: XVI; O.: V
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 317Table 3.
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Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26[Numbers in parentheses following a word indicate number of times, when more than once, the Italicizedsyllable within that word is written by each informant with the designated character. Plus signs: in thefirst column plus signs indicate when two characters are used for a single syllable; in the second columnthey indicate when two syllables are written with one character. Informant designations: R. = Marollgar;C.=Chlyemal; M. = Magllo; T. = Tachep; A. = Marutang.]
Character No. Syllablesrepre-sented bycharacter Inform-ant Words In which character Is used
n..ni.
IV.
IV-I-IIIV
VIVII..-
vin.
Vlll-flllIX
aya
yah
yaeyoahyoahaeeeiyayae
ye
-yeei
ih
ih-l-aih+yuuV
-yya
-ywewoayoehnonefi
fll
-f
gi
gihgUgo
-g
gingengi
-ng
-ngh
R.R.C.M.R.C.M.R.O.C.R.R.R.R.R.
C.R.R.R.R.
O.M.R.O.R.R.R.R.R.C.M.R.M.R.C.R.C.R.R.O.M.R.O.M.R.O.R.O.R.C.M.R.R.R.R.O.M.R.
sio (3), alcfahpaet (2)jraremaataal, Weleeya (14), posh (13), siya (3), yotowe, iyang,Oalayallmang, yaremaat, yourwpiig, yar, j/oth, yaiyaremaataal, Weleej/a (6), yai, yaremaat (2)yaiyahiyahiyahtyaehe, yoetoulapyoaftlagiilhyoahtiligiaelh, aetoulap, aetal, oeta, oetalflilh, aetaei6<tae, eetaemwalh, eebaekeejFaurwpiigyaehe (10), j/aewavrils, i/oetaetaei, yaehegach, kapateej/a<,yoemwoelh, yaelog, yael, 2/oefath, j/aewal, j^aegafitaeg, yae (2),beeyaeyaehe (2)Faragij/eihy (2), baej^, mangly, galmangfj? (2), gawaewaay (2), tafeey
flegihr, ishl (5), flhagil, taj, /ngeliis (2), (shUh (8), ishilhi (2),ftaelhl, fyang, itaelh, iwoengoe, fgaelha (3), yaetaetaej,aetaj, aetajfiilh, gaimangiy, itipaelhi, gajgabungv (2),aetaei, paahi, /faelhuugflegihr, ishi, flhagil, ishilh, paahi, Zfaelhuugpaahiihy (2), iftsh, iftr, jAmwihmwihaiihy (3)MMwe (4)yaewanriislihwanhaeygawaewaaj/Weleej^akepateka^/M-'deeyawoalow, woa\h (2)yoehfitou (2), ga/5taeg (6), yaega^taegga^taegaetai^ilhya/ya/ya/ilhaffil, fatoffi (7), gerajiroeffilhl, tilifftaelh, roesafato^i,Faragjye, seehgi, ^ish (5), slfatogi (2)ilha(?il, fatojj, seeh^i, gishseehffiilcgihrilegihryoahlajfiilhgozvlhigafitaes (6), masharaj (3), yaegafitaep, Namwoachilj?gafltaei?, masharaj?Namwoachiii?tirigiInffdlls (2)manffiy, gaimanjiy (2)galayalimawj, chang, lahng, taiing, cangchan^, lahnff, tahngChang, \a,hnggahnngh
471762?60- -22
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173Table 3.
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Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26?Continued
Character No. Syllablesrepre-sented bycharacter Inform-ant Words in which character is used
X-f33.X+IVXI....
XII...XIII..
XIII+III.xrv
XIV-1-III-XV
XVI-
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.-.
XIX-f-14.XIX-f39.
11lib
Ihl
ri
-1
-Ih
-n
-nhIhiIhimi
miimwlwlh
-c
shl
shlh
-sh
Shipi
plh
piipipihSi
shlshe
-shoayoayoahyoehteti
tiltv
-d
ri
uh
w-
-wvhu
R.R.O.R.
C.R.R.C.R.C.M.R.R.R.R.R.C.C.C.R.C.R.O.R.C.R.O.R.O.M.R.R.C.M.R.C.M.R.R.M.R.R.C.R.C.R.C.R.R.R.R.R.R.R.O.M.C.M.C.R.C.M.R.O.M.R.O.R.O.R.R.R.R.
tiZfgiaelh, Hmeeg, ngaH (2), QalayaHmanglihurvrlihmwraeZA) (2), fath-fathviftf (4), gozylhi (5), geragiroegi^Aj, mwalM,ngaZW, ulunhvMi, Ihi (2), kapeta/ftj, gamwoelhaettt (3),sitipaeZAi, maattj, itipae/Ai, itaeZftiTaelhi, fath-fathvZfti, gamwoelhaeMitirigi (an error?)yaremaataaZ, kapetaZ (3), matae-maetae?, nhepaiyaremaataai, Uhagii, kapetaZyoahlagiiift, raeZA (5), tlligiaett, faZft, woaZ/i (2), fatilh, tahlhyoalilaguZA, wae-waett, ishiZft, fatiift, tahlhSatmIhaewIhaenA (2)gamwoelhaeZftiishilhiwisilhaelh, wisUh, milhTnjlhsimnlhmwilhwihcwihcwlhcwihcUhi (4), ishilh (7), laftjlhi (2)Uhi, UhilhshihvashihmbaesAbaesfebae?AUhitapjlh, pipipipipihpmPihg, pihpihPihs, pihpihYam'wpitg (2)pipipipipinpiftsibae (8), aibaegvla (3), ?iboe, aigal, siya, (3), ml?ilh, mi?i-Ibaelh, si (2), sia (3), sifatogi (2), sitipaelhi?ibae, s/mulhIngelii* (2), yaewavru?, bae?bae?l?Ailh?AogihsAbabioarwyoarvryoah, yooAlagiilhyoehTeomal<iligiaelh, iirigi, si/ipaelhi, Ujpaelhi, fa^flhtatilhta/.i\hfaliilhiaJiilhfa<?lhboad, tahdboad, tahdboad, tahdfoari (3)foarifoarjYaMrwpilg (2), towlap (3), ulunhvlhi, yaetowlap, aetowlap,wngMng, toMlapuhnguhngsowgTOW-TOW, shvhwvh\&tou (2)
No?6o7'^^'^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 319Table 3.
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Characters andltheir^actuaVsyllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof charactersJn figuresl25.^and 26?Continued
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 17STable 3.
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Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26?Continued
^n*Rn*i^' ^^^' CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 321No. 60]Table 3.
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Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26?Continued
322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Table 3.
?
Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 26 and 26?Continued
NaGoT"'^"^" CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 323Table 3.
?
Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26?Continued
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173Table 3.
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Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequenceof characters in figures 25 and 26?Continued
Character No.
59.
60.61.62.
636465.
66.
Syllablesrepre-sented bycharacter
66+III6768
69707172737475767778
buputo+unonesv
-szv
nonenonelolunlivfafae
feefoe
-f
paefeemwlsosoashononenonenonenonenonegagvnonenonenonenone
Inform-ant
E.C.C.R.O.R.R.O.
R.R.R.R.R.C.R.R.0.M.T.R.C.M.R.R.R.R.R.R.
O.O.
Words in which character is used
gaigaftungv (2), ga^wnghpunh(tmlap
maasprmaasprFalaluusmaazi^rmaazpr
woaZowuZanhvlhiulunftplhii^olaluus/aelvw, Faelalap, I/oelhuugI/aelhuugta/eeyi-'oeshavlapfoeshavlapFoeshavlapi^oeshavlap (2)yah/yah/yah/alefahjjaet (2) (an error?)ta/eemwiVasorw (2), galii?orw (2), raesorwjosoorjos/ios
pare, jofltaeg, ffomwoelhaelhi
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 325Table 4.
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Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1[Numbers In parentheses following a character designation Indicate number of times, when more than once,that character is used, by each informant, to write the italicized syllable of the word preceding in thesecond column. Plus signs: in the first column plus signs indicate when two syllables are written witha single character; in the columns under informant designations they indicate when two characters areused to represent a single syllable. Informant designations: R.=Marollgar; C.=Chlyemal; M.=Magilo;T. = Tachep; A.= Marutang.]
Syllables
326Table 4. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173-Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 327Table 4.
?
Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
328Table 4. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 1T3-Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 329Table 4.
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Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Table 4.
?
Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
Syllables
-ng.
-ngh.
pa-
pah.,paahpae..
pe...pi?
.
pih..pll-.pu...
-p....
ra.
raa.
re.
ri...
rii..ro...
roe..
roeh
-r...
rw-..rwee
-rw..
Words in whichsyllables occur
ca.nggalayalimanjch&ng\ahngtohngIhahnffnngnhngtahnffftcdLTighIhahn^/igabumgftkepatgepotnhepalpangalhSaepalhkapateeyaekepatekaypnftngashpaaftisitipaelhiitipadhialefahpnetkapetalkapctalhitaptlhpipiPihgpihpihYawcwpiigPwlowathpwnhtoulapaetoulapyaetoulapFagosapFaelalapFoeshavlapmasharagraralhgeragiroegilbiFaragiyeraffshraesorwroelhraelhirerebaegareboegar?yarcmaatyarcinaataalfoar;tiri'giyaewavrjisro-rorow-rowgeragiroegilbiroesafatogiroeAshyarihrilegihruurjosoarmaasvrmaazvrYaurwpiigrwecgbab!oar??yoarwuurwsorwgaliisorjtfraesorw
Character used by?
R.
12, IXIXIXIXIX52526212525258, IX43 (14;4343(5^43(3)4343264343262666 (2) (error?)26 (9)26XIVXIV/XIV+IIIXIV/XIV-MIIXIV (2)131026(3)2626262626(2)15(3)15/153535353535 (13)35(2)35(5)35(4)35(2)353535XVIII (3)X (error?)3522-2215-15353535353535354747478(2)47+39+IV (2)22224747(2)47(2)47
C.
12IXIXIX52521212
524343
43
26 (2), 43
XIV/XIVXIVXIV/XIV
5926(2)
2615
3535
M.
12IXIX
4343
43
35(4)
35(2)35XVIII
22-22
35354747
35
XlV/XIV-flllXIVXIV/XIV
26
XVIII
26(2)
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 331Table 4.
?
Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
332Table 4. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173-Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued
Anthrop. Pap.No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT?RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 333Table 4.
?
Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to thephonemic sequence of table 1?Continued

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 42
rrfv
Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of Faraulep Island, Faraulep
atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 43
Tattooing in native script on leg of Letaweribul, a woman of Falalap Island, Woleai atoll.(Photographed by E. Quackenbush.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY' BULLETIN 173 PLATE 44
Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-housc beams, Faraulep Island, Faraulep
atoll, {a, b. Photographed by S. Kaneshiro; c, photographed by E. Quackcnbush.)

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 61DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OFPLAINS HISTORY
By JAMES H. HOWARD
335

CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction . 339The winter counts 341Names and authorship 341Counts used for comparison 345Description of the counts 347Literature cited 415Phonetic table 416ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES FOLLOWINGPAGE45. Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge) winter count 41646. Swift Dog's winter count (No. 674) 41647. Jaw's winter count 416337

DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OFPLAINS HISTORY
By James H. Howard
INTRODUCTIONThe existence among the Dakota Indians of calendars, in the formof charts giving a picture of a single outstanding event for each year,was first made public by Garrick Mallery in 1877 in a paper entitled
"A Calendar of the Dakota Nation" (Mallery, 1877). These records,originally drawn on hides, later on pieces of cloth, are called waniyetuwowdpi or "winter records" by the Dakota. Sometimes the variantterms waniyetu iydwa and hekta yawapi (Mallery 1886, p. 128) areused, which mean "winter count" and "counting back" respectively.The term waniyetu, "winter," is employed in two ways by theDakota. The first, like the English word "winter," refers to the coldseason of the year. In the other sense it refers to the year as a whole,the Dakota having no other word for this purpose. Thus, a personis spoken of as being so many "winters" old instead of being so manyyears of age. It is not surprising, then, to find that many of theevents in a Dakota "winter" count actually took place during thespring, summer, and fall.Subsequent to his first publication, mentioned above, Mallerypublished two further studies of Dakota winter counts (1886, pp. 89-127; 1893, pp. 266-328). These studies are monumental, and havebecome classics in the field. Curtis, in his "North American Indian"(1908, pp. 159-328) gives an Oglala count and compares it with thematerial given by Mallery. Vestal gives White Bull's count in his
"Warpath" (1934 a, pp. 259-273) and a Hunkpapa count in "NewSources of Indian History 1850-91" (1934 b, pp. 348-351). Cohen(1942) in "Indians at Work" gives Big Missouri's count.^In this paper I wish to supplement these earlier works with ninehitherto little-known winter counts from the Dakota of the StandingRock Reservation, N. Dak. and S. Dak. Six of these are in the
' Cohen, 1939, pp. 15-20. Swift Bear's count, presented by Cohen in the Januaiy (pp. 18-21), Fcbraary(pp. 30-31), and March (pp. 29-30), 1942, Issues of the same magazine came to my attention too late for in-clusion as comparative material in this paper. However, none of the data presented called for changes inthe Interpretations of the events In the counts presented here. 339
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
collections of the North Dakota State Historical Museum, Bismarck,and tliree are owned by the Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shrinersorganization of Mandan and Bismarck, N. Dak.-I undertook the present study with the object of determining therelative accuracy of the various counts by comparing them with oneanother and with known historic dates. As the work progressedseveral interesting additional uses suggested themselves. The countsmight be used as a means of studying intertribal intercourse in theprotohistoric and early historic periods. They might also be used todetermine tribal locations and the dates of the introduction of im-portant features of Dakota culture, such as the earth lodge, the horse,and the Sun dance. By emphasis, and reason for being noted by themaker of the count, it seems that the events selected reveal much ofthe ethos of Dakota culture for the period they cover.It became apparent at once that the various counts, with theexception of the earlier parts of the Good, High Hawk, and WhiteBull counts, were quite reliable chronologically. The locationsmentioned in the counts, which are suggested by the pictographs andwere given orally to the persons who collected the counts, were also inremarkable agreement.Concerning warfare and intertribal relations the results were lesssatisfying. It was found that the different counts, although present-ing nearly identical pictographs for a given year, and obviouslydescribing the same incident, ascribed entirely different identities tothe participants. One account might mention that a Crow killed aDakota, another that a Dakota killed a Crow, and still another that aDakota was killed by an Arikara. The reason for this confusionbecame apparent when the interpretations of the pictographs in theDakota language were translated for the two counts where thenative texts had been preserved. These interpretations, usually onlya short phrase, typically mentioned only that a certain person "waskilled," leaving the tribal identification of the person and his assailantto whoever was keeping the winter count at the time.Interesting changes were noted in the insignia used to identifypersons of different tribal groups in the various counts, and in theearlier and later years of the same count. For example, the year1797-98 on the Blue Thunder Variant III count is designated as
"Killed Three Omahas on the River." The Omaha are indicated bytheir characteristic headdress, the deer tail and porcupine hair roach(Mallery, 1886, pp. 131-133). Yet later in the same count this roachis used merely to signify a dancer, a Dakota, for the years 1887-88 andagain for the years 1928-29.
' The loan of these last three counts was arranged by Paul Ewald, a member of the Shriners and also ofthe North Dakota State Historical Society.
No.*6lT'^^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 341The progression of the pictographs in the counts, whether fromright to left, left to right, or in a serpentine manner, was found to beof little significance. The unimportance of this feature has been ablydiscussed by Mallery (ibid., p. 95), and my own work merely tends toconfirm this. THE WINTER COUNTSThe nine unpublished counts which were studied were found to bevariants of only three major counts. The three groups into whichthe counts fell were: The Blue Thunder group, containing five counts;the High Dog-Swift Dog group, containing two counts; and the Jawgroup, containing two counts. For this reason, plus the high cost ofreproduction, only three plates (pis. 45-47) accompany the text.The three counts selected were considered to be the clearest of therespective groups.The counts were first studied individually, then compared with oneanother and with each of the counts given by Mallery, Curtis, Vestal,and Cohen. For purposes of study and reference, I have named andnumbered the counts in the following manner.NAMES AND AUTHORSHIP
1. Blue Thunder Count, Shriner cat. No. 136, (probably onlya copy of the original Blue Thunder count, and possibly more recentthan Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III).This count is done on heavy \\hite canvas. It measures 264 by 74cm. It is done in black ink and colored wax crayons and paint.The outlines and the colors black and dark blue are done in ink.Other coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green paint orcrayons. The count starts at the upper right and goes to the left,spiraling inward. The years included in this count are 1785-86 to1921-22.The maker of this count is unknown. It is owned at the presenttime by the Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count wassecured by A. B. Welch in 1913, probably on the Standing Rockreservation. The translation is by one Thomas Ashley, whomWelch calls "a fullblood Dakota" in his notes. The interpretationsof the meanings of the various pictographs are supposedly by Welchunder the direction of Ashley and other Dakota informants. Muchof Welch's material seems merely conjectural, however, and the verylong and seemingly purely fanciful explanations accompanying someof the years have not been included in this paper. The count ap-parently pertains to the Sihasapa and Hunkpapa bands of the TetonDakota and to the Yanktonai of the Standing Rock reservation.
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173
2. No Two Horns, Shriner cat. No. 247 (a variant of the BlueThunder count).This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures268 by 91 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors blue andblack are drawn in black ink. Other coloring is done with red,yellow, blue, and green wax crayons. Direction of the count isserpentine, starting at the upper right, going to the left, then backto the right below the first row, and so on. The years included inthis count are 1785-86 to 1921-22.This count was made by No Two Horns, a member of the Hunkpapaband of the Teton Dakota. The authorship of the count is verifiedby No Two Horns' pictographic signature. This count is owned bythe Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count was securedby A. B. Welch from No Two Horns in 1922. The translation is by
"Joe Jordan" whom Welch calls "a Dakota volunteer of my organi-zation in 1917" in his notes on the count. The count apparentlypertains to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakotaand to the Yanktonai.3. Blue Thunder Variant I, Museum cat. No. 798.This count is done on heavy canvas, once white but now a dirtygray color. It measures 260 by 74 cm. Outlines of the pictographsand the colors black and dark blue are done in black ink. Othercoloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green wax crayons orpaints. Direction of the count is from upper right to the left, spiralinginward. The maker of this count had a very poor sense of proportionand many of the pictographs interfere with one another. The countincludes the years 1785-86 to 1912-13.Authorship of the count is unknown. It is owned by the NorthDakota State Historical Museum. The count was secured by thelate Rev. A. McGaffey Beede at Fort Yates, N. Dak., and was givenby him to the museum. A translation and interpretation of a wintercount in Beede's handwriting seems to fit this count. Althoughthe Reverend Mr. Beede is said to have known Dakota well, much ofthe interpretation of the coimt seems conjectural and has not beenincluded in this paper. The count apparently pertains to the samebands and divisions of the Dakota as the preceding count.4. Blue Thunder Variant II, Museum cat. No. 942.This count is done on light unbleached muslin cloth. It measures347 by 89 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors darkblue and black are done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red,yellow, and blue paint and wax crayons. Direction of the count isfrom the upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The count includesthe years 1785-86 to 1912-13.
No*6l7*^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 343Authorship of this count is unknown. The count is owned by theNorth Dakota State Historical Museum. It was secured by theReverend Mr. Beede on the Standing Rock reservation. The trans-lation and interpretation mentioned in connection with the precedingcount fits this count equally well. The count apparently pertains,like the preceding three, to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of theTeton Dakota and to the Yanktonai.5. Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow-Lodge Count) Museumcat. No. L495.This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures 340by 86.5 cm. The pictographs are done in black ink and colored withred, yellow, blue, and green paint and crayons. The direction of thecount is from upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The countincludes the years 1785-86 to 1930-31.The author of this count was Yellow-lodge, a Dakota of mixedMdewakanton-Yanktonai descent who lived at Cannonball, N. Dak.It may be identified by the pictograph of an Indian sitting in a yellowtipi. A copy of this .count, complete through 1951-52, was kept byMrs. Teresa Yellovz-lodge of Fort Yates, N. Dak., who showed it tothe author in 1952.The count is owned by Eugene Burdick of Williston, N. Dak., butwas placed on indefinite loan with the North Dakota State HistoricalMuseum in 1932. A partial translation of a Dakota winter countwhich Burdick believed belonged with this count was sent to themuseum shortly after the count had been placed there on loan. Thistranslation, however, does not fit the count. It apparently belongswith either the High Dog or Swift Dog count. Since the High Dogcount was accompanied by an interpretation, and since the Smft Dogcount was not, this Burdick interpretation has been placed with theSwift Dog count. ?7elch's interpretations for counts 1 and 2 andBeede's for 3 or 4 fit all but the later years of this count. For thereader's convenience, therefore, this count has been included withBlue Thunder Variants I and II in the list used for comparison.All of the counts given above, which comprise the Blue Thundergroup, seem to be copies of the same count or of one another. All butthe Blue Thunder Variant I count have the printed phrase "Pleasepay $2.50 to see this map" preceding the first year's pictograph, in-dicating that financial emolument may have been an important in-centive for a man to keep a winter count. The pictographs on theBlue Thunder count and those on the Blue Thunder Variant III count(Yellow-lodge count), up to the year 1912-13, were apparently drawnby the same person.6. High Dog Count, Museum cat. No. 791.
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
This count is done on white muslin cloth. It measures 132 by 88cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors dark blue and blackare done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red, yellow, and greenpaint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right,spiraling inward. This count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12.The author of this count is given by Beede as "High Dog," but thecount is nearly identical with that of Swift Dog. It was procured bythe Keverend Mr. Beede, who writes "High Dog copied this for mefrom one which he had (about new)." With the count is an interpre-tation of the count in Dakota, apparently written by an Indian.This text is rather garbled. It is accompanied by what purports tobe a translation and interpretation of this Dakota text and the countpictographs by Beede. Much of Beode's material seems to be merelyconjectural, and, where the translation of the Dakota is possible, isoften shown to be highly erroneous. Ray Schulenberg, formerly amember of the staff of the North Dakota State Historical Museum,Mrs. Eva Littlechief of Bismarck, N. Dak., and Judge Frank Zahn ofFort Yates, N. Dak., all aided the author in translating and interpret-ing the Dakota text. The count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapaand Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai.7. Swift Dog Count, Museum cat. No. 674.This count is on thin white cotton cloth. It measures 136 by 90cm. Outlines of the figures are in black ink, as are the colors blackand dark blue. Other coloring is done with red, green, and yellowpaint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right,spiraling inward. The count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12.This count is attributed to Swift Dog in the museum accessionrecord. The Swift Dog and High Dog counts are nearly identical,and in my opinion were both made by the same man, Swift Dog.Pictographs on both are very similar in style to those on a pictographby Swift Dog shown by Densmore (1918, pi. 70, opp. p. 403). Thecount was secured by the Reverend Mr. Beede on the Standing RockReservation, Burdick's supposed "Blue Thunder" interpretationfits the first 27 years of both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts.Since Beede's interpretation is labeled "High Dog," I have placed theBurdick interpretation with the Swift Dog count. Swift Dog was amember of the Hunkpapa band of the Teton Dakota (Densmore,1918, p. 403). His count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa andSihasapa bands of the Teton and to the Yanktonai.8. Jaw Count, Shriner's catalog No. 249,This count is done on white muslin. It measures 125 by 87 cm.It is done in ink and red and blue paint. Only 1 year's pictographutilizes this blue paint, however. The direction of the count is fromupper left to right, spiraling inward.
No.*6l7* ^'^^^ DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 345
This count is attributed to Jaw by Welch, and is signed "Mr.Charley Jaw" in the upper right-hand corner. Jaw was of two bands,one parent being of the Sansarc (Itazipco) band of the Teton Dakota,the other of the Hunkpapa band (Densmore, 1918, p. 387). Thecount was secured by A. B. Welch "from descendants of Jaw."Titles of the winters, written above the pictographs on the count, areby "an educated boy" according to Welch's notation. The count isaccompanied by a typewritten interpretation by Welch, but sincethis was obviously taken directly from the titles written on the countitself it has been disregarded. Although the typewritten copy differsfrom the titles given on the count in some instances, it appears thatit was Mr. Welch who was in error in most cases. The count in-cludes the years 1837-38 to 1881-82. After the years 1881-82 theyears are recorded by vertical marks, of which there are 35. Thisbrings the actual closing date of the count to 1916-17.9. Jaw Variant, Museum cat. No. L529.This count is done on a commercially tanned sheepskin, which is alight tan in color. Maximum length of the hide is 91 cm., maximumwidth 90 cm. The pictographs are drawn in black and green ink.Coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, green, black, brown, andwhite paint. The white paint has caused a chemical action in someplaces, and the figures on which it is used are often slightly raised andrough. The direction of the count is from the middle top (neck ofthe hide) to the right, spiraling inward. Originally the count seemsto have started at the lower right hind foot of the hide and proceededto the left.This count is of unknown authorship. It was secured by Usher L.Burdick on the Standing Rock Reservation. It was placed on loanwith the North Dakota State Historical Museum in 1932. Thecount seems to have been copied from Jaw's count originally, andthen extended backward at a later date. No translation or inter-pretation accompanies the count. Since it has been copied, in part,from Jaw's count, the two counts are treated together in the followinglist for the years where they are concurrent. The count includes theyears 1822-23 to 1881-82.COUNTS USED FOR COMPARISONThe counts used for comparison were:1, The Flame count. (The Flame was a member of the TwoKettle (06heno''pa) band of the Teton Dakota by birth, but livedwith the Sansarc (Itazipco) band most of his life.) The count includesthe years 1786-87 to 1876-77. The interpretation of the count is bythe keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 93).
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU, 173
2. The Swan count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).The count includes the years 1800-01 to 1870-71. Interpretation ofthe count is by "Jean Premeau," interpreter at Cheyenne Agency in1868 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 93-94).3. Lone Dog count. (Yanktonai, probably of the Lower Yanktonaidivision, now settled on the Crow Creek and Cheyenne Kiver Res-ervations in South Dakota.) This count includes the years 1800-01to 1870-71. Interpretations are by one Basil Clement (Mallery, 1886,pp. 89-93).4. Bush count. (Dakota, band unknown). The count includesthe years 1800-01 to 1869-70. The interpreter is unknown (Mallery,1886, p. 94).5. Mato Sapa count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).This count includes the years 1800-01 to 1868-69. The interpreta-tions are by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, pp. 94-95).6. Battiste Good count. (Brule (Sicangu) band of the TetonDakota). This count supposedly begins in mythological times. Itactually seems to be based on history from 1700-01 to 1879-80.The interpretation is by Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 129; 1893, p. 268).7. American Horse count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota).This count includes the years 1775-76 to 1878-79. The interpreta-tion of the count is by American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 129).8. White-Cow-Killer count (Oglala or Brule band of the TetonDakota (?)). The exact years included in this count are not givenby Mallery, who uses the count only for comparison (Mallery, 1886,pp. 129-130).9. Cloud Shield count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). Thiscount includes the years 1777-78 to 1878-79. The interpretation ofthe count is by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 129).10. High Hawk count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). LikeBattiste Good's count, this count supposedly begins in mythologicaltimes. Events which seem to be historical begin in "1540" (?).The closing date of the count is "1900." The interpretation of thecount is by High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 159).11. White Bull count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).This count includes the years from "1781" to "1932." The interpre-tation of the count is by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 259).12. Vestal's Hunkpapa count (Hunkpapa band of the TetonDakota). This count includes the years "1831" to "1881" (Vestal,1934 b, p. 348). The interpretation of the count is by Judge FrankZahn of Fort Yates, N. Dak. (Frank Zahn, personal communi-cation) .13. Big Missouri's count (Brule Sifiangu) band of the TetonDakota). This count includes the years "1796" to "1926." The in-terpretation of the count is by "Kills Two, a Sioux Indian, and several
Na6l7'^*^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 347
other Indians." The count is owned by J. A. Anderson, of RapidCity, S. Dak. (Cohen, 1939, p. 16).DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTSThe counts are described in the following manner: First thewritten interpretations of the Dictographs are given, then the picto-graphs are described, and then comparative material is introduced.Elision dots (. . .) indicate the omission of comment by Beede orWelch. Notes in brackets which are labeled "JH" indicate that thepresent writer has inserted comment in a quoted passage. Unlabeledcomments in parentheses are by Welch or Beede.In the count interpretations various colloquial tribal designationsfrequently occm". "Ree" refers to the Arikara. "Gros Ventre" refersto the Hidatsa. "Paldni"or "Pad5,ni" refers to either the Pawnee or theArikara, usually to the Arikara on the counts from the Standing RockReservation. "H6he" refers to the Assiniboin, or, possibly, to mixedPlains Ojibwa-Plains Cree-Assiniboin groups. "Omaha" refers toeither the Ponca or the Omaha or to both tribes. "French" refersto the m6tis of the Red River region and Canada, usually of mixedFrench and Plains Ojibwa or Plains Cree descent. "Chippewa," inthese counts, probably refers to the Turtle Mountain band of PlainsOjibwa.The divisions of the Dakota tribe, which are referred to frequentlyin the interpretations of the counts, are, to the author's best under-standing, as follows:Santee group:
1. Mddwakanton2. Wahp6ton3. Wahp^kute4. SissetonWiciyela group:5. Yankton6. YanktonaiThe Yanktonai are divided into two main groups, the Hunkpati(Upper Yanktonai) and Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai). The term
"Wic6yela," and variants thereof, occur frequently in the count inter-pretations. Riggs states that this is "the name applied by the Tetonsto the Yankton and Yanktonnais Dakotas" (Riggs, 1890, p. 571).It apparently refers to the dialect used by these bands, described as
"childish" (probably because it lacks the flowery elaborations ofTeton). Though Riggs states it was used for both Yankton andYanktonai, the term may be restricted to the Yanktonai only in thecounts from the Standing Rock Reservation.
7. Teton
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The Teton were the largest of the seven Dakota bands. Conse-quently, though all seven bands were again divided into seven, onlythe Teton subdivisions are large enough to be worth noting here.They are:
1. Hunkpapa2. Minneconjou3. Sihdsapa (Blackfoot)4. 06heno?pa (Two Kettle)5. Itdzip6o (Sans Arcs or No Bows)6. Sicdngu (Brules)7. Ogldla1785-86Blue Thunder: (beginning date for this count and its interpreta-tion) "A Vv^oman in "Wliite (Spirit woman) came among us." NoTwo Horns: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation)
"A long time ago we saw a Woman in White?a spirit woman."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: (beginning dates for thesecounts and the interpretation used with them) "Saw a white womandressed in white. It was near the ocean or mouth of the MissouriRiver." All of the above counts show a woman in white (clothingnot colored) dress. Battiste Good gives this year, or a similar event,as 1791-92 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311).1786-87Blue Thunder: "Had a battle with the Grosventres where theSisseton Reservation is now." No Two Horns: "They killed someCrows in the winter time. They shot at shadows." [Perhaps theDakota found some of their enemies camped in tipis and shot at theiroutlines on the tipi wall as they passed between it and the fire, JH.]Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Battle with the GrosVentres (Sisseton Reserve)." Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, andBlue Thunder Variants I and III show a man in a tipi. Blue ThunderVariant II shows a man outside a tipi. All are pictured wearing the
"enemy" hairdress, which is a bunch of hair standing up at the fore-head and a long braid falling down the back. This is commonly usedin Dakota pictographs to designate members of enemy tribes, suchas the Crow, Arikara, and Assiniboin. Battiste Good gives thisevent, or a similar one, for 1792-93 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311).1787-88Blue Thunder: "Dakota who had a long nose was killed in abattle with the Chippewas," No Two Horns " 'Straight Face* waskilled by the enemy." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"Sioux with long nose killed by Chippewa." All counts show a man
No*6lT"^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 349
with a prominent nose and face and a wound with blood flowing fromit. The representation of a wound in Dakota pictographs is a red circlewith a red triangle pendent from it. The red circle represents the holemade by the bullet or other projectile and the red triangle representsblood flowing from this wound. On some of the counts this is quiteconventionalized.1788-89Blue Thunder: " 'Long Hair' lulled in a fight with an Omaha In-dian." No Two Horns " 'Long Hair' killed an enemy in a great fightthat winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Long Hair,Sioux killed by Omaha." All counts show a man with long hair anda wound. The No Two Horns interpretation is probably incorrect,as none of the counts depict the man with the "enemy" hairdress.Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 311) gives this year as 1793-94, stating that
"Long Hair" was a Crow killed by the Dakota. White Bull (Vestal,1934 a, p. 262) gives the year "1811" as "They went out and killedFour Enemies with Long Hair."1789-90Blue Thunder: "A Dakota woman going for water in the nighttime was killed by the Omaha people." No Two Horns: "Man whoowned a bell killed by the enemy." Blue Thunder Variants I, II,AND III: "Woman killed in night by Omaha?going for water . . ."In all versions a man is depicted. He is wearing only a breechclout.The No Two Horns version plainly shows a bell in the man's hand, butthe others all show a metal bucket or an animal's paunch, probably forcarrying wa ter. Representations of wounds are shown on the body ofthe man in all of the counts. Good gives this event for the year 1795-96, stating that this man was an enemy, and was betrayed by a Dakotagirl whom he met when the girl came to the edge of the village to getwater. He was ambushed by the Dakota and his corpse stood up out-side the village with the girl's water paunch in his hand (Mallery,1893, p. 312). White Bull gives the event for the year "1812" (Vestal,1934 a, p. 262).1790-91Blue Thunder: "Sioux Indian killed in battle; a Wopohi Sioux."(Wopohi should probably be wapdha, a warbonnet, JH). No TwoHorns "A Dakota put on a large bonnet. He went out, got killedby enemy." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Sioux,Wopoha [probably Wapdha, warbonnet, JH.l killed in battle." Allcounts show a man wearing a warbonnet with wounds in his body.Good gives the event for the year 1796-97 (Mallery, 1893, p. 312).White Bull gives it for "1813" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 262).471762?60 24
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1731791-92Blue Thunder: "A one-eyed man, a Sihasapa, Idlled by theFrench." No Two Horns: "A noted Sioux named Big Head waskilled that winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "One-eyed man (Blackfoot) killed by French." All counts show a man withone eye blacked out and wounds on his body. The No Two Hornsinterpretation is probably in error, as its pictograph is similar to theothers.1792-93Blue Thunder: "A Chippewa woman killed by the Dakota."No Two Horns: "The woman in a red dress was killed by someenemy." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Chippewawoman in red dress killed by Sioux." All counts show a woman witha red dress with wounds in her body.1793-94Blue Thunder: "Dakota camping. The Gros Ventre and Reebattle in night time and shot on leg. On Cheyenne river. Indiansjumping." No Two Horns "Had a big fight and nearly everyonewas chopped in the leg." Blue Th:under Variants I, II, and III:
"Gros Ventres, Rees, and Mandans fought in a big battle on theCheyenne River in night. Sioux kept jumping." All counts show aman shot in the leg below the knee or with the leg missing below theknee.179J^-95Blue Thunder: "Gros Ventre a mile from Dakota camp, saw aman with a flute and killed him. On Crow Creek." No TwoHorns: " 'The Man with a Flute' made a splendid kill of an enemy."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Gros Ventres went to aSioux camp and a man with a flute 1 mile out was killed (on CrowCreek)." All counts show a man playing an Indian flute with woundson his body. This year's event corresponds with that given byAmerican Horse for 1795-96, "The-Man-Who-Ov/ns-the-Flute" waskilled by the Cheyennes (Mallery, 1886, p. 133).1795-96Blue Thunder: "Gros Ventre and Ree in battle. Nearly all gotshot on arm. Used shells for knife. West of Crow Creek." NoTwo Horns: "Another fight and everyone was clubbed in the arm."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Gros Ventres and Arikarasfought with Sioux wounded in arms. Then then [sic, JH] they usedshells for knives." All counts depict a man wounded in the arm.
Naef]^'^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3511796-97Blue Thunder: "Saw a ship coming across the ocean in wintertime. First ship they saw." No Two Horns: "Somebody passedaround a flag to the people." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Saw a ship come across the ocean, it was winter and were campedby the ocean." All counts show a crude representation of the Ameri-can flag for this year. Just how this is connected with the shipcoming across the ocean mentioned in the interpretations of the BlueThunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III counts is notcertain.1797-98Blue Thunder: "We killed three Omaha in canoes on river."No Two Horns: "Three enemies in a boat were killed by Siouxwinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Three Omahasin a skiff on River killed by Tetons." The Blue Thunder count andBlue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show three men in a boat.These men wear the roach headdress used to indicate Omaha orPonca. These men may well have been Ponca, as the same word isused for the two tribes hy the Dakota. No Two Horns show^s onlyone person, but representations of three wounds, one in the body ofthe man, two suspended in midair. This obviously suggests the threemen pictured in the other counts. This type of "shorthand" device isfrequently employed by No Two Horns throughout the count.1798-99Blue Thunder: "Dakota going to battle camped at night timeSaw a big white horse with an arrow on it. Killed it." No TwoHorns: "We shot a horse with a big mane winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Sioux on battle camping saw and killed ahorse with a big mane." All counts, including that of Blue Thunder,show a horse with an unusually long mane and a wound in its body.High Dog: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation inDakota and English) "Singing over blue feathers." The Dakota textreads "Wiyaka toto an akici lowanpi (Wlyaka t6to un akidilowanpi,lit. Feathers blue using (or wearing) they-sing-for-one-another)."Swift Dog: (beginning date for this count and the Burdick "BlueThunder" interpretation, which is used with it) "Singing over Bluesociety feathers." On these two counts we see a man receiving ahighly decorated wand from another man. This suggests the Hunlvdor A16wanpi ceremony of the Dakota. A rather wordy discussion byBeede tends to confirm this. Densmore (1918, p. 69) mentions theyear of the first Aldwanpi as "1801" stating that this event appears on
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173
"Black Thunder's count." Since the year 1801-02 is also designatedby a drawing of this ceremony on the High Dog and Swift Dog countsthe author believes that Densmore is incorrect in this assumption.Since, however, she gives only this one year, comparison is notpossible.1799-1800Blue Thunder: "Winter time, no water. Found beaver holes toget water." No Two Horns: "So cold we got water from beaverholes only." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Water frombeaver holes all frozen in winter." The Blue Thunder and BlueThunder Variant III counts show a beaver with a tipi on his back. NoTwo Horns shows a beaver den, a beaver, and a metal water pail.Blue Thunder Variants I and II show a beaver, a water pail, and atipi. See the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the following yearfor comparison.High Dog: "A White-man called Chaske [Cdske, first-born son of apreviously unmarried woman, JH] came to this tribe and staid per-manently for the purpose of trade. Previous to this time traders hadcome and gone after a short stay." The Dakota text reads "Claskewasicu taka mako el hi (Caske (leska?) wasicu tokd mdka el hi lit.First-born-son (one who spoke many languages?) white-man enemycountry there came)." Swift Dog: "Clark, a white man, the first tocome among the Sioux." American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 134)gives this year a similar interpretation, as does White-Cow-Killer(Mallery, 1886, p. 134). Cloud Shield (Mallery, 1886, p. 134) givesthis event for the year 1800-01.1800-01Blue Thunder: "Small pox sickness. I think. Many die.Ota-ota [many, many, JHj." No Two Horns: "Everybody sickwinter. Small pox time." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Small pox, many many died." All of the above counts showa male figure with spots covering his body. The Flame, Lone Dog,Swan, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts allmention an epidemic for the year 1801-02 (Mallery, 1886, p. 103).White Bull gives the occurrence for the year "1818" (Vestal, 1934 a,p. 263). High Hawk gives the year as "1802" (Curtis, 1908, p. 170).High Dog: "Tliis was an exceptionally dry year. . . . Water wassometimes found by digging in beaver holes." The Dakota textreads "Capa oti miniyaweyapi (lit. Beaver house-at they-came-and-got-water)". Swift Dog: "Beaver's Dam where Indians and beastsgo to water," The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a beaverabove a small green rectangle. See the Blue Thunder, No Two
nS.*6iT*^*^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 353
Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III for the precedingyear for comparison.1801-0^Blue Thunder: "Wild horses caught on prairie. First horsesthey owned." No Two Horns "Caught many wild horses winter."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Caught lot of wUd horseson prairie." The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant countsI, II, and III show several horses' heads. No Two Horns shows onehorse head and several hoofprints, which seem to indicate plurality.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-KiUer,and Good counts all give the year 1802-03 for this event (Mallery,1886, p. 104). White Bull gives the year as "1819" (Vestal, 1934 a,p. 263). High Hawk gives it as "1803" (Curtis, 1908, p. 170). Goodstates that the horses were taken from the Pawnee (Mallery, 1886,p. 104).High Dog: Beede's interpretation, which is rather long and isapparently not based upon the Dakota text, suggests an A16wa?pi orHunkd ceremony for this year. The Dakota text reads "Tahin anakicilo wapi (Tdhi" u^ akUildioanpi lit. Moose- (probably bison isactually meant) hair using (or wearing) they-sing-for-one-another)."Swift Dog: "Singing over people with buffalo hair ornaments, asociety." The pictographs on both counts show a man receiving adecorated wand from another, as for the year 1798-99. Densmoregives the year 1801 as the "first year Alowa'^yi in which the cere-mony was held by the Standing Rock Sioux" (Densmore, 1918, p.69).1802-03Blue Thunder: "Found a curly horse." No Two Horns: "Wegot many curly horses winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "They found a curley horse." High Dog: "The Sioux captiu-edsome crinkle haired horses from the Crows." The Dakota textreads "Sugugu lo awicakilipi {Sunguguld, dwicdglipi lit. Horsescurly-haired [thought to have had their hair singed ?, JH] littlethey-brought-back.)" Swift Dog: "A young man by the name of
'Wears one Feather' brought back a curly horse he captured from hisenemy."All of the above counts show a representation of a horse withcurly hair. The No Two Horns count shows a number of hoofprintsin addition, indicating plm-ahty. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan,White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, Bush and Good counts all mentionthis event as well, but for the following year, 1803-04 (Mallery,1886, p. 104). High Hawk gives the year "1804" for this event
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
(Curtis, 1908, p. 170.). White Bull has it occumng in "1820" (Vestal,1934 a, p. 263).The Flame states that the horses were taken from the Assiniboin(Mailery, 1886, p. 104). Lone Dog and White-Cow-Kiiler statethat they were taken from the Crow (Mailery, 1886, p. 104). TheSwan and Mato Sapa say they were taken from the Arikara (Mailery,1886, p. 104), and Good states that they were taken from the Pawnee(Mailery, 1886, p. 104).1803-04Blue Thunder: "Saw a lot of horses with iron shoes on, waydown southway." No Two Horns: "Many council winter." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "They saw a lot of horses w.[with, JHl shoes on. It was at Goose Creek way south." HighDog: "The Sioux captured some shod horses from the Crows." TheDakota text reads "Sake maza awicakilipi {Sake-mazd awiddglipi lit.Hooves-metal they-brought-back)." Swift Dog: "A young mandressed in a blue coat brought an American horse with horse shoes on,the first ones seen by the redmen of the Sioux." Blue Thunder, NoTwo Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants II and III show the hoofprintsof shod horses. Blue Thunder Variant I, High Dog, and Swift Dogshow a horse, carefully depicting his hooves as being shod.It may be that the year given by Mailery, Curtis, and Vestal whichI have compared with the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns and BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III for the year 1801-02 might betterbe placed here for comparison, though they precede the "curly horse"winter in all cases.1804-05Blue Thunder: "Winter camp at a place called 'Many HorsesTails'." No Two Horns: "Many Horses Tails camping Winter.They sing with them too." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Wintered at 'Many Horses Tails'." The above counts show adecorated feather wand, suggesting the Hunkd or Alowanpi ceremony.The Flame, Long Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts allhave the same event for this year as well (Mailery, 1886, p. 104).High Hawk's count gives it for "1805" (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). WhiteBull gives it for the j^ear "1821" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). High Dogand Swift Dog apparently lose a year here, as they give the eventused for the following year on the counts of the Blue Thunder group.High Dog: "Eight Sioux were killed by the Crows in a runningbattle." The Dakota text reads "kangi wicasa 8 wicaktepi (ht.Crow men eight they-killed)." Swift Dog: "Seven Crow Indianswere hid in a dugout. The Dakotas killed them by being bravewan-iors." On both counts a circle is shown, which may represent
No*6lT"^^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 355
an earthlodge or "dugout." Around the inside of this circle areseveral representations of heads. On the High Dog count, nine ofthese are shown, and on the Swift Dog count, eight. The heads havethe "enemy" hairdress used by the Dakota to represent Crow, As-siniboin, Arikara, etc. The Swift Dog count has the arable numeral
"8" written inside the circle in addition.1805-06Blue Thunder: "Eight Tetons killed by Kangi wicasa [Crowmen, JHl." No Two Horns: "The Sioux killed many enemies too."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "8 Tetons killed by Crows."On the above counts the heads and shoulders of several men areshown, all depicted with wounds on their bodies. The Blue Thundercount shows eight men. No Two Horns shows one man, but eightwounds. Blue Thunder Variant I shows seven men. Blue ThunderVariant II shows six, and Blue Thunder Variant III shows eight.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swau, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa,and Bush counts all give the same event for tliis year (Mallery, 1886,p. 105). High Hawk gives the event for "1806" (Curtis, 1908, p. 171).White Bull gives it for "1822" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263).High Dog: "The Crows attacked the Sioux in camp. The battlewas long and well fought, but as the Crov/s were mounted two on ahorse while the Sioux had not this disadvantage, they won out.Many killed." The Dakota text reads simply "Nam wicako gipapi{Num widdkagugapi lit. Two they-cracked-their-skulls)." SwiftDog: "A Sioux killed two Crow Indians who were riding double.He got the name of 'Kill Two Mounted.' " Both of the last twocounts show two men with the "enemy" hairdress hanging from ahorse. Their position probably indicates death.1806-07Blue Thunder: "Sihasapa Tetons went out into hills. CrowIndian attacked and killed liim." No Two Horns: "A scout on ahill in winter time. Wlien we got there he was dead." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Blackfoot [a member of theSihasapa or Blackfoot band of the Teton Dakota, JH.] Idlled by Crowson a hiU." The above counts all show a man, wearing the whitecapote commonly used by Dakota scouts, lying on top of a hill orbluff. On the body is the representation of a wound.The pictograph used for this year and the man's position on a hiUmake one suspicious that the interpretation given is a late, and incor-rect one, supplied in place of the forgotten original. The Swan,Lone Dog, Flame, White-Cow-IGller, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Goodcounts all state that the man was an eagle trapper (either Dakota orArikara) who was killed in his pit (Mallery, 1886, p. 105). He may
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
well have been a Dakota, as it is now known that the Dakota formerlypracticed ritualized eagle trapping of the sort customary with theMandan, Hidatsa, and Aiikara (Howard, 1954).It seems likely that the interpretation for this year's pictogi-aphmay have been changed on the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, andBlue Thunder Variant counts at a time when the Dakota no longerpracticed eagle trapping to any extent, and could therefore accountfor the man's presence on the hill only by making him a scout. Theman is identified as an eagle trapper on the High Hawk count (Curtis,1908, p. 171) as well as for the year "1807," and by White Bull (Vestal,1934 a, p. 263) for the year "1823." Big Missouri gives "This yeara Crow Indian sneaked into a Sioux camp and was killed," for theyear "1807" (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). This may be related to the BlueThunder event as well.High Dog: "In a war with the Crows a leader named Akile Luta[Ogle-lCita, Red-shirt, JH.] was slayn." The Dakota text reads
"Akile luta un wan ktepi {Ogle-luta un wan kUpi lit. Shirt-red wear-ing a they-killed)." Swift Dog: "A Sioux killed a chief by the nameof 'Wears Red Coat.' He was the only one who killed an enemy,"The last two counts show a man wearing a red coat. See the nextyear for comparison with other counts having this incident.1807-08Blue Thunder: "Crow Indian with red coat killed by the Dakota."No Two Horns: " *A spectacles' or 'One Eye' was killed that time."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Crow, red coat, killed bySioux." The Blue Thunder count shows a man who is wearing a redcoat and is wounded. Blue Thunder Variants I and II show sub-stantially the same. No Two Horns shows a man in a very similarattitude but with an uncolored coat and one eye represented asmissing. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a wounded man with anuncolored coat. This seems to indicate that the No Two Hornscount was copied from the Blue Thunder Variant III count.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,and Good counts all give similar events for this year (Mallery, 1886,pp. 105-106). The High Hawk count gives the event for the year
"1808" (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, andMato Sapa counts state that the man was a Dakota killed by theAnkara. High Hawk, Good, and White-Cow-Killer imply that hewas a Dakota, but do not mention his assailant's identity.High Dog: "A Sioux leader was slayn by the Crows." TheDakota text reads "Tu we yo wan ktepi (Tonweya wan ktSpi lit.Scout a they-killed)." Swift Dog: "A Crow Indian killed a SiouxScout. Afterwards speaking of anything that happened at that time,
^?*g5']P- ^^P- DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 357
they say 'When the young scout was killed by a Crow Indian.' "Both counts show a man wearing a green shirt or coat with a yellowstripe over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. The High Dogcount represents the man as having been scalped.1808-09Blue Thunder: " 'First who got brass rings' went out in hills andgot killed at Fort Pierre place." No Two Horns: "First to get brassrings for his haii' ornaments." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "S. [Sioux, JH] W. [with, JH] brass rings on hair got killed(Pierre)." All of the above counts show a man wearing a smallfeather headdress to which a long strip of leather with brass disks(slides) is attached. This item of adornment was popular among theDakota during the 19th century, but is rarely seen at present (1957).High Dog: "The Sioux sent an expert out to find where the buffalowere as they were nearly out of meat. The Crows killed him." TheDakota text reads "Pahata i wan ktepi (lit. On-a-hill went a they-kUled)." Swift Dog: "A young man went to look for buffalo andwas killed by Crow Indians. His name was 'Saw the Buffalo.'" Thelast two counts show a man with bison head name symbol above him,indicating that his name was connected with buffalo or that he waslooking for buffalo.1809-10Blue Thunder: "Blue feathers found in winter time near ocean*Got from bu'ds." No Two Horns: "We found ro.any blue feathersin winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Found bluefeathers by ocean in winter time." All the above counts show a staffornamented with blue feathers. This staff is distinctly not an Alowanpiwand, but rather resembles the staff used by the Cante T'inza (Strong-heart) warrior society.High Dog: "The Sioux crossed the Missouri River, and on theeast side captured a large number of stray horses, and this gave thema better supply of horses than they had ever had before. . . ." TheDakota text reads "taka suki ku wochiyu wega (Tdka iunkakanwodhiyuivega (?) lit. Enemy horses other-side-of-the-river (?)."Swift Dog: "The first horse seen and caught was a yellow horse.From that time on the Western Sioux had horses. 'The Man ThatSaw the First Horse was his name.' " The last two counts show ahorse with a lariat falling over its head. The Swift Dog referenceto these being the "first horses" seems rather odd considering thatthree previous years on this count have depicted horses.1810-11Blue Thunder: "Two Dakota Fighting each other in camp.Row in camp winter." No Two Horns: "A Dakota and an enemy
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
shot through with arrows fighting." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "2 S. [Sioux, JH] killed each other." The pictographsshow two men fighting, both with arrows in their bodies and repre-sentations of wounds. The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count,that they are both Dakota, seems false, as in all but the Blue ThunderVariant I count, one of the men is shoAvn wearing the "enemy" hairdress.High Dog: "They had smallpox or some such disease which causedgreat loss of life. This was in the winter." The Dakota text reads
"Wicagogo taka {WicdJianhan tdnka lit. Smallpox big)." SwiftDog: "A young maiden was pouting and wandered away from camp.She was killed by Crow Indians." The last two counts show a humanfigure, the body and arms of which are spotted, the face not. Sincethe face is not spotted on either count, one might believe that theperson is merely wearing a polka-dot dress or shirt. However theSwift Dog count later uses an almost identical figure to representsmallpox, which seems to indicate that the High Dog interpretationis the correct one.1811-12Blue Thunder: "Found white horse mth horse shoes on. Montanafound it. Northwest of Black Hills that place." No Two Horns:
"A man got a white horse with uon shoes on." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Found white horse w. [with, JH] shoes(N. W. of B. [Black, JH] Hills)." All of the above counts show awhite horse, depicted as being shod. Blue Thunder Variant I showsa horse wearing a bridle as well.High Dog: "A Whiteman came to live with them. He built asmall house. He was a small man and he inclined to stay in his housea good deal so they named him Little Beaver." The Dakota textreads "Capa cigala ti ile (lit. Beaver little house burns)." SwiftDog: "A white man by the name of Little Beaver. Came amongthe Sioux. He built a house and traded with the Indians." TheHigh Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man, dressed in White man'sclothing, who has the name symbol of a beaver above him. He isstanding before a log house, the roof of which is in flames. TheDakota text, in connection with the pictogi'aphs, is in this instancequite revealing.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,and Good counts for the year 1809-10 (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), theAmerican Horse count for the year 1808-09 (ibid., p. 135), the CloudShield count for the year 1809-10 (ibid., p. 135), and the Big Mis-souri count for "1810" (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) all refer to a man namedLittle Beaver being burned in his house. Good states that this manwas an English trader (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), but the Swan (ibid.,
No.^GlT'^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 359
p. 106) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) identify him as a French-man. The author feels that he may have been a French Canadiantrader in Enghsh employ, a common situation for the period. WhiteBull gives the year "1826" as "They Burn a Small Beaver Lodge"(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). This probably refers to the event as well.1812-13Blue Thunder: " 'Little Bear,' a Tetonwanna [Teton, JH], killedby Gros Ventres." No Two Horns: "Sioux named Little Bear gotkilled by enemy people." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"Little Bear, Teton, killed by Gros Ventres." Blue Thunder, NoTwo Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variants II and III show a woundedman with the name symbol of a bear above him. Blue ThunderVariant I shows the upright figure of a bear with a wound in its side,obviously to carry the same idea. White Bull gives the year "1829"as the year "Little Bear" was killed (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264).High Dog: "The Sioux were camping easterly from and at theBlack Hills. The Crows attacked them and were beaten off with 1man left dead." The Dakota text reads "8 ahi wicaktepi (lit. Eightcame they-killed)." Swift Dog: "Ten Crow Indians on a warpathand the Sioux Idlled 8 of them. That was used as 'The time 8 Crowswere Idlled.' " Both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts show acircle with heads around the inside, as for the year 1804-05. Theheads are depicted with the "enemy" hairdress. High Dog showseight heads, Swift Dog only seven. The Swift Dog count, however,indicates the correct number by having the arable numeral "8"drawn in the center of the circle. This may possibly correlate withthe Blue Thunder group for the following year, although the numberIdlled is different. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, andBush counts give similar pictures, but the number Idlled in thesecounts is much higher, varying from 20 to 27 (MaUery, 1886, pp.107-108). Identification of those kiUed also varies. The Flamecalls them Mandan; Lone Dog, The Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush callthem "Gros Ventres" (ibid., pp. 107-108).1813-14Blue Thunder: "The Tetons going to war found the Crows andkilled three on each side. Call it 'Killed six Winter.' " No TwoHorns: "Killed six winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Six Crows and Tetons killed in a fight." Blue Thunder andBlue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show six wounded men. The
"enemy" hairdress is not in evidence. No Two Horns, followinghis customary manner of abbreviation, shows only one man, but fiveadditional wounds.
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Battiste Good gives this year as "Killed Six Pawnees" (Mallery,1893, p. 316). White Bull gives the year "1830" as "Six Kees werekilled" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). High Hawk gives "Six PalaniKilled" for the year "1814" (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Since the wordsfor Pawnee and Arilcara are the same in Dakota it may be that the
"Pawnees" mentioned by Good were actually Arikara.High Dog: "The Sioux fought with the Crows and Little Bear,the leader was killed. . . ." The Dakota text reads "Mato cigalaahi ktepi kin (lit. Bear little they-came-and Idlled)." Swift Dog:
"Little Bear was killed by Crow Indian." The last two countsshow a man with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented ashaving been scalped in the High Dog count. This event probablycorresponds with the Blue Thunder group event for the year 1812-13.1814-15Blue Thumder: "Teton and Gros Ventre go to war, Gros Ventreattached (sic, JH] and Teton got shot in the jaw." No Two Horns:
"A man of ours got shot in the jaw." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "Battle with Gros Ventres &, many wounded in jaw,below Yates." AH of the above counts show a man with a facewound.High Dog: "A Crow Indian by the name of Little Bear (calledalso Uta or Wayuta) came to camp on a pretense of friendship with amember of the tribe, and was slayn with a buffalo bone." The Da-kota text reads, however, "Wita pahato an wan kogugapi (Witapahd toun wan kagugapi lit. Kiowa blue wearing a they-clubbed-him-on-the-skuU)." Swift Dog: "A Sioux Idlled a Crow Indian on a high butteon Many Island." Both counts show a man with the "enemy"hairdress being slain from behind by a man with a club. The twoEnglish interpretations are quite obviously incorrect. The authorhas noticed that the names for other Indian tribes are used veryloosely by present-daj'^ Dakota, if not, indeed, completely forgotten.In the case of the Swift Dog count the Dakota informants wereunable to translate the name of the Kiowa tribe, so merely substi-tuted words having a similar sound. It is very possible that the
"to" which I have translated as "blue" is actually only the last syllableof the word for the tribe, as neither High Dog nor Swift Dog showsthe man wearing a blue (or a green) shirt. Riggs (1890, p. 579) givesWitapaha as the full name of the tribe, however, and Williamson(1908, p. 95) does the same.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mentionthis event for the year 1814-15 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 108-109). Good(Mallery, 1893, p. 316), American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 135), andWhite-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 135) mention it for this year as well. HighHawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) both
No*61J^' ^'^''' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 361
give the event for the year "1815." White Bull gives it for "1831" (Ves-tal, 1934 a, p. 264). The Flame identifies the man as a Brule [Si6dnguband of the Teton Dakota, JH] and says that he was killed by theUte (Mallery, 1886, p. 108). Lone Dog says that the man was anArapaho (ibid., p. 109). The other counts cited by Mallery do notspecify the man's tribe but merely spell out the native term (ibid.,p. 109). Vestal connects the man with the "We-ta-piu" band of theCheyenne (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 316),American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 135), White-Cow-Killer (ibid.,p. 135), and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) identify him as aKiowa. Big Missouri does not identify the man's tribe.1815-16Blue Thunder: "Crow war party came to fight with the Tetons.A Dakota warrior knocked down two Crows with a club. No TwoHorns: "We got attacked and one man struck two enemies with aclub." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Crows on horses,battle Tetons. Knock two with clubs." All of the above countsshow a man with a name symbol consisting of the heads of two men,both of which are wearing the "enemy" hairdress.High Dog: "A Sioux stole a horse from another Sioux, and waspunished b}^ being . . . bored with an awl in the left jaw. . . ." TheDakota text reads "Wamanu wan cehupa wawegopi (lit. Thief a jawthey-broke)." Swift Dog: "Brave Soldier kUled a Crow Indian whocame to steal horses. Brave Soldier broke his jaw and killed him."The last two counts show a man with a wound in his face. Possiblythese two counts are related to the counts of the Blue Thunder groupfor the year 1814-15.1816-17Blue Thunder: "We killed a white buffalo winter. Out inMontana. Stampede." No Two Horns: "We killed a white buffalowinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Killed WhiteBuffalo (Montana) winter." The above counts show a white buffalowith an arrow sticking from a wound in his back.High Dog: Beede gives a long and improbable interpretation forthis year, stating that Dakota told him that in a battle with the Crowthe Dakota used hoops ornamented with horsehair as signal flags.The true meaning of this year's pictograph is revealed by the Dakotatext. This reads "Nampa wakte aldli (Nonpa wakte agli lit. Twokills (scalps or honors) they-brought-home)." Swift Dog: "TheSioux and Crows made peace. The pipe of peace was never broken."The English interpretations for both counts are apparently quite false.
362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The pictograplis show a man or woman carrying sticks upon whichtwo scalps are fastened.1817-18Blue Thunder: "Near mouth of Missouri river we found strangebirds. Lots. They were blue feathers and red heads." No TwoHorns: "Away off somewhere, we saw some strange redheaded birds."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Near ocean in winter sawbirds With, blue feathers and red heads fly in wind (sand (?))." Thecounts given above show representations of large birds with blue bodiesand red heads. Could these have been whooping cranes?High Dog: "A chief 's son by the name of Buffalo Bull died. . . ."Beede's additional description suggests that the "spirit keeping" orWandgi tipi ceremony is referred to. The Dakota text reads "hecoTi taka awakicaga." The author has been unable to secure a goodtranslation of this phrase. "Ti taka" is apparent^ ti-tdnka, a largedwelling. Mrs. Eva Little-chief suggested that the phrase might mean
"No-horns, the}'- danced for his house." Frank Zahn translatedthe phrase as "Heda ?un ti-tdnka awdkicdga lit. Junk (grass, leaves,and branches) lodge big they-put-around." Swift Dog: "A councillodge where a buffalo head is painted on the wall." Both countsshow a man with a calumet in his iiand. The Dakota text indicatesthat the event may be the same as that of the Flame, Lone Dog, Swan,Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts for the year 1815-16, which men-tion that the Sans Arcs built a large earth lodge, or lodges, on Peoriabottom (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). American Horse and Cloud Shieldmention what is probably the same event for this year (ibid., p. 136).Curtis gives this event for the year "1816" (Curtis, 1908, p. 172).White Bull gives it for "1832" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264).Robinson, in the Wi iyohi magazine, cites a local tradition for thePeoria bottom area to the effect that this locality was called "Teetanka ohe (Ti tanka oe)" (Eobinson, 1951, p. 3). This may be thelocation of the earth lodge, or lodges, mentioned in these counts.1818-19Blue Thunder: "Big small pox just for children, out where BearButte is." No Two Horns: "Small pox sickness again." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Smallpox (children) Bear Buttemany die." On all of the above counts a man whose face and bodyare covered with spots is sho\vn. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, MatoSapa, Bush, Good, Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer counts all givesimilar events for this year (Mallery, 1886, pp. 109-110) . High Hawkmentions this for the year "1819" (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Mis-souri mentions it for "1819" as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).
No*61J^'^*^* DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 363
It seems probable that the disease was not smallpox but rathermeasles or some other less virulent disease. The Flame calls it
"cholera" (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, andThe Swan call it measles (ibid., p. 110). White-Cow-Killer indicatesa less virulent disease by calling it "Little Smallpox Winter" (ibid.,p. 110). The Good and Cloud Shield counts merely mention a small-pox epidemic (ibid., p. 110). Big Missouri calls it smallpox as well(Cohen, 1939, p. 17). High Hawk calls it measles (Curtis, 1908,p. 172).High Dog: "There was a gi-eat windstorm in the Wintertime whichblew the winter camp to pieces." The Dakota text reads "Makawablu wanitipi (lit. Earth blows mntercamp)." Swift Dog: "Thelodge was out of sight owing to very much snow that winter, and m.anystarved to death. ..." The last two counts show a tipi with manystakes around the edge, indicating a severe windstorm.1819-20Blue Thunder: "Saw first soldiers this winter. A white mancalled 'Choze' (Joseph) built a house of dry logs . . . Lower GrandRiver." No Two Horns: " 'Choze' built the first house of di-y logsalong the Missom-i." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Sawfu'st soldiers, They left and one stayed and built a house. Chose(Lower Grand River) Later built a store." High Dog: "A Whitemanby the name of Joseph came among them and built himself a loghouse." The Dakota text reads "Josepih chan bulu tikaga {Joseph6an pun-punla un tikdga lit. Joseph wood rotten using built-a-house)."Swift Dog: "A trader by the name of Joseph who built a house outof old logs so he was named 'The Trader that built a bad house.' "All the above counts show a white man standing near a log house.The Blue Thunder Variant I count represents him as wearing a beard.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, and White-Cow-Killer counts mention this or a very similar incident for this3^ear (Mallery, 1886, p. 110). High Hawk gives the event for theyear "1820" (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Missouri mentions it for
"1820" as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, andBush identify the man as Louis La Conte (Mallery, 1886, p. 110).Good identifies him only as "Choze" (ibid., p. 110).1820-21Blue Thunder: "Going to camp that time on Cherry Creek placemany Crow Birds flew around tipis and died, lean and starved. Socold they fell dead out of the skies." No Two Horns: "Cold. TheCrows tried to look into the lodges for a place to stay." Blue Thun-der Variants I, II, and III: "Camped on Cherry Creek. Lots of
364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Crows died there." The above counts show a tipi with a black bu*dabove it.High Dog: "The Sioux in this summer celebrated for the first timein their history the sun dance." The Dakota text reads "Wi ihdbloiyewadi kin (lit. Sun dreamed-of while-dancing the)." Swift Dog:
"An old man offering to the Great Spirit for lots of game and health.He offered to a pole planted with a red cloth tied to the top."The pictographs on both counts are the same. They show a manbeside a pole which is apparently a sun dance pole. The Flame, LoneDog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts
all seem to suggest some sort of ceremony or ceremonial activity forthis yeai", but are vague as to details, and do not agree with oneanother (Mallery, 1886, p. 110-111).1821-22Blue Thunder: "In Montana. Three Buttes going for Winter.Big Star went along making a great noise." No Two Horns "A bigstar gave a loud voice signal from the air." Blue Thunder Varia-ANTS I, II, and III: "In Marten (The Butte) Big Star fell while it wasthundering. Location uncertain." The Dakota text reads "Wicagipiwan hatu hiyaya (Widdnhpi wan hoton hiydye lit. Star a soundingcame-by)". All of the above counts show a representation of a starwith a trail of smoke or fire. The Swan, Lone Dog, Flame, Mato Sapa,Bush, White-Cow-Killer, Good, and Cloud Shield counts mention thisevent as well (Mallery, 1886, pp. Ill, 136). White Bull gives thisevent for "1833." ^ High Dog gives it for the year "1822" (Curtis,1908, p. 172).1822-23Blue Thunder: "Three Gros Ventre going in canoe on river.Tetons attack and kill all. Where Fort Yates is now." No TwoHorns: "Killed three enemies in a boat on the Missouri." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Three Gros Ventres killed byTetons (Yates)." For this year the above counts show three men,depicted as wounded, who are paddling a boat, or, in the case ofNo Two Horns, only one man but three wound symbols, two of themapparently suspended in midair. In the Blue Thunder, No TwoHorns, and Blue Thunder Variant III counts the men are wearing the
"enemy" hairdress. In Blue Thunder Variants I and II they arewearing the roach headdresses usually used to indicate Omaha orPonca.
? Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264. With this event the other counts "catch up" with White Bull, a fact which seemsto indicate that a hiatus is present here, and that White Bull's events up to this date, while in correct order,are incorrect chronologically.
NS^ei*]^" ^*^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 365High Dog: "A leader named Dog Ghost went out hunting and frozeto death." The Dakota text reads "Sunkawan a gi cuwitata (Sunka-wandgi cuwita t'a lit. Dog-ghost cold he-died)." Swift Dog: "A chiefnamed 'Dog Ghost' froze to death." The last two counts show a manwith a dog as his name symbol. According to Frank Zahn, this manwas "Grey Earth's" son.1823-24Blue Thunder: "Found a lot of dry corn toward Omaha country.Found it in a field. White people stole it from Sihasapa." No TwoHorns "Lived on dried corn winter. . . ." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Whites state, Found a lot of dry corn down towardsOmaha country, Tetons (Blackfoot) raised it. . . ." High Dog: "TheSioux went away to war with the Crows, and some White men stoletheir corn while they were away. . . ." The Dakota text reads
"Wahu wapa seco ir api (Wahuwapa ?eca ihdpi lit. Corn dried they-buried)." Swift Dog: "The year the corn crop was plenty, the GreatSpirit blessed the tribe." Jaw Variant: (Beginning picture on thiscount corresponds with this date. There is no interpretation accom-panying this count. The count has been included with the interpreta-tion of the Jaw count at the place where the interpretation of the Jawcount begins.)The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variantcounts I, II, and III show two stalks of corn for this year. The HighDog and Swift Dog counts show one stalk of corn. The Jaw Variantcount shows an Indian man taking an ear of corn from one of twocornstalks. He carries a third cornstalk on his shoulder.Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 112), American Horse (ibid., p. 137), andWhite-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 112) also mention corn in connection withthis year. From the description accompanying the Lone Dog countfor this year, it appears likely that the corn was taken from the Arikarawhen a joint force of United States troops and Dakota attacked theArikara village on November 29, 1823 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 111-112).Big Missouri, however, gives "This year a certain white man raised afine field of corn. The winter was so severe and the Indians campednear the field and the white man gave his corn to them for food," forthe year "1824" (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).1824-25Blue Thunder: "Corral fence. Went out north of where Bismarckis now. Found a Chippewa fence. Attacked them. Gave them hell.Tore fence down. Corn hills there. This fence was on creek there, thisside of Turtle Mountains." No Two Horns: "Threw stones andarrows through a fence at the enemy." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "Wiciyela (Dakota) attacked Chippewa at South of471762?60 25
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.173
Turtle M. [Mountains, JH] at Can Hill, Chippewas were fortified.We beat them awfully. Two tore fence down."The above counts all show some sort of a diagram or drawing ofthe "Chippewa" (probably these people were Plams-Ojibwa ratherthan Ojibwa) stockade. The Blue Thunder and Blue ThunderVariant III counts show the stockade as a rectangle, in a bird's-eyeview. The Blue Thunder Variant counts I and II show it as a rec-tangle inside a circle, also as it would appear from above. No TwoHorns shows the stockade as rectangular in a view from the side andslightly above, using perspective. This is the only use of perspectiveon a Dakota ^vinter count known to the writer.High Dog: "They have a ceremony of anointing a buffalo hornwith clay and hanging it near the camp so as to make the buffalocome. ..." The Dakota text reads "Pte wan sayapi {Pte {he ?)wan sdnyapi lit, Buffalo (actually "cow" but used here in a genericsense) (horn ?) a they-paint-a-cream-color)," Swift Dog: "A chiefnamed 'One Feather' was killed by Crow Indians." Jaw Variant:No Interpretation.The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts all show arepresentation of a buffalo hom. This is white on the High Dogand Swift Dog counts but black on the Jaw Variant count. Theperson who made the Swift Dog interpretation apparently mistookthe bison horn for a feather.1825-26Blue Thunder: "Wintering near Gayton's place and came agreat flood. Nearly all drowned. These were Wiciyela. DeadHorse Head Point. That's where it was." No Two Horns: "Manypeople drowned when river came up fast. Missouri River at DeadHorse Point." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Winter-ing by Horse Head Hill, Most all drowned (Wicejela)," High Dog:
"They were camping on the bottom by the Missouri River, and asudden and unprecedented rise of water in the early spring drownedover one half of the tribe." The Dakota text reads "Miiii media(lit. Water they-died)." Swift Dog: "The winter without snow, butlots of wind and dust." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variantcounts I, II, and III show several human heads above what is prob-ably intended to represent a body of water. The High Dog andSwift Dog counts show three human heads inside a tipi. The JawVariant count shows a blue patch, probably intended to representwater, with human heads beneath the surface.The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, AmericanHorse, White-Cow-Ealler, and Cloud Shield counts all give the same
No*61*]^" ^^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 367
event for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 113). High Hawk mentionsthis event for "1826" (Curtis, 1908, p. 173). Big Missouri gives itfor "1826" also (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).1826-27Blue Thunder: "'Corn Feather' goes to war alone. Omahaattacked and killed many. Staff is emblem of victory. Broughtback scalps." No Two Horns: "'Garden' a Sioux brought homethe scalp of an enemy." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"Man caUed 'Com Father' attacked Omahas & he killed a lot ofthem." High Dog: "A famous chief named Corn Stalk went witha party against the Crows and returned with scalps." The Dakotatext reads "Magala waktekiH (Magdla waktegli lit. Little-goose (orpossibly magala, Little-garden) killed-brought-home). Swift Dog:
"Young man, Goose Feather, killed a Crow Indian and brought thescalp home and had a war dance where women danced with thescalp." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.AU of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of acornstalk holding a stick to which a scalp is attached. On theBlue Thunder Variant I count the man carries a rifle in the otherhand and is wearing a powder horn. On the Blue Thunder count,and on Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III he has his hairtied up in a round topknot, a style which is said to have been wornby a Dakota war leader who was also a shaman. On Blue ThunderVariant counts I and II he is also painted in a special manner, havingserpentine lines down the side of his face and neck and down the sidesof his legs. The topknot shown in these counts is different from thehairdress used to designate enemies in other year's pictographs.1827-28Blue Thunder: "Winter time and Isantees [Santee group of theDakota, embracing the Mdewakanton, Wahpeton, Wabpekute, andSisseton bands of the Dakota tribe, JH] starving. They kill eachother and eat each other that time. In Sisseton place, Nebraska.Two men killed, boiled in kettle and eaten up." No Two Horns:
"Starvation winter time. The Isantee ate two of their own people,"Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "In winter Santees stayingin Nebraska, & killed and ate each other." The above counts showa tipi with two people sitting around a kettle, which is suspendedfrom a pothook.High Dog: "For the first time they used snowshoes in hunting buf-falo." The Dakota text reads "Wasima Pisa ohanpi (Wdima psa-dhanpi lit. Deep-snow snowshoes)." Swift Dog: "Much snow,where snowshoes were used." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.
368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The last three counts show a representation of a snowshoe. TheHigh Dog and Swift Dog counts show it as seen from above, the JawVariant as seen from the side. On all three counts the snowshoe isquite stylized and resembles a snowshoe only vaguely. White-Cow-Killer calls this "Snow-Shoe-Making-Winter. (Mallery, 1886,p. 138). Good calls it, "Wore snowshoes winter" (ibid., 1893, p. 318).High Hawk mentions the use of snowshoes for the year "1827"(Curtis, 1908, p. 173).1828-29Blue Thunder: "White man, more River camping, this winter.White man built dry log house. Called 'Red Breast' or 'Red Shirt.' "No Two Horns: " 'Red Breast' built a dry log house. Was a whiteman." Blue Thunder Variants I, H, and III: "White man atMoreau River came [cave? JHl They called him Red Breast." Allthe above counts show a man wearing a dark blue coat over a redshirt. He stands before the door of a log cabin.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mentionthis event as well (Mallery, 1886, p. 114). The Flame, Lone Dog,Mato Sapa, and Bush counts identify the man as Chardran or Shardran(ibid., 1886, p. 114). The Flame locates this house near the forks ofthe Cheyenne (ibid., 1886, p. 114). All of the counts given by Malleryidentify the house as a "dirt lodge" rather than as a dry log house(ibid., 1886, p. 114).High Dog: "They passed the winter by Bear Butte, near theBlack Hills." The Dakota text reads "Mato Paha el wanitipi (lit.Bear Butte at they-camped-for-the-winter)." Swift Dog: "At theBlack Hills, that's the highest butte there. The Indians called itBear's Butte." Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dogand Swift Dog counts show a very steep-sided butte, covered withtrees, with a bear standing on the summit. The Jaw Variant countshows a hill with a cave in the side of it and a tipi on each side of it.1829-30Blue Thunder: "Padani (Arikara) Killed by Yanktonaise, Stand-ing Rock place. Had a hat of willows and a red shirt." No TwoHorns: "We took a robe away from a White man that winter count."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Ree killed by Sioux atF. Y [Fort Yates, JHj." The above counts show a man in Whiteman's clothing. His shirt is red and he is wearing a black broad-brimmed hat. In the Blue Thunder count he is apparently repre-sented as wearing a breechcloth over his trousers, indicating that heis an Indian.High Dog: "A man looking for buffalo was found on the prairieshot and frozen. He is called Froze-on-the-Prairie . . . ." The
nS.*6i7'^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 369Dakota text reads "Wata sakiyapi (lit. Fioze-buffalo-meat-for-the-winter)." Swift Dog: "Chief Paints Himself Yellow was killed bya Crow Indian." Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dogand Swift Dog counts show a man with a wound on his body. TheJaw Variant count shows a man who has been scalped.1830-31Blue Thunder: " *Wo-na-re' made one of the Ruling class."No Two Horns: "Many ceremonies winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III " 'Wo-na-se' was made one of the ruling class."All of the above counts show what is apparently a representation ofone of the wands used in the Hunkd or Aldwanpi ceremony. "Wo-na-se" is probably the man who was honored by being ceremonially
"adopted" in the ceremony. His name was probably Wandse or
"Buffalo-hunter."High Dog: "A battle with the Crows, and many were slayn."The Dakota text reads "Kagi wicasa 8 wicaktepi {Kangi vyicdsasahlogan wicdktepi lit. Crow men eight they-killed)." Swift Dog:
"Eight Rees killed by the Sioux." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small headsaround the inside. The heads are shown wearing the "enemy"hairdress. The High Dog count shows eight heads, the Swift Dogcount only six. The Jaw Variant count shows one head, which isrepresented as being scalped and is wearing the enemy hairdress.For pictographic purposes, evidently, the hairdress is left to identifythe man as an enemy. Actually, the process of scalping would un-doubtedly remove this forelock. Beneath the man's head are 10vertical marks, in two rows of 5 each, apparently to indicate thenumber of men killed. Near the head is what appears to be a coupstick with an eagle feather attached to one end.1831-32Blue Thunder: "Below Fort Yates place north of Grand River.Palani had village?a double one. Soldiers and Dakota attacked thevillage. Eight Dakota killed. Soldier, French, and Dakota." No TwoHorns: "Killed eight enemies winter." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Below F. Y. [Fort Yates, JH] near G. [Grand, JHlRiver was a big village of G. [Gros Ventres, JHl R. [Rees, JH] and M.[Mandan, JH] French W. [with JHl arms and Sioux attacked villageand 2 S. [Sioux, JHl killed (1831). The Blue Thunder count and BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III show eight men with wounds on theirbodies. They are not shown wearing the "enemy" hairdress. NoTwo Horns shows one man but eight wounds. He also does not picturethe man as wearing the "enemy" hairdress.
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BiiU. 178High Dog: "Brown, a Whiteman shot and killed an Indian, beingjealous on account of his wife." The Dakota text reads "Istazikaskapi (lit. Yellow-eyes imprisoned)." Swift Dog: "A white manby the name of Yellow Eyes came to trade with the Sioux." JawVariant : No interpretation and no pictograph for this year. The nextpicture on this count corresponds with that given on the High Dogand Swift Dog counts for the following year. This is apparently anaccidental hiatus. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts for this yearshow a white man who is apparently wearing handcuffs.* The Flame,Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts all mention a murdercommitted by a white man for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 115). LoneDog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and the Swan identify the man as Le Beau,a trader (ibid., 1886, p. 115). Vestal gives the year "1831" as the yearof " 'Yellow Eyes' accident," on his Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934b, p. 348)1832-83Blue Thunder: "Called 'Broken Leg' found whiskey. Drank all.Died then." No Two Horns: " 'Broken Leg' found some whiskeyDrank it. Died." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "BrokenLeg' S. [Sioux, JH] find whiskey, drink and died Below Totten." Theabove counts show a man with his leg missing below the knee drink-ing from a bottle and apparently vomiting up what he has drunk.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-KiUer,and Good counts all refer to a man with a broken or stiff leg, but donot mention whiskey (MaUery, 1886, p. 115). Good's count saysthat he was killed by a Pawnee (ibid., 1886, p. 115). High Hawkmentions a chief being killed for the year "1833" (Curtis, 1908, p. 174).High Dog: "A log house was built by an Indian for the first time."The Dakota text reads "Titaka oblecakagapi (Ti-tdnka obleda kdgapi)lit. Lodge-big gable-roofed they-built." Swift Dog: "The firstdance house built by the Indians with logs. Jaw Variant: Nointerpretation.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a representation of a loghouse with a gabled roof. The Jaw Variant count shows what appearsto be a round earth lodge. White-Bull gives the year "1832" as "TheSans Arc First live in Log Houses" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). The authorhas elected to place this event with the High Dog and Swift Dogcounts for the year 1817-18. However, it might better be placed here.The White Bull count has an apparent hiatus either before or afterthis year. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives the log house event for theyear "1832," and in this case there is no question as to its proveni-ence (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
* Beede believed that the man's hands had been cut ofl.
NofeiJ^" ^^^" DAKOTA WESTTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3711833-34Blue Thunder: "Camping across river for that winter. Starsflew around like bird. Many stars with great noise. Changed placeswinter." No Two Horns "The stars all changed around in the sky."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Camping across River andMany stars feU w. [with, JH] noise a few on earth." High Dog:
"This year is named 'Stars-all-moveing-Year' the falling of the starsin this year is said to have caused great consternation; They fearedGreat Spmt had lost his control over the creation." The Dakotatext reads "Wicagipi akicamina (Wicdnhpi okecdmna lit. Starsshower-down)." Swift Dog "In the fall of the year when the treesshed their leaves, the stars floated all over the heavens " JawVariant: No interpretation.All of the above counts show a group of stars except the JawVariant count, which shows only one large star. The Blue Thundercount and Blue Thunder Variants II and III represent the stars asfour pointed, which seems to be the aboriginal manner of picturingstars. The Blue Thunder Variant I count has both four-pointed andfive-pointed stars. No Two Horns, High Dog, Swift Dog, and theJaw Variant count show the stars as five pointed.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,American Horse, Cloud Shield, and Good counts all mention thisevent (Mallery, 1886, pp. 116-138). High Hawk's count recordsthe event for the year "1834" (Curtis, 1908, p. 174). Big Missourigives it for "1834" as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 18). White Bull recordsthe event for the year "1833" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Vestal'sHunkpapa count records it for "1833" also (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).All counts apparently refer to the "star shower" which was ob-servable throughout North America shortly before daylight, Novem-ber 12, 1833 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 138-139). This event is noted onthe Kiowa winter count collected by Mooney (Mooncy, 1898, pp.260-261) and on several Pima counting sticks (Russell, 1908, p. 38),Foohsh Woman, a Mandan, gives the year "1835" as "Shooting Starsfell during the summer" on his winter count (Beckwith, 1938, p. 308).Peter Le Claire, a Northern Ponca Indian who is much interestedin the history of his tribe, stated that this event was well known tohis people and was included in the now lost Ponca winter count.^1834-35Blue Thunder: "Wintering camp on Heart River. Found bearthere too. Stayed in our lodges. Call it 'Wintered with wild bearplace winter.'" No Two [Horns: "We camped for winter on theHeart River. A black bear stayed with us all winter." Blue
<In a letter to the author.dated March 21, 1951.
372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 178Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Wintered on Heart River,Bear wintered with them (not friend)." All of the above counts showa bear and a tipi. In the Blue Thunder Variant I count the bearis drawn outside of and below the tipi. In all others he is shown insidethe tent.High Dog: "The first war bonnet was made with horns on it.
. , ." The Dakota text reads "Wapaha hetun kagapi (Wapdhahitunkdgapi lit. Warbonnet horns-using they-made)." Swift Dog:
"The first war bonnet was made and introduced to the tribe." JawVariant: No interpretation.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a warbonnet withhorns. On the High Dog count this has a red trailer. On the SwiftDog count the trailer is half black and half red. The Jaw Variantcount shows a man wearing a horned warbonnet. The pictographsfor this year on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts are very similarto those used on the counts of the Blue Thunder group for the year1836-37. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year
"1834" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).1835-36Blue Thunder: "Below Mandan on flat. Ree and Mandanvillage. Sioux, Teton and Blackfeet battle them. Many got shoton both sides. None kUled." No Two Horns: "Twelve Siouxwere killed by Hohe winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Below Mandan S. [Sioux, JH] attacked by Rees M. S. [ManySioux, JH], Killed 9 Tetons and Blackfeet attacked Big Battle."High Dog: "A fight among the Sioux and many kUled. . . ." TheDakota text reads "Wiciyela wicakasotapi (lit. Wiciyela they-killed-them-off)." Swift Dog: "Buffalo hunt with dogs and travoises tocarry meat home." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, andIII show 12 wounded men. No Two Horns shows only one man but12 wound symbols. On the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, andBlue Thunder Variant III counts the men, or the wound symbolsrepresenting them, are arranged in two parallel rows of sLx each.On the Blue Thunder Variant II count they are arranged in threerows of four each. On the Blue Thunder Variant I count the circledevice, commonly used on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts, isemployed, with the heads of the slain men shown around the insideof a circle. On none of the counts are the men shown wearing the
"enemy" hairdress.The pictographs for this year on the High Dog and Swift Dogcounts are quite puzzling in relation to the written interpretations.
No*6lT'^*^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 373The figure of a man is sho\VTi, and nearby a dog pulling a travois.Above the travois are a few small heads, four on the High Dog count,three on the Swift Dog count. Although the Swift Dog explanationwould seem to be the more plausible in this case, the author feels thatthe High Dog interpretation is more nearly correct, as it has beenmore consistent throughout and as in this case it agrees with thecounts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count seemsto bear this out. It shows a man who is represented as having beenscalped, and who has a coup stick by his head. Perhaps the travoisin the High Dog and Swift Dog counts represents the litters used tobring back the dead and wounded from the battle. Vestal's Hunkpapacount gives "Yanktonais Sioux almost wiped out in winter," for theyear "1835" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).1836-37Blue Thunder: "Grand River winter camp place. Nothingspecial. Peaceful winter. Made many feather bonnets in wintertime." No Two Horns: "A man got a headdress with horns on itwinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Grand River,Wicijela had powerful winter." All of the above counts show afeather warbonnet with horns and a long black and red featheredtrailer. This pictograph seems definitely related to that used on theHigh Dog and Swift Dog counts for the year 1834-35.High Dog: "Six Crow chiefs were killed by the Sioux." TheDakota text reads "Palani 6 wicaktepi (lit. Arikara (or Pawnee) sixthey-killed)." Swift Dog: "Sioux killed six Rees. The author'soldest brother was born. . . ." Jaw Variant: No interpretation.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a row of six men wearingthe "enemy" hairdress. The Jaw Variant count shows two menfighting with bows and arrows. One is wearing the "enemy" hair-dress. A heavy blue line is drawn beneath the warriors. Thispictograph is repeated on the Jaw Variant count, apparently for clarity,rounding the acute angle formed by the leg of the sheep hide on whichit is painted. The pictographs are nearly identical, and it seemsobvious that only one year is meant. Perhaps the heavy blue linerepresents ice, in which case the year's event would correspond withthe battle on ice given by the Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 320), AmericanHorse (ibid., 1886, p. 139), Cloud Shield (ibid., 1886, p. 139), andWhite-Cow-Killer (ibid, 1886, p. 139) counts for this year. HighHawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 174) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 18)give the event for the year "1837." Vestal's Hunkpapa count forthe year "1836" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348) and White Bull's count forthe year "1835" (ibid., 1934 a, p. 264) may also be related.
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 1731837-38Blue Thunder: "Had a big small pox sickness. No one die much."No Two Horns: "Small pox winter." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Smallpox, No one died." High Dog "Smallpox carriedoff to 'Wanagi yakonpi' [Spirit land, JH] many of the sufferingpeople. . . ." The Dakota text reads simply "Wica gaga {Wicd-hanhan lit. Smallpox)." Swift Dog: "A woman with spots on herface. Smallpox killed many of the tribe." Jaw and Jaw Variant:(This is the beginning year for the Jaw count and the interpretationaccompanying it. Since the Jaw Variant count has no accompanyinginterpretation, the author has placed it with the Jaw count for theyears where the two counts are concurrent. Welch calls the openingyear of the Jaw count 1847-48, evidently counting back from theevent labeled "Capture of Sitting Bull." This event is, however,incorrectly labeled, as has been amply demonstrated by comparingthis count with the others. The opening date of the Jaw count isactually 10 years earlier, and the author has accordingly placed theopening event here.) "Big Small pox."All of the counts show a human figure covered with spots. Vestal'sHunkapapa count correlates with these counts, giving the year
"1837" as "Widdhanhan Smallpox plague (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).1838-39Blue Thunder: "Found a white buffalo. Killed by Toeya.'"No Two Horns " 'Grey Day' killed a white buffalo." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, andIII:"'P'0'jeje killed white buffalo." The abovecounts show a white buffalo wounded by an arrow.High Dog: "The Sioux take many spotted horses from the Crowsin a battle." The Dakota text reads "Sunkile ska awicakilipi(Sungleska amMglipi lit. Spotted-horses they-brought-back) ." SwiftDoG:(Burdick's supposed "Blue Thunder" interpretation, which hasbeen used with this count, ends with this year.) "The young manbrought spotted horses to his tribe." Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Bringsmany horses," The High Dog and Swift Dog counts and the Jawand Jaw Variant counts all show a spotted horse. Vestal's Hunkpapacount gives the year "1838" as the year when the spotted horses werebrought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). It is possible that WhiteBull's reference to spotted horses for the year "1840" refers to thisevent as well (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265).1839-40Blue Thunder: "Across Fort Yates place. Attacked he wasa Chief with spectacles. Man from far away. Suspicious of him.
'He comes attacking.' Went out in night. Got killed. Don't
No*6l7'^^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 375know who did that." No Two Horns: "'Man with spectacles'went out and was killed in the hills." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "Across from Fort Yates a chief named Waanatoka came.He had spectacles on. Was Idlled in the night."All of the above counts show a man wearing gogglelike spectacles.Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variant IIcount show him with two wounds in his body. Blue Thunder VariantIII shows him with only one wound, and Blue Thunder Variant Ishows him without any wound.High Dog: "An Indian woman hanged herself 'because her husbandwas killed'. . . ." The Dakota text, however, reads "Wikite wanicikte kin {Winkle wan idikte kin lit. Transvestite a suicided the),"Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Womankill herself."
"The last four counts show a figure in woman's clothing who hashanged herself (himself) from a tree or a pole. However, in the HighDog and Swift Dog counts a penis is drawn on the "woman" indicatinga transvestite. This identification is confirmed by Vestal's Hunkpapacount for the year "1839" which identifies the person as a "hermaphro-dite," and states that his name was "Grass" (ibid., 1934 a, p. 348).Vestal's translation of "Winkte" as "hermaphrodite" seems incorrect,and the author suggests transvestite as a better translation.Vestal's Hunkpapa count's identification of this person as "Grass"explains the item "Grass Killed Himself" which is given for the year
"1838" by White Bull (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265). Vestal comments thatit was unusual for a man to commit suicide by hanging himself (ibid.,1934 a, p. 265). If the man were a homosexual and/or a transvestite,however, this would not be unusual, as hanging was commonly re-sorted to by women wishing to commit suicide.1840-41Blue Thunder: "Going to battle and found Ree Indian 'His KnifeBroad' at mouth of Cannon Ball. Killed him then." No TwoHorns: "The knife was full of blood winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Wicijela going to battle, Found Rees atmouth of C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] Call him 'His Knife broad.'"The above counts show a knife with a bloody blade.High Dog: "Elk Spider, a chief was killed by the Crows." TheDakota text reads "Ikitomi heraka ktepa (Iktdmi-hehdka ktepi lit.Spider-elk died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and JawVariant: "Elk Spider die winter." The last four counts show a manwith the name symbol of a spider which has large antlers, like thoseof an elk. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year
"1840" (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173
mi-42Blue Thunder: "At Grand River in winter camp. But lots snow.Couldn't use horses. Made snowshoes. Killed lots buffalo. Callthat 'They make snowshoes winter.' " No Two Horns: "Big snowwinter. People used shoes for snow." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "At G. R. [Grand River, JH] deep snow so could notuse horses for hunting, w. [with, JH] snow-shoes Killed lot buffalo."High Dog "Snowshoes used again." The Dakota text reads "Psaohanpi (lit. snowshoes)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw andJaw Variant: "Snow shoes."The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, Blue Thunder Variant countsI, II, and III, and Jaw counts show a man wearing snowshoes. TheHigh Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show merely a snow-shoe. High Dog and Swift Dog show it as it would be seen from above,the Jaw Variant count shows it in a side view. Vestal's Ilunkpapacount gives the snowshoe event for the year "1841" (Vestal, 1934 b,p. 348).I842-43Blue Thunder: "Man 'Holy Tracks Buffalo' die. Bury him instriped tipi. A big man but not a chief man." No Two Horns:
"Buried 'Holy Buffalo Track' in a tipi winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Buffalo-Holy-Fish died and buried in astriped tent." All of the above counts show a tipi, which is stripedhorizontally in all but the No Two Horns count. From under theedge of this tipi a bison's foot protrudes. V/avy lines emanate fromthe hoof of tliis foot signifying "holy" or "sacred"; in other words
"sacred buffalo track." "The 'fish' element in the interpretationused with Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III is probably incorrect.The drawing of the bison's foot somewhat resembles a fish tail, andthe author believes that the person who made this interpretationinterpreted the drawing as such.High Dog: "A chief lost in a battle with the Crows, and supposedto be dead, returned later with a Crow Horse." The Dakota text,however, reads "Hohe spela wanktepi {Hohe spela wan ktepi lit.Assiniboin deformed a they-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Crow Indian. Scalpned and die." Theabove counts show a man who has been scalped. On the Jaw and JawVariant counts he is shown wearing the "enemy" hairdress. TheHigh Dog and Swift Dog counts, although showing the characteristicforehead hair of the "enemy" hairdress to be missing, indicate, by theremainder of the hairdo, that the man is an enemy. This seemspuzzling in that for the other years on the counts a man is often shownto be scalped and yet the hair remains to identify him on the count.
nS*&"^''^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 377A possible solution is suggested by Vestal's Hunkpapa count for theyear "1842"; this count gives "A small Assiniboin killed," andexplains that he had previously been scalped but not killed (Vestal,1934 b, p. 348).1843-UBlue Thunder: "Camped that winter above Fort Rice place.Almost starving. These Hunkpati [Upper Yanktonai, JH] menhave a lodge with a red door. Made a prayer. Asked for the buffaloto come around?They came. Called 'Manliving in a red door winter'or 'Buffalo came with free will v/inter' First time they had red as acloth." No Two Horns: "We found a man dead in a tipi with a reddoor." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, III: "Above F. [Fort, JH]Rice Buffalo come to Wicijela when they were most stormy becausea holy man prayed, so called him Re Tiopa Sa Oti Pte-Aku' (Le tiopaia
oti pte aku lit. This door scarlet lodge buffalo came (?) JH.)" All ofthe above counts show a tipi with a round red entrance.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts allmention this or a ver}'- similar incident for this year (Mallery, 1886,pp. 118-119). White Bull gives the event for the year "1842" (Vestal1934 a, p. 265). The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bushcounts all differ from the counts of the Blue Thunder group in repre-senting the tipi as having a bison head painted on it instead of havinga red door (Mallery, 1886, pp. 1 18-1 19). The Lone Dog interpretationidentifies the shaman as being a member of the Sans Arc (Itdzipdo)band of the Teton Dakota (ibid, p. 118).High Dog: "Four Horns a chief went away and never returned."The Dakota text reads "hetopa kilisni (He-topa glisni lit. Horns-fourreturned-not)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and JawVariant: "Four Horns die." The last four counts show a man wear-ing four horns on his head. The same incident is given for the year
"1843" in Vestal's Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). WhiteBull mentions the event as occurring in "1845" but does not use itin the picture for that year in his count (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 265). Herecounts that Four-horns, after having been given up for dead, re-turned. His relatives, however, had already staged a give-away inhis memory, and had given away all of their property (ibid., p. 265);18U-45Blue Thunder: "All the people they got measles. No one die."No Two Horns: "Measles time." Blue Thunder Variants I, II,and III: "Indians all over has measles. None died." High Dog:
"Measles. No great mortality." The Dakota text reads "Nawicasli(lit. Measles)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and JawVariant: "Chicken pox." All of the above counts show a human
378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
figure covered with spots. Under this figure on the Blue ThunderVariant III count is written "Wicaranran [Widdhanhan lit. Smallpox,JHl."White-Cow-Killer gives the year 1845-46 as "many sick Winter"(Mallery, 1886, p. 141). Good gives a measles epidemic for 1845-46(ibid., 1893, p. 322). High Hawk gives a measles epidemic for theyear "1846" (Curtis, 1908, p. 175). Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives
"1844" as "Nawidd sli [measles, JH] Severe skin eruption" (Vestal,1934 b, p. 348). Foolish Woman's Mandan count gives the year
"1846" as thatof achickenpox epidemic (Beckwith, 1938, p. 312).1845-46Blue Thunder: "North of Heart River, 'Red Leaf,' Padani shothim in the knee." No Two Horns: "Had a battle and nearly everyonegot hit on the legs." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"(Wicijela) Across H. [Heart, JH] River Rees shot Red Leaf." Theabove counts show a man who is wounded below the knee or has hisleg missing below the knee. In the Blue Thunder Variant III count asmall hook-nosed figure has been drawn in, apparently by a muchlater artist, on the man's back, and the words "Hunka Wayuta" havebeen written in above the figure. The meaning of this, if there isany, has not been determined by the author.High Dog: "They killed 7 'tigers' in the Black Hills, and as theCrows claimed this territory, they killed 7 Sioux as a reprisal." TheDakota text reads merely "Ikmu 7 wicoapi {tgmu sikowin vncdopilit. Mountain-lions (cats) seven they-shot)." Swift Dog: Nointerpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The kill seven lion."("The" means "they" in this interpretation. This may be merely atypographical error, or it may result from the fact that the letter "e"is pronounced like the English "ay" in Dakota.)The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show seven catlike heads in arow. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a lateral view of acougar. The Jaw count has a large arable figure "7" drawn in abovethis puma and the Jaw Variant count has seven vertical marks aboveit. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year "1845"(Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).1846-47Blue Thunder: "This winter nothing much. 'Buffalo Head'sleeping, died." No Two Horns: " 'Buffalo Head' got died thattime." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: " 'Was nothing'Buffalo Head sleeping died." All of the above counts picture ananthropomorphic figure with a bison's head except No Two Horns,who merely shows a bison's head.
No.*W'^"^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 379High Dog: "One man alone defended 'the feathers,' the flag againstgreat odds in a battle with the Crows." The Dakota text reads
"Tabubu alowanpi (lit. Hump-back's alowanpi ceremony)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Pabobo." Thelast four counts show what is evidently an A16wanpi or Hunkdceremony. A man is shown with the decorated wand used in this
rite. In the High Dog and Swift Dog counts he is presenting it to asecond person but in the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts only one personis shown. American Horse gives what may be the same event,stating "Big Crow and Conquering Bear had a great feast and gavemany presents" (Mallery, 1886, p. 142). Vestal's Hunkpapa countgives "Pabobo alowanpi Pabobo's adoption ceremony" (Vestal, 1934 b,p. 349).1847-48Blue Thunder: "West of Cedar Creek, camping. White mancamping too. Lived with him. 'Bad after Women.* " No TwoHorns: "At the forks of the Cedar and the Cannon Boll a white manhad a house by the side of a Sioux tipi." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Camping by upper C. B. [Cannon BaU, JH] Riverand a White lived w. [with, JH] them. Call him 'Bad after women.' "The above counts show a tipi next to a log cabin. This whole picto-graph is shown as being situated in the fork of a river, which is drawnas if on a map.High Dog: "They camped by a Creek (in South Dakota) and fromhaving obtained Whiteman's blankets they called it 'Blanket Creek.' "The Dakota text reads "Sina okipata wakipa el wanitipi (Sina-okipata wakpd el wanitipi lit. Blanket quilted creek at they-camped-for-the-winter)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and JawVariant: "Some talk discussed."The High Dog and Swift Dog counts both show a tipi with astriped blanket beside it. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts showvery puzzling pictographs for this year. On both, two men, evidentlyboth Dakota, are apparently speaking with each other. Betweenthem is a stick or line with four small round objects attached to it.On the Jaw Variant count a large square of blue is above both the menand this object. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives "Wojun ecdnpi OtaMany contests," for the year "1847" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349).1848-49Blue Thunder: "Two attack each other, Ree and Wiceyelo."No Two Horns: "Two killed each other with knives." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "A Ree and a Wicijela lulledeach other." The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178Variant II and III counts show a lively action drawing of two menfighting with knives. Both are wounded. The "enemy" hairdressis not shown on either.The Blue Thunder Variant I count apparently depicts a differentevent. This count shows a man in scout's costume, consisting of awhite capote and head kerchief, firing at a group of six men whowear the "enemy" hairdress. These men are returning his fire.Both the scout and his opponents are armed with rifles. One of the
"enemies" is represented as wounded.High Dog: "The Crows took a Sioux woman and held her as a
'slave,' " The Dakota text reads "Winj'-a wayaka wicaynazpi(Winyan waydka vn^dyuzapi lit. Woman captive (slave) they took)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dogcounts show a man on horseback, carrying a shield and wearing the
"enemy" hairdress, charging down upon a woman.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "No grass." The Jaw and Jaw Variantcounts show a representation of a few blades of grass on a field.Vestal's Hunkpapa count has "No grass" for the year "1848" (ibid.,p. 349). White Bull gives this event for "1848" as well (ibid., p. 266).1849-50Blue Thunder: "Wiciyelo living in log house, die without sick-ness. 'Has Thunder' his name." No Two Horns: "We found adead Indian in a dry log house somewhere then." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Wicijela 'Has Thunder' living in a bighouse died with sickness." The above counts show a man's bodylaid out in a log house.High Dog: "They went to hunt buffalo and were surprised by theCrows." The Dakota text reads "Wanaseta natahi (Wandse-tanatdhi lit. Hunters-moose [Ta means moose literally, but is probablyused here in a generic sense for all large game, JH] charged-upon)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Battle ofhunting."The High Dog count shows a man on horseback counting coup ona man who stands in front of him with a rifle. The man has the
"enemy" hairdress. The Smft Dog count shows the same exceptthat the man on horseback is wearing a warbonnet. The Jaw countshows two men firing at one another. Between the two men is abuffalo. Flashes of rifles are shown as well as bullets. The JawVariant count is similar but more symbolic in nature. A large bisonhoofprint is in the center. On either side of this are representationsof rifle flashes. These are in turn flanked hj horses hoofprints, andthe hoofprints are flanked by arrows. The same incident is givenfor the year "1849" by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and onVestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349).
No*61J^'^^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3811850-51Blue Thunder: "Camping below Mandan winter. Saw whiteman come to trade. Wiciyelo shot him with arrow. Not die butkilled Wicheyelo. Chief 'Two Bears' told Indians to kill murderer."No Two Horns: "A Dakota killed a white man with an arrow."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Camping over from C. B.[Cannon Ball, JH] River & a trader came to trade a Wicejela killed thewould be murderer Chief Two Bear told Indians to kill him."Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants II andIII show an arrow in a man who is evidently an Indian but is partiallydressed in white man's clothing. The No Two Horns and BlueThunder Variant I counts are similar, but apparently represent awhite man, as no Indian clothing is in evidence. He wears a beard inthe Blue Thunder Variant I count.High Dog: "Chief Catch Turtle died." The Dakota text reads
"Kewayuspata (Keya yas'pa Va lit. Turtle-catcher died)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Mud Turtle die."The last four counts show a man with a turtle, or, in the Jaw Variantcount, merely a turtle. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives the year
"1850" as "Turtle Catcher dies" (ibid., p. 349).1851-52Blue Thunder: "Ree Indian 'Red Elk' across Washburn placecame with Dakota, wintered. Call that time 'Wintered Red Elk.' "No Two Horns:" 'Red Elk' died winter." Blue Thunder Vari-ants I, II, AND III: " 'Ree' 'Red Elk' across from Washburn, lived withWicijela."The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and IIIshow an anthropomorphic figure with a red elk's head and upper body.No Two Horns merely shows a red elk.High Dog: "They wintered by Slave Heart Butte." The Dakotatext reads ''Wayaka Paha el waniti (lit. Captive Butte at they-camped)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant*
"The Black [Hills ? JH] camp one." The high Dog and Swift Dogcounts show a tipi beside a hUl. From the center of the hiU a smallround face peers out. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a tipibeside a black hUl.1852-53Blue Thunder: "East of Berthold they wintered on Corn Hill.That winter much snow. Had to wear snowshoes. Buffalo; many,many." No Two Horns: "Snow shoe winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "East of Ft. Berthold by 'Cave Hill' Wicijelawintered, Deep snow, Hunt on S. [Snow, JH] Shoes." All of the abovecounts show a man wearing snowshoes. White BuU calls the year471762?60 26
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
"1852" "Plenty Snow Winter" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). Good(Mallery, 1893, p. 323) and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 176) bothmention a severe winter.High Dog: "A distemper in the winter. This same winter theymade a treaty with the Crows." The Dakota text reads "Psa akiyaakili alakata (Psd okiu agli (?) lit. Crows met-togethercame-back (?))?" Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw andJaw Variant: No interpretation for this year.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the
"enemy" hairdress standing beside a tipi. The Jaw and Jaw Variantcounts show two men shaking hands, one of whom wears the "enemy"hairdress. The interpretation of the High Dog count seems to relatethese last four counts to the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, andSwan counts for the year 1851-52, which represent a treaty with theCrow (Mallery, 1886, pp. 120-121). The pictographs on the Jaw andJaw Variant counts make this even more certain. The pictographs onthe High Dog and Swift Dog counts, however, which show a manwith the "enemy" hairdress outside a tipi, seem more closely relatedto the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts for thefollowing year (ibid., pp. 120-121). These counts record an enemycoming to the Dakota camp and forcing the Dakota to smoke thepeace pipe, thus securing protection for himself and his followers(ibid., pp. 120-121). The Flame states that this man v/as a Crow,while the Lone Dog and Touch-the-Clouds, son of the man to whosetent these enemies came, say that they were Nez Perce (ibid., p. 121).Vestal's Hunkpapa count records a treaty with the Crow for the year
"1852" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349).1863-54Blue Thunder: "Out in Montana, Powder Creek (River) commit-ted suicide. Only one Crow came attacking Dakota. One got killedattacked alone." No Two Horns: " 'Four Horns' was killedwinter," Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Crow w. [with,JH] War-bonnet was killed in winter in Montana on Powder Creekattacked alone." High Dog "Chief Four Horns was killed. A Crowkilled by Sioux." The Dakota text reads "hetopa an waktepi {He-topa un wan ktSpi lit. Horns-four wearing a they-killed)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The [They, JH]kill Four Horns."All of the counts show a man wearing an elaborate headdress withfour horns. In the counts of the Blue Thunder group he wears a longcapote in addition, and carries a tomahawk and a feathered societylance. Vestal's Hunkpapa count mentions this event for the year
"1853" (ibid., p. 349). Densmore, in her "Teton Sioux Music"
nS.^61*]^" ^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 383
mentions this event as occurring in 1852 (Densmore, 1918, p. 403).She includes an illustration of a Dakota wearing a copy of the four-homed bonnet worn by this man (ibid., opp. p. 402). Judge FrankZahn stated that all of the Dakota who took part in the battle in whichthis man was killed later wore this style of bonnet at dances.1854-55Blue Thunder: "Above Berthold, White Earth Creek, battledthere. Wicyelo and Hohe." No Two Horns: ** 'Scraper' killed byhis children," Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "At WhiteEarth Creek Wicijela and Hohe had a battle." High Dog: "BearHeart was killed by a Crow Indian." The Dakota text reads "Matocante ktepi (lit. Bear heart they-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpre-tation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The woman kill with knife."The pictographs on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variantcounts I, II, and III are puzzling when compared with their inter-pretations. Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue ThunderVariant counts II and III show a man carrying a bow in one handand an elk antler scraper in the other. The Blue Thunder Variant Icount shows a man wearing a capote made of a Hudson's Bay blanket.He is carrying a bow in his hand and is represented as being wounded.Above this man's head, and evidently once intended as his namesymbol, is the elk antler scraper of the other counts. This is nowseparated from him by the line which is used on this count to separatethe rows of pictographs.It appears that the person who made this count drew this mandressed in the capote and armed with the bow because he had for-gotten the real meaning of the pictograph. In this case the BlueThunder Variant I drawing is closer to the High Dog and SwiftDog counts than it is to the other counts of the Blue Thunder group.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the "enemy"hairdress firing upon a man who is wearing a blanket capote and isarmed with a bow and arrow. The man with the bow, however, hasthe name symbol of a bear above his head rather than an elk antlerscraper. The Jaw count depicts a man stabbing a woman. TheJaw Variant count shows a woman who has been stabbed in the back.The Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts give
"Brave Bear was killed" for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). CloudShield also gives "Brave Bear was killed . . ." (ibid., p. 143). Amer-ican Horse and White-Cow-Killer give the man's name as ConqueringBear (ibid., 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives "Brave Bear was killed"for the year "1854" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). The High Dog andSwift Dog counts for this year seem to be definitely related to thesecounts.
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives "Nobody-Catches-Him stabs (Hissister-in-law) for the year "1854" (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349). The No TwoHorns, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts seem to be related to this event.The Blue Thunder count, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and IIIseem to combiae both events, especially the Blue Thunder Variant Icount. The scraper seems to connect the Blue Thunder and BlueThunder Variant counts I, II, and III with the incident described byNo Two Horns, while the bow and the capote shown in the BlueThunder Variant I count relate them to the "Brave Bear" event.Their interpretations definitely connect them with this occurrence.1855-56Blue Thunder: "Fort Pierre in winter time. White man called
'White Beard' called council with Indians. Made treaty with him.Kept him all winter." No Two Horns: "'White Beard' a whiteman, held the Indians together. He went into the camps and heldthem." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III : "White bearded Whiteman at Pierre came & called all Indians. So came & made a treaty.Kept him there all winter." High Dog: "They had a Whiteman incamp with a long grey beard, and they took care of him through thewinter." The Dakota text reads "Putihi ska wa akijaja (Putmhin-skawan akizize lit. Beard-white a detains-them)." Swift Dog: Nointerpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "First treaty."All of the counts show a white man with a beard. In the Jaw andJaw Variant counts he is shaking hands with an Indian. The Flame,Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all give the interpre-tation that this year the Dakota made a treaty with Putinska, orGeneral Harney, at Fort Pierre (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). White Bull(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and Vestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b,p. 349) give the interpretation that this year Harney seized someDakota and held them prisoner at Ash Hollow.1866-57Blue Thunder: "Hohe fight Wiceyelo Hohe named 'YellowBucket' got killed." No Two Horns: "'Yellow Pail' killed whileon war trail." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "The Hoheand Wicijela had battle, 'Yellow Bucket' killed." The above countsshow a man carrying a bow in one hand and a yellow pail or bucket inthe other. He does not wear the "enemy" hairdress. He is repre-sented as being wounded.High Dog: "Good Bear tore a war-bonnet from a Crow's head ina fight," The Dakota text reads "Wapaha wan yukisapi (Wapdhawan yuksd'pi lit. Warbonnet a tearing)." Swift Dog: No interpre-tation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The loud Bear tore war hat."The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show two warriors on horseback.
nS.*6iT" ^''^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS
?
^HOWARD 385One wears the "enemy" hairdress and a long feathered bonnet. Theother has torn part of the bonnet trailer off. The Jaw count showssubstantially the same things, but only the upper parts of the bodiesof the two men are shown. The Jaw Variant count shows onl}^ thebonnet itself, with the trailer represented as being torn in two. Ves-tal's Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year "1856" (Vestal,1934 b, p. 349).1857-58Blue Thunder: "Ree, Mandans, and Gros Ventre got attackedby Wiceyelo. Six Wiceyelo got killed at Fort Berthold." No TwoHorns: "They came and killed five winter." Blue Thunder Vari-ants I, II, and III: "Wicijela had battle at Ft. B. [Fort Berthold,JHj; 6 enemy killed," High Dog: "They returned from a battle %viththe Crows, having killed many." The Dakota text reads "Ota ktepi akili pi {Ota kUpi aglvpi lit. Many they-killed they-returned;."Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The(they, JH) brings many kills,"The Blue Thunder count shows five wounded men. The No TwoHorns count has only one man but five wound symbols. Blue Thun-der Variant counts I and II show six wounded men. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows five wounded men. The HighDog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the "enemy" hair-dress with three feathered coup sticks touching his head. The Jawcount shows a man who is wearing the "enemy" hairdress, but is alsorepresented as being scalped, being taken by the hand by a Dakota(brought back). The Jaw Variant count merely depicts a man withthe "enemy" hairdress who is also represented as being scalped.Cloud Shield gives "They surrounded and killed ten Crows" forthis year (Mallery, 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives "Ten Crowskilled at Captive Butte" for the year "1857" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266).Vestal's Hunkpapa count for the year "1857" gives the same Dakotatext as High Dog, but translates it "KUls-Plenty (Little-Assiniboin,Sitting Bull's captive 'brother') brought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349).1858-59Blue Thunder: "Next winter going to camp some place. CrowIndians attack. None killed. 'Eagle Nest' die without sictness.Father of Sitting Bull named 'Jumping BuU' he die too." No TwoHorns: "'Eagle Nest' died winter." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "Going to camp. Crows attacked no one killed thatwinter. Eagle Nest die with sickness."The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and IIIshow a man with the name symbol of an eagle sitting in a nest. No
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173Two Horns merely shows the name sj^mbol without the human figurein association.High Dog: "A man named Paunch killed a white buffalo. " TheDakota text reads: "Pato pi pte sa wan o (Patopi (?) pte san wan o lit.Patopi (?) buffalo (actually buffalo cow but used here in a genericsense) cream-colored a he-shot." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The [They, JH] shooting white buffalo."The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show a whitebuffalo with an arrow sticking in its side and a mounted man armedwith a bow behind it. The Jaw count shows a man with a bowstanding beside a white buffalo which has been wounded with anarrow. Vestal's Hunkpapa count for the year "1858" gives this eventas well, identifying the hunter as Patopi which is translated "FourHeads" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). The place is indicated as being nearSlim Buttes, S. Dak. (ibid., p. 349).1869-60Blue Thunder: "'Lone Dog' get killed when eight go to war.One man got home. Fought Hohe and seven got killed in Montana."No Two Horns: "'Red Robe' came back home. Killed seven."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Long Dog, Jumping Bulldied got killed, 8 went to battle, 7 killed by Hohe." High Dog:
"Five brothel's named "Simko-hanska (Long Dog) killed by Crows."The Dakota text reads "Sunkahan skaktepi (Sunka-hdnska ktepi lit.Dog-long they-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw andJaw Variant: "Big Crow kill."The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and IIIshow a man wearing a robe and carrying a rifle, behind which are sevenwounded men. The No Two Horns count is similar but shows onlyseven wounds in the place of the men in the other counts. The manhas a red robe on the No Two Horns and Blue Thunder Variant I andII counts, a white one on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder VariantII counts.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with the namesymbol of a dog or horse. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show aman with the name symbol of a black bird. He is represented asbeing wounded on the Jaw count and as being scalped on the JawVariant count.The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mentionBig Crow's death for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 123). Good men-tions it as well (ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk mentions this eventfor the year "1860" (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). ^Oiite Bull (Vestal, 1934a, p. 266) and Vestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349) givethe event for "1859."
No*6l7' ^'''^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3871860-61Blue Thunder: " 'Feather in his Body/ a Wicej^elo, froze todeath." No Two Horns: "Eagle Back get sick. Died." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "A Wicijela 'Feather Body' Frozeto death." The Bkie Thunder and No Two Horns counts show aman with eagle feathers attached to his body. The Blue ThunderVariant I count shows a man with a bu'd on his chest. Blue ThunderVariants II and III show a man with a large bird perched on his back.High Dog: "A man killed 10 race horse and so was named Race-Horse. . . ." The Dakota text reads "Kaginigi suteyapi {Kakniknihsuteyapi lit. Selected-ones caused-to-fail (ruined))." Swift Dog:No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The [they, JH] killssome pretty horse." The last fom- counts show a horse with an arrowin its back. This event is mentioned in Vestal's Hunkpapa count aswell (ibid., p. 349).1861-62Blue Thunder: "Camped on Heart River and Hohe stole a lotof horses." No Two Horns: "The Hohe stole many Teton horseswinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Hohe stole alot of horses from Wicijela (H. [Heart, JH] River)." The abovecounts show a man wearing the "enemy" hairdress, and the blanketcloth capote and leggings which are sometimes used to designate theAssiniboin, Plains-Ojibv/a, and Plains-Cree. The man is leading ahorse. Hoofprints beneath the horse indicate plurality.High Dog: "The [they, JH] tracked the Crows who had stolensome horses from the Sioux and in a fight a Sioux leader namedTracks Weasel was lulled. . . ." The Dakota text reads "Itunkasaluta ktepi {Itwikasan-luta ktepi lit. Weasel-red they-killed." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "The [they, JH]kill red weasel."The last four counts show a man with the name symbol of a redweasel. The Jaw Variant count represents him as being scalped.The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a prominent penis on thisman for some reason.The White-Cow-Killer count mentions a raid for horses by the Crowfor this year (Mallery. 1886, p. 144). Good mentions this as well(ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk mentions a raid for horses by theCrow for the year "1862" (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). Vestal's Hunkpapacount for the year "1861" mentions Red Weasel's death (Vestal, 1934b, p. 349). The author believes that all of the counts mentioned inconnection with this year are referring to the same event, but thatin some the death of Red Weasel is not noted.
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BuU. 1731862-63P^Blue Thunder: "Heart River. Hohe attack Sioux there. Twentykilled of Hohe. Call it 'Twenty Hohe got killed winter.' " No TwoHorns: "We killed many Hohe on a hill top." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Hohes came and were killed." HighDog: "They exterminated a band of 'Hake' with whom they fought.These were probably Creek [Cree, JH] Indians." The Dakota textreads "hohe 20 wicaktepi (Assiniboin-Plains-Ojibwa-Plains Cree 20they-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Var-iant: "The [they, JH] many kills Crows or Hohe."The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and IIIshow a rectangle filled with wounded men who wear the "enemy"hairdress. Rifle flashes are shown as well. No Two Horns has asimxilar drawing, but shows only one man in the rectangle. The HighDog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small heads, wearingthe "enemy" hairdress, around the inside. There are 15 of theseheads shown on the High Dog count, 12 on the S\vift Dog count. TheJaw count is similar to the Blue Thunder counts except that the rifleflashes are outside the rectangle, converging upon it. The men arerepresented as being scalped rather than wounded in the body as inthe counts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count hasthree scalped heads, wearing the "enemy" hairdress, on the summitof a hill. The fight with the Hohe is mentioned in Vestal's Hunkpapacount for the year "1862" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).1863-64Blue Thunder: " 'Big Head' was prisoner by soldiers. Let himdie when he got home." No Two Horns: " 'Big Brain' died then."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Big Head a prisoner ofsoldiers. Let him come home & he died." The above counts show aman wearing his hair in two braids and with two eagle feathers in hishair. The Blue Thunder Variant I and No Two Horns counts showhis head disproportionately large, but the others do not.High Dog: "While fighting the Crows they found a boy in a coyotetrap and killed him." The Dakota text reads "Toka kuwa wan kte{Tokd{la)-kuwa wan kte (pi,?) lit. Kit-fox hunter a they-killed)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dogcounts show a man on horseback counting coup on a standing figurewearing the "enemy" hairdress.A similar event is mentioned for this year by American Horse,Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). Theygive the boy's tribe as Dakota, however, and the assailants as Crow(ibid., p. 144). Good mentions the event as well, and also reversesthe identities of the participants (ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk
No*61*]^' ^'*^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 389
gives this event for the year "1863" and also states that the boy wasa Dakota and that he was killed by the Crow (Curtis, 1908, p. 178).Jaw AND Jaw Variant: "Hooping cough." The last two countsshow a man with lines emanating from his mouth to signify coughing.This event is mentioned in Vestal's Hunkpapa count for the year
"1863" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).1864.-65Blue Thunder: "Soldier camp to make treaty with Wiceyelo,but they run off. They take three prisoners. 'True Word' at thehead of them. He is father of 'Two Bears' and a prisoner at FortRice." No Two Horns: "A man was a prisoner. He told thetruth then. We named him that." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Soldiers come to Wicijela. They run off, soldiers gotone man called 'True Word' two other prisoners (father of Two Bears)at F. [Fort, JH] Rice." The above counts show a man wearing legshackles. The Blue Thunder Variant I count shows him wearing aball and chain as weU.High Dog: "They captured and held a White-woman. Theywould not give her up because they liked her and believed she meantgood luck to them." The Dakota text reads "Wayaka wiyapeyapi(lit. Captive they-traded-back)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "White girl capture at fort Piarre."The last four counts show a white woman dressed in the clothingof the time. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show her waistpinched in, probably to suggest a corset, a feature of white womenwhich apparently impressed the Dakota. Vestal's Hunkpapa countgives the same event for the year "1864," and he identifies the womanas Mrs. Fanny Kelly (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).1865-66Blue Thunder: "Big Bend country. Wiceyelo camped at Turtlehead, got killed by man with knife. Murdered." No Two Horns:
" 'Turtle Head' was stabbed to death that time." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "At Big Bend 'Turtle Head' stabbed andkilled w. [with, JH] knife." The above counts show a man with thename symbol of a turtle who is represented as having a knife stickingout of a wound in his back. There are several other wounds on hisbody as well.High Dog: "They discovered a way to make blood puddin . . . ."The Dakota text, however, reads "Leje awicaya {Leze avndaya lit.Urinate often)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. The above twocounts show a man with a large penis, which is represented as drippingurine in the High Dog count. This year's symbol might possiblyrefer to the contraction of some venereal disease from the whites.
390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU, 178Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Many blood cook." The Jaw and JawVariant counts show a kettle or bucket which is full of a red Hquid.In this case the drawing actually seems to refer to the making ofblood pudding, and is not intended to disguise the count's real mean-ing. It is interesting to note that the interpreter of the High Dogcount, when he did not wish to divulge the real meaning of the eventpictured, gave instead the interpretation accompanying another count,indicating that he was familiar with at least two different winter counts.1866-67Blue Thunder: " Tizi' (Gall) tried to make a treaty at Fort Kice,but soldiers stabbed him. He had not done anything bad. He andGrass went together to talk with that head soldier." No Two Horns:
" 'Gall' was stabbed by a soldier baj^onet at bend of river, belowwhere Elbowoods is now. There were soldiers houses there." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Gall went to F. [Fort, JH] tomake a treaty. Soldiers tried to kill him. He had not done any-thing." High Dog: "Pizi, Gall, the man of all men on the Indianside when Gen'l Custer went down in defeat on June 25, 1876, wastaken by Gen'l Miles and held prisoner. It was for a time believedhe had been put to death." The Dakota text reads simply "Pizicapapi (Ut. Gall they-stabbed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II,and III show a man who has the bayonets of two rifles stuck into hisbody. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a soldier stabbingan Indian with a bayoneted rifle.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Seven Emeni [Enemy, JH] kill." TheJaw count shows a circle in which the heads of seven Indians wearingthe "enemy" hairdress are depicted. The Jaw Variant count showsa circle as weU, but the four men inside it are evidently soldiers, forthey are wearing black hats and blue coats. There are rifle flashesaround the outside of the circle.It appears that for this year the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts aredepicting different events. White-Cow-Killer gives "Seven-Pawnee-killed-winter" for 1867-68, and this seems related to the event on theJaw count (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). The representations of the menas white soldiers on the Jaw Variant count seems to connect its picto-graph with the Fetterman Massacre of December 21, 1866. This isgiven as "One hundred white men killed" on the American Horse andWhite-Cow-Killer counts for this year (ibid., p. 144). High Hawkgives it for "1867" (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull gives it for
"1866" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 269). Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives itfor "1866" also (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350).
nS*?iT"^*^^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3911867-68Blue Thunder: "Nothing winter. Hard winter too. Call 'Carrythe wood winter.' Two boys froze to death then." No Two Horns:
"The children of 'Takes the Wood* die then." Blue Thunder Vari-ants I, II, and III: "Hard winter 'Takes-the-Word' S 2 [Sons, two,JH] boys froze."The above counts show two figures dressed in white capotes lyingin a horizontal position. The name symbol of an arm taking a branchof wood (shown on the Blue Thunder count and on Blue ThunderVariants II and III) , a man taking a branch (shown on Blue ThunderVariant I) or merely a branch (shown on the No Two Horns count),indicate that the Blue Thunder and No Two Horns interpretations ofthe father's name are correct.High Dog: "A Sioux woman broke her leg." or "A Sioux womandied over in Montana. . . ." The Dakota text reads "Winya wan huwakise (Winyan wan hu wan ksa lit. Woman a leg a broke)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts showa woman whose leg is broken and bleeding.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Many icey weather." The Jaw and JawVariant counts merely show a blue circle, representing ice, for thisyear. On the Jaw count this is the only pictograph which uses anycolor besides red or black, although blue is also used for the lines con-necting the pictographs to show the sequence of events. A coldwinter Avith ice or sleet is mentioned by White Bull for the year "1867"(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 267). Vestal's Hunkpapa count mentions this aswell (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). White Bull mentions the leg breakingevent in connection with this year as well, but does not include it inthe name of the j^ear (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 267-268).1868-69Blue Thunder: "Catholic priest Father De Smet tried to make atreaty with the Tetonwanna [Teton division of the Dakota, JH] BlueThunder drive twenty Tetons home to take. Sitting Bull had goodmen sent with them Gall to see what terms to make treaty. Were theirenvoys when they got there. Gall made prisoner. Gave word theywere going to hang him too. Two Bears protested. They took offhis shirt and slashed and beat him. Then let him go. Tetons veryangry. No peace, no trust." No Two Horns: "A priest went intoSitting Bulls camp and shook hands." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "De Smet went to Tetons to make treaty. 'Blue Thun-der' went with him S [Sitting, JH] Bull's head men." The abovecounts all show a Catholic priest carrying an American flag.High Dog: They slew 15 Crow Indians. "The Dakota text reads
"Itazipco ake zapi ta wocaktepi {Itdzipdo ake-zdptan widdktepi lit.
392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBuU.178
Sans-arcs fifteen they-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. JawAND Jaw Variant: "Kill fifteen No Crows." The High Dog andSwift Dog counts show 5 men, not wearing the "enemy" hairdress,and 15 vertical marks. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a manwith a bow, also not wearing the "enemy" hairdress, and 15 verticalmarks. The Jaw Variant count shows a coup stick touching his headin addition. In the light of the Dakota text and the absence of the
"enemy" hairdress in the pictographs it seems likely that the HighDog identification of the men as Crows is incorrect. The bow in theJaw and Jaw Variant counts indicates that the men were Sans-arcs(lit. No-bows, the Itazipco division of the Teton Dakota). The "NoCrows" of the Jaw and Jaw Variant interpretation is probably an in-correct rendering of "No Bows." The use of the bow device is notedby Mallery for the year 1815-16 on the Flame, Lone Dog, and Swancounts, and it probably occurs on the Mato Sapa and Bush countsalso (Mallery, 1886, p. 109).Good's comit mentions 15 Sans Arcs being killed for this year as well(Mallery, 1893, p. 326). High Hawk gives this event for the year
"1869" (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) andVestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) give it for "1868."1869-70Blue Thunder: "Wiceyelo went up and attacked the Rees. Aman with a wife. Wiceyelo saw them and killed them both." NoTwo Horns: "A man dressed like a woman killed. He was part manand part woman." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Wici-jela attacked Rees. Saw a man and woman getting wood & killedthem (Wicijela)." The above counts show a woman with a bundle ofwood on her back. She is represented as being wounded.High Dog: "They slew 30 Crow Indians." The Dakota text reads
"Kanigi wicasa 30 wicaktepi {Kangi-wicMa vnkcemna-ydmni wicdk-tepi lit. Crow men thirty they-killed)." Swift Dog: "No interpreta-tion. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "30 Crows kill." The High Dog andSwift Dog counts show a circle with several human heads around theinside. The heads are shown wearing the "enemy" hairdress. In theHigh Dog count 14 heads are shown, in the Swift Dog, 15. The Jawcount shows a scalped man, wearing the "enemy" hairdress, underwhich there are 30 vertical marks. The Jaw Variant count shows thesame with the addition of a feathered coup stick touching the man'shead.The Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts record a battlewith the Crow for the year 1870-71, but Lone Dog states that only 29of the 30 Crow were killed (Mallery, 1886, pp. 126-127). This eventis mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) and in Vestal'sHunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for "1869."
Na&"^''^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 3931870-71Blue Thunder: "Wintered at first Grand River and many horsesdie, drowned. . . ." No Two Horns: "Many horses froze to deathwinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "At Grand R.[River, JH] many horses die in flood." Blue Thunder and the BlueThunder Variant counts I, II, and III show a horse and many hoof-prints, indicating plurality. The No Two Horns count merely shows ahorse's head and neck, together with hoofprints.High Dog: "Chief Crowfeather died (Natural death)." The Da-kota text reads "Kangi wiyakata (Kangi-iviyaka t'a lit. Crow featherhe-died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts originallyshowed a man with the name symbol of what appears to be the featherof a golden eagle. On the High Dog count, however, the figure of aCrow has been added in blue ink at a later date. Perhaps the eventnoted for this year is the same as that given by the Flame, as the draw-ings are very similar (Mallery, 1886, p. 126). The interpretations ofthe two counts, however, do not support this idea.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Chippiwai came." Both the Jaw andthe Jaw Variant counts show a man in a small four-wheeled wagon orcart. In the Jaw Variant count he is wearing a red coat or shirt.?The pictograph probably refers to a visit of the Plains-Ojibwa
?
Plains-Cree mixbloods. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives this eventfor the year "1870" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).1871-72Blue Thunder: "White man got killed by Dakota. 'Brain'killed him." No Two Horns: " 'Brings Back' shot a white manwinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "White mankilled by 'Brain.' " The Blue Thunder count and Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III show a man dressed in white man's clothing,with, however, long black hair and a wawdslata wanapin or bonehair-pipe necklace. He has an arrow protruding from a woimd in hisside. The No Two Horns count shows substantially the same, butpictures the man with short hair and without the Indian necklace.High Dog: "Little Crow, a chief died." The Dakota text reads
"Kangi cigalata (Kangi cigala fa lit. Crow little he-died)." SwifiDog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the namesymbol of a black bird.
? The present writer believes that the red coat is to carry the idea of "sa", or scarlet, In the word Sagd&5a,which is the word commonly used by the Dakota to designate Canadians. The word is apparently a loanword In Dakota, probably from some Algonquian language. Present-day Dakota have a folk method of
"analyzing" unfamiliar words by splitting them into their component syllables. This works fine withDakota words, but, of course, is invalid In the case of borrowed words, in this case, for e.xample, where the?agdi?a Is depicted with a red coat merely because the last syllable of his group's name happens to be thesame as the Dakota word for "scarlet." For a similar Instance of this sort see the High Dog and SwiftDog counts for the year 1814-16.
394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BulH78Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Chase horses around the camp." Bothcounts show a tipi with hoofprints circling it. Vestal's Hunkpapacount gives this event for the year "1871" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).Vestal mentions that the Crow stole nearly all of the Dakota horsesduring this raid (ibid., pp. 171-172).1872-73Blue Thunder: " 'Two Bears' went to Washington. Came back.Went to war. 'Standing Bull' (Buffalo) got killed by another Wice-yelo or Hohe maybe. Clashed over policy to Whites." No TwoHorns: " 'Standing Buffalo' killed by some one unknown. Upnorth on a river place. . . ." Blue Thunder Variants T, II, andIII: " 'Two Bears' at Wash-ton [Washington, JH] when he got back,a battle and 'Standing Bull' killed by another Wiciyela." The BlueThunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show ananthropomorphic figure with a bison's head. He is represented asbeing wounded. No Two Horns merely shows a wounded bisonstanding on its rear feet.High Dog: "Turning Bear killed a Crow who came to his tent tofight." The Dakota text reads "Mato kawige ti hi wankte {Mato-kawinge ti hi wan He lit. Bear-turning-to-recline lodge came a he-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show amounted man counting coup on a man who is not mounted and whowears the "enemy" hairdress. The mounted man has the namesymbol of a bear.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Crow Kill on White Horse." Both theJaw and Jaw Variant counts show a wounded man who is wearing the
"enemy" hairdress and is mounted on a white horse. The JawVariant count shows the man to be scalped and with a feathered coupstick touching his head. White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 268-269)and Vestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) refer to an enemyon a horse, identified as a Crow by White Bull, being killed, for theyear "1872."1878-74Blue Thunder: "Boy soldier, 'Bad Bird,'?Sioux Scout gotkilled by white man at Fort Rice." No Two Horns: "The whiteskilled Bad Bird Winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
" 'Bad Bird' 'Big Soldier' Sioux Scout killed by Whitemen (Rice)."All of the above counts show a man wearing a soldier's uniform who iswounded. The name symbol of a bird is above his head. He wearsa hat in the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder VariantII, and III counts, but in the Blue Thunder Variant I count he wearsa small feather "dream headdress" at the back of his head.High Dog: "A Crow stole a white horse from someone." The
nS.*6iT'^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 395Dakota text reads "Ika colo tawa wan eyayapi {Ikdn-cola tunwanwan iydyapi lit. Kope-without reins a they-went-away)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Both counts show a white horse with arope about its neck.Jaw AND Jaw Variant: "Five Canadian kill." Both counts showa circle with small heads inside. There are rifle flashes and on theJaw Variant count horses hoofprints. Five heads are shown on theJaw count, and they are represented as Indians. Four heads areshown on the Jaw Variant count, and they are represented as whitesor mixbloods, as they wear hats. Vestal's Hunkpapa count givesthe year "1873" as the year in which the Dakota fought with theKed River mixbloods (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). This event is men-tioned by Wliite Bull as well, also for "1873," but is not used in thename of the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269).1874-76Blue Thunder: " 'Rain-in-the-Face' and Big Bear or TomHannan in prison at Fort Abraham Lincoln. Rain in the Face notknown much before this time." No Two Horns: " 'Rain in theFace' (Itomagaju) [Ite-o-mag^zu, JHl was prisoner at Fort AbrahamLincoln." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Rain-In-The-Face & Two Horns (Wopepe) prisoners." All of the above countsshow an Indian man with a small rain cloud above his head which israining down on his uptm'ned face. He wears leg irons.High Dog: "A fat Crow Indian was Idlled by the Sioux. . . ."The Dakota text reads "Toka cepa wan kte pi {Toka depa wan ktipilit. Enemy fat a they- killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Jaw: "Fat crow Indian kill." The High Dog and Swift Dog countsshow a man wearing the "enemy" hairdress. There was apparentlyno indication of the man's obesity on either count originally, but atsome late date someone has drawn a few extra lines, apparently toshow his fatness, on the High Dog count. The Jaw count shows afat man who has been scalped. The Jaw Variant count omits thisyear, probably due to an oversight in the copjang, as the pictographsfor this year and the following year are quite similar on the Jaw count.Vestal's Hunkpapa count mentions the fat Crow's death for the year
"1874" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).1875-76Blue Thunder: "Found keg of whiskey at Fort Yates place,near the shore. Made a council and drank it all up. Many di'unk."No Two Horns: "Found a barrel of whiskey. Had a good time."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Thej^ found a barrel ofwhiskey near store at Yates, Had a council and drank it all up. Knewwhiskey well, Lots of it before, I drink and was drunk. >>
396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Blue Thunder and No Two Horns show a keg of whiskey set onend with whiskey flowing from a bunghole into a cup. Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III merely show a keg, a jug, and a cup in asso-ciation. White Bull mentions whiskej^ for the year "1875" but doesnot include it in the name for the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269). Hestates that it was given to the treaty party which signed the BlackHills treaty, and that they were drunk in order to get them to sign.High Dog: "In early summer we were visited by Appache [sic,JH] Indians who rode white horses. . . ." The Dakota text readssimply "Sunka ska hi kin (lit. Dog white came the)." Swift Dog:No interpretation. Jaw and Jaw Variant: "White dog came."The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the "eneroj'^"hairdress who has the name symbol of a white dog above his head.The Jaw count shows a man who is wearing the "enemy" hairdressand is represented as having been scalped. The Jaw Variant countshows the same, but has the name symbol of a brown horse abovehis head in addition.Vestal's Hunkpapa count for the year "1875" gives a Dakota textalmost identical with that given by High Dog, but interprets it
"White Dog (Hohe chief) visits (and makes peace with the Sioux)"(Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). The author believes this to be the correctinterpretation of this year's pictographs.1876-77Blue Thunder: "Took all ponies away from Sioux by soldiers atFort Yates." No Two Horns: " 'Long Hau-' (Pehanska) killed bythe Sioux." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Took allponies away." Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue ThunderVariant II count show a white soldier who is mounted and carries a
rifle or carbine. Below the horse are many hoofprints, indicatingplm'ality. Blue Thunder Variants II and III show substantially thesame but the m^an is dismounted and is leading the horse.The taking of horses from the Dakota is given for this year by theFlame and White-Cow-Kifler (Mallery, 1886, p. 127). Custer's deathis mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 269-270) and inVestal's Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for the year "1876."White Bull also mentions the taking of the horses but does not includeit in the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 269-270).High Dog: "Sitting Bull made a treaty with the French (half-bloods) in Canada." The Dakota text reads "tatka iyota ke takuakilesa ob (Tatdnka-iydtake tdku ogUia oh lit. Buffalo bull-sitting downsomething red-coats with)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jawand Jaw Variant: "Red Coats treaty."The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show an Indian -vvdth the namesymbol of a bison head shaking hands with a white man wearing a red
Na&"^'^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 397
coat. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts merely show a white manwearing a red coat.Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives the treaty with the redcoats for theyear "1877," which, according to the arrangement of the previousyears, refers to the winter of 1877-78 (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). Thiswould seem to be an error of duplication, as this count also gives the
"Long Hair Killed" event, using it for the previous year (ibid., 1934 b,p. 350).1877-78Blue Thunder: " 'Lean Bear' died in log house." No TwoHorns: " 'Poor Bear' died then winter." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Lean Bear died in log cabin." Blue Thunder andBlue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show an anthropomorphic bear.The "poor" or "lean" idea is suggested by drawing in the leg and ribbones, as if they were showing through the skin. No Two Hornsmerely shows a very thin bear.High Dog: "One Star was killed by the Crows." The Dakota textreads "Wicagipi wanjila ktepi (Widdnhpi wanzila ktepi lit. Star only-one they-kiUed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. The High Dogand Swift Dog counts show a man with the name symbol of a star.The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts give this event for the followingyear, as does Vestal's Hunkpapa count (for the year "1879") (Vestal,1934 b, p. 351).Jaw and Jaw Variant: "hole in the Nose came." Both the Jawand Jaw Variant counts show a man wearing the "enemy" hairdresswho has a neat round hole in the side of his nose. This pictographprobably refers to the visit of the refugee Nez Perce to Sitting Bull'scamp after Chief Joseph's defeat. Vestal's Hunkpapa count givesthis event for the year "1878" (ibid., pp. 350-351).1878-79Blue Thunder: "Old 'Two Bears' die." No Two Horns: " 'TwoBears' a Chief dies winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"Old 'Two Bear' died." All of the above counts show a man with thename symbol of two bears heads.High Dog: "Little Bear was killed by the Crows." The Dakotatext reads "Mato cigalato ahiktepi (lit. Bear little-blue (?) they-came-and-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show aman with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented as beingscalped on the High Dog count, but not on the Swift Dog count.Jaw and Jaw Variant: "Lone Star Kill." Both counts show awounded man. On the Jaw Variant count he is shown with the namesymbol of a star above his head. He is also represented as beingscalped on this count. The Jaw count shows an "x" on his chest471762?60 27
398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
which may be either a star or a mark of bravery. Vestal's Hunkpapacount gives Lone Star's death for the year "1879" (Vestal, 1934 b,p. 351).1879-80Blue Thunder: " 'Crazy Walker' sick. Carried in blanket andsick to another place and get well again." No Two Horns: " 'CrazyBear' was carried on a blanket then. ..." Blue Thunder Vari-ants I, II, and III: "They carried 'Crazy Walker' on a blanket, Hewas sick." The above counts show a man on a blanket with the namesymbol of a bear above his head. The bear has wavy lines emanatingfrom his nose. Such lines usually signify either "crazy" or "holy" inDakota pictographs.High Dog: "He-has-a-red-spear died." The Dakota text reads
"tawahu kezalutata (Tawahukeza-luta t'a lit. His-spear-red died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dogcounts show a man with the name symbol of what appears to be ablack arrow.Jaw and J^^w Variant: "Horses disease." The Jaw and JawVariant counts show a horse with spots on its body, indicating mangeor some such disease. Vestal's Hunkpapa count gives this event forthe yepr "1880" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351).1880-81Blue Thunder: " 'Broken Head' made a big feast in winter time."No Two Horns: " 'Cracks his Head' gave a big feast known as win-ter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Broken Head madea big feast." The above counts show three figures seated in a tipi.On the Blue Thunder Variant III count a small figure has been drawnin beside the tipi, apparently at a later date. It appears to be a dogor a wolf, and seems to have no relationship to either this or the pre-ceding year's pictograph.High Dog :Beede does not know what this year's pictograph repre-sents. He believes that it may refer to Gall stopping a sun dance.The Dakota text reads "Pizi ti. (fit. Gall's lodge)." Judge FrankZahn says that during this year Gall's camp on the Tongue River wasfired upon by soldiers. Swift Dog: No interpretation. Jaw andJaw Variant: "Capture of Sitting Bull." The High Dog and SwiftDog counts show a white soldier firing on an Indian tipi. Several
rifle flashes are shown. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show agroup of tipis with rifle flashes and streaks as if bullets were intendedto be shown.The author believes that Beede's suggested interpretation is in-correct. Gall, himseK an Indian, would hardly fire upon his ownpeople to stop one of their religious ceremonies. Indeed, he is never
Anthrop.Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 399tio. Dl J
recorded as having done so. Furthermore, at this time he was notin the employ of the Government.The Jaw interpretation seems quite false as well. Sitting Bull'scapture and death occurred in 1890, 10 years after the previous year'spictograph. A hiatus of 10 ye&TS on this count would be quite diffi-cult to explain. One also wonders why no indication of Sitting Bull'sidentity is made if the pictograph refers to his capture and death.The present writer feels that the pictographs on the High Dog,Swift Dog, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts refer to Maj. Guido Ilges'attack on the Dakota, which is given in Vestal's Hunkpapa count forthe year "1881" as "Sioux fired over" (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). Theerror in the title of the winter on the Jaw count can probably be at-tributed to the "educated boy" who, Welch writes, made the titles ofthe winters.1881-^2Blue Thunder: " 'Red Bow' mother die." No Two Horns:
"Mother of 'Red Bow' die that time." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: " 'Red Bear's mother died." The Blue Thunder andBlue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show a woman carrying ared bow. The No Two Horns count shows a woman in a red dresswith a red bow above her as a name symbol.High Dog: "Whiteman called White-Beard [Major McLaughlin,JH] led the hostiles to feel friendly toward the government." TheDakota text reads "Pehi ska kin Napeyuzapi (Pehinska kin napSyuzapiWhite-beard the they-shook-his-hand)." Swift Dog: No interpre-tation. The above two counts show a white man and an Indianshaking hands.Jaw AND Jaw Variant (closing date of both counts and of the Jawinterpretation): "Thirty five years since Sioux came to StandingRock." Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a representationof the weU-known "Standing Rock" monument which stands oppositethe Superintendent's residence in Fort Yates at the present time.On the Jaw Variant count the date "1881" is inscribed on the base onwhich the stone is set. Beneath the Jaw pictograph for this year are35 vertical marks which seem to explain the title given to this year'sevent by the "educated boy."This year's interpretation seems to correlate Avith White Bull'scount for the year "1881" which states "They Stop at Standing Rockto Camp for the Winter" (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270). Both the Jaw andJaw Variant counts end with this year, unless we wish to state thatthe vertical marks, one of which seems to have been added for eachyear after the last pictograph was drawn, are worthy of considera-tion as year pictographs. Since the Jaw count spirals inward and
400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
there is little space left in the center, this device may havo been re-sorted to merely for lack of space. Another possible explanation isthat the maker may have thought that since the tribe was on thereservation and the old life gone forever, there was really nothingleft worth noting except the passage of time. If each vertical markis considered as a year the closing date of the Jaw count is 1916-17.1882-83Blue Thunder: " 'Little Bird' die suddenly." No Two Horns:
" 'Little Bird' die fast. Quick." Blue Thunder Variants I, II,and III: "Little Bird died suddenly." The above counts show anIndian man carrjdng a tomahawk. Above his head is the namesymbol of a bird.High Dog: "White Beard went on a buffalo hunt with the Indians."The Dakota text reads "Pehi ska kici wanasapi (Pehin-ska ki6iwandsapi lit. Beard-white together-with they-hunted-buffalo)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a whiteman on horseback shooting at a buffalo with a rifle.1883-84Blue Thunder: " 'Red Bull' die suddenly." No Two Horns:
" 'Red Bull' was died winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II,and III: "Red Bull died suddenly." The Blue Thunder and BlueThunder Variant I, II, and III counts show an anthropomorphicfigure with the head and upper body of a red bison. No Two Hornsmerely shows a red bison.High Dog: "Three Crow Indians came to visit them as friends."The Dakota text reads "Kangi wicasa 3 hipi (lit. Crow men threethey-came)." Both counts show three men wearmg the "enemy"hairdress. On the High Dog count, apparently by mistake, the menare represented as being scalped.1884-85Blue Thunder: "Old man 'Red Hail' daughter die." No TwoHorns: "Daughter of Red Hail die then. No Two Horns ownsister." ^ Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Red Hawk'sdaughter died." All of the above counts show a woman carrying ahandbag with the name symbol of a red hailstone above her head.High Dog: "Little Crow died." The Dakota text reads "kangicigalata (Kangi-cik'alat'a lit. Crow-little died)." Swift Dog: Nointerpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of ablack bird. Perhaps this was another name for Crow King, whosedeath is recorded by White Bull for the year "1884" (Vestal, 1934 a,
' By using the term "own sister" No Two Homs indicates that this woman was actually his sister and nota parallel cousin, also called "sister" In Dakota.
No.*&'^'^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 401
p. 270). High Hawk gives "Black Crow died," for the year "1884"(Curtis, 1908, p. 181).1886-86Blue Thunder: " 'No Two Horn' made big feast in winter."No Two Horns: "No Two Horns gave big feast in honor of his sisterwho died last winter time. All the people came. He has muchbeef and game " Blue Thunder Variants I, H, and IH:
"No Two Horns made a big feast (winter)."All of the above counts show a tipi with three people inside. TheNo Two Horns count shows a buffalo inside the tipi. It is indicatedas being hornless by two lines drawn from the place where the hornswould be and connected in front of the animal's head. Blue ThunderVariants I and II show the buffalo outside the tipi. On these countsthe hornlessness is also shown in the above manner, but since thebuffalo is outside the tipi the pictograph also functions as a namesymbol. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III countsmerely show a buffalo outside the tipi, making no note of its beingwithout horns.High Dog: "An old warrior named died." TheDakota text reads "CCeta [sic, JH] wahacakata (Cetdn-wdhaddnkafa lit. Hawk-shield died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Thepictographs on these two counts are almost identical with thoseused for the preceding year, the difference being only in the color ofthe man's shirt. Again a man is shown with a black bird as hisname symbol. Perhaps this man was Flying-by, whose death isrecorded for the year "1885" by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270).1886-87Blue Thunder: " 'Three Thigh' die. Brother of 'Two Bears.' "No Two Horns: " 'Three Legs' died then." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "2 Bears brother Three thighs died." Allof the above counts show a man with three legs.High Dog: "Good Elk died." The Dakota text reads "herakahowaste ta (Hehdka-howd?te fa lit. Male-elk-good-voice he-died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a manwith the name symbol of an elk.1887-88Blue Thunder: " 'Fool Bear' living in dance hall. . . ." NoTwo Horns: " 'Fool Bear' lived in a dance hall then. He did notdie." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Fool Bear livedin an old dance hall." The above counts show a man in a log cabinwho wears a Grass dance costume, including the porcupine and deer-tail roach headdress. In the earlier years of these counts, this head-dress was used to indicate an Omaha or a Ponca, but here it is used
402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
merely to indicate that the man was a dancer, or living in a dancehall. In the No Two Horns count there is a dance drum in the cabinas well. Living in dance halls was supposed to be dangerous, ac-cording to a note by Welch accompanying this count.High Dog: "Four Horns died." The Dakota text reads "Hetopata (lit. Horns-four died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Bothcounts show a man with four horns on his head. The death of thisman, who was Sitting Bull's uncle, is noted by White Bull for theyear "1884" but is not given as the name of this year (Vestal, 1934 a,p. 270).1888-89Blue Thunder: "'Frosted Red Fish' prisoner at Fort Yates bysoldiers." No Two Horns: " 'Eagle Claw' was a prisoner at Man-dan." (Note by Welch "This was another name for Frosted RedFish.") Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Frosted Red-Fish prisoner at Yates (Soldiers)." The above counts show anIndian with a leg shackle and a ball and chain. He has the namesymbol of an eagle claw above his head.High Dog: "There v/as an eclipse of the sun 'The sun turnedblack and died.' " The Dakota text reads "Wisapata (Wi-sdpa t'alit. Moon (or sun) black died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a black crescent.It appears that Beede's interpretation for this year's event wasmerely a very poor guess. Black Moon was a man's name, and inthis year he died. Black Moon's death is noted by White Bull for theyear "1888" although it is not used as the name of the year (Vestal,1934 a, p. 271). This man was Sitting Bull's uncle.1889-90Blue Thunder: " 'Cotton Wood', Yanktonaise Chief, died."No Two Horns: "'Cottonwood' died winter." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Cotton Wood Chief died." The abovecounts show a man with the name symbol of a tree. In the BlueThunder and No Two Horns counts he is standing erect. In BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III he is reclining.High Dog: "A woman was killed by a tree falling on her." TheDakota text reads "kowakata el winyawicaka (Kodkatdn el winyanwicdktepi lit. Over-there at woman the3^-killed)." Swift Dog:No interpretation. The last two counts show a drawing of a woman.On the Swift Dog count she seems to have a representation of a woundon her body, but this is not clearly drawn.1890-91Blue Thunder: "Sitting Bull got killed ..." No Two Horns:
" 'Sitting Bull' got killed that time." Blue Thunder Variants
No.*6lT"^*^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 403
I, II, and III: "S [Sitting, JH] Bull killed (Dec. 15, 1890)." HighDog: "Sitting Bull was slayn." The Dakota text reads "tata kaiyotake kte pi {Tatdnka-iydtake ktepi lit. Buffalo-bull-sitting-downthey-killed)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variantcounts II and III show a wounded buffalo who is represented as sittingdown. Blue Thunder Variant I shows an anthropomorphic buffalo,wounded and in a sitting position. The High Dog and Swift Dogcounts show an Indian with the name symbol of a bison head who isbeing fired upon by a man dressed in a uniform. The death ofSitting Bull is given by White Bull for the year "1890" (Vestal, 1934 a,p. 271). Famous though Sitting Bull was, none of the other countswhich were examined, and which include this year, mention his death.1891-92Blue Thunder: "Draw money fu^st time. $3.00 each person."No Two Horns: "First money paid to us by the Government$3000 each one." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Hada money payment of $3.00 each." The above counts show a smallhouse with an Indian beside it. Inside or near the house are threeround objects, probably representing silver dollars. The amusingdiscrepancy in the No Two Horns interpretation can be explained bythe fact that on this count a dollar sign, resembling a figure "3" isdrawn in front of the three objects, making it appear that they areaughts, and that the whole is the number "3000".High Dog: "He-has-a-spotted-horse died." The Dakota textreads "Tasunke heratotata {Tasunke-hin-hota (?) t'a lit. His-horse-hair-grey (?) died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Beede seemsto have erred once more with the interpretation of this year's picto-graph. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a white(gray) horse.1892-93Blue Thunder: "Draw money second time. $40.00 each onefor ponies taken away." No Two Horns: "Second time we getmoney. Paid us $9.00 for our horses . . ." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "$40.00 each for ponies taken before."The above counts show pictographs similar to those of the previousyear, but with more round objects in the "disbursing house." In theBlue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant II counts 10 silver doUarsare shown. No Two Horns shows 9. Blue Thunder Variant I shows16 and Blue Thunder Variant III shows 13. White BuU gives thisevent for the year "1893" (Vestal. 1934 a, p. 271).High Dog: "Horse Shoe died." The Dakota text reads "Shunkamazata {Sunka-mdza fa lit. Dog-iron died)." Swift Dog: No in-
404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
terpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of ahorse or a dog. The drawing seems to resemble a dog more closelythan a horse. Judge Frank Zahn confirmed the above translation ofthe Dakota text, stating that "Iron Dog" died at this time.1893-HBlue Thunder: "Boy, 12 winters old dragged to death. Gotkilled. Name 'Money.' " No Two Horns: " 'Money Boy' draggedto death at Mandan Fair." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III:
"Boy dragged and killed." All of the above counts show a boy beingdragged behind a running horse. His name symbol, a few roundobjects representing silver dollars, is shown by his head in all but theBlue Thunder Variant I count.High Dog: "He-has-a-red-spear died." The Dakota text reads
"Tawahu kezaluta ta {Tawahukeza-lUta fa lit. His-spear-red he-died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a manwith the name symbol of a red spear. Judge Zahn suggests that thisman was probably the son of the person of this same name whosedeath is recorded for the year 1879-80.1894-95Blue Thunder: " 'Carry His Lodge on Back' die." No TwoHorns: " 'His arm cut off' died." This man was H. S. Parkins ofCannon Ball." [This year seems to be inverted with the followingyear in the interpretation of the No Two Horns count, JH.] BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Man named 'Carry Tent' died."The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with anerected tipi on his back. Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III showa man carrying what appears to be a folded tipi cover on his backand carrying the tipi poles in his arms.High Dog: "Chief Gall died." The Dakota text reads "Pizita(Pizi t'a lit. Gall died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Theabove counts show a man with two large horns on his head. This isthe correct year for Gall's death (1894).1895-96Blue Thunder: "White Man, H. S. Parkin, die at Cannon Ball."No Two Horns: "Carry the Lodge died then." [The interpretationfor this year seems to be inverted with that for the preceding year,JH.] Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "H. S. Parkin died('95)." All of the above counts show a representation of a whiteman who carries a cane and has one arm missing.High Dog: "A woman was burned to death in her home." TheDakota text reads "Winya wan ili kin {Winyan wan He kin lit. Womana burned the)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both countsmerely show a woman beside a tipi.
NaW"^^^* DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 4051896-97Blue Thunder: "Son of Chief Big Head die." No Two Horns:
" 'Stabbed' has a hemorrage and died that time." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: " *Paz ipa' [Pazipa-stabbed, JH] son of
'Big Head' died." All of the above counts show a man bleeding fromthe mouth. Blue Thunder Variants I and II seem to show his headslightly larger in proportion to his body than are the heads of theother figures in the count. The No Two Horns count shows an armbehind the man's back, stabbing him with a knife. This is apparentlyhis name symbol.High Dog: "A sickness caused pimples on people's heads." TheDakota text reads "Pa wica yuksapi {Pa widdyuksdpi lit. Head they-caused-to-be-broken-off (a hanging))." Swift Dog: No interpre-tation. Both counts show three figures. One is attached to a poleor tree by a rope around his neck. This year's pictograph probablyrefers to the locally famous Spicer murder. Three Indians kiUed awhite man who would not give them whiskey. They were later ap-prehended, tried, found guilty, and hanged.1897-98Blue Thunder: " 'Holy Soul' die." No Two Horns: "ToothPick' died winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: " 'HolySoul' died." The above counts show an Indian with a pipe and apipe bag in one hand and holding a long thin object, perhaps an eaglebone whistle or a piece of wood to his mouth with the other.High Dog: "A woman once taken captive from the Crows and al-ways living with them died." The Dakota text reads however
"Kangi wiyakata (Kangl-wiyaka t'a lit. Crow-feather he-died)." Thepictographs on both counts show a man with a red and black featheras a name symbol. Beede evidently interpreted the word wiyaka,feather, as waydka, a slave or a captive.1898-99Blue Thunder: " 'Louse Bear' hung himself." No Two Horns:
" 'Louse Bear' died then winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II,and III: "Louse Bear hanged himself." The above counts show aman in uniform, perhaps an Indian police uniform, with the namesymbol of a bear covered with conventionalized lice.High Dog: "Spotted Bear died." The Dakota text reads, how-ever, "mato cuwiyukisa ta (Mato-duwiyuksa t'a lit. Bear-broken-in-two-at-the-pleura died)." Perhaps this is "Half-body-bear." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the namesymbol of half a bear. The Blue Thunder group of counts gives thedeath of Half-body-bear for the year 1915-16, but perhaps there weretwo persons of this name.
406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1731899-1900Blue Thunder: " 'Grey Bear' playing hockey, di-ops dead atMandan Fair." No Two Horns: " 'Grey Bear' died while playingshinny at the Mandan Fair." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII: "Gray Bear dropped dead playing shinny at Mandan." All ofthe above counts show a man with the name symbol of a gray bearcarrying a shinny stick and with a shinny ball in front of him.High Dog: "Hawk Shield died." The Dakota text reads "letawahacanka ta (Cetan-wdhaddnka fa lit. Hawk-Shield he-died) ." SwiftDog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man with thename symbol of a feathered shield with a picture of a bird upon it.The reader will note that for the year 1885-86 a man named Hawk-shield is recorded as dying. In case one of these two interpretationsis misplaced, the pictograph accompanying this year's text would indi-cate that this is the true year of this man's death. It is entirely pos-sible, of course, that there were two men of this same name, perhapsfather and son.1900-01Blue Thunder: " 'Worth Hat' got burned in bed." No TwoHorns: " 'Wear Bonnet' got something he thought was kerosene.It was gasoline and it killed two families that time." Blue ThunderVariants I, II, and III: "Wears Hat burned in his bed." The abovecounts show a man who wears a feather warbonnet.High Dog: "Good Elk died." The Dakota text reads "Herakawawaste ta {Hehdka-wowd?te (howaste, ?, JH) t'a lit. Male elk-good-ness (or good-voiced?) he-died)." Swift Dog: No interpretation.Both counts show an elk with a forked line emanating from his mouth.This seems to indicate that this is the true year of Good-voiced-elk'sdeath and that the Dakota interpretation for the year 1886-87 hasbeen misplaced. Again, however, there could have been two men ofthis name.1901-02Blue Thunder: " 'Hat', a policeman, dies suddenly." No TwoHorns: " 'Bonnet' Red Tomahawk's brother died winter." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Hat, a policeman died." Theabove counts show a man wearing an Indian policeman's uniform andbadge, plus and eagle feather warbonnet.High Dog: "Bull Head died." The Dakota text reads "Tatakapa ta {Tatdnka-pa t'a lit. Buffalo-bull-head he-died)." Swift Dog:No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbolof a bison's head.
AnthJJp.Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 4071902-03Blue Thunder: " 'Grey Beai'* got hurt. Broke leg. Cut it off,died." No Two Horns: " 'Grey Bear' Police his leg cut off then."Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Gray Bear police, brokeleg, cut off, he died." The above counts show a man wearing anIndian police uniform who has one leg missing. The name symbolof a bear is shown over the man's head.High Dog: "Buffalo Ghost died." The Dakota text reads "Tatakawamayi ta {Tatdnka-wandgi t'a lit. Buffalo-bull-ghost he-died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with thename symbol of a bison above his head.1903-04-Blue Thunder: " 'Little Dog' die." No Two Horns: " 'LittleDog' died winter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "LittleDog died." The above counts show a dog with long ears.High Dog: "A star died (disappeared)." The Dakota text reads
"Wicaripi wanjila ta {Wi^nhpi-wanzila t'a lit. Star-only one he-died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a repre-sentation of a star. The author believes that this was a man's nameand that he died during this year. Beede obviously thought that thisyear's event referred to some astronomical phenomenon.1904-05Blue Thunder: " 'White Eagle' died at Berthold, visiting." NoTwo Horns: " 'T\Tiite Eagle' and old man died. (Father of RichardWhite Eagle.)" Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "WhiteEagle died at Berthold." The above counts show a man with thename symbol of a large bird.High Dog: "Beaver Shield died." The Dakota text reads "waha-cakasapa ta (Wdhacdnka-sdpa fa lit. Shield-black he-died)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. The above counts show a man with thename symbol of a feathered black shield. Beede evidently mistookthe word s^pa, black, for c^pa, a beaver. The man's name was Black-shield according to Judge Zahn, who remembers the event.1905-06Blue Thunder: " 'Black Bear' policeman, killed by Asst. Farmer,Bristow." No Two Horns: " 'Bear Blacking Himself shot thatwinter." Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: " 'Black Bear'killed by Bristow (?)." Blue Thunder and the Blue Thunder Variantcounts I, II, and III show a man wearing a policeman's uniform withthe name symbol of a black bear above him.. No Two Horns shows awhite bear standing on his hind feet and smearing himself with blackpaint. The bear wears a police badge.
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 178High Dog; "Rain-in-the-face died." The Dakota text reads "Iteamorojie ta {Ite-o-magazu t'a lit. Face-upon-it-rains he-died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The pictograph on these two countsis puzzhng. Both show a man with the name symbol of a man's head.The head in the name symbol wears the "enemy" hairdress. Whetherthis refers to Rain-in-the-face or to some other individual is uncertain.1906-07Blue Thunder: "Joe Tomahawk shot himself, suicide." (Note
?
Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk, famous Sihasapa, W)." No TwoHorns: "Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk kills himself." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Young Hawk's boy Joe suicided."All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a redtomahawk. In the No Two Horns counts he is bent over a rifle whichhe is apparently discharging into his own face.High Dog: "Feather Hawk died." The Dakota text reads "letawakiyata (Cetan-woMnyan fa lit. Hawk-thunder he-died)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the namesj'^mbol of a bird from which a forked line emanates. This line usu-ally means "crazy" or "holy" in Dakota pictographs, but in this caseprobably symbolizes thunder and lightning. Beede probably mistookthe word wakinyan, thunder or lightning, for wiyaka, a feather.1907-08Blue Thunder: " 'Earth,' mother of Frosted Red Fish, die." NoTwo Horns: " 'Eagle Claw' woman of Red Fish, dies now." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: " 'Frosted Redfishes' mother died(Maka [Earth, JH])." All of the above counts show a woman withthe name s3anbol of an eagle claw. Frosted-red-fish's alternate namewas Eagle-claw, according to Welch (note accompanying interpreta-tion of No Two Horns count, 1888-89), and the eagle claw is his namesymbol, not that of his mother.High Dog: "His-horse-reers died." The Dakota text reads "tasukeiyake ta {Tasunke-inydnka t'a His-horse-runs he-died)." SwiftDog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the namesymbol of a running horse.1908-09Blue Thunder: " 'Two Bears' mother die." No Two Horns:
"Mother of Two Bears died winter." Blue Thunder Variants I,II, and III: "2 Bears mother died." The above counts show a womanwith the name symbol of two bears' heads.High Dog: "There was an issue of horses." The Dakota textreads "Syacukaske suwakipamin (triyan-dunkdske Sunka-wakpdmnilit. Rock-fence horse-issue)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Bothcounts depict a horse. The pictograph for this year refers to a Gov-
NaeiT*^^^' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 409
ernment issue of horses which took place at "Rock fence place" southof Fort Yates, according to Judge Zahn.1909-10Blue Thunder: " 'Fly Cloud' prisoner at Fort Yates." No TwoHorns: " 'Fljnng Cloud' was a prisoner at Mandan winter." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III: "Flying Cloud a prisoner." Theabove counts show a man wearing leg shackles and a ball and chainwith the name symbol of a cloud above him. This cloud seems to besprouting wings in the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant IIIcounts. It has definitely sprouted them in the No Two Horns count.High Dog: "There was a comet." The Dakota text reads "Wicagipi wan ile yahan {Wicdnhpi wan He yahan lit. Star a burning went-along)." Swift Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a staror comet with a fiery tail. This was Halley's comet, visible duringthe years 1908-11, and appearing brightest from April 19, 1910, toJune 19 of the same year.1910-11Blue Thunder: "'High Bear' Chief, die." No Two Horns:
"'Tall Bear' die. A chief one time. (Capt. I. P. Paker given hisname.)" Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III: "Chief 'HighBear' died." Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, andIII show a man with the name symbol of a bear. No Two Hornsmerely shows a bear with very long legs (i. e. "Tall Bear").High Dog: "Buffalo Fool died." The Dakota text reads "Tataka witko ta (Tatdnka-vntko t'a lit. Buffalo-bull-crazy he-died)."Swift Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a manwith the name symbol of a buffalo.1911-12Blue Thunder: "'Half Body Bear' died." No Two HornsInterpretation missing for this year. Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III: "Half-body Bear died." The Blue Thunder and BlueThunder Variant counts I, II, and III show an anthropomorphiccreature the upper half of which is a bear. No Two Horns showsa bear with a red line dividing it in half. The High Dog and SwiftDog counts mention the death of "Bear-cut-in-half" for the year1898-99.High Dog (this is the last year for this count and its interpreta-tion) : "Children had measles and the same year a star burned out."The Dakota texts (there are two of them) read "Wakaheja nasilipiWakdnhea naslipi lit. Children epidemic)," and "Wicarpi wan ileyo ukin (Widdnhpi wan ileya u kin lit. Star a burning came the)." SwiftDog (this is the last year for this count): No interpretation. Both
410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
counts show a star or meteor with a flaming tail. The High Dogcount shows a pereon with spots on his body as well.1912-13Blue Thunder: "Ked Dog's wife died." [This interpretation doesnot fit the picture on the count, JH.] No Two Horns: "Siaka[Siyaka (?) Teal-duck, JH] 'Scares the Eagle' died winter." BlueThunder Variants I, II, and III (the Blue Thunder Variant countsI and II end here) : "Ked Dog's wife died." The Blue Thunder countshows a man with the name symbol of a large bird in flight. NoTwo Horns shows a similar picture, but the man is running. BlueThunder Variants I and III show a man with an eagle name symbol,similar to the Blue Thunder count. Blue Thunder Variant II showsan anthropomorphic figure, the top half of which is a red dog.Blue Thunder Variants I and II end with this year. The partsof the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts whichwere drawn in ink by the original artist or artists end here as well.The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts continue,but after this year the work is apparently the work of several differentpeople. On the whole this later work is either very inferior or elsethe work of someone who was quite acculturated and sketched inthe European manner. On the Blue Thunder count the figuresafter this year are drawn with a soft pencil and colored with waxcrayons, and have become badly smudged.1913-14Blue Thunder : "This year call him 'When the soldier was adopted'winter." A note by Welch reads "Note?This was the adoptionceremonies of A. B. Welch." [This is obviously incorrect. Thereare five pictographs on this count before the one in which Welchappears, JH.] (The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count endshere, although the pictographs continue.) No Two Horns: "Wifeof Grey Bear had a bleeding. She died." Blue Thunder VariantsI, II, and III (Blue Thunder Variants I and II, which this interpre-tation supposedly accompanies, ended with the previous year. Theinterpretation, however, continues for 1 year longer.) : "Mrs. Parkinsdied."The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder VariantIII counts all picture a woman. The Blue Thunder and No TwoHorns counts have the name symbol of a bear above her head. TheBlue Thunder Variant III count does not show this but has a printedinscription underneath the pictograph reading "Mrs. Mato hota[Grey-bear, JH]." Perhaps this woman's Christian name was "Mrs.Parkins."
Naei*]^' ^^"^^ DAKOTA WESTTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 4111913-14Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: ''WhiteEagle's Woman was run over by a train at Mandan." Blue ThunderVariant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count shows awoman with the name symbol of a white eagle. No Two Horns showsa graphic scene in which a woman is lying beside a railroad track. Thelocomotive which is on the track has literally cut her in two. TheBlue Thunder Variant III count shows a woman with the namesymbol of a white eagle. On this bird's body is printed "White Eagle."1914-15Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: '"GoodCrow's' woman died then." Blue Thunder Variant III: No inter-pretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show awoman with the name symbol of a black bird. The Blue ThunderVariant III count shows this as well, but in addition a man who appar-ently has a shriveled leg. He stands behind the woman.1915-16Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: " 'HolyBear' die then." Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder count shows a man with the name symbol of a bear.Wavy lines emanate from the bear's nose, probably carrying the ideaof "holy." No Two Horns shows a man wearing a warbonnet andcarrying a sword who has a name symbol similar to that in the preced-ing count. Blue Thunder Variant III shows an anthropomorphicfigure, the top half of which is a bear. Wavy lines emanate from thiscreature's nose.1916-17Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: " 'BentHorn' winter die." Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder count shows a man with a name symbol of a bison'shead. This bison has extremely long curved horns. No Two Hornsshows a man with the name symbol of a pair of long curved bison horns.Blue Thunder Variant III shows a man in white man's clothing whohas the name symbol of a bird above him. This count is probablyrecording a different event.1917-18Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: " 'MatoWatakpe' (Charging Bear) returns from over the Ocean War winter.Many ceremonies then." Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpre-tation. The Blue Thimder count shows a man in an elaborate Indianchief's costume who has the name symbol of a bear above his head.Wavy lines emanate from the nose of the bear. No Two Horns shows
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
a similar picture, but there are no wavy lines coming from the bear'smuzzle. These two counts, and perhaps the Blue Thunder Variant IIIcount as well, refer to the adoption ceremonies in which Major A. B.Welch, of Mandan, N. Dak., was made a member of the Dakota tribe.Welch was given the name "Charging Bear" by the Dakota. Amongother honors Welch was formally instated in the Cante T'inza orStrong-heart warrior society. The Blue Thunder Variant III countshows a man in soldier's uniform holding a rifle at port arms. He isrepresented as being wounded in the arm and the right leg. The words
"Tatanka nasin [Tatdnka-nazin lit. Buffalo-bidl-standing, JH]" arewritten under the pictograph.1918-19Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: " 'StrikesMany' die that time winter." Blue Thunder Variant III: No in-terpretation and apparently no pictograph. The Blue Thunder countshows a man who has been wounded several times on the body.Around him are what are apparently representations of Indian quirts(signifying the name "Many-strikes"?). No Two Horns shows asimilar scene. Blue Thunder Variant III seems to omit a year here, asthe "Silk" incident is the next one given. This "SUk" pictograph islabeled "1920" which seems to place it with the counts for the next year1919-20Blue Thunder: No interpretation, and apparently no pictograph.No Two Horns: " 'Silk' accidentally shot his woman in the head.She die." Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder count apparently omits a year here, as the next pictographon this count after the "Strikes-many" event shows a man with thename symbol of an eagle claw, which seems to correlate with the othertwo counts for the following year. No Two Horns shows a womanwith a wound in her head. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a ratherpopeyed man in the act of discharging a gun at a woman who has awound in her head. Apparently the man's popeyedness is intended toshow his horror at what is taking place and to convey the idea that thedeath was accidental. Between the figures of the man and the womanis what appears to be a cattle brand or a monogram. Beneath thepictograph is the inscription "1920, Mrs. Harry Silk."1920-21Blue Thunder: No interpretation. No Two Horns: " 'TreeTop' (Jack) die. Indian name Bear Claw." Blue ThunderVariant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder and No TwoHorns counts show a man with the name symbol of a bear's clawedfoot. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a large dark rectangle, inside
No?&'^*'' DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?^HOWARD 413
of which is a woman's profile and the words "Winyan waste [lit.Woman-good, JH.]" This last pictograph obviously refers to somedifferent incident than the other two counts.1921-22Blue Thunder: (The Blue Thunder count concludes with thisyear.) No interpretation. No Two Horns: (The No Two Hornscount and its interpretation end with this year.) " 'Frosted Red Fish'die in Mandan hospital. Indian name Eagle Claw." Blue ThunderVariant III: No interpretation.The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with thename symbol of an eagle claw. Blue Thunder Variant III shows asmall sketchy drawing of a human figure with the name symbol ofwhat appears to be a saddle. The inscription "1922 Octxnti [?, JH]"is printed under the pictograph. The author has been unable torelate this term to any word in the Dakota language.1922-23Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a man with the name symbol of abird which has wavy lines emanating from its beak in a rough Vshape. This is the common method of designating the thunderbirdin Dakota pictographs. The inscription "1923" is printed beneaththis drawing.1923-24Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a man sitting in a yellow tipi.Whether this is a year pictograph or merely the pictograph of a formerowner of the count is not certain. Evidence against its being anownership pictograph is that the style of drawing differs from thatused on the majority of the pictographs on the count and that it isupside down in relation to the beginning years of the count. Evidencefor its being an ownership pictograph are that a winter count was oncekept by a man named YeUow-lodge, and that there is no date writtenunderneath this drawing, although dates are written beneath thepictographs both preceding and following it.The author's personal opinion is that it is a year pictograph. Thepictograph following this one is dated with "John P. Fleets, DiedNov. 20, 1924." This would indicate that the preceding pictograph,this one, would be for the year preceding, 1923-24, and that Fleet'sdeath was the event selected for 1924-25.1924-25Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a figure with a human body and a471762?60 28
414 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
bison's head. The figure wears white man's clothing. Beneath thepictograph is the inscription "John P. Fleets, Died Nov. 20, 1924."1925-26Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a man wearing white man's ap-parel. Above his head is the name symbol of what appears to be asmoking cloud. Underneath the pictograph is the inscription "Mah-piya Beta [lit. Cloud-fire, JH] 1925."1926-27Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a small anthropomorphic figure withthe head and upper body of a bison.1927-28Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The BlueThunder Variant III count shows a reclining man with the namesymbol of a red bird.1928-29Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The count showsa man wearing the modern "northern style" Grass dance costume.In his hand he carries a dance mirror in a wooden frame. Above hishead is the name symbol of what appears to be a bald eagle. Belowthe pictograph is the inscription "Eugene Gray Eagle, Died Feb 5th1929."1929-30Blue Thunder Variant III: No interpretation. The count showsa man wearing a long winter overcoat, a fur cap and mittens, andcarrying a cane. He has the name symbol (?) of a sun and someclouds above him. Below the pictograph is the inscription "FrankGates, Died Dec 1929."1930-31Blue Thunder Variant III (the concluding year for this count)
:
No interpretation. This count shows a small old woman wrapped ina shawl and bent over a cane. Beneath the pictograph is the inscrip-tion "Mrs. Shave One Side, Died Jan 1, 1931."
nS*6iT'^*^" DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS?HOWARD 415LITERATURE CITEDBeckwith, Martha Warren.1938. Mandan-Hidatsa myths and ceremonies. Mem. Amer. Folk Lore See,vol. 32. New York.Cohen, Lucy Cramer.1939. Big Missouri's winter count?A Sioux calendar, 1796-1926. Indiansat Work, Feb. 1939. Washington.1942. Swift Bear's winter count. Indians at Work, Jan., Feb., and March1942. Washington.Curtis, Edward S.1908. The North American Indian. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Vol. 3.Cambridge, Mass.Densmore, Frances.1918. Teton Sioux music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. BuU. 61.Howard, James H.1954. Yanktonai Dakota eagle trapping. Southwestern Journ. Anthrop.,vol. 10, No. 1.Mallery, Garrick.1877. A calendar of the Dakota Nation. United States Geol. and Geogr.Surv. Bull. 2, No. 1.1886. The Dakota Winter Counts. In his Pictographs of the North Amer-ican Indians. 4th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1882-83, pp.89-127.1893. Winter Counts. In his Picture-writing of the American Indians.10th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1888-89, pp. 266-328.Mooney, James.1898. Calendar history of the Kaowa. 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.,1895-96.RiGGS, Stephen R.1890. A Dakota English dictionary. United States Geol. and Geogr. Surv.Rocky Mountain Region, vol. 7. Washington.Robinson, Will G.1951. Oahe. Wi-Iyohi, vol. 4, No. 11, Feb. 1.Russell, Frank.1908. The Pima Indians. 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1904-05.Vestal, Stanley (Walter S. Campbell).1934 a. Warpath .... Boston and New York.1934 b. New sources of Indian history, 1850-91. Norman, Okla.Williamson, John P.1908. An English-Dakota dictionary. New York.
416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU, 173PHONETIC TABLE
General type of nonvocoid Bilabial Alveolar Alveopalatal Velar Back velar PharyngealStops vl. p t kUnaspir vd. b gAspir vl. p** t^ k**vd.Affric vl. 6vd. iFricativesFlat vl. h hvd. UGrooved _.vl. s 5vd. z iFridionlessNasal _ vl.vd. m nLateral vl.vd. 1VowelsOral i (y) e a o u (w)Nasalized i? a? u?An apostrophe (') indicates a glottal stop.The symbol (') indicates a primary accent; {") secondary accent.
hih-<JQ.
hUJJJ3m
>
JzIhUJz<o
crui
3<UJa:D
ii
M4t
i op
C
O
C3

9

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUUUETIN 173 PLATE 46J-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 47
Jaw's winter count.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 62STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANAAND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA,CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL,AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS
By THOMAS F. KEHOE
417

CONTENTS PAGBIntroduction 421Historical evidence 424Ethnological considerations 429Blackfoot informants 429Informants of other tribes 436Archeological considerations 437Introduction 437Environmental factors 438Ethnological background 439Archeological fieldwork 440Discussion 456Conclusions 462Appendix. A Modern Blackfoot Camp 464Literature cited 471ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES FOLLOWINGPAGE48. a, Site 24GL390, Boulder-lined fire hearth, b, Adam White Man indoorway of his father's tipi ring 47449. a, Site 24GL520. fe, Site 24GL490 47450. a, Site 24GL486. b, Site 24GL487, ring 1 47451. o, Site 24GL487, ring 4. 6, Site 24GL486, ring 4 47452. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, fire hearth, b, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares2L1 and 2L2 47453. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares ILI, 2L1, and 2L2. b, Fastingshelter of Ear Rings 47454. a, Site 24GL520. b, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26, 1956Blackfoot camp 47455. a, Aerial view of 1956 Blackfoot encampment, b, Site 24GL350,whitewashing tipi rings 47466. o, Aerial view of Site 24GL350. b, Aerial view of Lodges 2 to 12 and 39,1956 Blackfoot camp 47457. a, Inside view, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, b, Outsideview, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment 47458. a, Tipi ring of Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, b, Tipi ringof Lodge 14, 1956 Blackfoot encampment 47459. a, Mary Ground in tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp. 6,Tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment 47460. a, Closeup view of tipi ring, Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp, b, Lodge2, 1956 Blackfoot encampment 47461. a, Children'splay tipi, Lodge 39, 1956 Blackfootencampment. 6, TomHorn's family and tipi, Blackfeet Reservation, 1910 474419
420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 178TEXT FIGURES PAGE29. Site24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man).. _ 43130. Site 24GL390 44831. Site 24GL584, ring 5 45032. Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites 45133. Site 24GL486 45234. Site 24GL486, ring 4.. 45335. Site 24GL620, tipi rings associated with bison drive 46136. Sites showing tipi-ring camp patterns 46537. Camp plan, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont 466MAP
2. Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites (facing) 421

O
STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANAAND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA,CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL,AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS
By Thomas F. Kehoe
INTRODUCTION 'The casual visitor to certain parts of Montana and Alberta, Canada,will often wonder about the original purpose of stone circles encoun-tered here and there on the open plains. When one leaves the well-traveled highways and strikes off across country unbroken by theplow, clusters of stone circles are likely to appear, often in considerablenumbers. These circles are formed of small boulders placed at inter-vals to form rings ranging from 5 to over 40 feet in diameter. Theserings will in most cases be deeply embedded in the sod, suggesting thata considerable period of time has elapsed since they were originallylaid down. Local residents long ago adopted the name "tipi rings"for these phenomena.Scrutiny of the writings of contemporary archeologists reveals con-fusion and uncertainty concerning the function of tipi rings. In thefirst review of Montana prehistory, Mulloy (1952, p. 137) classifiesthem as "manifestations of unknown relationships." He regards "itas implausible that they were used to secure the edges of a skin lodge,even though they are repeatedly referred to as having this function."He is led to this decision by variability in size and a lack of habitation
? I wish to extend my appreciation to the following persons who have greatly aided me In this study:Dr. Claude E. Schaefler, former curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian, who called my attention to theproblem and contributed suggestions from his own experience in Plains ethnography; Dr. Schaefler andJohn C. Ewers, who carefully reviewed the historical and ethnological sections; Dr. Douglas Osborne,who did the same for the archeology; and Drs. Osborne, William Elmendorf, and William Massey, whoread the manuscript in its entirety.I am also indebted the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Museum of the Plains Indian, and the Louis W.and Maud Hill Family Foundation for making possible the 4 years of research on tipi rings.Sincere thanks are due to Peter H. Baez, Verl P. Brady, and Carl Shaddo.x, formerly with the Soil andMoisture Conservation Oflace; to Charles Gerard, of the Forestry Office of the Blackfeet Indian Agency;to Kenneth Oalbreath, of Browning; and especially to F. Earl Turner, of the Geology Department of theUnion Oil Company of California, for their assistance in locating tipi ring sites.Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to those who helped me in the excavations involved in this project:Donald and Jerry Ziegler, Edward and Phyllis Jay, and my wife Alice. 421
f-AMAOA
CUTBANK
TIPI RING 5ITESBLACKFEET RESERVATION, r-lONT.(Bajed Ofl Bureau 4 Irvi'on Affo.rs mop)
Map 2.?Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites.

422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 173
remains in their vicinity. Factors contributing to the latter premiseare (1) the rare occurrence of fire remains within the circle, (2) thelack of packed floors, and (3) more frequent location on high riverterrace fingers than in sheltered lowlands. Mulloy further notes thatthe stone circles range from isolated individual rings to groups ofseveral hundred, sometimes intersecting one another or occurring ineccentric forms. In the Dakotas, he points out, they are found asmerely circular depressions in the sod. Mulloy refuses to commithimself as to the original purpose of the circles, but believes that theyare related to the so-called "medicine wheels," an example of whichis found high on a mountain peak in the Big Horn Mountains ofWyoming.In a review of the book containing Mulloy's comment cited above,Wedel (1953, p. 179) states the following:Other interesting and puzzling subjects include tipi rings, various boulder align-ments and configurations, and petrographs. Mostly these are still unassignedculturally, because associated cultural-diagnostic materials are rare or absent.I am inclined to agree with Mulloy that a good many of the tipi rings are prob-ably of ceremonial, rather than practical, purpose.Previously Wedel (1948, p. 48) had discussed the origin and signifi-cance of tipi rings and included a useful statement on their distribu-tion:The so-called tipi rings, whose true purpose and significance are still obscure,are abundant and apparently highly characteristic. They occur in limited num-bers in northern Colorado and extreme western Nebraska, and more frequentlyin the Dakotas eastward approximately to the Missouri from Fort Randall north-ward, but the greatest number of such sites seem to lie in Wyoming, Montana, andnorthward. It is possible that they correlate with a relatively late hunting occu-pation, perhaps partly at least involving Shoshonean peoples.In a recent study of tipi rings in Montana, the Dakotas, and Wyo-ming, Hoffman (1953, p. 2) observes that their "nature and use ishighly controversial." He lists what he terms the most commontheories concerning their purpose: (1) Occupational remains, (2) cere-monial or religious remains, (3) remains once associated with games,and (4) a combination of (1) and (2). As occupational debris, Hoff-man believes that they represent the site of the recent conical skinlodge or a crude hogan of earlier times. In connection with a cere-monial or religious function, he speculates on their use in a "medicinegetting" ritual, on the basis of statements made by a "Lacotah SiouxIndian" named Judge Zahn, of Fort Yates, S. Dak. Judge Zahn re-marked that "a person would go up a hill and build a circle of rocks inwhich he would sit and pray and fast until he got his medicine" andadded that "tipis were never held down by rocks, always staked."In'^ this Connection it would be useful to know the identity of thejudge quoted^and the authority for his assertions. Hoffman goes on
NaelT"^^^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 423
to cite other instances in which Kutenai, Flathead, and Upper Pendd'Oreille Indians have ventured similar information on rock-shelterfasting places. He concludes (p. 5), "These points can lead us toonly one definite conclusion : the nature and use of tipi rings is highlyconjectural."Carling Malouf (personal letter dated November 7, 1953), who hasa number of ideas incorporated in the Hoffman paper, believes thatthe rings are both domestic and ceremonial, and that they are asso-ciated with some sort of conical structure. He says that none or fewof them seem to have been occupied for any length of time, sincehearths and specimens are lacking. In an unpublished manuscripton Montana archeology, Malouf adds:Although their presence has been widely recognized very little is really knownabout them [tipi rings]. It is not even certain that they had any connection withthe use of a tipi. Ethnographical accounts fail to give any sound information onthem, hence, they must be of considerable age. Yet, archeology indicates thatsome of them were made in recent times.In a recent review of Plains prehistory, Jennings (1948, p. 69) statesthat "too little is known of these features [tipi rings] to permit veryintelligent speculation about them, so no mention of them appearselsewhere in the text." In a glossary, however, the same author ad-mits, "These stones have been interpreted as evidence that a skin tipihad been erected at the spot, the stones having been used to hold downthe edge of the tent."Survey work in Alberta has given Wormington this view on thetopic, as reported by Krieger (1956, p. 450)
:
Near Neutral Hills, MuUoy and Judd were shown a number of large groups ofstone rings similar to those found in Montana and Wyoming and commonly called
"tipi rings." Wormington, however, doubts that they represent habitations andsuggests they had ceremonial significance.These varied opinions expressed on the function of tipi rings call fora reexamination of the evidence. It is clear that certain of these stu-dents have brought together, under the name of tipi rings, dissimilarprehistoric remains from diverse areas and attempted to assign to themidentical functions.Despite the recent increase in archeological knowledge of theNorthern Plains, the question of the origin and function of stone "tipirings" seems as far from solution as ever. This is particularly true inrespect to the original purpose which these seemingly mysterious stonecircles served. Modern students of Plains prehistory hesitate to assigna use to them or else waver between practical and esoteric types ofutilization. Sufficient information exists in historical and ethnologicalrecords, it is believed, to reveal their function, if not their ethnicorigin. The latter remains a task for the archeologist or ethnohisto-
424 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. ITS
rian. It is the theme of this study that "tipi rings," in one part ofthe Northern Plains, at least, represent just what their popular namesuggests : rings of stone employed by former resident Indians to holddown the periphery of their skin lodges. In support of this thesis wehave assembled in this paper evidence from documentary and tradi-tional sources as well as from archeological work clarifying the signifi-cance of these stone circles.HISTORICAL EVIDENCEFrom the beginning of the 17th century, when the earliest Europeanvisitors first entered the Northern Plains, the area has been traversedby a constant stream of explorers, traders, trappers, and pioneers whoprovided eyewitness descriptions of the native peoples in variousstages of acculturation. From some of these early visitors we obtainthe first accounts of tipi rings or cu'cles of boulders. The use of stoneor other weights by the Blackfoot and their neighbors to hold downtheir lodges is established by a number of references in the literature,several of them by first-hand observers.Maximilian (1906, p. 104), who saw the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzieduring the summer of 1833, has left a very concise account of theirmethod of holding down lodge covers. In this case they appear tohave used blocks of sod rather than stone, possibly because of thescarcity of stone in the vicinity. He writes
:
When these tents are taken down, they leave a circle of sods, exactly as in thedwellings of the Esquimaux. They are often surrounded by fifteen or twentydogs, which serve, not for food, but only for drawing and carrying their baggage.The circles of earth indicating the former position of lodges wereagain noticed by Maximilian while at Fort Union, at the mouth of theYellowstone, October 16, 1833. The abandoned camp was probablyleft by Assiniboin or Cree. He noted (1906, p. 199)
:
The little prairie fox was so hungry, and, therefore, so tame, that it oftenvisited the environs of the fort, and we found these pretty little animals among thecircles of turf which were left on the removal of the Indian tents. [^The expedition under Henry Y. Hind exploring west of the RedRiver noticed, in the summer of 1858, both numerous groups of Creehunters and former camps of that tribe. The narrative mentions(Hind, 1860, vol. 1, pp. 338-341):Immediately on the banks of the Qu'appelle Valley near the "Round Hill"opposite Moose Jaws Forks, are the remains of ancient encampments, where thePlains Crees, in the day of their power and pride, had erected large skin tents,and strengthened them with rings of stones placed round the base. Thesecircular remains were twenty-five feet in diameter, with the stones or boulders
' SpGck (1928, pp. 39, 40) photographed Sioux standing before their lodges, which appear, although thedetails are not too clear, to be held down by sod piled on the lower edge.
No*62T*^*'' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 425being about one foot in circumference. They wore the aspect of great antiquity,being partially covered with soil and grass. When this camp ground was occupiedby the Crees, timber no doubt grew in the valley below, or on the prairie andravines in detached groves, for their permanent camping grounds are alwaysplaced near a supply of fuel. . . .Buffalo Pound Hill Lake, sixteen miles long, begins near Moose Jaws Forks,and on the opposite or south side of this long sheet of water, we saw eighteentents and a large number of horses. ... On the banks of the valley the remainsof ancient encampments in the form of rings of stones to hold down the skintents are everywhere visible, and testify to the former numbers of the PlainsCree. . . . The largest ancient encampment we saw lies near a shallow lake inthe prairie about a mile from the Qu'appelle Valley. It is surrounded by a fewlow sandy and gravelly hills, and is quite screened from observation. It mayhave been a camping ground for centuries, as some circles of stone are partiallycovered with grass and embedded in the soil.Bushnell (1922, p. 21) comments briefly on the origin of the circlesof stones observed by the Hind party:This is a simple explanation of small circles of stones now encountered indifferent parts of the country, but in other localities, v/here stones were not obtain-able, masses of sod were used for the same purpose, and these in turn may havecaused the small earth circles which are now discovered in the lower MississippiValley and elsewhere.That the use of boulders to secure lodge covers was stiU extant by1866 is attested to by Dr. Washington Matthews, in a discussion of thepaper, "Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota," by T. H. Lewis, readat the meeting of the Anthropological Society, February 5, 1889(Lewis, 1889, pp. 164-165):Dr. Matthews said that ... he could not speak for the particular circles ofstones to which Mr. Lewis refers; but he was certain that many stone circles inDakota were to be attributed to the former use of bowlders in holding down theedges of skin tents. He had seen bowlders used for this purpose in Dakota twenty-three years ago, while the Indians still followed the nomadic life. The fact thatsome circles were only eight feet in diameter did not militate against this theory,since the Indians used small lodges as sweat-houses and for sacerdotal purposes.In the paper that elicited this discussion, Lewis mentioned (Lewis,1889, p. 162):The Indians claim that the stone circles mark the places where in former timesthe tepees of their people were located, and that the bowlders held down the edgesof the skin tents in place.A subsequent article on the same general subject contained thisstatement (Lewis, 1890, p. 274):There can be no doubt that the Indians used bowlders and stones to hold downthe edges of their tents or tepees.Lewis also quotes an observation made by J. N. Nicollet, who
"visited southern Minnesota in 1838" (Lewis, 1890, p. 272), on page 12of his "Report Intended to Illustrate a Map of the Hydrographic
426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Basin of the Upper Mississippi Kiver" (Washington, January 11,1845) (ibid.):One mile from the Traverse des Sioux, and on the bank of the river, are theremains of an Indian camp; the circular area of which is still indicated by theheaps of stones around each lodge.While engaged in fieldwork for the Geological Surrey of Canada,George M. Dawson ^ made the following note from observations inthe Sweet Grass Hills in 1874 (Dawson, 1875, p. 297):The country surrounding the Buttes [Sweet Grass Hills] is said to have been fora long time a neutral ground between various tribes of Indians. That it has beenso is evidenced by the almost complete absence of the circles of stones markingcamping places. The region is at present a debatable ground between the Black-feet, Peigans and the Bloods of the west; the Sioux and the Assiniboines of theeast, and the Crows and other tribes of the Upper Missouri. It is not passedthrough save by war parties strong in numbers and travelling rapidly. Ten milesnorth of the Middle Butte the bodies of over twenty Crow Indians were foundunburied on the scene of a conflict.Sir Cecil Denny, an original member of the Northwest MountedPolice and Agent of the Blood Keserve in 1881-82, came west in 1874.In an unpublished manuscript (pp. 148-149) he notes the abundantoccurrence and the original purpose of tipi rings found on the prairie:Rings of boulders or smaller stones will be found in hundreds on the prairie,and the curious will often wonder as to their origins. The stones will in mostcases be covered by sod, showing that long periods of time must have elapsedsince they were placed there.Long ago, before the Indians of the plains obtained steel axes ana hatchets,they were unable to cut and sharpen the stakes and to fasten down their lodges.These stones picked up on the prairie were used for this purpose, and on thetents being moved these rings of stone were left, and in the course of ages becamecovered w ith soil. Often if the inside of these rings be dug over, stone arrowheadsand other stone implements will be discovered.Upon visiting the Blackfoot and Blood tribes near Fort Macleodin the summer of 1880, John McLean became acquainted with thoseIndians' practice of weighting down their lodge covers with rocks.He described the custom and notes the erroneous explanation of theorigin of the rings by inexperienced travelers in the region (McLean,1896, p. 577):Riding carelessly over the prairie with a young man who had lately arrivedfrom the Old World, my companion called my attention to a circle of stones.
"That is a mark," said he, "placed there to commemorate a great battle that wasfought between different tribes of Indians." Oftentimes had I seen these circleson the prairie, and knowing the cause of their construction, I was amused at thisdisplay of apparent wisdom. These circles are to be found on our western prairies.As the Indians traveled on their hunting expeditions, they placed stones aroundthe edges of the lodges when they camped, to prevent the wind from over-turningthem, and to keep them warm. This is shown by the outer circle of stones. In
? I am indebted to Hugh Dempsey, Calgary, Alberta, for the Dawson and Denny references.
No?62T'^"^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 427
the centre of the lodge the fire was made, and to keep the fire from spreading andto adapt it for cooking purposes, a small circle of stones was placed which confinedthe fire. When the camp was moved the circles of stones were left, and that whichwe saw was one of the circles. . . .In the brush fringing the rivers of the west stone circles, deeply imbedded inthe soil, are found, linking the past with the present.An eyewitness account of the use of stones by the Blackfoot tohold down lodge margins was given by John R. Barrow, a Wisconsinyouth in Montana in 1880-82. The camp was that of Running Rabbitand his followers (Phillips, 1927, p. 9) : *The typical tepee was a conical lodge of specially tanned elkskin stretchedover a framework of perhaps twenty-five skin peeled lodge-pole pine. The bottomof the tepee was held down by stones.Schultz, who lived in Montana during the last decades of the 19 thcentury, speaks of stone circles marking the encampments of winterhunters (Schultz, 1907, p. 63):You have perhaps noticed on the northwestern plains, circles of stones or smallboulders, varying in size from twelve to twenty and more feet in diameter. Theywere used to weight the lower edge of lodge skins, to prevent the structure beingblown over by a hard wind, and when camp was moved they were simply rolledoff the leather. Many of these circles are found miles and miles from any water,and you may have wondered how the people there encamped managed to assuagetheir thirst; they melted snow; their horses ate snow with the grass; buffalo chipswere used for fuel. The stone circles mark the place of an encampment of winterhunters in the long ago. Some of them are so ancient that the tops of the stonesare barely visible above the turf, having gradually sunk into the ground of theirown weight during successive wet seasons.^George Bird Grinnell talked to the older men of the Blackfoottribes in the years immediately preceding 1890. He collected thefollowing data on circles of stones (Grinnell, 1892, p. 198):In ancient times, before they had knives of metal, stones were used to holddown the edges of the lodge, to keep it from being blown away. These varied insize from six inches to a foot or more in diameter. Everywhere on the prairie,one may now see circles of these stones, and, within these the smaller ones, whichsurrounded the fireplace. Some of them have lain so long that only the tops nowproject above the turf, and undoubtedly many of them are now buried out of sight.The age of the use of stones as lodge-cover weights is indicated bythe fact that it has become an intimate part of Blackfoot astronomy.Brings-Down-the-Sun, an old Blood ceremonialist, in relating the
"Star Husband" tale to McClintock (1910, p. 500) pointed out thatthe constellation knoAvn as the Spider Lodge was thus named becauseof the aiTangement of its stars, suggesting a tipi ring:The half circle of stars to the east (Northern Crown) is the lodge of the SpiderMan, and the five bright stars just beyond (in the constellation of Hercules) are
* Claude E. Schaeffer, Portland, Oreg., kindly brought this reference to my attention.
' In a letter dated March 25, 1954, John C. Ewers commented on this passage, "The use of stones to holddown tipis in winter could be a survival in historic times from a common (perhaps year-round) customin the protohistoric. Undoubtably it would be quite a task to drive pegs Into frozen ground in the winterseason."
428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
his five fingers, with which he spun the web, upon which So-at-sa-ki was let downfrom the sky. Whenever you see half-buried and overgrown circles, or clusters ofstones on the plains, marking the sites of Blackfeet camps in the ancient days,when they used stones to hold down the sides of their lodges, you wiU know whythe half-circle of the stars was called by our fathers, "The lodge of the SpiderMan."In another place (McClintock, 1910, p. 492) Brings-Down-the-Sun,in discussing the origin of the Sun Dance, pointed out:We know not when the Sun-dance had its origin. It was long ago, when theBlackfeet used dogs for beasts of burden instead of horses; when they stretchedthe legs and bodies of their dogs on sticks to make them large, and when theyused stones instead of wooden pegs to hold down their lodges.During the years immediately preceding 1909, Clark Wisslerrecorded information on the material culture of the Blackfoot Indians.He notes (Wissler, 1910, p. 108):During the winter, or even at any time, the cover of the tipi was often held downby stones laid on its edges. Circles of such stones are to be seen in many parts ofthe Blackfoot country, marking the sites of former camps or burial tipis.Wissler (1913, p. 430) takes the following from Duvall's notes on theconstruction of the Ma'toki dance structure made from lodge covers,with rocks to weight down the bottoms:The ma'toki dance but once a year when the camp circle is formed. Theirceremony lasts four days. First they make a shelter somewhat like the one usedfor the sun dance. A tipi pole is set up in the center, with a peculiar cross piecenear the top. A number of travois are set in a circle around this pole and joinedtogether by tipi poles tied along the top, making a single railing all the wayaround. Then other tipi poles are tied to this and to the cross piece on the centerpole, forming rafters like in the sun dance shelter. On the sides and over the topare stretched tipi covers. At the bottom they are weighted with stones. Alongthe sides within blankets are suspended.It has been noted that another neighbor of the Blackfoot, the CrowIndians to the south, used rocks to weigh down their lodge covers.During visits to the Crow Reservation during the period 1907-16,Lowie (1922, p. 224) obtained the following information concerningthe practice:Bear-Crane stated that long ago rocks instead of pegs were used to weigh downthe bottom of tipi covers; another informant restricts the practice to the winterseason.There are, perhaps, other documentary references to the topic thathave escaped my attention, but those cited are numerous enough, it isbelieved, to indicate that the Blackfoot, Cree, Crow, Dakota, andprobably other tribes in the northwestern Plains employed stones oroccasionally sod as lodge-cover bottom weights. Our references coverthe period from 1833 down to contemporary times, when stones arerarely seen, and the wooden tent peg appears to be ubiquitous.
NasIT'^*^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 429ETHNOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONSBLACKFOOT INFORMANTSSeveral elderly Blackfoot Indians were questioned about tipi ringsand taken into the field to locate and identify them. All of theinformants were certain that they were used by their ancestors asweights to hold down lodge covers.^ Each gave independent testi-mony that the rings were used in this way and additional informationwhen asked what he knew about the practice.My ethnographic notes on tipi rings were collected dm-ing thesummer of 1953 from both Northern and Southern Piegan. Twoaged North Blackfoot living near Gleichen, Alberta, interviewedduring the fall of 1956, revealed that their tribe had similar customs.Most of the data came from Southern Piegan located in and aboutBrowning, Mont. These informants were Annie Calf Looking(age 51), Chewing Black Bones (age 87), Jim White Calf (age 89),Cecile Black Boy (age 67), and Adam White Man (age 81). Oneinformant, Bull Head (age 84), from Brockett, Alberta, providedinformation on North Piegan practices. My interpreters for theseIndians were Calvin Boy, Louis Bear Child, and George BuU Child.The North Blackfoot were Pete Little Light (age 78), from Gleichen,whose remarks were translated by Mrs. Rosie A Young Man, andMrs. Duck Chief (age 92), of Cluny, Alberta, whose relative, a youngerwoman, served as interpreter.Bull Head (a North Piegan from Canada) stated that people of histribe used the rock rings:My father, Dog Head or Bull Head (born about 1820, died about 1900), andmy grandmother. Red Painted Feet, told me this. It was my great-grandfather'sgeneration, the people that never had the horse and used the dog for traveling,that used the rock rings. They were the people that just had dogs and had touse buffalo traps for a way of getting food.Now, both the horse and the dog people used the rocks for tipi weights. Thehorse people used both wooden pegs and rocks to help weigh down the lodge toprotect it from the wind.The outer rocks were used as weights to hold down the tipi for protection fromthe wind because the tipis were right in the open. These tipi rings were callediskiman, "something to hold down the lodge."The inner rocks in the center of the large ring were the fire hearth. They wereabout two feet in diameter and used to protect the fire from spreading on theground. The center rocks were called dppskitan, "confine the fire."Chewing Black Bones testified that the early Piegan did not havetools to use in sharpening tent pegs. They were able to construct a
' Hugh Dempsey secured similar information during the summer of 1955 in Alberta (Dempsey, 1956, p. 177)
.
471762?60 29
430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
better-shaped lodge after they obtained tools from white traders andcould make tent pegs:
I heard my grandfathers, Carries Braid and Middle Sitter, say that their an-cestors, the dog-pony people, did not use pegs for their lodges. The reason wasthat they did not have the instruments to use in sharpening pegs then. Theyused rocks to hold down the lodge skin in keeping out the wind. The stone circleswere known as a "wind break." When the pony came they switched to usingjust pegs and only rocks continued to be used in the center for the fireplace. HWhen they learned to use pegs the tipis were put up in fine shape.Jim White Calf said that wooden tent pegs were a later innovationamong the Piegan:The first people were very poor and lacked everything. They piled rocks onthe outside of the lodge cover because they had no pegs then. They did not havewooden pins to fasten the lodge together?they just tied it. Wooden pins andpegs are a new stjde. After they had completed piling the rocks on the outsideof the lodge, they gathered more for inside in order to build a fireplace. Theserocks were not placed all around, but a space was left blank at the rear. [']I do not know the reason for this. Also, there was a space at the door of the lodgewhere no rocks were placed.Cecile Black Boy contributed the following:We were near Landslide Butte with Spotted Bear and we saw those rock rings.We asked him about them and he told us that the old-timers of our tribe usedthem to hold down the lodge cover.One informant, Annie Calf Looking, was able to associate the useof tipi rings with a particular Piegan band:My grandmother, Elk Yells in the Water Bear Chief (90 years old at her deathin 1946), told me this: the Blackfoot never used pegs to hold down the lodge inthe old days. They used rocks and that is why you see the rocks on the prairiestoday. My grandmother said that her people, the Don't Laugh band, used therock rings.Adam White Man, describing the method of tying the skin lodgecover to pegs, also told of anchoring the lodge to the ground againstthe wind by the use of logs as weights:The old-timers always talk about the first people. The people that used therocks were the ones that used the dogs. The only way of packing their things inthose days was by dogs and their backs. The rings are all over, so all the tribesmust have used them.The rock circles found today on the Reservation were caused by people usingrocks to hold down their lodge covers. Ever since the Blackfoot got the horsethey pegged their tipis. When they began to use pegs they even used to tie a
' Ewers, In his letter of March 25, 1954, expands this Information by suggesting that the true cause of theshift from rocks to wooden pegs was not the horse, but the metal ax, which was an early fur trade importa-tion and thus was first used at about the same time that the horse was obtained by the Blackfoot.
? A view of the interior of Mad Wolf's lodge, photographed by McClintock (1910, p. 30) sometime after1896, shows a boulder-lined fireplace with rocks missing from one side, supporting Jim White Calf's testi-mony. At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Cecile White Man Godge 23) used 12 rocks placed in a U, withthe gap to the west, for her fireplace. A boulder-lined fireplace similar to these, with rocks missing in thewest portion, was also excavated on the Reservation (see pi. 48, o).
nS.*62*]^' ^^^' STONE TIPI RINGS?^KEHOE 431
stone in a skin. The stone and the skin were then tied to the peg. They peggedtheir tipi but still continued to use rocks as weights. The wind was sometimesso strong that our people even put a pole or logs between the pegs and the tentto hold down the lodge.At this point the interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted tosay that he himself had even seen rocks employed to hold down lodgecovers:
I myself have seen rocks being used to hold down lodge covers. Adam cantake you down on Badger Creek where his father put up his tipi and you cansee his tipi ring. Old Man Running Crane had a tipi ring and it is still there.It still shows there like the others of the old stone-age people. Their rings arethere, too.Adam took me to his allotment on the north side of Badger Creekto show me his father's (White Man or Eagle Calf) tipi ring (site24GL422, fig. 29). The circle of boulders was situated on a lowterrace, about 100 yards from Adam's ranch buildings and an equaldistance from the edge of the terrace bank. The ring was 16 feet indiameter and made up of stream- or glacial-rounded boulders rangingin size from 3 inches to 1 foot. One-third of the rocks were deeplyembedded in the gi'ass roots and humus. ?/hen I photographed thering, Adam stood in what he called the doorway, a space 2)^ feet widelocated toward the east (see pi. 48, b). He also pointed out two?ocooking Wrtti
?;O ip 20 f?e1
TIPI RING OF WHITE MAN,FATHEa OF APAM WHITE MANSiTE 246MZa
Figure 29.?Site 24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man).
432 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
cooking hearths. One was in the center of the tipi ring, but nearer tothe west than to the east side. It was not Hned with rocks and wasvisible only by a slight discoloration of the soil. It would have goneunnoticed if not identified to me. The other fire hearth was located21 feet east of the tipi ring, and consisted of two large rocks about 2feet apart. Adam said that his father's family cooked inside the lodgeonly during bad weather, using the outside fireplace most of the year.This, he said, was the reason for the absence of a rock-lined hearthor charcoal remains inside the tipi ring. According to Adam, thistipi ring was then 41 years old.Next, Adam White Man located the tipi ring of Kunning Crane,chief of the Lone Eater band (site 24GL427). This was a circle ofstones 20 feet in diameter located on a very low, wide stream terraceon the south side of Badger Creek. Adam said that Running Crane'slodge had been pitched here 60 to 75 years ago.Later, Adam took me to the site of a Sun Dance performance heldin his youth. About 1891, when Adam was 19 years old, the CanadianCree and the Piegan gave a joint Sun Dance. There were twoPiegan sacred women, Berry Woman and Hit on Top Woman, eachwith her own lodge. Adam said, "At the time of this Sun Dance,only the sacred women used the rocks to hold down their lodgecovers in the old-fashioned way. The rest of the people used pegs."The tipi rings of these lodges are still visible one-half mile west ofHighway 89, on the north side of Badger Creek.The same informant pointed out several other tipi ring sites thathe had first seen during his youth, but was unable to associate themwith any particular individual. He believed that they were muchtoo old for such identification. The stones of these rings were moredeeply embedded in the ground than were the ones identified by theinformant.Bull Head was able to locate his father's tipi ring on the NorthPiegan Reserve because he stiU protected it:One of my father's tipi rings is still west of my place. It is like a keepsaketo me and I am protecting it from cattle and whatever else might destroy it.There are other rings belonging to my father, but I am just protecting one. Iremember that an uncle had a ring there, too. The cattle scattered them andthere are very faint traces of them, so I cannot give you the exact number ofrings. If you come to Canada, I will take you to the spot and show you thering that I am protecting and that belonged to my father. t^l
? Although I was not able to visit this ring, I did see, guided by Charlie Strikes With Gun, a NorthPiegan from Brockett, Alberta, the tipi ring which, according to a plaque, marks the site of Chief Crowfoot'slast lodge, April 1890. This ring is located a quarter of a mile east of the Blackfoot Crossing Monumentnear Cluny, Alberta, and is protected by a cement and pipe railing constructed around it. The ring isapproximately 20 feet In diameter.
NoS^'^***' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 433
Several of the Indians were able to give information on the generallocation of Blackfoot camp sites dui-ing the time when tipi rings wereused. Bull Head located the camps in the open, near water, andsome little distance from buffalo drive sites when the people wereusing the drives:The camp was located some distance from buffalo traps so the buffalo wouldnot be disturbed. It was usually in a place where they could get water and inthe open. More of these rings are found in the open.Chewing Black Bones said, "They had to camp on hills and didnot move very far?just from buffalo jump to buffalo jump." AnnieCalf Looking also stated that her people camped in high places forsafety and in order to observe the enemy:The word for camp is mamapis. In the summer they camped on the hills orin high places so that they could look for the enemy.Adam White Man pointed out that the camps were located inhigher terrain along the streams during the late spring because ofthe danger of flooding:When you see these tipi rings along the creeks and in the valley bottoms, theyare the winter camps. In the spring when it floods they move up on the benchesand high ground.The interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted here to say thatthere were different places to camp during certain seasons:
I heard the old people of our tribe say that our people camped in the brush ofthe sheltered valleys near the buffalo drives in the winter. The winter campswere in the brush and the summer camps on the flats above the streams.The Indians were questioned concerning the size and plan of thecamp, as weU as about a camp circle. They aU agreed that theirpeople used a camp circle, but usually split up into smaller huntinggroups in the fall. Bull Head said:Yes, I heard that they used the camp circle but they usually did not travel inlarge groups. They were in search of food and that is why you find these placeswith rock rings?sometimes one, only two, and then sometimes five in one spot.They were small groups of people in search of food.Annie Calf Looking said:My grandmother told me that her people planned to meet together in thesummer and had a large camp circle. In the winter there was no larger campcircle, but each band did have a small circle in the winter camp. The bandbroke up in the winter time after they got their meat. She also told me thather people camped more in groups after they got the horse. The chief wouldhave his ring in the center of the camp circle. He would be the one with the mostwives and would have the big tipi ring.My husband, Paul, tells me that he saw a single tipi ring recently out on BirchCreek. It must have been a jealous man who camped out alone like that. Hedid not know why it was single in the old Skunk People's (his band) camp.
434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173The informants were questioned as to the size of the tipis whentheir ancestax's used the tipi rings. They all agreed on the fact thatthe tipis were not large before their people acquired the horse. Severalof them said that they heard of large tipis or tipi rings with two fire-places during "horse days"; this tipi had to be taken apart whenmoving. George Bull Child, the interpreter, had interesting infor-mation on the size of the precontact lodge:The tipis were not very large before my people got the horse. The dogs werebigger then, but they could not carry very much even though the travois made aload lighter. A certain dog would have to carry a tipi skin alone. The lodgepoles would be smaller in those days, so that a dog could pull them. A big coverwould be only ten skins then. Some fellows would say, "My tipi is six skins."A big chief would have ten skins. Later on, when they got the horse, eighteento twenty skins was average. [^"1Adam White Man said that small tipi rings occurring in a campof larger rings may have resulted from the smaller dwellings of widows,elderly people, and from children's play tipis."All the informants were asked whether or not their people everreturned to the same campground and occupied the same tipi ring.Several of them thought that it was not the usual practice for theirpeople to return to the same ring. Bull Head agreed with this butadded, "It was not the usual practice for people to come back to thesame ring, but my father did return to the one I am protecting.There is no reason to believe that my father considered he ownedthe tipi ring that he returned to." Information contrary to this wasgiven by Annie Calf Looking
:
Yes, my grandmother said that her people, the Don't Laugh band, would leavetheir rock ring and mark it.p^] No, she did not tell me where they campedbut she did tell me that they marked their camp. They marked their own stonering and they could not take another person's ring. If you wanted someone'sring, you would have to pay dearly for the spot.['3] You would have to giverobes, dogs or horses if you came and wanted to take someone's ring away.There was quite a dispute when someone came and took another person's campingground. Each person would know right where their ring was located. When aperson died, their brother could take the ring, give it to someone else, or leaveit blank. People kept from taking a person's ring because they were afraid ofthe dead.
'? In his letter of March 25, 1954, Ewers believes "the estimate given by this informant on the averagesize of the Blaclcfoot lodges in posthorse period to be excessive. My informants (Independently) seemed toagree very well with Wissler that the average sized tipi was twelve to fourteen skins." (Italics mine.)
" A photograph confirming Adam White Man's statement was published by McClintock (1936, p. 10), inwhich two children are shown playing in a small tipi, the sides of which are held down by rocks. A modernexample of this play tipi was photographed by the writer at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pis. 55, a;66, 6; 61, a).? Cecile Black Boy claimed that the tipi ring was marked by buSalo horn cores left among the rocks ofthe ring.
" Annie Calf Looking may be here confusing ownership of the ring (as a collection of rocks) with owner-ship of the right to camp in a certain position in the camp circle (see, e. g., Qrinnell, 1892, p. 224).
nS.*&'^''^* stone TIPI rings?^KEHOE 435Kegarding the practices of the North Blackfoot, Little Light,elderly member of that tribe, told that:In the dog days they just used rocks on the edge of the tipi cover, to hold itdown. They didn't use pegs because they had no axes. When the white menbrought axes they made pegs. In the old days they used hide liners, tied to thelodge covers, and held down with stones.Mrs. Duck Chief, the oldest resident of the North BlackfootKeserve, explained why rocks are not used on the modern tipi:Where old Indians pitch their tipis, they put the rocks around the tipi to keepit down, so when it's windy the pegs won't come out. They don't do it now-a-days; only old people with hide tipis used them, when the tipis were used often,for every day. The hides stretched more than canvas, so the rocks didn't rolloff as they would from tight canvas.In summary, the statements of all the informants bear out thattipi rings represent just what their name suggests: rings of stonesemployed by earlier Indian residents to hold down the sides of theirskin tents. At least one of the early white observers, as well asseveral elderly Indians still living on the reservations of Montanaand Alberta, actually witnessed these tipi rings in use in a Blackfootcamp. (The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its fdes a photo-graph, taken in 1910, showing Tom Horn, a Blackfoot, standingbefore his tipi, the Otter Lodge, with his wife, Different-Kind-of-a-Gun-Woman, and their children. The bottom of the cover, althoughpegged, is weighted with rocks, several of which have been madeheavier by logs placed over them (pi. 61, b)). It was possible toidentify a few rings in the field, but most of them were claimed to betoo old for such knowledge to be retained by the informants.Every informant was certain that tipi rings resulted from the useof rocks to hold down skin lodge covers, and that they were neededas weights to prevent the lodge from being overturned by the strongwinds, as well as to keep it warm by fLxing the cover close to theground. When found inside a tipi ring, a smaller ring was the resultof rocks having been used to confine a fire, but such was not theinevitable practice, for cooking was sometimes done outside duringgood weather. A third cause of rock rings was the practice of weight-ing down the inner liner with stones; ^* however, Mrs. Duck Chiefremarked that filled parfleches were also employed for this purpose.The informants testified to the use of tipi rings both during proto-historic times before the acquisition of the horse, and during historictimes. All agreed that the protohistoric tipi was small, and that thetipi became exceedingly large after the horse was obtained. Theythought that transportation problems had a direct bearing on thesize of the lodge, as did the practice of polygyny. Tipis at one timeM A tlpI liner held down by stones was photographed at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pi. 57, a).
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
were often so large that two fireplaces were needed inside, and thecovers had to be split in two parts upon moving.The Indians had heard that the earlier Blackfoot, when huntingbuffalo, located their camps near the jumps but not so close as todisturb the animals. Many times the camps were placed in the opeu,on high places or hills, yet near water. One informant said that thiswas customary in order to observe the enemy, while another believedthat it was to escape spring floods. In the winter, camps were locatedin the sheltered valley floors; it was in summer that they would bepitched on the flats above.The informants all believed that the size and plan of the campdepended upon the annual subsistence cycle and the ceremonialobservances during the summer. Small tipi rings in a camp of largerrings were probably the lodges of widows or elderly persons, or chil-dren's play tents.There was a division of opinion among informants on whether ornot the earlier members of their tribe returned to the same tipi ringsin the process of migration during the annual subsistence cycle.INFORMANTS OF OTHER TRIBESIn addition to elderly Blackfoot informants, members of othertribes were questioned when they came to Browning on visits or forcelebrations.Dave Frenchman and Edward L. Martell, from the Cree Reserve(Moosemen Reserve), Saskatchewan, 22 miles north of North Battle-ford, had been told by the old people of their tribe that the stones oftipi rings were used to hold down the edges of lodge covers. Some-times there would be a large ring in the middle of the camp circle,and this would be the location of the chief's tipi, that is, of the bestwarrior and the leader of the tribe. These informants had neverheard of a hearth in the center of a tipi ring.Ethel Potter (age 50), an Arapaho from the Wind River Reserva-tion, Wyo., said that her father, Mike Goggles (age 74), had shownher a place where rock rings were located, as they were travelingthrough the mountains, and had told her that they had been used bythe people of his tribe to hold down the skin covers of lodges. Shehad not heard of these circles of stones in connection with ritualisticpractices and knew nothing of "medicine wheels,"(Sister M. Inez Hilger (1952, p. 93), in a study of Arapaho childlife and the milieu in which these children lived, discovered that whensigns of a hard winter or an approaching storm were noticed, "Theold men would tell their wives to weight down the edges of the tipis
nS.*^* ^''^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 437
with plenty of rocks to keep the tipi covers down and thereby thecold out.")'*An employee of the Blackfeet Agency Headquarters in Browning,Mont., Stanley Pugh, an Oglala Sioux from the Pine Ridge Reserva-tion in southern South Dakota, repeated what his grandmother,Alice Palliday (now deceased), had told him of the origin of tipi rings:My grandmother told me that in winter time they would cut fine willows andstraw or marsh grass. They would place it between the pegged skin cover andthe ground in order to keep the lodge warm. Rocks were placed on top of thelodge cover in order to keep the willows and straw from blowing away. Therocks used were of a size easily carried by a woman. After the tipi was takendown the rocks were left remaining as tipi rings. I have many times seen tipirings in that country. Charcoal and scattered cooking stones remained, showingwhere fire hearths had been in the center of the ring.(George E. Hyde (Will, 1924, p. 294, footnote 2) speaks of a similarpractice of making large bundles of long grass, to pile up around thelodge for warmth in winter, in the traditions of the Cheyenne, whowhen they moved west into the short-grass country substituted sodfor the grass bundles.)Ambrose Rider (age 47), a Gros Ventre of Fort Belknap, statedthat old people of his tribe claimed that tipi rings were made by "Ute"peoples who once roamed that area (there is probably confusion onthe part of this Indian between the Ute and the related Shoshonitribe). He further said that there are a large number of tipi rings inthe Fort Belknap area, and that some of them occur on high places.Large, about 20 to 25 feet in diameter, the rings do not appear incamp circles, but are scattered.ARCHEOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONSINTRODUCTIONThe area in which the archeological investigations took place wasthe modern Blackfeet Indian Reservation, located in north-centralMontana immediately east of the Rockj^ Mountains. Its boundariesare formed by, on the north, the forty-ninth parallel (the Canadianborder); on the south. Birch Creek (lat. 48?100; on the east, the CutBank meridian (long. 112?100; and, on the west. Glacier NationalPark (long. 113?40')- This encompasses an area approximately 50miles on each side, containing 2,384 square miles, slightly larger thanthe State of Delaware. Of this, only 230 square miles, or one-tenth,had been broken by the plow at the time of these investigations (1953)
.
However, this figure does not include the irrigation ditches, dams,roads, and other activities, such as the building of rock shrines bysheepherders, that destroy tipi rings. Nevertheless, the proportion
i? I am Indebted to W. S. Campbell of Norman, Okla., for bringing this reference to my attention.
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU.lTS
of disturbed land is considerably less on the Reservation than on mostof the rest of the northern Great Plains, or of the State of Montana.Because this area represents one of the last regions in which manyof the aboriginal aspects of the Great Plains may still be observed,being relatively unaffected by farming, and in which many of the olderinhabitants retain a first-hand knowledge of native Indian customs,it is a critical area for anthropological study.ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORSThe environmental setting is of importance in interpreting thearcheological sites of the Blackfeet Reservation. It was a major fac-tor determining the manner in which the early inhabitants of the regionlived, whether they must be nomadic, and what materials were avail-able to fulfill the needs which their culture stimulated.The geology of the Reservation (Aldcn, 1912) is complex, and hasgiven considerable variety to the topography. Much of its characteris due to glaciation: the terminal moraine of the Keewatin ice sheetcan be seen lying across the eastern portion of the Reservation, andthe piedmont glaciers, remnants of which still flow in Glacier NationalPark, sculptured the western edge. In addition, stream erosion fur-ther modified the pre-Pleistocene "Blackfoot Peneplain," the ancientlevel of which is marked by buttes and ridges rising several hundredfeet above the present rolling plain. (The edges of these eminences,dropping steeply and abruptly, were utilized by the Indians for bisondrives; beneath many of them the depth of the bison bones testifies totheir effectiveness in slaughter.) The rock of these ridges is Creta-ceous sandstone and shale.The mountains of the Lewis Front Range of the Rockies form Gla-cier National Park. From them issue numerous streams, runningnorth, east, or south from the Hudson Bay and Continental Dividesin the Park. These streams are now found both in deep gorges and inbroad flat valleys, sometimes with gravel-capped terraces. The sur-face appears as a treeless plain, gently rolling in the east, and becominghilly as it approaches the mountains in the west. The stream valleysare abruptly encountered in this plain; only in them and in the foot-hills on the western margin of the Reservation do trees grow (cotton-woods in the former, aspen and pine in the latter).As the topography influenced the inhabitants of the Reservation inselecting dwelling sites, so the climate determined to a large degreewhich topographic settings were chosen for the different seasons. Cli-mate is one of the most important factors to consider in deciding
nS*&'^*^' stone TIPI rings?KEHOE 439
whether or not rocks would be necessary to anchor skin lodge covers.*^The area about the Blackfeet Indian Keservation is, as a whole,characterized by fairly warm summers with abundant sunshine, win-ters that are cold and dry, and considerable windiness throughout theyear. Throughout 1952, the average wind velocity at the closestweather station. Great Falls, was 13 miles per hour, with the prevailing-direction southwest. Seasonal variations ranged from a low of 10miles per hour for August to a high of 18.3 mUes per hour for January."However, as Smith (1925, p. 413) has pointed out, "Averages do nottell the whole story. Averages rarely happen. The freaks of theseason decide man's chances." The greatest wind velocity in 1952 atGreat Falls was 66 miles per hour, in July. Over an 8-year periodfrom 1945 to 1952, there were extremes of 65 to 73 miles per hournearly every year, with a prevailing southwest direction ; every monthof the year showed a development of extreme winds. On the easternedge of the Blackfeet Reservation, at Cut Bank, gusts of slightly over100 miles per hour were recorded more than once.When the spring floods forced the Indians out of the shelteredstream valleys where they were wintering, the wind on the open up-lands would be so strong as to necessitate the use of rocks for tentweights, for with such gusts it would not otherwise be possible to holddown a skin lodge cover.This mountainous region, then, around the headwaters of theMissom-i River on the western margin of the High Plains, was thehabitat of comparatively many tribes, offering them plentiful gameand, though the winters are severe, providing shelter against theclimate in the numerous valleys.ETHNOLOGICAL BACKGROUNDThe history of the region of the Blackfeet Reservation is importantin understanding the archeological material found on it, as well asin relating it to historical and ethnographic considerations.In the area of the Reservation, a number of different tribes repre-senting various linguistic stocks, cultural traditions, and with diversegeographic connections were to be found at different periods. In earlyand middle prehistoric times, no doubt, nomadic tribes, some subsist-ing chiefly by hunting and others by both hunting and gathering,occupied the region. Excavations at two sites on the Reservationhave produced points and artifacts reminiscent of types found at
'? Mae Williamson, a prominent middle-aged Blackfoot (president of the Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Asso-ciation), reports tliat in her girlhood she asked the old people of her tribe why the tipi rings are often locatedin what ,sho would consider a poor camping spot, and that they replied, "You young people are too particularabout where you camp. We would camp wherever we had to, many times. We might have had to makecamp when we were caught In a blizzard, and that is why you see those tlpl rings in places that would notnormally be used for camping, if we had a better place."
" Data summarized from the U. S. Weather Bureau's tables for Great Falls, Mont., In 1952.
440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BaU. 173
early Middle Period sites in the Plains: at the Billy Big Spring site,one McKean and several Hanna type points (the former dated byradiocarbon at 3445 ?.120 years before present at Signal Butte)were discovered with geological implications that suggest considerableantiquity (Kehoe, 1955, p. 2).It seems likely that some of these early groups may have beenAthapaskan bands, or perhaps affiliated with these. They may, asGordon Hewes (1948, p. 7) suggests, have lingered on in the region inlate prehistoric times. (For the purposes of this paper, the proto-historic is assumed to have begun with the introduction of white tradegoods about 1728 (Lewis, 1942, p. 16) and the historic period withThompson's exploration in 1800 (Ewers, 1944, p. 20)). The close ofthe prehistoric saw the Shoshoni occupying the territory of the presentReservation, and ranging far north on the Plains into Saskatchewan,where the Blackfoot were encountered in the Eagle Hills; horsesobtained from Spanish colonies in New Mexico via the Comanchegave the Shoshoni this mobility soon after 1705 (Ewers, 1955, p. 6).Close to the Shoshoni, in this period, were the Kiowa and Kiowa-Apache, according to their traditions at the headwaters of the Yellow-stone and Missouri Rivers. Mooney considered the Kiowa-Apachean Athapaskan group coming to join the Kiowa from the north,possibly through the region of the Blackfeet Reservation (Hewes,1948, p. 7).Before the southward movement of the Blackfoot in the late 18thand early 19th centuries, the Kutenai and two Salishan tribes, theFlathead and the Pend d'OreiUe, hunted in the territory of the presentReservation, in conjunction with the powerful Shoshoni, from whomthey obtained horses, but it has not been determined whether theyventured from the mountains before they had acquu'ed the horse(Ewers, 1949, p. 356).About the middle of the 1 8th century the Blackfoot began migratingsouth from the Eagle Hills of southern Saskatchewan. By 1800 thesemounted warriors, equipped with firearms, had become masters ofthe vast territory between the North Saskatchewan River and theheadwaters of the Missouri, stretching east from the Rockies about 10degrees of longitude (Swanton, 1952, p. 396). The Piegan, southern-most of the Blackfoot tribes, have thus occupied the area of theirMontana reservation for over a century and a half.ARCHEOLOGICAL FIELDWORKA preliminary survey of tipi-ring sites was undertaken in Octoberof 1952, after regular excavation projects were completed. At thistime, 23 sites were examined before severe weather set in. Duringthe fall of 1953, a further survey was undertaken to examine reportedsites and to locate others. In these two seasons a total of 210 tipi-ring
No*62]^"^*^' STONE TIPI RINGS KEHOE 441
sites were discovered within the limits of and in the various portionsof the Blackfeet Keservation, comprising well over 1,000 individualtipi rings. Subsequent travel over the Keservation has brought tonotice at least 150 additional tipi rings, but they have not been closelyexamined; this study is confined to the intensive survey of 1952-53.Since it was not possible to fully test the majority of these sites,this report is preliminary in nature and will include only summarydescriptions and brief comparisons of the data collected. Further-more, the significance of the data in its fullest implications cannot beextracted from the evidence at this time: only by much future arche-ological fieldwork and extensive comparisons both with sites in otherlocalities and with ethnographic materials can these Reservationsites be defined culturally and chronologically.Proportion oj tipi rings to other sites.?The 210 surveyed tipi-ringsites comprise 72 percent of the total number of archeological sitesfound on the Blackfeet Reservation through 1953. This figure com-pares with the 22 tipi-ring sites forming 42 percent of the total numberof sites reported by Bliss (1949, p. 10) at the Tiber Reservoir on theMarias River, southeast of Shelby, Mont. Bliss' work at otherreservoir sites indicates that six tipi-ring sites, forming 19 percent ofthe total surveyed, were found at the Canyon Ferry reservou- on theMissouri River near Helena, Mont.; only six tipi-ring sites, or 14percent, at the Glendo Reservoir in southeastern Wyoming; ninetipi-ring sites (12 percent) at the Boysen Reservoir in Wyoming; andnone in the Oregon Basin, 8 miles southeast of Cody, Wyo. (Bliss,1949, pp. 8-10). These surveys indicate that the region of the BlackfeetReservation may possibly represent a cultural hearth for tipi-ring
sites.Location of tipi-ring sites.?Tipi rings were found in nearly all partsof the Reservation, although an intensive sm*vey was not made ofevery locality. The rings occur at elevations of from 3,500 to 5,000feet above sea level, in both valley bottoms and as much as 600 feetabove the valleys on the intervening flat-topped ridges.Going to the east, the first occurrence of tipi rings is 4 to 6 milesfrom the front range of mountains, and about 3 to 5 miles from themassive ridges bordering the principal valleys heading in the range.At this point, the rings are placed on the elevated pediments andelongated ridges extending from the mountains, on the abrupt edgesof the flat-topped ridges, and in the river bottoms or on the terracesof varying heights. Continuing east, the elevated pedmients giveway to buttelike eminences; the tipi-ring sites are found along theescarpment edges and on the fingers of these buttes, and on the moregradual marginal slopes (see pi, 49, a) , as well as, still, on the streamterraces and in the valley bottoms.
442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
All the local topographic settings on the Reservation favorable tocamping reveal tipi rings, both large and small. However, the ringsoccurring on elevated areas seem to average smaller in size than thosefound in low situations, suggesting a possible correlation between thesize of a ring and its topograpliic setting. Withers (1950, p. 11) notesa similar observance in Colorado
:
We also saw sites of the stone circle type. Following a suggestion I got fromBliss, I think we can probably work out two occupations from the stone circle
sites, one with fairly small circles located on the bluffs above the river bottoms,and one represented by the larger circles found consistently on the valley floors.This difference would be difficult to explain, other than by eithersupposing a preference for smaller tipis on the higher locations (owingperhaps to the force of the winds there), or by postulating differentcultural occupations, as Withers suggests, during one of which, pos-sibly, a climatic change flooded the bottoms (detailed geological studieshave not been reported on the paleoclimatology of the Reservation,which, because of its proximity to the glaciers of Glacier NationalPark, undoubtedly experienced many unique local variations inclimate).Camp plans.?There may also be a relationship between the campplan and the topographic setting, caused by seasonal subsistencecycles and ceremonial observances. However, although there weredifferent tent arrangements in the larger tipi-ring sites, and severalvaguely defined camp patterns were worked out, a definite correlationbetween plan and setting has not yet been determined.When three rings were present, they were either in a single row orforming a triangle. In clusters of four or more rings, they were ar-ranged in single lines, double alternating lines, V, semicircle, or circle.But in many cases the group of tipi rings was haphazardly arrangedor scattered?either it was impossible for the writer to pick out thecamp plan or there had been no intended arrangement in these cases.Although immediate topographic features, as well as the number oflodges in the group, would to some extent determine tent arrange-ment, some choice was possible on camp plan. The following tablegives the number of sites and of tipi rings for each of the several camp-ing arrangements: Table 1.
?
Camp plan or pattern
Plan
Na62l^'^^^' STONE TIPI RINGS?^KEHOE 443
In most of the 137 tipi-ring sites closely examined on the Reserva-tion, the rings were single isolated rings, in small groups of two orthree, or in clusters of from 4 to 55 rings. One site, however, con-tained 170 individual tipi rings placed in a double alternating line ex-tending for 4}^ miles along an escarpment. The rings were usually 5to 50 feet apart and the same distance from the abrupt edge of theflat ridge. Since they overlooked Trail Coulee, they may possiblyhave been connected with the Old Whoop-up Trail.All these arrangements except the triangle (C) occur in all the dif-ferent local topographic settings on the Reservation. The sites con-taining only three rings are found on flat-topped ridges, includingtheir edges, in saddles between hills, and on escarpment fingers.Those occurring as isolated single tipi rings ranged from 12 to 24feet in diameter and averaged 17.3 feet. At the sites containing tworings only, the tipi rings were between 7.5 and 25 feet in diameter,averaging 15.9 feet. Three rings in one site varied from 10 to 27feet in diameter, and also averaged 15.9 feet; a total of 12 sites con-tained only three rings. In the 38 sites in which the tipi rings arefound in clusters of from 4 to 170, the rings ranged in size from 10 to29 feet in diameter. The complete range of diameters of tipi ringson the Blackfeet Reservation is thus between 7.5 and 29 feet, and theaverage for a sample of 108 sites was 15.8 feet. It can be seen thatthe size of the tipi rings, though somewhat variable, is circumscribedwithin narrow limits; and both the range and the average correlatevery well with the sizes of conical lodges used as dwellings by thetribes of historic times.Shape oj tipi rings.?No eccentric forms of tipi rings were found
?
just circles such as would result from rocks used to hold down lodgecovers. No tipi rings found suggested a ceremonial use. Neitherpartial nor overlapping rings were observed, indicating that thepeople may have returned to the same rings, or at least would notdisturb an older ring to use the rocks in erecting a new lodge.The late H. P. Lewis, in an unpublished manuscript on buffalokills in IVIontana, briefly discussed the tipi rings he discovered innorth-central Montana, and came to the same conclusion, that eventhough rocks may have been scarce, the rings were not re-used foranother tipi. He states, "Strangely enough I cannot remember everseeing such rings appearing as though they had been disturbed, orworked over, or any part of the circle lacking" (Lewis, MS., chap. X,p. 27).Depth oJ rocks.?There seems to be a correlation between the sizeof a ring and the depth to which the stones are embedded in theground. Depth below surface was recorded in 65 sites containing atotal of 391 tipi rings, and in this large sample the size of the tipi
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
rings seems to diminish in proportion to the depth to which the stonesare embedded. However, in comparing individual sites or rings, thedepth of the embedded rocks would be a poor criterion for chrono-logical classification or dating, for conditions such as erosion, deposi-tion, frost action, and cultural variations in lodge sizes, reflectingoccupants' status or similar factors, would affect each site differently.Table 2 summarizes the data on sites and depth:
No*627"^^^" STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 445Quantity oj rocks.?Although there was variation in the quantity ofrock material used in tipi rings, it always seemed in proportion to thatneeded in weighting down a lodge cover. Thus, when smaller rockshad been employed, a greater number appears to have been used, aswould have been required.In many cases, clusters of tipi rings of large diameter seem tocontain fewer rocks. It may be that pegs were used to supplementrocks (see pi. 61, h) during the period when these larger rings were used.Rock type.?The unique array of rock exposures and glacial driftgave to the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation area a wealth ofraw materials for lodge-cover weights. In the great majority of thesites (206), glacial drift or stream boulders make up the rock rings.This material ranges in size from cobbles 3 inches in diameter toboulders IK feet long and about 6 inches to 1 foot in diameter. Thestones may be partially rounded, but are mostly subangular, withsome faceted and striated. The preponderance of mostly subangularrocks can be explained partly by the natural profusion of these rocksand partly by a preference for rocks that would not roll. The materialseems to be wholly derived from the mountains and heterogeneouslymixed; it was principally quartzite (white, yellowish, banded pink,and red), with pebbles of maroon argillite and of diorite. In mostcases it was not necessary for the rocks to be carried more than a fewfeet; they could be carried by women.Four sites had rings composed of sandstone and conglomerateslabs from nearby outcrops. The tipi rings were 15 to 18 feet in di-ameter, but the slabs were much larger than the usual rocks?from10 inches to 1^ feet in diameter. However, the only difference be-tween these rings and the more common ones of boulders was that,because of the larger size and more angular shape of the slabs, fewerwere needed. These four sites were located on the edge and the mar-ginal slopes of flat-topped ridges, close to the Cretaceous rock ex-posures.These rock types represent the use of available materials, as inthe unglaciated prairies to the east, where turf or sod was used tohold down the lodge covers (Bushnell, 1922, p. 28, quoting Maxi-milian; Will, 1924, p. 293).Rock concentrations in center.?Only 23 of the 144 sites on theReservation closely examined for this feature revealed definite clustersof stones in the center of the rock rings. These are presumed to beformer fire hearths. No site was noted in which all the rings in thesite had definite center rock clusters. Usually there were one or twosuch rock clusters in a site of from 3 to 50 tipi rings.These clusters of stones were between 1 to 4 feet in diameter.Many times they were haphazardly arranged, sometimes appearing471762?60 30
446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
to result from putting the fire out by throwing stones on it. Thesehearthstones occasionally are discolored by fire, but are seldom frag-mented, suggesting rather temporary use. Most commonly, theserocks are smaller than those of the outside ring, and therefore it ispossible that, in a deeply embedded ring, they are nearly or entirelybelow the ground surface. When only a few of the tips of the rocksare visible above the surface, they have the appearance of stonesnaturally scattered on the ground, though in a good many cases, theyvery probably had had some connection with a fire hearth.Outside fire hearths.?In five sites, outside fire hearth remains werenoted. Adam White Man has stated that his people would cook in-side the tipi only during bad weather, and pointed out the outsidefireplace belonging to his father's tipi ring (see p. 432).^*Inside fire hearths.?Six tipi rings, in six different sites, had definiterock-ring fire hearths. These hearths contained six to eight rockseach. Since so few fire hearths occur, it seems probable that cookingwas done outside in many cases, as suggested in the paragraph above.A report on the excavated hearths follows.Excavations.?Because of the nature of tipi-ring sites, which mustbe on or very near the surface to be visible, and because both arch-eologists and reputable collectors^" have reported that occupationalremains are rarely found in excavations of rings, it was decided thatexcavation would be a relatively minor aid in the solution of theproblem of the origin and use of tipi rings, and therefore this activity
'? At the 19.')6 Blackfoot encampment, the occupants of Lodge 1 constructed a hearth 6 feet southeast oftheir tipi, on which tin cans, bottles, etc. give evidence of coolring. The placement of this outside hearthconcurs with a description of such cooking hearths obtained bj' Mae Williamson (see footnote 16), duringher girlhood from older Blackfoot. McClintock (1910, pp. 226-227) also mentions and pictures an outsidecooking hearth.w Mr. Carle Leavitt, Conrad, Mont., an amateur collector who is both a serious student and a conscien-tious observer, excavated a tipi ring several years ago. The ring was located on Leavitt's own property, 20miles northeast of Conrad, and was about 12 feet in diameter. A fire hearth in the center gave evidence ofburning and was surrounded by bone fragments. Although the entire ring was excavated to the originalground level 2.5 inches below the surface, most of the interior of the ring was found to be empty. However,besides the material in the center, the area 1.5 to 2 feet inside the rock circle contained numerous bone frag-ments and one arrowpoint, with three (side- and basal-) notches, which in Leavitt's experience is imiqueIn this region, except for one other foimd in a bison kill west of Kevin, Mont. Leavitt recalls that " the pointwas neither obsidian nor agate?some kind of flint."S. Victor Day, of Sunburst, Mont., another reputable collector, reports having found worked flakes ofpetrified wood and moss agate in tipi rings: "I'll show you dozens of places at the tipi rings on my place wherethey dropped their rejected pieces." In addition, he discovered a full-grooved stone maul "leaning againstthe Inside edge of a rock ring," and several arrowpoints both inside and just outside rings.The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its collection two stone mauls, both full-grooved, found asso-ciated with tipi rings: M. P. I. Nos. 63L and 917L. The first Is a stream-rounded boulder 15.1 X 11.7 X 6.8cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide encircling the center. One end shows considerable use. Thismaul was found by Richard Sanderville, a leading Blackfoot often relied upon as an interpreter, on TwoMedicine Creek "near old tipi rings." No. 917L is a pecked maul triangular in cross section, 15.1 X 8.2 X 8.2cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide extending around it 4 cm. from the base, which shows evidenceof considerable use and tapers to a rounded point also exhibiting the marks of use. This maul was found byL. F. Tenney of Kevin, Mont., on the Milk River Ridge 10 miles west of Warner, Alberta; it was associatedwith tipi rings and possibly with a bison drive site, and there was a good spring nearby.
Na627"^^^* STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 447
was not expanded beyond the complete excavation of one ring andthe testing of several others.It is pertinent to the problem of tipi rings that the nomadic peoplespresumably using them possessed very few imperishable materialbelongings, occupied camps for only short periods, and, since theycarried always little more than the bare essentials for living, wereable to abandon very little in moving. Ewers (1955, pp. 130-131)states, "Experience made the Blackfoot efficient in packing theirbelongings quickly in the morning camp was to move. . . . Eachfamily was responsible for its own belongings. Every article had itsassigned place and means of transportation." These factors make itimprobable that the excavation of tipi rings will reveal much of valuein solving the problem of the rings.Site 24GLS90.?This site consists of three tipi rings, averaging 17.3feet in diameter, situated on a long, fiat escarpment finger parallel toand above the north bank of Greasewood Creek. About one-fourth ofa mile southeast of Sharps Lake, it is nearly centrally located on theReservation. The area of occupation is 700 feet, east to west.Ring 1 (refer to fig. 30) measures 15 feet north-south and 17 feeteast-west. The circle of rocks is 1 foot wide with its scattered rocks6 to 8 inches in diameter. Three-quarters of each rock is embedded inthe ground, leaving approximately 2 inches protruding above the sur-face. There seem to be more rocks on the north side of the ring, andthey are more distinct. Since the ring is located on a very slight slope,there may have been more deposition on the south side, covering thatpart of the ring to a gi'eater extent. One rock is embedded in theinterior of the ring 6 feet from the west side. The pattern of a 5-footsection of the ring is seen in figure 30.Ring 2 is 16 feet in diameter. As in Ring 1, the circle of rocks is1 foot wide and the stones range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter, beingthree-quarters embedded in the ground, with about 2 inches protrud-ing. On the east side of this ring a gap of 8 feet in which no rocksoccur is present; presumably this marks the doorway to the lodge.In ring 2, slightly off center (6 feet from the east side, 8 feet from thewest, and midway between the north and south sides of the ring),could be seen a rock-ring fire hearth. The hearth was 2 feet in diame-ter, and its rocks range from 3 to 6 inches in diameter, considerablysmaller than those of the tipi ring proper. Excavation of this rock-ring hearth disclosed only five small charcoal particles the size of apinhead. These fragments were embedded near the base of the rocks,and probably were the last remnants of the charcoal which had beenalmost all blown out. A gap to the west of the fire ring gave it a U
448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY IBuU. 178
CEU
Ofinq 1
SECTION OFROCK CIRCLERING 2
ring 2
^n'ng 3 /?
100 200 feel
SITE Z^GL3<10
Figure 30.?Site 24GL390.
nS*&"^^^" stone TIPI rings?^KEHOE 449
shape. On this point, it can be noted that this occurrence tallies withinformation given by Jim White Calf, an elderly Blackfoot, previousto the excavation :After they completed placing the rocks on the outside to hold down the lodgecover, they gathered more for the inside to build the fireplace. These rocks arenot placed all around, but a space is left blank at the rear or toward the back of thelodge. I do not know the reason for this.It will be remembered that the "back of the lodge" was to the west,since the door always faces east.Ring 3 is 19,4 feet north-south and 21 feet east-west. The circleof rock is spread over an area 1 to 1.5 feet wide, but the individualrocks still range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter and again are embeddedapproximately three-quarters deep with 2 inches above the groundsurface. These rocks, like those of the first two rings, are glacialboulders of pink quartzite and sandstone. The greatest concentrationof rocks is on the northeast side of the ring, but since it is on a slightslope, greater deposition on the southwest side may have led to thisimpression. There are no rocks inside the ring, and no evidence of afire.Site 24OL49O.?Two tipi rings, one 11 feet in diameter and the other17 feet, comprise this site on the edge of the escarpment forming thesouth side of Milk River Ridge, in the northwest portion of the Reser-vation. A fire hearth (pi. 49, b) occurs in the smaller ring, and wasbriefly tested, yieldmg a handful of charcoal, unworked fragments ofboth burnt and unburnt bone, and four unworked obsidian flakes, 1.2cm., 1 cm., 0.7 cm., and 0.5 cm. (Obsidian is not known to occurnaturally on the Reservation.)Site ^4GL584.?On the north shore of Spring Lake (the middleMission Lake), in the eastern half of the Reservation, is an areaseven-tenths of a mile long and 50 to 100 yards wide, containingapproximately 100 tipi rings. These overlook the lake. At thewriter's suggestion, Phyllis Jay, then assistant curator at the Museumof the Plains Indian, and her husband, Edward Jay, a trainedarcheologist, measured several of the tipi rings and excavated onehearth, which is diagrammed in figure 31. Five of the tipi rings were,respectively, 16, 16.7, 16.7, 18, and 19 feet in diameter.The fireplace of ring 5 was excavated. In it charcoal was dis-covered at approximately 3 inches below the surface. Although noartifacts were found, the structure of the fireplace was very distinct:it was composed of nine rocks arranged in a U shape roughly in thecenter of the tipi ring. The nearest neighboring ring was about 15feet to the west.Site 24GL486.?The south slope of Milk River Ridge, in the north-west portion of the Reservation, is dissected by intermittent streams,
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
t 10 15 feetSITE a46L58^RING 5Figure 31.?Site 24GL584, ring 5.
leaving smaller ridges or fingers extending at right angles to the Eidge(pi. 50, a). These flats are excellent camping spots, affording gooddrainage, observation of the country, and proximity, during certainseasons, to running water. One portion of the Eidge contains 12
Antbrop. Pap.No. G2] STONE TIPI RINGS?^KEHOE 451
sites in an area 2 miles long, encompassing this dissected slope (see pis.50, b, 5l,a; refer also to fig. 32).On one of these flat fingers, eight-tenths of a mile southeast of theMilk River Ridge, 400 feet lower than it and 250 feet above the valley
Milk River Ridge
o\ coulee.216L467
]SECTION OFMILK P.WERR1D6E SLOPE
a4GM86
4- approx. Imile?
Figure 32.?Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites.
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
. t
SITE a4GL486 40 {cet
Figure 33.?Site 24GL486.
floor, is site 24GL486, which consists of six tipi rings ranging from 13to 14 feet in diameter, and placed as pictured in figure 33.In 1953, when this site was first visited, several of the rings werewhitewashed and photographed from the Ridge. Except for the dis-placement of a few rocks on the south sides of a couple of rings, under-mined by soil having been blown out, the rings are in good condition.(The wind is exceedingly strong at this site during some months of theyear; excavation in October and early November of 1956 had to bediscontinued at times because of the powerful gusts.)A large number of rocks make up each tipi ring; they range from0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter, but most are of considerable size andweight. They must have been gathered from the hill crest, wherethese red glacial boulders are thickly scattered?the only bare spots
No^fisT'^*'*' STONE TIPI RINGS^?KEHOE 453. 62] f
SITE f%W8&
o0?o f'Oi bone I fire-crack?l Tocic
0"o o8^O "
Site 34?Site 24GL486, ring 4.
are the interiors of the tipi rings. Ring 4 was the only one of the sixto possess a fire hearth, composed of a rock ring.The excavated ring, ring 4, measures 13.5 feet north-south by 14feet east-west (see pi. 51, 6; fig. 34). The east-northeast side ofthe ring presents a gap 1 foot wide, probably a doorway. Thecircular band of rocks in the ring covers an area about 3 feet wide andconsists of 124 rocks, 0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter.The tipi ring was staked out in 5-foot squares, with the centralaxis oriented along the (magnetic) north-south fine through thecenter of the ring, almost bisecting the fire hearth. The southernmostrow of stakes was labeled ON(orth), the next IN, etc.; numberedleft or right of the central axis, square designations were derived fromthat of the stake in the southwestern corner of each.Square 2Ll, which included a segment of the fireplace, was takendown 0.1 foot, to the base of the rocks in the fireplace ring, presumably
454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
the original floor of the tipi (see pi. 52, a). The fill consisted of afairly loose yellowish-gray sandy soil, but at the 0.1-foot level a com-pact, bard gray layer was encountered. Whether this compactlayer, on which lay the rocks of the tipi ring as well as the hearth,resulted from the occupation of the tipi (either from the tramplingof the inhabitants, or from the effects of sod destruction, leaving the
soil unprotected), or is a natural feature of the region, a hardpan suchas is common on the Plains, is uncertain: local soil scientists wereunable to settle the question, nor, since the region is undisturbedrange, could the experience of farmers be sought. While this layerdoes appear to extend beyond the tipi ring, it would still remainwithin the camp area, and so could have been subject to the sametrampling that may have packed it within the tipi. Extensivetesting of the surrounding region for this feature was impracticalwithin the time available for excavation. Also undetermined iswhether the rocks' of the tipi ring always lay on this compact layer,
soil being deposited around them and eventually covering them, orwhether they sank down to it through successive wet seasons: probablyboth factors were operative.The remainder of the squares containing the tipi ring were alsocleared of the surface material to the 0.1 -foot hard gray level. Whileit appeared that the extremely heavy rocks had embedded themselvesdeeper into this layer, owing to their weight, the majority of the rockslay on it. In a typical square, 2L2, 15 rocks of the tipi ring occurred(pi. 52, 6). Thirteen were approximately 0.6 foot in diameter andwere toward the inside of the ring, while two, 0.8 and 1 foot in diameter,lay somewhat outside the ring. In square iLl the rocks had beendisplaced about 0.6 foot because wind action had removed the soilfrom under them; this formed a section of the small blowout on thesouth side of the site, mentioned above (pi. 53, a).The only artifact discovered was a rounded stone, apparently froma stream bed, 8.6 by 7.1 by 5.8 cm., with peck marks showing evidenceof use as a hammerstone. This occurred 4 feet southwest of the firehearth, on the hard gray 0.1-foot level. A bone fragment 1.9 by 1cm. lay also on this surface, in square 2Ll, near a small deposit of ash.The center of the ring was occupied by a rock-ring fire hearthcomposed of 10 stones, 1 of which was entirely below the surface, andranged in size from 0.4 to 0.8 foot in diameter. These stones lay onthe 0.1-foot level; it was observed that the hard gray layer slopedslightly down to the area midway between the hearth and the outerring, and consequently these rocks were very slightly higher than therest of the interior of the ring. Several of the rocks lining the hearthappeared fire-reddened, and one was fire-cracked. Under one of thelarger rocks in the northeast portion of the circular ring a small handful
N?*62T'^?^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 455
of charcoal and charred wood was found. Since the wind appearedto blow from the southwest, it was surmised that here was representedthe last remnants of the fire, blown from the hearth but caught underthe edge of this rock.Summary oJfieldv)ork.?As in the case of the historical accounts andthe ethnographic material, the archeological information collected onthe Backfeet Indian Reservation supports the conclusion that the tipirings were used to hold down lodge covers.Sheer numbers of tipi rings alone give testimony that they served adomestic function, rather than having been of occasional ceremonialuse. Then- location on flat or nearly flat areas in good camping spots,where they appear to have had taken into account, in their placement,factors of drainage, wind, and other climatic influences, support theiruse as habitation sites. The topographic settings concur with thecamping patterns (of which regular plans of a limited number oftypes were observed) in suggesting seasonal variations in camps,reflecting an annual cycle of activities such as is known from historictribes.The size of the tipi rings on the Reservation vary to a limited extent,but the range and the average both coincide with the sizes of lodgesused as conical dwellings among the historic tribes. The variationscan be explained by both individual owners and by temporal differ-ences. The number of rings in a site approximate the number oflodges in historic camps, changing from season to season in a regularcycle.No eccentric tipi rings were found, nor any partial or overlappingrings. All the tipi rings observed on the Reservation were suitable inconstruction and shape for use as lodge-cover weights. The rocksmaking up the rings were uniform within a restricted range of size,shape, type of material, total numbers, and arrangements, and theaggregate of these features reinforces the surmise that they wereweights for the skin lodges. The absence of rocks, in a few of thetipi rings, in a small area toward the east is reminiscent of the historictribes' tradition of placing a doorway toward the rising sun.The occurrence of rock concentrations and rock-lined fire hearthsin several tipi rings is further evidence of their use as habitations,while the absence of these hearths in numerous rings agrees withnative informants' memories of cooking being done outside the lodge.A comparison between the sizes of tipi rings and the depths towhich their rocks are embedded, as well as the total numbers of ringsand of sites at different depths, suggests a temporal change in tipiring size. The change could well be due to the shift in cultural andeconomic patterns outlined by LeT\4s (1942, pp. 35-36).
456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173DISCUSSION
It is difficult to understand why archeologists working in theNorthern Plains appear to be so confused over tipi rings, lumpingseveral diverse phenomena under this classification, assigning esotericfunctions to them, or refusing to hazard hypotheses on their functionsat all.Mulloy is a leading exponent of the "problematical" theory of thenature of tipi rings. Referring to them as "manifestations of unknownrelationships," he has summarized his reasons for arriving at thisconclusion (Mulloy, 1952, p. 137). A point-by-point discussion ofthis summary incorporating the evidence previously presented inthis paper removes, it is believed, the basis for Mulloy's hesitationand supports the conclusion that tipi rings were indeed lodge-coverweights
:
(1) Mulloy states (ibid.) : " 'Tipi rings' [vary] from five to forty feetin diameter and occasionally larger . . ." Tipi rings found on theBlackfeet Reservation vary in size from 7.5 to 29 feet in diameter,^^within Mulloy's range but likewise within the range and with theaverage of lodges used as conical dwellings by historic tribes, and bythe modern Blackfoot at their 1956 encampment. Variations reflectowners' and temporal differences.(2) " 'Tipi rings' . . . are found either isolated or in groups ofseveral hundred." On the Reservation, the rings occur isolatedor in groups of up to 170; these variations in camp size result from theseasonal cycle of subsistence and ceremonial observances.(3) "Frequently they intersect each other so intricately that it isdifficult to separate one from the other. Usually they are simplecircles, but eccentric forms occur." No tipi rings on the Reservationintersected each other, overlapped, or could be termed an eccentricform, nor could historical or ethnographic sources clarify this asser-tion. Perhaps this is a trait characteristic of another area, whichcannot be solved in north-central Montana.(4) "Sometimes they occur near camp sites, but rarely are artifactsfound in them. . . . [There is a] lack of evidence of habitation in theirvicinity." Since tipi rings were occupied for only a short time bynomadic people who would discard very little, an abundance ofhabitational debris is not to be expected. Reputable collectors report
" In the autumn of 1956 an amateur collector from Valler, Mont., James Tidyman, brought the writerto a large hill overlooking Two Medicine Creek in the southeastern portion of the Blackfeet Reservation.On the summit of this hill is a stone ring 43.7 feet north-south by 44.5 feet east-west, but differing from othertipi rings only in size. A fire hearth 3.9 by 3 feet is located 19.7 feet from the west, 18.6 feet from the eastside. Disturbance of the surrounding land, preventing examination of the lower slopes of the hill, obscuredsurrounding rings, if any. Carle Leavltt of Com-ad recalls vislthig, with the late H. P. Lewis, three ringsat a site In north-central Montana, which ho believes must have been about 60 feet in diameter, and 40 to 50feet apart, with the rocks deeply embedded in the ground. It has not been possible, so far, to investigatethese phenomena sufficiently to reveal their significance?perhaps they were ma'toki dance lodges (see p. 428)
.
nS.*627'^^^' stone TIPI RINGS-?kehoe 457
occasional artifacts in them, and one was discovered in the ringexcavated by the writer. Many times the rings are in the vicinityof buffalo drive sites; a Blackfoot informant, Bull Head, stated thathis people were accustomed to camp near their drives.(5) "In the Dakotas, some are merely circular depressions in thesod." Maximilian reports observing the use of sod to hold down thelodge covers of the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzie, where suitable stonesare lacking.(6) "Rarely ... are the remains of fires found in them." Rockconcentrations as well as rock-lined fire hearths are frequently foundin the center of tipi rings. Native informants, however, recall thatcooking was often done outside the lodge. As for the remains of thefire itself, buffalo dung used as fuel would produce a slow, consumingfire leaving very little ash. Furthermore, the wind would be strongenough, in most cases, to remove all ash and charcoal remains?thatcharcoal which is found is usually a small amount caught under thehearth rocks. (Local ranchers have mentioned that many times, onthe day after one on which they have branded cattle, they can findno traces of the branding fire.) Finally, that cooking was commonlydone at the buffalo drives, rather than in camp, is evidenced by thecharcoal and ash midden built up at these drive sites.(7) "They lack packed floors." The tipi ring tested for this featurerevealed a hard layer at the base of its rocks, which may possiblyhave been a floor. However, the nature of the sod on the Reservation(like that of much of the Great Plains) is such that packed earth isunlikely to result from relatively short occupancy of an area. At the1956 Blackfoot encampment, the interiors of the tipis were markedby grass less packed than that outside the lodges.(8) "They are situated on high river terrace fingers and less fre-quently in sheltered lowland areas." On the Blackfeet Reservation,tipi rings are found in all topographic settings favorable for camping.Historical and native sources indicate that the Indians Hved in thesheltered lowlands in winter, but in spring were forced up on theterraces by flooding. It should also be remembered that tipi ringsare very difficult to discover in the brush of the low valleys, and arein greater risk of destruction, from settlers as well as from floods.(9) "They may be related to so-called 'medicine wheels.'" Thistopic is discussed in detail in another paper (Kehoe, 1954; see alsoDempsey, 1956) . Although no medicine wheels occur on the BlackfeetReservation, they are found in north-central Montana and in Alberta,They can be defined as cairns or circles of stones, from the center ofwhich radiate a number of rows of other stones. Elderly Blackfootstate that they mark the grave or place of death of esteemed membersof the tribe, and this is substantiated by historical accounts. Tipi
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
rings are thus "related" to medicine wheels solely by having beenused as weights for the cover of the death lodge, and subsequentlyforming the basis of the construction of a marker, or "wheel."Mulloy is further confused by circles of mixed stone and posts,which he encountered in the Yellowstone region (1952, p. 132; 1954,p. 55). These structures are conical, semiconical, rectangular orpentagonal in shape, often supported by trees or cliffs, and con-structed of both stone and wood, in toto suggesting an entirely dif-ferent type of structure from the weighted conical skin tipi. Mulloybelieves (1954, p. 55) that "these structures may account for theorigin of the prevailing myth in this region that 'tipi rings' havehearths in them, but they are by no means the same thing as thecircles."The 1954 report documents Mulloy's investigation of two "stonecircle sites" in the Shoshone Basin, Wyo.-^ In one, containing 75rings from 11 to 24 feet in diameter, situated on a flat-topped gravelterrace, he mapped and photographed the site and tested one circleby coordinate trenches 2)^ feet wide and 3 feet deep. Another ringwas tested by being completely excavated to the level of the gravelterrace. In addition, a second site of six rings was investigated butnot excavated. The conclusions Mulloy derives from this work arethat "stone circles" are still "manifestations of problematical pur-pose," similar in their occurrence along the eastern edge of the Rockiesfrom New Mexico north to the Canadian border, and that "theymight be circles used in dancing, or in other religious rituals" (Mulloy,1954, p. 55), which may possibly be connected to the "medicinewheel" in the Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming. In simi, Mulloyadduces no new reasons for denying the domestic function of tipirings as lodge-cover weights, though he is still committed to a beliefin an inscrutable esoteric use for the circles, and therefore the rebuttalof his 1952 argument continues to be valid.A second student of tipi rings, Hoffman, begins his review bycautioning, "In form and use they must be distinguished from some-what similar structures such as medicine wheels, eagle catches, theLacotah Love Dance circle, and Koyokee pits" (Hoffman, 1953, p. 1),but later refers to all of these together as "tipi ring forms" (op. cit.,p. 10 ff.). Failure to clear the confusion results from his superficialM In a letter dated October 4, 1955, with photographs enclosed, Mr. William McCarty of Laramie, Wyo.,sent me a description of a group of tipi rings in southeastern Wyoming (130 miles southeast of Mulloy'sstudy). He wrote: "This group of tipi rings is located on a high bluff with a sheer drop to the west andnorth and a gradual slope to the east and west (sic). From the high point one can see for miles hi any direc-tion. This bluff is located eight miles south of Medicine Bow, Wyoming These rings seem to be in groupsof three to six and are scattered around the level areas. . . . Rings are about eighteen feet in diameter andare formed of a double ring of stones. ... At each group is a smaller ring of stones with a fire hole in thecenter of each. . . . My wife found a broken arrowhead and my daughter a smaller broken one. Some flintsI have picked up show they were worked on and may be crude arrowheads."
nS*^' ^*^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 459
speculations unsubstantiated by cross checking, field investigationof informants' descriptions, or full documentation of these informants'background and reliability. Hoffman makes much of the theory thattipi rings were used as shelters during "medicine getting" quests;these fasting shelters, however, are U-shaped stone constructionslarge enough to hold a man and high enough to protect him from thewind. They thus cannot be confused, in the field, with tipi-ring
cii'cles. Several of these fasting shelters can still be seen today, andhave been located on the Blackfeet Reservation. One of the bestsurviving examples is the shelter of Ear Rings, a Piegan, father ofJohn Bird Earrings, who brought Claude Schaeffer, then curatorof the Museum of the Plains Indian in Browning, to this shelter,placed on a hill above Ear Rings' allotment and near his grave. Dr.Schaeffer photographed the shelter at this time (pi. 53, 6)."Carling Malouf is also noncommittal on the use of tipi rings, butis led to the supposition of a ceremonial function by the lack of hearthsand artifacts in so many.^* Malouf's statement that ethnographicaccounts fail to provide sound information on the rings is difficultto comprehend in the light of the evidence presented by informants ina previous section of this paper.Review of their writings suggests that the hesitation of these stu-dents in assigning a domestic function to tipi rings stems from (1)lack of detailed examination and analysis of tipi rings in the field, (2)unfamiliarity with published historical and ethnographic sources andwith surviving native knowledge, (3) application of interpretationsbased on phenomena from a limited area to a large geographical regionoccupied by a number of tribes representing diverse linguistic stocks,cultural traditions, and geographical connections, in which entirelyforeign but superficially similar structures cause much confusion, and(4) an unwillingness to commit themselves on a seemingly controversialtopic.It should be noted, of course, that tipi rings are distributed over anarea much greater than the former home of the Blackfoot, to whichmy conclusions are limited. In other areas and among different tribes,there may be stone circles that served other functions. The archeolog-ical past of each area is, to a greater or lesser extent, unique, and mustbe recognized as disclosing information perhaps inapplicable to anyother area. Therefore it is admitted that the hesitation of arche-ologists such as Mulloy may well be justified in regard to stone circlestreated as a phenomenum scattered from New Mexico to Montana;the writer will maintain only that those herein described from the
" Personal communication, summer of 1953.
" Personal letter dated November 7, 1963.
460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Blackfeet Reservation vicinity were used as lodge-cover weights, or
"tipi rings."The extension of the use of tipi rings as lodge-cover weights to thenorthern Blackfoot range in Alberta is corroborated by informationrecorded by Dempsey (1956, p. 177):The tipi ring ... is common in Blackfoot country and has been used withinthe past two decades by at least two tribes of this nation (Blood and NorthPeigan) where the owner wished to follow early customs.The tipi rings were aptly described in 1955 by One Gun, an elderly North Black-foot informant: "The circles of stones were normally used to hold down the edgesof the lodges. The old tipis were made of buffalo skins and were much heavierthan the canvas ones. They could not be blown away as easily, so stones wereable to hold them in place. But when we started to use canvas, we had to usepegs or our tipis would be blown over. Stones were also used between the pegs."Dempsey also notes that the Blackfoot word for "medicine wheel"refers only to the radiating lines, the speaker thus assuming that thelistener knows, as is inherent in Blackfoot tradition, according toDempsey, that the lines are "merely appendages to existing tipi rings"(ibid.).Granting, then, that the question of the function of tipi rings hasbeen answered, at least for the area inhabited by the Blackfoot, prob-lems of cultural affiliation and age still remain for these archeologicalfeatures. Solutions rest partly on knowledge of the changes in sizeof the tipis during protohistoric and historic times, and of the sizeand arrangement of the camps.For example, Anthony Hendry observed in 1754, while journeyingthrough the Blackfoot country, near the present Calgary, Alberta, acamp which in his description invites comparison with archeologicalsites (Bushnell, 1922, p. 25):Came to 200 tents of Archithinue Natives, pitched in two rows, and an openingin the middle; where we were conducted to the Leader's tent; which was at oneend, large enough to contain fifty persons; where he received us seated on a clear[white] Buffalo skin, attended by 20 elderly men. ... I departed and took aview of the camp. Their tents were pitched close to one another in two regularlines, which formed a broad street open at both ends.Matthew Cocking, sent west by the Hudson's Bay Company in1772, writes of this tribe's camp arrangement in connection with abuffalo pound (Bushnell, 1922, p. 26): "Our Archithinue friends cameto see us and pitched a small distance from us ; on one side the pound21 tents of them, the other seven are pitched another way." On theReservation, tipi rings are found associated with buffalo drive sitesin similar arrangements. A cluster of nine was located within a fewhundred feet and on each side of a buffalo drive site, as diagrammedin figure 35 (see also pis. 49, a; 54, a).Deductions on the size of the tipi may be made from observationssuch as those collected by Lieutenant Bradley from white traders
Anthrop. Pap.No. 62] STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 461
skulls
Milk River
cojla 51TE ?4615^0TlP\ RINGS ASbOClATEP WITHBI&OM Pl^ivE 300 f*?t
Figure 35.?Site 24GLS20, tipi rings associated with bison drive.
familiar with the Blackfoot from the early decades of the 19th century.He states that about the middle of that century (Bradley, 1900, p.258):From six to twelve skins were ordinarily employed, according to size desiredor the wealth of the occupants. The number rarely exceeded twelve but occasion-ally reached eighteen and twenty, and Major Culbertson relates having once seenone of forty skins that would hold a hundred people. A six-skin lodge was tenfeet in diameter, holding six people, while a twelve-skin lodge was about fifteenfeet in diameter and afforded shelter to eight or nine persons. The cover wasstretched over eight to twelve lodge poles, in the larger lodges from eighteen totwenty, standing in a circle and inclining inward till they joined near the topsat the height of from eight to twelve feet from the ground.The social organization and annual cycle of subsistence of the vari-ous tribes that once camped in the area of the modern Blackfeet Reser-471762?60 31
462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBuU.173
vation may be reflected in the surviving tipi-ring clusters. Eggan'sparagraph (1952, p. 40) is suggestive in this regard:Collier has noted that the social organization of the Plains tribes took a seriesof forms: the camp circle, two types of large bands, the camp based on extendedkinship, and the temporary hunting camp, each of which was adapted to the an-nual C3^cle of subsistence as well as to the social environment. It is importantto note that tribes coming into the Plains with more complex formal social struc-tures were in the process of giving them up in favor of the more flexible bandand camp organization; and conversely, the more simply organized Great Basingroups developed a more complex organization.Using the information from Bradley (1900, p. 258), Lewis (1942,pp. 35-49), and Ewers (1955, pp. 131-134, 307-308), the followingtable has been worked out to indicate the possibilities of chronologicalordering of tipi-ring sites in the area of the Blackfeet Indian Reser-vation. Study of this table leads to the conclusion that most of thetipi rings on the Reservation date from the 19th century (cf. p. 444,table 2 and paragraph following).Table 3.? Temporal change in Blackfoot tipi size
Na&'^*^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 463ing the function of the tipi rings in the area of the Blackfeet IndianReservation of Montana. Because of the once much greater territoryof the Blackfoot, the historical accounts cover a much greater areaand include information on some of the peripheral neighbors andallies of the Blackfoot. The ethnographic evidence was obtained fromearly ethnological works and, principally, from the testimony ofelderly Blackfoot now living on tlie Reservation and on Canadianreserves, as well as from a few members of neighboring tribes. Arche-ological data has been recorded from sites located in and around theBlackfeet Reservation, north-central Montana.Well-documented historical records, statements of surviving par-ticipants in the traditional Indian customs, and the archeologicalevidence all support the conclusion that the stone circles known astipi rings resulted from the use of rocks to hold down skin lodgecovers, at least in the region of the Blackfeet Reservation.There is still a need for interpretation of the data on tipi rings.Contemporary archeologists tend to use the term "tipi ring" as acatchall to pigeonhole problematical stone configurations of unknownfunctions, without seriously attempting to ascertain what such func-tions might be. As a result, the simple stone circle or tipi ring hasacquired a mysteriousness and obscurity of meaning comparable tothat surrounding the more eccentric stone configurations. The prob-lem is largely one of semantics, and could be considerably clarifiedby limitation of and agreement on definitions and categories. As astart, the work incorporated in this paper suggests that the use ofthe term "tipi ring" should be limited to an approximately regularstone circle, between about 7 to about 30 feet in diameter (the rangeultimately determined by the size range of tipis as this becomesknown), averaging about 16 feet, the boulders of the circle being ofa size and weight suitable for securing a lodge cover. Rock-linedhearths may be present, but more commonly are not. That the other,various stone configurations now often erroneously lumped under theterm "tipi ring" had diverse functions, some utilitarian, some ritual-istic, is revealed by historical and ethnographic sources which shouldbe employed to supplement archeological work on these relativelyrecent phenomena.The solution to the problems presented by the stone configm*ations,including tipi rings, appears to lie in intensive investigations of theseveral types in a number of limited areas. If there is preliminaryagreement on the classification of these configurations, and use isfully made of the three branches of study forming the three mainsections of this paper, comparisons of the results of the investigationsin each area should throw considerable light on the history and waysof life of the many tribes once occupying the vast area in the West
464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
in which the boulder configurations of unknown function are nowfound. APPENDIXA MODERN BLACKFOOT CAMPOn the morning of August 8, 1956, the Blackfoot began erectinglodges for their annual North American Indian Days Celebration(August 8-13, 1956) immediately to the rear of the Museum of thePlains Indian, in Bro^vIling, Mont, (see pi. 55, a). This celebrationhas replaced the Fourth of July gathering of previous years, andnow coincides with the season of the annual Sun Dance assemblageof the historic tribes, in which the various bands of the tribe campedin one village in the form of a circle of lodges.The summer season, usually beginning in June and ending in Sep-tember, was the only time of the year when the entire tribe was en-camped in a single village, using the camp circle. During the otherseasons the several bands occupied different camps and used otherarrangements of lodges (Ewers, 1955, p. 128). Similarly, the con-temporary Blackfoot come together only once or twice in one village,during the summer season, and here use the camp circle. The re-mainder of the year finds them living in their various rural communitieson the Reservation.August 8 and 9, the first 2 days of the encampment, provided op-portunities to secure detailed information and photogi'aphs of theerection of the lodges (pi. 54, b). By August 10 all the lodges werestanding: 39 canvas tipis of the 4-pole type, 69 wall tents, and 2umbrella tents. On this day, with the aid of Lloyd Torgerson ofEthridge, Mont., detailed aerial photographs, both oblique and hori-zontal, were obtained of the camp (pis. 55, a; 56, b). In the course ofthe same flight, a tipi-ring site, 24GL350, the rings of which formeda camp circle partially destroyed by road building, was photographedfor comparison with the modern camp, which was subsequentlymapped (figs. 36, 37; pi. 56, a). (Dm'ing the previous autumn the63 tipi rings at this site had been whitewashed for this purpose byan Indian crew under the writer's supervision?see pi. 55, b.)From August 8 through August 13 visits were made to the variouslodges of the encampment. Upon entering Lodge 26, owned by Mrs.Mae Williamson, it was discovered that rocks were being used to holddown the canvas liner of the lodge (pi. 57). These liners or backwalls "serve to keep out the wind and water that may find its way downthe poles from their tops. They protect the people from draughts,as air can enter under the edge of the tipi, pass upward between thecover and the back wall and out over their heads, affording ventilation
Antbrop. Pap.No. 62] STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 465
SITE ?40L35O
o
oO
SITES 5H0UINGTlPl RINGCAMP PATTERNS
o o O
o o
o oO
O o
O o o ooOoo SITE Z46L418oO
KX> 200 300 feat
O OOOOooo
Figure 36.?Sites showing tipi-ring camp patterns.
466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
?
?
?
i c.VtIe I ( 38
?
1156 BLACKFOarEMCAMPHENT
30 ?0 000/-N (7)?0 0/7)0?00 O
^^p*
Figure 37.?Camp plan, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont.
of the most approved type" (Wissler 1910, p. 106). Questioning ofMrs. Williamson elicited this information:The rocks were used to hold down and push out the tipi liner similar to their usein the old days. Quite a few of the other campers were using them too but mostof them were too lazy to gather rocks since they were not easily found at theBrowning camp ground. Filled parfleches are often used to push out the insideliner.Mrs. Nora Spanish, manager of the Blackfeet Arts and CraftsAssociation, revealed that:The North Blackfeet from Gleichen, Alberta, have discovered a new idea topeg the lining similar to the way the tipi cover is pegged to the ground, and loopsare now being sewn on the tipi liner for that purpose. A woman from Gleichentold me this in 1955, but claimed that it is much harder to peg the inside liner than
Na&'^^^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 467
the tipi cover, so rocks will continue to be used in most cases. There would beless wear on the liner with pegs than in using rocks. I have never seen pegsused to push out a tipi liner here on the Reservation, just rocks or parfleches, orboth. I am going to sew loops on Mother's (Julia Wades-in-the- Water) tipiliner and use pegs next year.The Blackfoot began to break camp on the morning of Monday,August 13. At this time measurements were taken of each tipi'sfloor dimensions, from peg to peg north-south and east-west, tabulatedin table 4, and the distances between each of the lodges were noted(table 5) ; these relationships can be seen in figure 37. It was noticedthat after removal of the lodge inner liner, with the tipi cover andpegs, rings of stones remained in place or slightly inside (0.3 to 1.2feet displacement) their former position against the tipi poles andpegs (pis. 58, 60, a). It was rare, although it did occur, that the rockswere found outside the peg line: in these instances their distancefrom the peg line was 0.3 to 0.6 foot. Unquestionably, the tipi ringsat this camp resulted from the pulling out of the canvas liner fromthe rocks placed on it as weights.Thirteen lodges left these tipi rings (table 6), with stones rangingfrom a total of as few as 5 to as many as 40 comprising each ring.The individual rocks varied from 0.3 to 1.2 feet in diameter and wereangular stream-rolled boulders identical to those forming the tipi ringson the archeological sites previously discovered on the Reservation.Later, after the Blackfoot had vacated the camp ground, the areawas thoroughly examined. In 22 of the 39 sites of former tipis, firehearth remains were visible (pis. 59, b; 60, a). Of these, 17 wereimlined, 4 had boulders placed to confine the fire, and 1 had a singlebrick. Where the hearth was unlined, large metal cans were some-times used instead to confine the fire, forming improvised stoveswhich still left a burned area and ashes on the ground; similarly,an inverted washtub "stove" (pi. 59, a) left hearth remains (pi. 60, a).In at least one tipi (Mrs. WilHamson's Lodge 26), however, a com-mercial stove was employed, which left no evidence of fire afterward.It appeared that for many hearths the sod had been scraped awaybefore a fire had been built, but one hearth seemed to have had dirtthrown on its fire to put it out.The fire hearths ranged from 0.8 to 3 feet in diameter. For 15,the east-west dimension was the larger; 2 were longer north-south;in the remaining 5, both measurements were exactly the same. Theboulder rings of the lined hearths contained 5 to 14 rocks, 0.6 to 1.1feet in diameter.The hearth was usually du-ectly between the north and south sidesof the lodge, but occasionally was closer to one or the other side. In
all but one case, the fire was nearer to the east side of the tipi, the
468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173doorway. It was never exactly in the middle of the east-west line, andin the one exception was closer to the west side than the east. Thisexception was Lodge 29, which, although erected by the Blackfootwith their four-pole construction, was occupied by visitors from theUmatilla Reservation, Oreg., who built their hearth apparentlyaccording to their own tradition: five unusually large rocks (0.6 to 1.1feet in diameter) placed in a semicircle with the opening to the east,and the whole, as before noted, closest to the west side of the lodge.In this, as in the hearths of the other two Umatilla lodges, charredlogs suggested that the visitors were not as thrifty of wood as theirBlackfoot hosts, at whose fireplaces only small scraps of tinder couldbe discovered.A peculiarity of the camp ground after the removal of the lodgeswas the evidence of their form-er location: rings of tall grass. Althoughthe grass was much trampled for a couple of feet around both theinterior and the exterior of the tipis, at the peg line itself it remainednoticeably unbroken, except for the area of the doorway, in which itwas badly worn down (pi. 60, b).The tipi sites were carefully searched for both perishable andimperishable remains. Of the former, wood, papers, cloth, woodentent pegs and skewers, eggshells, orange and lemon skins, a partiallyburnt, child's beaded moccasin and a woman's slipper were discovered;of the latter the campsite produced hearths (burnt earth, charcoal,charred wood, ash and fire-cracked or reddened rocks), burnt aswell as unburnt bone fragments, pieces of glass and metal (principallyfood containers), corn kernels, fruit stones, a seed (probably sun-flower), and a bead.i Examination of the 1956 Blackfoot encampment in conjunction withinvestigation of archeological tipi ring sites on the Blackfeet Reserva-tion leads to the inevitable conclusion that the phenomena are trulyhomologous (pi. 59, a, 6), resulting from the identical cause, the useof rocks as weights in anchoring tipis. The minor differences betweenthe modern and the older sites are attributable to the innovationsintroduced into Indian life by today's civilization (e. g., stoves, metaltools, and food containers), or to the "cerem.onial" aspects of themodern camp, in which several of the tipis were erected in memoryof former, now deceased owners, or as showplaces, but not actuallylived in, while none were intended to be more than temporary shelterduring a 4-day holiday. Thus, study of the modern camp not onlypresents and indicates the trend for (refer to Mrs. Spanish's statement)an interesting survival of the tradition of using rocks as weights fortipis, now restricted to anchoring the inner lining; but it also illumi-nates the archeological tipi-ring sites, corroborating the testimonies
Anthrop. Pap.No, 62] STONE TIPI RINGS?^KEHOE 469
of early travelers and elderly informants, and indicating that the tipirings are closely accurate markers of the sites and dimensions of thelodges of the aboriginal inhabitants of the region in which lies theBlackfeet Indian Reservation.Table 4.
?
Ti-pis in 1956 Blackfoot encampment
Tip!No.
470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
NoS^"^^"^' STONE TIPI RINGS?^KEHOE 471LITERATURE CITED
Alden, William C.1912. Pre-Wisconsin glacial drift in the region of Glacier National Park,Montana. Geol. Soc. America Bull., vol. 23, pp. 687-708.Bliss, Wesley L.1949. Archaeological reconnaissance in Wyoming and Montana, 1946-1947.Fifth Plains Conf. Archaeol., Proc. Notebook 1, pp. 7-12.Bradley, James H.1900. Affairs at Fort Benton, Montana Hist. Soc. Contr. 3.Bushnell, David I., Jr.1922. Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes west of theMississippi. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 77.Dawson, George Mercer.1875. Report on the geology and resources of the region in the vicinity ofthe forty-ninth parallel, from the Lake of the Woods to the RockyMountains. British North American Boundary Commission. Rep.Dempsey, Hugh A.1956. Stone "medicine wheels"?memorials to Blackfoot war chiefs.Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 46, pp. 177-182.Denny, Sir Cecil.MS. The birth of Western Canada. MS. (n. d.) Provincial Archives,Government of Alberta, Edmonton.Eggan, Fred R.1952. The ethnological cultures and their archeological backgrounds. InArcheology of Eastern United States, J. B. Griffin, ed. Chicago.Ewers, John C.1944. The story of the Blackfeet. U. S. Office Indian Affairs, Indian Lifeand Customs Pamph. 6. Lawrence, Kans.1949. The last bison drives of the Blackfoot Indians. Journ. WashingtonAcad. Sci., vol. 39, pp. 355-360.1955. The horse in Blackfoot Indian culture. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull.151.Grinnell, George Bird.1892. Blackfoot lodge tales. New York.Hewes, Gordon.1948. Early tribal migration in the northern Great Plains. Plains Archeol.Conf. News Letter, vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 3-12.Hilger, Sister M. Inez.1952. Arapaho chUd life and its cultural background. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.BuU. 148.Hind, Henry Youle.1860. Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expeditionof 1858. Vol. 1. London.Hoffman, J. Jacob.1953. Comments on the use and distribution of tipi rings in Montana,North Dakota, South Dakota and Wyoming. Montana StateUniv. Anthrop. and Sociol. Pap. 14.
472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173
Jennings, Jesse D.1948. Plainsmen of the past, a review of the prehistory of the Plains.Omaha, National Park Service Region 2, Missouri River BasinRecreation Survey.Kehoe, Thomas F.1954. Stone "medicine wheels" in southern Alberta and the adjacentportion of Montana: Were they designed as grave markers? Journ.Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 44, pp. 133-137.1955. Museum of the Plains Indian Newsletter, vol. 1, No. 2. Browning,Mont.Krieger, Alex D.1956. Early Man: Alberta. Amer. Antiq., vol. 21, No. 4, p. 450.Lewis, H. P.MS. Bison kills in Montana. Copy (n. d.) in Museum of the PlainsIndian Library, Browning, Mont.Lewis, Oscar.1942. The effects of White contact upon Blackfoot culture. Amer.Ethnol. Soc. Monogr. 6.Lewis, T. H.1889. Stone monuments in southern Dakota (with report of discussion bymembers of the Anthropological Society). Amer. Anthrop., vol.2, pp. 162-165.1890. Stone monuments in northwestern Iowa and southwestern Minnesota.Amer. Anthrop., vol. 3, pp. 272-274.Lowie, Robert H.1922. The material culture of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer.Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pp. 201-270.Malouf, Carling.MS. Montana archeology. MS. (n. d.) lent by author.Maximilian, Prince of Wied, see Wied Neuwied, Maximilian Alexander Philip,Prinz von.McClintock, Walter.1910. The Old North Trail. London.1936. The Blackfoot tipi. Southwest Museum Leaflet 5.McLean, John.1896. Canadian savage folk. Toronto.MuLLOY, William T.1952. The Northern Plains. In Archeology of Eastern United States,J. B. Griffin, ed. Chicago.1954. Archaeological investigations in the Shoshone Basin of Wyoming.Univ. Wyoming Publ., vol. 18, No. 1.Phillips, Paul C, editor.1927. John R. Barrow: A Wisconsin youth in Montana, 1880-1882.Sources of Northwest History 1, Montana State Univ. Hist.Reprints.ScHULTz, James Willard.1907. My life as an Indian. New York.Smith, J. Rtjssel.1925. North America. New York.Speck, Frank G.1928. Notes on the functional basis of decoration and feather technique ofthe Oglala Sioux. Mus. Amer. Indian, Heye Foundation, IndianNotes, vol. 5. No. 1, pp. 1-42.
No*62^^' ^"^^' STONE TIPI RINGS?KEHOE 473SwANTON, John R.1952. The Indian tribes of North America. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull.145.United States Department of Commerce Weather Bureau.1953. Local climatological data, Great Falls, Mont., 1952. Kansas City.Wedel, Waldo R.1948. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program. Smith-sonian Misc. Coll., vol. Ill, No. 2, 52 pp.1953. Review of MuUoy's "The Northern Plains." Amer. Antiq., vol. 19,pp. 178-179.WiED Neuwied, Maximilian Alexander Philip, Prinz von.1906. Travels in the interior of North America in the years 1832, 1833, and1834. Part 1. In Early Western Travels. Reuben GoldThwaites, ed. Vol. 23. Cleveland.Will, George F.1924. Archaeology of the Missouri Valley. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus.Nat. Hist., vol. 22, pt. 6.WissLER, Clark.1910. Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer.Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 5, pt. 1,1913. Societies and dance associations of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop.Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11, pt. 4.Withers, Arnold.1950. Survey in Eastern Colorado?University of Denver. Proc. SixthPlains Archeological Conference (1948). Univ. Utah, Anthrop.Pap. No. 11, pp. 10-11.
471762?60 32

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 48
a, Site 24GL390. Boulder-lined fire hearth excavated in the center of tlpi ring overlookingGreasewood Creek. Rocks were absent in west portion of fireplace; occupational materialconsisted of small charcoal particles, b, Adam White Man standing in the doorway ofthe tlpi ring identified as belonging to his father. Arrow points east, to the spot described
as the fire hearth; rocks in upper right mark outside cooking hearth. (See fig. 29.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 49
a. Site 24GLS20. Looking down from a bison drive on the south side of Milk River Ridge.Six of a group of nine tipl rings may be seen between bottom of picture and automobileSee fig. 35.) b, Site 24GL490. Testing boulder-lined fire hearth.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 50
a, Looking down from the south edge of Milk River Ridge, site 24GL486 in exact center ofphotograph, h. Site 24GL487, ring 1 (Milk River Ridge in background).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 51
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a, Detailed view of section of the stone circle, site 24GL487, ring 4 (trowel points north).b, Site 24GL486, ring 4, one of a cluster of six tipi rings located on the slope of the southside of Milk River Ridge. Ring is 14 feet in diameter and contains a boulder-linedfireplace.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 52
mm^%j'<=:y^- \
a, Rock ring fire hearth, site 24GL486, ring 4. Square 2L1 (right) excavated to hard graylayer, 0.1 foot below surface, b, Section of the stone circle, ring 4, site 24GL486, square2L2j rock ring fire hearth in square 2L1 (see a).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY RUl LFTIN t?:^ PLATE 53
a, Site 24GL486, ring 4. Rocks in square ILl (upper left) displaced by blowout; square1L2, unexcavated, shows rocks embedded in ground between excavated squares ILland 2L2; rock ring hearth in foreground, b, Fasting shelter of Ear Rings, Earrings Hill,southeast of Starr School on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation. (Photograph takenOctober 1950; courtesy Claude E. Schaeffer.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 54
a. Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with a buffalo drive site on the south side of MilkRiver Ridge. (See pi. 49, a.) Fragmented bones were found in abundance in the hillslope beyond the jeep. Rock pile drive lanes extend from the drop-off along the crestof the Ridge (not visible in photograph), h, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26 at the1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 55
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I
a. Oblique aerial view from the southeast of the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning,Mont, b, Whitewashing tipi rings preparatory to photographing, site 24GL3S0.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 56
a. Aerial view of site 24GL350. Note similarity of tipi-ring pattern to arrangement of1956 encampment lodges (below), b. Horizontal aerial view of the south row of tipis(Nos. 2 to 12 and 39), 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. Note small playtipi below larger lodge, right center.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 57
it-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 58
a, Rocks forming a tipi ring after removal of inner lining and tipi cover of Lodge 26, 1956Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont, (dpi poles still standing in place), b, Removalof the poles of Lodge 14, showing rock-lined fire hearth and tipi ring remaining.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 59
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i^-'%^iimi2smi^^ '':smmsri^?ss!)ia!smmi^mim
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a, Mar}' Ground in ihe center of ihe tipi ring left after removal of her tipi, Lodge 30, inbreaking camp, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont, b, Mary Ground's tipiring and unlined fire hearth after her departure (see a).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 60
a, Closeup view of Mary Ground's tip! ring, site of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment,Browning, Mont. Dotted line indicates former position of tipi pegs (i. c., edge of lodgecover). Note lack of packing of grass along edge of ring, b, Blackfoot man using 2-foot-wide doorway of Lodge 2, 1956 encampment.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 61
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a. Children's play tipi, Lodge 39, next to Lodge 6, 1956 Blackfoot encampment. Browning,Mont, h, Tom Horn's family in front of their tipi, Blackfoot Reservation, 1910. (Noterock weights.)
INDEX
Abraders, 197sandstone, 159, 171-172, 178, 186,194, 197, 215, 220, 246, 248Adams, John, 222Adam White Man, Blackfoot informant,429, 430-431, 432, 433, 434, 446Adornment, 260-251Adz, bone, 199Agate, 193moss, 446Agriculture, 245, 251Airas, native informer, 289, 290, 291,292, 293Akron, Washington County, Colo., 229Albany County, Wyo., 236Albemarle County, Va., 65, 82Alden, William C, 438Alexander, Mr.? , owner of RM-1, 36Allegheny Mountains, Highland County,10-11Alma, Harlan County, Nebr., 146A16wanpi ceremony, Dakota Indians,351, 353, 354, 357, 369, 379American flag, shown in Indian wintercounts, 351American Horse, Oglala Indian, 346,350, 352, 354, 358, 360, 361, 362,365, 366, 373, 379, 383, 388, 390American Horse count, Oglala band, 346Anderson, J. A., 347Angaur, Palau group, 295Angostura Reservoir area, S. Dak., 139,237Anguispira alternata, 32Annie Calf Looking, Blackfoot inform-ant, 429, 430, 433, 434Antelope, 143, 204, 216Antlers, worked, 174-175, 179, 215, 22],245, 246Apache Indians, 240Arago, J., 286Arapaho Indians, 361Archeology, Northwest Virginia, rela-tionship to archeology of East-ern United States, 80-89Archithinue natives, 460Argillite, maroon, 445Arikara Indians, 340, 347, 348, 350, 354,355, 356, 360, 365, 368, 373Arickaree River, 231Armbands, bone, 198, 202-203Arrowheads, black flint, 21, 458quartzite, 65stone, 426Arrow points, bone, 246Arrows, 380, 381, 398Arrow-shaft polisher, 206, 215, 241, 244
Arrow-shaft wrenches, 241Artifacts, bone, 173 (table), 179, 198(table), 204, 212, 238chipped-stone, 66, 81, 83, 178, 197,238, 245, 248contents of tipi rings, 470glass, 238horn, 238metal, 155, 238shell, 242stone, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,40, 41, 67 (table), 155 (list), 158,181, 182, 238Houses I and II, 149 (list)House III, 160 (list)House IV, 151 (list)House VI, 156 (list)miscellaneous, 63-58, 213Plains type, 241, 252stone, 212Arundo donax, 267Ash Hollow Cave (Site 25GD2), 141,184, 189, 191, 216, 223-224, 236,237, 247, 255, 384Ashley, William, Dakota Indian, 341Ash trees, 146, 177Aspen trees, 438Assiniboin Indians, 347, 348, 364, 355,376, 377, 387, 424, 426Athabascans, 240, 245, 251, 262Athapaskan bands, 440Atlatl, description of, 267-268use of, on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoa-can, 261-268Atlatl weight, 17Augusta County sites, 12, 13 (map),15-31, 74AU-1 (quartzite-using station), 12,16, 76, 77 (chart)AU-2 (Buffalo Gap), 12, 15-16, 63,77 (chart), 85, 86AU-3 (rock mound), 13 (map), 16AU-3A (preceramic site), 13 (map),16AU-4 (preceramic, chert-using pe-riod), 16-17, 49, 57 (table), 66,67 (table), 68, 77 (chart)AIJ-5 (near Staunton, Va.), 17, 30,49, 57 (table;, 61, 67 (table), 77(chart)AU-6 (rock shelter), 17AU-7 (Quick's MiU), 17AU-8 (near Waynesboro, AugustaCounty), 17, 67 (table), 77 (chart)AU-9 (near Waynesboro), 8, 17-18,50, 77 (chart) 475
476 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 1731
Augusta County sites?ContinuedAU-10 (on Calfpasture River), 18,68. 77 (chart)AU-11 (north of Waynesboro), 18-19, 49, 57 (table), 61, 64, 66, 67(table), 68, 69, 74, 77 (chart), 84AU-12 (east of Dooms, Jarmen'sGap), 19, 77 (chart)AU-13 (near Waynesboro), 19, 49,57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 68,69, 74, 77 (chart), 84AU-14 (Dooms, Va.), 19, 57 (table)77 (chart)AU-15 (north of Dooms), 19-20,57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-16 (north of Harrison), 20, 60,57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-17 (quartzite-usina; station),20, 24, 50, 57 (table) 69, 77(chart)AU-18 (near Crimora), 20, 57(table), 77 (chart)AU-19 (Staunton, Va.), 21AU-20 (Lewis Creek Mound), 7,21-22AU-21 (on Middle River), 22, 57(table), 61, 64, 75, 77 (chart)AU-22 (on Middle River), 22, 57(table)AU-23 (near Lofton), 22-23, 28,50, 57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-24 Cnear Lipscomb), 23, 50, 57(table), 67 (table), 77 (chart)AU-25 (southwest of Waynesboro),23, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-26 (near Lipscomb), 20, 23-24,57 (table), 61, 68, 69, 74, 77(chart), 78, 84AU-27 (rock shelter), 8, 24, 77(chart)AU-28 (SE of AU-27), 8, 24AU-29 (Seidling Hill), 24-25(table), 49, 77 (chart)AU-30(Natural Chimneys), 25-26,52AU-31 (southeast of Laurel Hill),26, 49, 57 (table), 61, 77 (chart),78AU-32 (near Stuart's Draft), 26,57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-33 (near Stuart's Draft), 26-27, 57 (table)AU-34 (south of Stuart's Draft),27, 57 (table), 61AU-35 (on Middle River), 27, 41,57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-35-M (East Mound), 7, 12,13 (map), 27, 57, 85AU-35-V-1 (village site), 12, 13(map), 27, 52, 57 (table), 61, 64,77 (chart)AU-35-V-2 (village site), 12, 13(map), 27-28, 61, 62, 77 (chart)AU-36 (northwest of Staunton),28, 49, 67 (table), 67 (table), 68,77 (chart)
Aus;usta Countv sites?Continued^ AU-37 (Deerfield Valley), 28, 68,77 (chart)AU-38 (east of Lofton), 28, 52, 57(table)AU-39 (near Lofton), 28-29AU-40 (northeast of Vesuvius), 29,60, 57 (table), 77 (chart)AU-41 (left bank McKittrickCreek), 29, 49, 57 (table), 77(chart)AU-42 (on Calfpasture River), 29,77 (chart)AU-43 (northeast of Verona), 29-30, 67 (table), 77 (chart)AU-44 (on Middle River), 30, 67(table), 61, 75, 77 (chart)AU-45 (on Middle River), 8, 30, 49,67 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 77(chart)AU-46 (on Middle River), 30-31,67 (table), 77 (chart), 78AU-47 (opposite AU-46), 31, 68AU-48 (slope of Bell's CreekValley), 31, 68, 77 (chart)AU-49 (northwest of Laurel Hill),31Awls, bone, 149, 159, 173, 179, 186, 198,200-202, 205, 207, 216, 220, 222,241, 244, 245, 246flat, 215, 220iron, 215, 251spatula, 242splinter, 216Ax, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 36, 38,39, 40, 67crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 67 (table), 58,81, 84, 90-127 (tables)crude limestone, 30grooved, 21polished and grooved, 17trade, 164, 165, 176, 179, 250, 426,430, 435Aztecs, atlatl used by, 266, 267BA (Bath County), 12, 13 (map), 31-32BA-1 (rock shelter near MillboroSprings), 31-32, 63, 77 (chart),78Back Creek, south of Waynesboro, 15,23,76Bad Bird, Indian brave, 394Badger, 204Baez, Peter H., 421Baker Site (Site 25CH14), 217, 255Bald Knob, Augusta County, Va., 29Bamim ideographic script, 273B and M Site (3 miles northeast ofHudson), 232Banner County, Nebr., 223, 236Barrow, John R., 427Bath County (BA), 10, 12, 13 (map),31-32, 74
INDEX 477
Battiste Good Count, Teton Dakotaband, 346, 348Battle or Bell Mound No. 1 (RB-7)Rockbridge County, 8, 42, 84Beads, 173-174, 243, 285bone, 150, 159, 173, 179, 186, 200,205, 206, 220, 241, 248, 250conch columella, 25copper, 215cylindrical, 242decorations, 215glass, 231marginella, 22oval, 200porcelain, 181, 211round, 198shell, 21, 22, 42, 242trade, 211tubular, 173, 198, 200, 224, 241,244, 250turquoise, 215, 243, 250, 251Beamers, rib, 198Beams, house, 280Bear, Indian representation, 371, 372Bear Butte, in winter counts, 362, 368Bear Claw ("Tree Top" (Jack)), 412Bear-Crane, Crow Indian, 428Bear Heart, Indian brave, 383Beaver (Castor canadensis), 32, 177, 204,245bone, unworked, 158, 159, 179, 216represented in winter counts, 352Beaver Creek, Scott County, Kans., 237Beaver Dam, represented by Indians,352Beaver Shield, Indian brave, 407Beckwith, Martha Warren, 371, 378Beede, Rev. A. McGaffev, 342, 343, 347,351, 353, 361, 362, 370, 398, 402,403, 405, 407, 408Bell, John M., owner of RB-7; 42Bell, Richard, Jr., information from, 16Bell's Creek Valley, near Staunton, Va.,31Bent Horn, Indian brave, 411Berry Woman, Piegan woman, 432Bibliography, 258-260Big Bear, Indian brave, 395Big Head, Indian warrior, 388, 405Big Missouri's winter count, 339, 346,356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363,365, 367, 371, 373Birds, in winter counts, 36232 (list), 34 (list)Birdwood Creek, 16 miles northwest ofHershey, Nebr., 211Bison (Bison bison), 143, 159, 177, 179,180, 204, 244, 245Bison drives, Indian hunting method,438, 446Black Bear, Indian brave, 407Black Crow, Indian brave, 401Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Association,439, 466Blackfeet Indian Reservation, north-central Montana, 437, 438, 439,
Blackfeet Indian Reservation?Con.441, 442, 443, 445, 455, 456, 457,459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 467, 468,469environmental factors, 437-439ethnological background, 439-440Blackfoot Agency Headquarters,Browning, Mont., 437Blackfoot Camp, Modern, 464-470Blackfoot Indians, 350, 355, 365, 372,424, 426, 427, 428, 435, 436, 440,444, 457, 459, 460, 461, 463, 467,468camp plans, 442-443, 464, 465 (fig.),466 (fig.), 467-468, 469 (table),470 (tables)Blackfoot informants, 429-436
"Blackfoot Peneplain," pre-Pleistocene,438Black Hills, S.Dak., 143, 359, 368Black Hills Treaty, 396Black Moon, Indian brave, 402Black Shield, see Beaver Shield.Black Thunder's count, 352Blades, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26,27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51greenstone, 75large, types, 45 (figs.), 48, 53, 81,90-127 (tables)Large Triangular, Type T, 42Blankets, use of, 428Bliss, Theodora Crosby, 289Bliss, Wesley L., 441, 442Block A-1, 76, 77 (chart), 78, 79Block A-2, 77 (chart)Block A-3, 77 (chart)Block A-4, 77 (chart)Block B-1, 77 (chart)Block B-2, 77 (chart)Block B-3, 77 (chart)Block B-4, 77 (chart)Block C-1, 77 (chart)Block C-2, 77 (chart)Block C-3, 77 (chart)Block C-4, 77 (chart)Block D-1, 77 (chart)Block D-2, 77 (chart)Block D-3, 77 (chart)Block D-4, 76, 77 (chart)Blood Indians, 426, 460Bloomington, Franklin County, Nebr.,221Blue Ridge Mountains, Va., 10, 11, 12,58, 74, 81Blue Thunder group, winter counts,341, 342, 343, 348-413Blue Thunder Variant I, 341, 342, 343,348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368,369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375,376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382,383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389,390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405,406, 407, 408, 409, 410471762?60- -34
478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Blue Thunder Variant II, 341, 342-343,348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368,369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375,376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382,383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389,390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405,406, 407, 408, 409, 410Blue Thunder Variant III (YellowLodge Count), 340, 341, 343, 348349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 302363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413414Board, wooden, writing on, 282, 293, 295Bone, burned, 154, 158, 159, 213, 217, 446unworked, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158,159, 172, 179, 182, 183, 205worked, 149, 150, 151, 158, 172-174, 179, 183, 198-204, 205, 206-207, 214, 217, 220-221, 245Bones, animal fragments, 24, 25, 32(list), 33 (list), 159, 183, 238bird, 32 (list), 34 (list), 204, 241bison, 438long bones, 249unworked, 158, 159, 188, 222worked, 159, 174, 186, 198-199,216buflfalo, 215deer, rodent-gnawed, 25deer, unworked, 158, 159, 179, 204,216fish, 177, 205, 216, 245, 251, 268horse, 205, 216human, fragments of, 21, 41, 42mammal, 241turtle, unworked, 158, 159, 177,179, 216Boulder, Colo., 232Boulder County, Colo., 231Boulder Site (9 miles east of Boulder),232, 256Bow, carried by Indians, 383, 384, 392Bow and arrow, 265, 266, 373, 383, 386Bowl, orifice, 191wooden, 276Box, wooden, 278Boxelder trees, 145Boysen Reservoir, Wvo., 441Bradley, James H., 460, 461, 462Bradshaw, Mrs. Bessie, owner of CloverCreek Mound, 36Brady, Verl P., 421Brass, sheet, 155, 176Brave Bear, killed, 383, 384BreastworIvS, legendary, 182Ereechcloth, worn by Indians, 368
Bridle, horse, 358Brings-down-the-Sun, Blackfoot cere-monialist, 427, 428Broad Draft, Augusta County, Va., 28Brocket, Alberta, Canada, 429Broken Bow, Nebr., 177Broken Head, Indian chief, 398Brown, J. Macmillan, 273, 274, 275,276, 282, 283, 293, 298, 299, 300Brown, Prof. W. R., information from,21-22Browning, Mont., 429Brownlee, Jerry, information from, 19Brownlee, on North Loup River, 208Brownsburg, Va., 40Brush Creek, 222Buffalo, white, represented on wintercounts, 374, 386Buffalo Bull, chief's son, 362Buffalo-bull-standing, Indian brave, 412Buffalo chips, used for fuel, 427, 457Buffalo drives, Indian hunting method,457, 460Buffalo drive sites, 457, 460, 461 (fig.)Buffalo Fool, Indian brave, 409Buffalo Gap, George Washington Na-tional Forest, 15Buffalo Ghost, Indian brave, 407Buffalo Head, Indian chief, 378Buffalo horn, ceremonial use of, 366Buffalo kills, 443Buffalo Pound Plill Lake, near MooseJaws Forks, 425Buffaloes, 357, 361, 366, 376, 377skins, used for tipi covers, 460traps, 429, 433Buick, Elbert County, Colo., 230Bull Canyon Site (Site 25BN2), 222-223,236Bull Head, Blackfoot informant, 429,432, 433, 434See also Hat.Bullpasture River, Highland County,Va., 10, 35Burdick, Eugene, 343, 344Burdick, Usher L., 345, 351, 374Bureau of American Ethnology, 225Bureau of Indian Affairs, 421Burial mounds, 78, 85Burials, 42, 178, 216flexed, 27, 85Burnsville Highway, Highland County,Va., 35Burrows, Edwin G., and Spiro, MelfordE., 289, 294, 307Bush Count, Dakota Indians, 346, 352,353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360,362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 370, 371,377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392Bushnell, David I., Jr., 425, 445, 460Butts, Charles, information from, 11, 71Byers Site (10 miles north of Byers,Colo.), 232, 256Cactus, 143Calamus River, 143
INDEX 479
Calfpasture River, Augusta County, 10,11, 16, 18, 25, 28, 41, 42, 75Caliche, white chalky material, 167, 172,245, 246, 250Callar, Charles, collections by, 24, 25(table)Calumet, peace pipe, 362Calvin Boy, Blackfoot informant, 429Campbell, "W. S., 437Camp Circle, 433, 462, 464Camp May Flather, Girl Scout Camp,24Camp plans, Blackfoot Indians, 442(table), 443Cafia brava, native name for native cane,267Cane {Gynerium sagitiatum) , 267Canis sp., 177, 179, 216Cannibalism, practice of, 367Cannon Ball River, 379, 381Canoe-house beams, 279Canoes, 266, 274, 276, 278, 285, 289, 351,364outrigger, 285outrigger platform, 296sailing, 288Cans, metal, used as stoves, 467Caute T'inza (Strongheart), warriorsociety, 357, 412Canyon Ferry Reservoir, Missouri River,Helena, Mont., 441Capote, white, worn by Dakota scouts,355, 383, 384, 387, 391Captive Butte, 385Carbon, in fireplaces, 188Carnivora, bones of, 32Caroline Islands script, 269-333affiliations, 287analysis of the writing, 299-307comparison of native texts, 307-309(fig.), 310 (fig.)effect of dialects, 304-305final consonants, 305-307informants on, 282 (list)lack of correspondence of charactersand syllables, 303-304length of vowel, 300, 301 (list), 302list of inventors, Type 1, 295number and sequence of characters,282origin of the writing, 282-299present-dav knowledge and distri-bution of, 279-280, 281 (map)summary, 309-311syllabic values, 283tables, 313-333Type 1, 273-276, 277, 279, 283, 291,293, 297 (list of characters), 298(list), 300, 310Type 1, date of invention, 297Type 1, derivation of characters,297-299Tvpe 1, foreign influence, 296-297Type 1, history, 294-296Tvpe 1, invention at Faraulep,295-296
Caroline Islands script?ContinuedType 2, 277-278, 279, 283, 286,288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294,298, 300, 310Type 2, history reconstructed,284-294Type 2, similarity to the romanalphabet, 283Type 2, spread of, 293-294vowel characters, 302-303Carries Braid, Blackfoot Indian, 430Carroll, Lt. Kevin, information from,280Carry - His - Lodge - on - Back, Indianbrave, 404Castor canadensis, 32, 177Catlinite, 167, 172, 215, 246Cecile Black Boy, Blackfoot informant,429, 430, 434Cecile White Man, Indian woman, 430Celts, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29,30, 37, 67, 84crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table),90-127 (table)greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (figs.)pecked or polished, 53, 54 (fig.),57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables)Ceramic area, Allegheny, 58, 61, 63, 64,83, 85Central and North Central, 61, 64,72 (map), 83, 84Stony Creek, 65, 71, 72 (map)Ceramic complex, 29, 35, 38, 57 (table),58, 68, 69, 70 (map) , 76, 78, 81,87, 88Chalcedony, 66, 167, 181, 182, 185, 187,193, 196, 206, 219, 225, 228, 229,246Bad Lands, 193, 195, 196Chalk, silicified, 195, 220Champe, John L., 139, 142, 143, 145,176, 224, 238Charcoal, 33, 36, 152, 154, 158, 159, 177,188, 204, 213, 216, 217, 221, 224,250 449 457layer,' 32, 152, 159, 183, 189, 432,437Charging Bear, Indian name for MajorWelch, 411, 412Charlie Strikes with Gun, Indian guide,432Chaske, Indian trader, 352Cherry, wild, 204, 205Cherry County, Nebr., 208Cherry Creek, 363Chert, blue, 11, 16blue-gray, 11, 35gray, 11, 167Chert rocks (chips), 11, 18, 31, 33, 34,35, 38, 41, 66, 67 (table), 68, 71,74, 75, 90-127 (tables)
"Chert-using" stations, designation of,14, 16, 18, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34,35, 41, 50, 51, 68, 69, 70 (map),78, 79, 82, 87
480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]Chewing Black Bones, Blackfoot in-formant, 429, 433Cheyenne County, Colo., 234Cheyenne Indians, 350, 361, 437Cheyenne River, 350, 368Chevenne River Reservation, 346Chickenpox, 377, 378See also Measles; Smallpox.Chief Joseph, Indian chief, 397Chief's or Bell Mound No. 2 (RB-7), 42Chipmunk {Taniias striatus), 34Chipped points, classification chart, 156
"Chippewa," refers to Turtle Mountainbands, 347, 350, 365, 366Chokecherries, 143, 216, 245Choppers, 170, 178, 186, 194, 196, 197,206, 214, 220, 225, 242, 248Churchville, Va., 12Claiborne, Mrs. Virginia, director ofValentine Museum, 42Clay, burned, 205pottery, 193Clement, Basil, interpreter, 346Cloth, 285Cloud Fire, white man, 414Cloud Shield count, Oglala band, TetonDakota tribe, 346, 352, 358, 362,363, 364, 366, 373, 385, 388Clover Creek Mound (HD-9), 7, 36, 85Cluny, Alberta, 429Coat, red, in winter counts, 356Cocking, Matthew, 460Coconut-leaf midribs, writing on, 295Coe, Joffre, 82Cohen, Lucy Cramer, 339, 341, 347, 356,358, 359, 362, 363, 365, 367, 373Coked material, 207Colorado Piedmont, Central Plains area,143, 144Comanches, 243, 440Comet, in winter counts, 409, 410Conklin, H. C, 296Cooking hearth, stone, 431 (fig.), 432Cooper, Paul, 140Coots, hunting of, 266Copper, sheet, 176Copper fragment, 27, 42, 176, 238Corbett Branch, tributary of Calfpas-ture River, 16Cordage, 285Corn, charred, 32, 204, 216, 217, 222,238, 245, 250dry, 365Corncobs, 216, 217Cornhusks, 210, 217Corral fence, Chippewa, 365Costilla County, Colo., 235Costume, Grass dance, 401, 414Cotton Wood, Yanktonaise chief, 402Cottonwood Creek, 221Cottonwood trees, 143, 145, 438Cougar, represented by Indians, 378Coup stick, represented, 369, 373, 385,392, 394
Cowpasture River, Bath County, Va.,10, 31, 35Coyotes, 143, 159, 177, 250Crawford, Nebr., 226Crazy Bear, Indian chief, 398Crazy Walker, Indian brave, 398Cree Indians, 388, 424, 428, 432, 436Crimora, near South River, Va., 20Cross, Dorothv, 82Crow Creek, 350Crow Creek Reservation, 346Crowfeather, Indian chief, 393Crowfoot, Chief, 432Crow Indians, 340, 348, 353, 354, 355,356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 366,367, 369, 373, 374, 376, 378, 379380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395,400, 405, 426, 428Crow King, Indian brave, 400Crow Reservation, 428Crows (birds), 363, 364Cuartelejos tribes, 243Gumming, Robert, 140Curtis, Edward S., 339, 341, 346, 352,353, 354, 356, 360, 361, 362, 363,364, 368, 370, 371, 382, 387, 389,390, 392, 401Curtis, Nebr., 222Custer, General, 390, 396Daddy Run, tributary of CalfpastureRiver, 16Dakota calendar, see Dakota wintercounts.Dakota Indians, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343,347 (list), 350, 351, 354, 355, 356,357, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,366, 367, 370, 371, 373, 378, 379,382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 390,391, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,399, 400, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406,407, 408, 409, 428Dakota winter counts, description of,347-414introduction, 339-341names and authorship, 341-345counts used for comparison, 345-347Dakota Winter Counts as a Source ofPlains History, by James H.Howard, 335-416Damm, H., 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 282,283, 288, 289, 293, 294, 300Damm, H., and Sarfert, E., 274, 277,278, 283, 284, 294, 299Damtown, see Fort Defiance Mill.Davidson, Dr. John F., 177Davis, E. Mott, 140Dawson, George M., 426Day, S. Victor, 446Dead Horse Head Point, MissouriRiver, location of flood, 366Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) , 32, 33,177antlers, unworked, 33, 158antler tips, 159
INDEX 481
Deerfield, Augusta County, Va., 16,25 28Dempsey', Hugh, 426, 429, 457, 460Dendrochronology, 177, 179, 204, 216,221Denny, Sir Cecil, Indian agent, 426Densmore, Frances, 344, 345, 351, 352,353, 382, 383De Smet, Father, Catholic priest, 391Dick, Herbert, 140Dickens, Nebr., 211Dick Site (25FT9), 222, 255Different-Kind-of-a-Gun-Woman, wifeof Tom Horn, 435Digging tools, scapula, 173, 174, 179,186, 198, 204, 241Diorite, 445Diringer, David, 275, 282, 283, 296Dismal River, 143, 180, 181, 182, 222Dismal River area, 140, 239Dismal River Aspect, 139, 180, 204,212, 221, 236, 238, 239, 242, 243,244, 245adornments, 250-251definition of, 141, 142, 251description of, 245-251environmental setting, 143-144exchange, 251religion and mortuary customs, 251review of previous work, 141-143sources of information, 255-257(tables)structures, 248-250subsistance, 245summary and conclusions, 251-252technology, 245-248tools and implements, 248Dismal River culture, 238, 241 242Dismal River people, 143, 144, 145, 179,180, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 252Dismal River relationships, 238-245Dismal River sites, 144 (map), 145-180,194, 230, 238, 241, 253-254(tables)Dodd, Howard, 140, 226Dog Ghost, Indian leader, 365Dog head, Blackfoot Indian, 429Dogs, 177, 204, 245, 250burden carriers, 424, 428, 429, 430,434, 435Don't Laugh Band, Blackfoot Indians?430, 434Dooms, in Jarmen's Gap, ShenandoahNational Park, 19Drills, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30,31, 37, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table),58, 84, 90-127 (tables), 149,151,168-169, 178, 179, 182, 194-195,214-215, 238, 242, 246, 252cigar-shaped, 168-169, 194-195,214, 220, 225, 240, 242, 248expand ed-base, 169, 194, 209, 220,238, 248flint, 159, 246straight, 214
Driver, Capt. W. R., information from,285Drum dance, shown by Indians, 402Drybranch, tributary of Jackson River,33, 34Duck Chief, Mrs., Blackfoot interpreter,429, 435Ducks, 266Dugouts, 354, 355Dundy County, Nebr., 217Duvail, on lodge-cover weights, 428Eads, Cheyenne County, Colo., 234Eagle, 204Eagle Calf, Blackfoot Indian, 431Eagle catches, 458Eagle Claw, Indian, 402, 408, 413See also Frosted Red Fish.Eagle Claw, Indian woman, mother ofFrosted Red Fish, 408Eagle Hills, southern Saskatchewan, 440Eagle Nest, Indian warrior, 385Eagle trapper, 355, 356Eagle trapping, ritualized, 356Earrings, John Bird, son of Ear Rings,459Ear Rings, Piegan Indian, 459Earth, ))urned, 152-153, 154, 158, 188Earth, Indian woman, see Eagle ClawEast, John, owner of locaUty AU-35-M,27Easter Island writing, 275, 276East Farm, near Churchville, 12East Mound (AU-35-M), 7Eauripik, Eoleai Islands, 273, 279, 280,284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292,293, 294, 304, 309Edwards, Guy, Park Superintendent,National Park Service, 19Eggan, Fred R., 462Egilimar, Caroline Islands chief, 273Elato, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276,277, 278, 279, 285, 287Elbert, S. H., 273Elbert County, Colo., 230Elderberries, 143Elk, 204, 215, 216Elkskin, tanned, tent covers, 427Elk Spider, Dakota chief, 375Elkton, southwest of Island Ford, 40Elk Yells in the Water Bear, Indianwoman, 430Elliptio complanatus, 32, 34Elmendorf, Dr. William, 421Elm trees, 145El Quartelejo, 239Ender, Nebr., 217Entrance, eastern, 240Evans, Clifford, sherds classified by, 8,15, 21, 23, 24, 36, 43, 47, 58, 61,63, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87Ewald, Paul, help from, 340Ewers, John C, 421, 427, 430, 434, 440,447, 462, 464Exchange, 251
482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Fais Island, Caroline Islands, 284, 287Falalap Island, Woleai atoll, 279, 289Falalus, Woleai Islands, 278Falling stars, Indian representation of,371Fall River County, S. Dak., 237Faraulep Island, Caroline Islands, 273,274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280,282, 284, 285, 287, 293, 295, 296,297, 304, 310Fasting shelters, not tipi-ring circles,459Faunal remains, 176-177 (table), 179,204 (table), 216Feather Hawk, Indian brave, 408Feathers, blue, used by Indians, 357Finsch, Otto, 285Fireplaces, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152,154, 155, 175, 178, 179, 183, 187,205, 211, 212, 213, 222, 240, 427,429, 430, 431 (%.), 432, 434, 435,436, 437, 445, 446, 449, 455, 457,458, 463Flageolets, 242Fiakers, antler-tine, 248bone, 198, 203, 241, 244, 246Flame, member of Two Kettle band, 345Flame winter count, 345, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,363, 364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382,383, 384, 386, 392, 393, 396Flathead Indians, 423, 440Fleshers, metatarsus, 173, 174, 179, 198,199, 215, 241toothed metapodial, 244, 245Fletcher, Alice C, and LaFlesche,Francis, 182Flint (actually chert), 65, 167brown, 196grav, 176, 185, 195, 196, 219, 225white, 167, 195, 219Flint chips, 159, 181, 193, 195, 196, 226,228, 229, 246Flints, gun, 176Flood, represented by Indians, 366Floors, 156-157, 188Flute, 278, 350Flying-by, Indian brave, 401Flying Cloud, Indian brave, 409Folsom points, 80Fool Bear, Indian brave, 401Foolish Woman, a Mandan, wintercount, 371, 378Ford, James A., and Willey, Gordon A.,48, 61Fort Abraham Lincoln, 395Fort Belknap, 437Fort Berthold, 381, 385, 407Fort Defiance Mill (also called Dam-town), 22Fort Lupton, Weld County, Colo., 229,232Fort Macleod, 426Fort McKenzie, 424, 457Fort Pierre, 357, 384, 389Fort Randall, 422
Fort Rice, 377, 389, 390, 394Fort Union, 424Fort Yates, 364, 368, 369, 374, 375, 395,396, 399, 402, 409, 422Foster, George, 266Four Horns, Indian chief, 377, 402Fov/ke, Gerard, 7, 8, 27, 36, 56, 65, 85Fowls, rare, 245Fox, gray (Urocyon cinereoargenteus)
,
34Fox, prairie, 424Frankforter, Weldon, 140, 176Franklin County, Nebr., 221
"French," in count interpretations,refers to metis of Red Riverregions, 347Frenchman, Dave, Indian informant,436Friedmann, Herbert W., birds identi-fied by, 32, 34Frog, 204Frosted Red Fish, Indian brave, 402,408, 413Gaferut, Woleai Islands, 273, 286Gala site, 8Galbreath, Kenneth, 421Gall, Indian brave, 390, 391, 398, 404Garden Countv, Nebr., 223Gardner, Fletcher, 296Gates, Frank, 414Geographical location of all sites, 13(map)George Bull Child, interpreter, 429,431, 433, 434George Washington National Forest,Va., 15Gerard, Charles, 421Gilbert Islands, 286Gilmar, Edmund, help from, 273Girschner, Max, 285Glacier National Park, location of,438, 442Glendo Reservoir, southeastern Wyom-ing, 441Glen Elder, Kans., 207, 227Glen Elder sites, 239Glenn Site (25SX301), 226Goggles, Mike, A^rapaho Indian, 436Good, Battiste, Teton Dakota Indian,346, 349, 358, 360, 361Good Crow, Indian brave, 411Good Elk, Indian brave, 401, 406Goodenough, Dr. Ward, 273, 299Good winter count, 340, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 358, 362, 363, 364, 366,368, 373, 378, 382, 386, 387, 388,392Goose Creek, 354Gorget, shell, 25Goshen, Rockbridge County, 11, 25, 41,42Gourd rinds, 238, 245Graham, C. H., information from, 36Grand River, 369, 376, 393Granite, 193
INDEX 483Grass bundles, used for warmth, 437Graver, 23, 29, 38, 55 (fig.), 56, 57(table), 90-127 (tables), 171,196, 197, 220, 224, 248Gray Eagle, Eugene, 414Greasewood Creek, Blackfoot Reserva-tion, 447Great Bend people (Pawnee), 238, 240Great Falls, Montana Weather Bureau,information from, 439Great Spirit, Indian God, 364Greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (fig.), 66, 67(table), 75, 90-127 (tables)Grey Bear, Indian brave, 406, 407, 410Grey Earth, Indian chief, 365Griffin, James B., 81, 86Grinding stone, 186Grinnell, George Bird, 427, 434Groah's Ridge, on South River, 29Gros Ventre, refers to Hidatsa, 347, 350,359, 360, 364, 369, 385, 437Grottoes, Rockingham County, Va., 11,37, 39Ground stone, 197-198, 215, 242Guam, Marianas, 285, 292Gun, European, 251Gun flints, 176, 242Gunnerson, Dolores, 140, 243Gunnerson, James H., 177, 239, 244Gunnerson, James H.: An introductionto Plains Apache archeology:The Dismal River Aspect, 141-260Gunnerson, James H., and Gunnerson,
_
Dolores A., 145, 228Gynerium sagittatum, 267Habitation patterns, 74-80Hackberry trees, 145, 177, 216, 245Haines, R. W., 140Hairdress, enemy, 358, 359, 360, 361,364, 369, 373, 376, 380, 382, 383,384, 385, 387, 388, 390, 392, 394,395, 396, 397, 400, 408Hairdressing, Dakota, 367Half Body Bear, Indian brave, 409Hall, dance, 402Halley's Comet, represented by Indians,409Halloway draft, near Calfpasture River,28Halsey, Robert, 140, 210Hamburg Siidsee Expedition, 275, 276,277Hammer-anvil stone, 27, 30, 31, 55(fig.), 56, 57, 90 (table), 127(tables)Hammerstones, 198, 243, 246bell-shaped, 186Haploirema concavum, 32Harlan Countv, south-central Nebraska,145, 179Harlan County Reservoir, south-centralNebraska, 139, 145-180
Harney, General, treaty with, 384Harper's Ferry, Augusta County, 10Harrington, J. C, 37Harrison, north of Waynesboro, 20Hat, Indian brave, 406, 429, 457Hatchets, polished, 42steel, 426Hawk Shield, Indian brave, 406Hayes, R. W., 232Hayes County, Nebr., 207Hayes' Creek, Rockbridge County, Va.,41Hayes' Creek Mound (RB-2), Rock-bridge Countv, Va., 7, 40-41, 56Haynes, R. W., 232, 233HD (Highland County), 12, 13 (map),33-36HD-1 (rock shelter on StraightCreek), 33HD-2 (northeast of Mustoe), 33,57 (table), 63, 77 (chart)HD-3 (on Dry Branch), 34, 68, 77(chart)HD-4 (intersection of Burnsville-Williamsville-McDowell road),34-35, 49, 57 (table), 77 (chart)HD-5 (south of Burnsville High-way), 35, 68, 77 (chart)HD-6 (on Shaw's Fork), 35, 57(table), 68, 77 (chart)HD-7 (town limits of McDowell),35, 68, 77 (chart)HD-8 (left bank BuUpastureRiver), 35-36HD-9 (Clover Creek Mound), 7,36, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85Headbands, 206, 207, 242, 248Headdress, feather, 357, 394Omaha Indians, 340, 348, 351, 355,364Hearths, 182, 183, 463, 467, 468, 470(table)fire, inside, 446fire, outside, 446, 455Heart River, 371, 372, 378, 387, 388He-has-a-red-spear, Indian brave, 404He-has-a-spotted-horse, Indian bravp,403Heliodiscus parallelus, 34Hematite, 154, 155, 167, 172, 176, 194,198, 215, 246Hematite paint, 42, 172, 203, 250Hendry, Anthony, 460Henry, Bethwel, help from, 273Hercules constellation, 427Herriot Site (south branch of PotomacRiver), 86Hershey, Nebr., 211Hewes, Gordon, 440Hidatsa Indians, 347, 356Hide tanners, bone, 215, 245High Bear, Indian chief, 409
484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
High Dog, author of count, 344, 351,352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358,359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402,403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409,410High Dog group, winter count of, 341,343-344High Hawk, Oglala Indian, interpreter,346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 360,361, 362, 363, 367, 368, 370, 371,373, 382, 386, 387, 390, 392, 401High Hawk winter count, 340, 346, 356Highland County (HD), 10, 12, 13(map), 33-36, 74High Plains, Central Plains area, 143,144, 439Hilger, Sister M. Inez, 436-437Hill, A. T., 139, 141, 181, 187Hill, A. T., and Metcalf, George, 142,143, 157, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216,217, 218, 221, 222, 244Hind, Henry Y., 424His-horse-reers, Indian brave, 408Historic period, 440, 443, 460Hit on ToD Woman, Piegan woman, 432Hoes, 21fragments of, 149, 159scapula, 198, 199, 215, 241Hoffman, J. Jacob, 422, 423, 468, 459Hogan, crude, 422Hogan, Navaho, 240, 249H6he refers to Assiniboin, 347, 383, 384,386, 387, 388, 394, 396Holland, C. G., 9, 43, 48, 49, 52, 53, 65,82, 84,Holland, C. G.: Preceramic and ceramiccultural patterns in NorthwestVirginia, 1-129Holland, C. G.; Evans, ClifTord; andMeggers, Betty J., 27Holy Bear, Indian brave, 411Holy Soul, Indian brave, 405Hooker County, north-central Nebras-ka, 140, 180, 182, 183, 247, 250, 251Horn, Tom, Blackfoot Indian, 435Horn, worked, 245Hornell, James, 285Horn Site (25HY4), 207, 256Horse, represented by Indians, 351,353,354, 357, 358, 361, 374, 387, 393,394, 395, 396, 398, 408, 409Horses, 425, 428, 429, 430, 433, 434,435, 440Horse Shoe, Indian brave, 403Horseshoes, iron, 354, 358House I, 25HN37, 147 (fig.), 148, 157,177House II, 25HN37, 147, 148 (fig.), 149(fig.), 157, 159, 177House III, 25HN37, 149, 150 (fig.), 157,159
House IV, 25HN37, 150, 151 (fig.), 157,177House V, 25HN37, 151, 152 (fig.), 157House VI, 25HN37, 152, 153 (fig.),155 (table), 157, 172, 175, 176,207, 249House II, Lovitt Site, 157, 212-213Houses, 146-157, 178, 249dance, 370, 401, 402discussion of, 155-157 (measure-ments), 240Dismal River, 240, 249log, 358, 363, 368, 370, 380, 401Wichita, 249Howard, James H.: Dakota wintercounts as a source of Plainshistory, 335-416Hudson, Colo., 232Huerfano County, Colo., 235Hufl'man Farm, Rileyvilie, 65Huitzilopochtli, Aztec god of war, 268Humphrey, Carl, 140, 181Humphrey Site (25H021), 187-205, 255Hunkd. ceremonv, Dakota Indians, 351,353, 354, '369, 379HunkTDapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343,
" 344, 345, 348Hunkpapa winter count, 339, 370Hunkpati (Upper Yanktonai), 347, 377Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai), 347Hunting, 245, 251Hunting camp, temporary, 462Huscher, Betty H., and Huscher, HaroldA., 142Hyde, George E., 437
Ifaluk, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276,277, 278, 279, 280, 283, 287,289, 292, 293, 294, 295, 304Ilges, Maj. Guido, 399Imbelloni, J., 275, 276, 282Indian police uniform, shown byIndians, 406, 407Informants, other than Blackfoot,436-437Iron, piece of, 154, 176, 187, 204, 217,221, 238Iron Dog, Indian brave, 404Irrigation ditches, pre-white, 238Isantee Indians, 367Ishilh Foeshavlap (writing of Faraulep),295, 296Island Fork, South Fork of Shenan-doah, 38, 39Itdzipco band, see Sansarc.Jackrabbit, 204Jackson River, Highland County, Va.,10, 33James River, Rockbridge County, Va.,10, 11, 75Janitzio, village on Lake Patzcuaro, 265,266, 267Japanese, stationed at Faraulep, 286Jarmen's Gap, Shenandoah NationalPark, 19
INDEX 485
Jasper, 66, 166, 167, 168, 170, 179, 181,182, 185, 187, 193, 195, 196, 209,219, 220, 225, 246, 251Jaw, Charley, Dakota Indian, 345Jaw group, winter count of, 341, 344-345,374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400Jaw Variant, winter count, 345, 365,366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399Jay, Edward, 421, 449Jay, Phyllis, 421, 449Jeancon, J. A., 244Jefferson Countj^ Colo., 230Jennings, Jesse D., 140, 423Jenning's Branch, near Lone Fountain,29Jim White Calf, Blackfoot informant,429, 430, 449Jingles, brass, 176, 179copper, 155, 179, 215, 222, 250metal, 251sheet iron, 182, 215, .250Joe Tomahawk, Indian brave, 408John's Run, near Stuart's Draft, 26Jordan, Joe, Dakota Indian, 342Jugla nigra, 149, 177Julia Wades-in-the-v/ater, Blackfoot In-dian woman, 467Jumping Bull, Sitting Bull's father,385, 386Kaneshiro, Shigeru, see Riesenberg,Saul H., and Kaneshiro, Shigeru.Katakana writing, Japanese, 278, 280,290, 296, 297Kehoe, Alice, 421Kehoe, Thomas F., 440, 457Kehoe, Thomas F.: Stone tipi rings inNorth-Central Montana and ad-jacent portion of Alberta, Canada:Their historical, ethnological,and archeological aspects, 417-473Kelly, Mrs. Fanny, white prisoner, 389Kelso Site (25LN7), 211Kelso, Mr.?, owner of Kelso Site, 211Kettles, 250, 367Keur, Dorothy L., 142Keyser Farm Site, 8, 63, 85, 86Kidder, A. V., 202, 241, 242, 243Kills Plenty, Sitting Bull's brother, 385Kills Two, Sioux Indian, interpreter, 346Kinion, Trukese teacher, 290Kiowa-Apache tribes, 440Kiowa Indians, 360, 361, 440Kiowa winter count, 371Kite Place, Page County, Va., 65Kittlitz, F. H. von, 285Kivett, Marvin F., 139, 145, 159, 180183, 187, 188, 189, 205
Knives, 169-170, 178, 186, 195-196,197, 214, 220, 225, 241, 242, 245brown jasper, 186, 195chalcedony, 186chipped-stone, 248diamond-shaped, 186, 214, 242flint, 159iron, 285leaf-shaped, 186, 242metal, 427scapula, 215shell, 350two-edged, 242Koiner Mound, Augusta County, Va., 8Koyokee pits, 458Kramer, A., 274, 278, 285, 289Krieger, Herbert, 423Kroeber, A. L., 273Kutenai Indians, 423, 440Laboratory of Anthropology, Univer-sitv of Nebraska, 139, 145, 172,173, 210, 211, 213, 218, 219, 224,226, 238La Conte, Louis, trader, 363Lacotah Love Dance circles, 458Lacotah Sioux Indians, 422Lafayette, Colo., 232Lafayette Site (Lafayette, Colo.), 232,OCflLaird, Yuma County, Colo., 231Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan, 265, 266,268Lamotrek, Woleai Islands, 273, 277, 279,285, 287, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294,295Lance, feathered society, 382Langhorne family, owners of AU-38, 28Larimer County, Colo., 227, 228, 231Las Animas County, Colo., 235Las Lauces, Costilla County, Colo.,235Laurel Hill, between Middle River andLewis Creek, 26, 31Lean Bear, Indian chief, 397Leaners, wooden, 154, 249Leavitt, Carle, 446, 456Le Beau, white trader, murderer, 370Le Claire, Northern Ponca Indian, 371Leon V Guerrero, Nicholas, help from,'273Lewellen, Garden County, Nebr., 223Lewis, H. P., 443, 456Lewis, Oscar, 440, 455, 462Lewis, T. H., 425Lewis Creek, Augusta County, Va., 21,26Lewis Creek Mound (AU-20), 7, 21-22Lewis Front Range, Rockies, 438Limestone, charred, 217Limon, Elbert Countv, Colo., 230Limonite, 167, 172, 246, 250Lincoln County, Nebr., 209Lingle, Goshen County, Wyo., 236Linville Site, Rockimgham County,Va., 8
486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Lipanan Apache, 243, 244Lipscomb, Va., 20, 23Literature cited, 128-129, 311-312,415Little Bear, Indian leader, 360, 397Little Reaver, white trader, 358Little Bird, Indian brave, 400Little Calfpasture River, 42Littlechief, Mrs. Eva, translator, 344,362Little Crow, Indian chief, 393, 400Little Dog, Indian brave, 407Little Light, North Blackfoot Indian,435Lockridge, Emery, owner of HD-8, 35Lodge, Dismal Tciver, 248-249, 252Lodge, earth, 362, 368Plains earth, 240, 249skin, 422, 424, 436, 455, 456Lodge covers, see tipi covers.Lodge-cover weights, stone, 427Lofton, on Pine Creek, 22, 28Logan, missionary, 287, 288, 291Logan Count}', Colo., 233Lone Dog, Indian warrior, 386Lone Dog count, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355,356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363,364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 377, 382,383, 384, 386, 392Lone Eater Band, Blackfoot Indians, 432Lone Fountain, Middle River, 29Lone Star, Indian chief, 397Long Hair, Indian chief, 396, 397Lookout Point (Site 25LN10), 212Louis Bear Child, 429Louis W. and Maude Hill Family Foun-dation, 421Loup River, 143Louse Bear, Indian brave, 405Lovitt Site, Southwestern Nebraska,142, 157, 159, 212-216, 237, 247,248 250 255Lowe Site (25H07), 183-187, 255Lower Loup (Pawnee), 240Lowie, Robert H., 428Lukunor, Nomoi group, 285Lutke, F., 285Lynnhaven, on South Fork, Shenan-doah River, 39MacCord, Howard, information from8, 12, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 40, 86Madison Run, Rockingham County,Va., 37Madison Run Rock Shelter (RM-3),37Mad Wolf, Blackfoot Indian, 430Mahony, Frank, 273, 289, 290, 291, 292Mallery, Garrick, 339, 340, 341, 345,346, 348, 349, 350, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,363, 364, 365, 367, 370, 371, 373,377, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384, 385,386, 387, 390, 392, 393, 396Malouf, Carling, 423, 459
Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shriners or-ganization, 340, 341, 342Mandan Indians, 350, 356, 359, 369,372, 381, 385, 402, 409, 411Maninifek, Eauripik informer, 294Mano, 56, 57 (table), 90-127 (tables)Manson, Carl; MacCord, Howard A.;and Griffin, James B., 8, 63, 86Many Horses Tails, Indian campingground, 354Mapia Island, 287Marcellus Red Tomahawk, Sihasapabrave, 408Marianas, 286Marias River, southeast of Shelby,Mont., 441Marmot {Marmota monax), 32, 34Martell, Edward L., Indian informant,436Martin, H. T., 237, 238Martin, Paul S.; Quimbv, George I.; andCoUier, Donald, 238Mason, W. A., 275Massey, Dr. William, 421Material, preparation of, 8-9Ma'toki dance structure, constructionof, 428, 456Mato Sapa count, Teton Dakota In-dians, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355,358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 366,368, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384,386, 392Mats, 285Matthews, Dr. Washington, 425Matthews Site, see Humphrey' Site.Maul, grooved, 215, 243, 446Maximilian, Prince of Wied, 424, 445,457Mavas, atlatl used by, 267McCallum-Hofer Site (25CH7), 216, 255McCartv, William, 458McCary, Ben C, 81McClintock, Walter, 427, 428, 430, 434,446McClure, Dr. F. A., botanist, 267McConnell, H. H., 140, 232McDermot, Douglas, 210McDowell, Highland County, Va., 34,35McKittrick Creek, tributary of MiddleRiver, 29McLaughlin, Major, see White Beard.McLean, John, 426Md(?wakanton, Santee group, 347, 367Measles, 362, 363, 377, 378, 409See also Smallpox.Medicine Creek, Nebr., 210, 222Medicine Creek 5, see Site 25FT9.
"Medicine getting" ritual, 422, 436Medicine wheels, 422, 436, 457, 458Meggers, Dr. Betty J., 21Meinicke, Carl E., 285Melanesia, 286Meleagris gallojmvo, 32, 34Men's house, beams from, 274, 275, 278Merir Island, 287
INDEX 487
Mesodon sayanus, 34AT. thyroidus, 32Mesomphix cupeus, 34Metals, trade, 215Metate, sandstone, 155, 172, 215, 243Metcalf, George, 140, 142, 160M^traux, Alfred, 275Mica, sheet, 42, 164, 215Mica, tempering material, 42, 164, 184,189, 191, 207, 21], 213, 214, 215,216, 218, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233,234, 235, 236, 247Micronesians, 285Middens, 250Middle Butte, Sweet Grass Hills, 426Middle Loup River, 180, 183, 187, 205,208Middle River, Va., 15, 17, 22, 26, 27,29, 30, 31, 75, 78Middle Sitter, Blackfoot Indian, 430Miles, General, 390Milk River Ridge, Blackfoot Reserva-tion, 449, 451 (fig.)Millboro Springs, on Cowpasture River,31Mill Creek, 2 miles from Goshen, 41Miller, Carl, inform.ation from, 12Mill Mountain, west of CalfpastureRiver, 11Mindeleff, Cosmos, 240Mink, 204Minneconjou band, Teton Dakota tribe,346, 348Mirror, dance, 414Misililing, see Misinining.Misinining, American Protestant Mis-sionarv, 289Missouri River, 363, 364, 366, 440Missouri River Basin Survey, Smith-sonian Institution, 139, 143, 145,180, 187Mixbloods, Red River, 395Modern Blackfoot Camp, 464-470Mone}', Indian boy, 404Money paid to Indians, shown byIndians, 403Monterey, Highland County, Va., 33Mooney, James, 371, 440Moose Jaws Forks, 424, 425Moosemen Reserve, Saskatchewan,Cree Reserve, 436Moran, W. J.; Covell, R.; and Abashkin,B. J., 145Morrison, Jospeh P. E., shells identifiedby, 32Morrison, Jefferson County, Colo., 230Mortuary customs, 251Mount Morrison, Colo., 232Mount Solon, Va., 24, 25Mudalia carinata, 32, 34Muddy Creek, Dundy County, Nebr.,217Mudhens, 266Mule deer, 143Mullen, Hooker Countv, Nebr., 180,181, 182, 183, 187, 205, 207, 208
Mullen Reservoir area. Hooker County,north-central Nebraska, 139, 180Mulloy, WiUiam T., 421, 422, 456, 458Museum of the Plains Indian, 421, 435,446, 449, 459, 464Musical rasps, bone, 242Mussels, 245Mustoe, Highland County, Va., 33Nakayama, Tosiwo, help from, 273Namoluk, Caroline Islands, 285Namonuito, Caroline Islands, 285, 288,289Natui-al Chimneys, near Mt. Solon, Va.,25, 52Nebraska State Archeological Survey,224Nebraska State Historical SocietyMuseum, 139, 142, 180, 181, 182,183, 187, 191, 205, 207, 208, 209,212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222,223Necklace, bone hair-pipe, 393Needles, 174bone, 207, 221eyed, 173, 174, 198, 202, 221, 242,248Neotoma sp., 32Newell, P., 217Nez Perc6, 382, 397Nichols Site (25DN1), 217-221, 255Nicollet, J. N., 425Nomoi Island, 287, 291, 309North American Indian Days Cele-bration, 464North Battleford, Saskatchewan, 436North Dakota State Historical Museum,Bismarck, 340, 342, 343, 344, 345Northern Crown stars, 427North Fork, Shenandoah River, 10North Loup River, 208North Platte, Nebr., 209, 210, 211, 212,221North Platte River, 210, 223, 245North River, Va., 24, 25, 39, 42North Saskatchewan River, 440Northwest Virginia, geographical de-scription of, 9-43Nose flute, 276No Two Horns (Blue Thunder variant),winter count, 342, 348, 349, 356,357, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 366,367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373,374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408,409,410,411,412,413No Two Horns, Hunkapapa Band,Teton Dakota Indians, 342, 348,349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355Nunivak Eskimo, spear thrower usedby, 266Nuttall, Zelia, 267, 268
488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Oftk tress 177Obsidian, ' 167, 181, 182, 194, 206, 207,208, 211, 216, 219, 225, 229, 232,246, 251, 268, 449Ocher, yellow, 215Odocoileus vij-giniaruis, 32, 33, 177Oglala band, Teton Dakota Tribe, 346,348Oglala count, see Dakota winter count.Oglala Sioux Indians, 437Ojibwa Indians, 366Old Man Running Crane, BlackfootIndian, 431Old Whoop-up Trail, 443Oleai script, 273Olimarao, Woleai Islands, 273Olter, Bailey, help from, 273Omaha Indians, 347"Omaha" refers to Ponca or OmahaIndians, 347, 351, 364, 365, 367,401One Gun, Blackfoot Indian, 460One Star, Indian brave, 39706heno?pa (Two Kettle), Teton band,348Oregon Basin, southeast of Cody, Wyo.,441Ornaments, bone, 242chest, 21Osborne, Dr. Douglas, 421Otter Lodsje, tipi of Tom Horn, 435Oval pit, 32Pabobo's adoption ceremony, 379Paint, 172, 192, 215, 250caliche, 250charcoal, 250hematite, 42, 172, 203, 250lim.onite, 250Paint brush, bone, 215, 241, 248, 251Paint pot, fragment, 25Paldni or Padd,ni, refers to Pawnee orArikara, 347, 360Palau Island, 286, 287, 295, 297Palliday, Alice, Indian woman, 437Palo azul, wood used for atlatl, 267Palomas tribe, 243Parfleches, use of, 435, 444, 466, 467Parkins, H. S., 404Parkins, Mrs. H. S., death of, 410Pawnee, 240, 252, 347, 353, 354, 360,370, 373Pecking stones, 215Pecos, 241, 242, 243, 244, 247, 252Pecos-Dismal River relationships, 241-244Pegs, wooden, used for tipi covers, 460Pendant, 22, 23, 27, 30, 36, 57 (table),215, 243Pend d'Oreille Indians, 440Period. Early Woodland, 84Historic, 86-87Late Woodland, 85, 86Middle Woodland, 84Middle-Late Woodland, 84Protohistoric, 85-86
Pete Little Light, Blackfoot informant,429Phatamu, see Atlatl.Phillip Long Farm, Page County, 65Philippines, 285Phillips, Paul C, 427Phonetic table, Dakota language, 416Pictographs, Dakota Indians, 349Picuris, location of, 239, 244Piegan Indians, 426, 429, 430, 432, 440,460Northern, 429, 432Southern, 429Pigue Island, Faraulep atoll, 293Pikelot, Woleai Islands, 273Pima counting sticks, 371Pine Creek, Augusta County, Va., 22,28Pine Ridge Reservation, S. Dak., 437Pines, lodge-pole, 427Pine trees, 438Pins, wooden, 430Pipe of peace, 361Pipes, 21, 84, 164, 172, 248catHnite, 172, 241chlorite, 21, 27, 36, 39, 55 (fig.), 56,57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables)clay, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58,90-127 (tables), 296, 238, 248
"cloudblov,'er," 193, 215, 218, 248decoration, 192, 214elbow-shaped, 185, 193, 214, 215,243gray-green soapstone, 21late Rio Grande style, 238limestone, 215monitor, 21platform, 192-193pottery, 142, 164, 185, 192, 212,214, 218steatite, 84stone, 26, 159, 172, 215, 248trade 210tubular, 193, 214, 215, 240, 243,244, 248Pipe stems, trade, 210Piserach, Namonuito atoll, 289, 290Pits, Dismal River baking, 240, 250other, 159-160, 188 (table), 213Plains cache, 240, 250, 252roasting, 158 (table), 159, 174,177, 178, 188, 204, 213, 217, 238,250trash-filled, 148, 149-150, 158-159,173, 174, 178, 183, 188-189,205, 213, 217, 238, 250Plains Apache, see Dismal River people.Plains Cree Indians, 424, 425Plains-Dismal River relationships, 238-241Plains-Ojibwa?Cree-Assiniboin groups,347, 366, 387, 388, 393Platte County, Wyo., 236Platte Reservoir area, Wyo., 139Platte River, 236Platte Valley, 212
INDEX 489
Fleets, John P., 413, 414Plumb, W. H., information from, 8, 17,18Plums, 143, 216, 245Points, 149, 150, 151Polishers, bone, 241Polka-Dot Farms, owners of AU-37, 28Polygyny, practice of, 435Polynesia, 286Polynesians, 284, 285Ponca Indians, 347, 351, 371, 401Ponca winter count, lost, 371Poplar Island component, Pennsyl-vania, 82Port Republic, Rockingham County,Va., 10, 36, 37Postholes, 146, 147 (fig.), 148 (fig.), 149(fig.), 150 (fig.), 151 (fig.), 152(fig.), 153 (fig.), 154, 155, 156,188, 205, 212, 213, 222, 249, 250Post molds, 213Pothook, 367Potsherds, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35,37, 39, 40, 41, 90-127 (tables), 158,183, 184, 187, 205, 208, 217, 238Albemarle Series, 21, 27, 58, 59 (def-inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 83,84, 120-127 (tables)body, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159,184, 185, 192, 209, 223, 226, 227,235Great Bend, 251hardness of, 189 (table), 190lip forms, 184, 190, 209, 233Marcey Creek series, 58, 59 (defini-tion), 61, 62 (graph), 83, 120-127(tables)New River Series, 58, 59 (defini-tion), 62 (graph), 63, 64, 85, 86,120-127 (tables)Radford Series, 27, 32, 36, 42, 58,60 (definition), 61, 62 (graph), 63,64, 71, 73 (map), 74, 84, 85, 86,121-127 (tables)rim, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159, 166(fig.), 181, 184, 190, 191, 206, 207,218, 224Southwestern, 251Stony Creek Series, 24, 58, 60 (def-inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 69, 71,72 (map), 74, 83, 84, 121-127(tables)Potter, Ethel, Arapaho woman, 436Pottery, 33, 38, 62 (graph), 68, 120-127(tables), 160-165, 178, 183, 184-185, 189-193, 205-206, 213-214,218-219Potterv, analysis and interpretation of,58-65, 160-165basic differences in, 60-61, 62(graph)black, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231,232, 233, 235, 236, 243black to dark gray, 218, 223, 225,232, 234
Pottery?Continuedbufl^, 231, 233, 236, 238buff and black, 231buff to black, 223, 227, 232, 234, 237burnt clay, 42coiled, 214color, 162, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185,187, 189, 192, 206, 210, 213, 218,222, 223, 224, 246cord-roughened, 210, 226, 227, 230,232, 233, 234, 236decoration, 162-163, 165 (fig.), 166(fig.), 178, 182, 184, 185, 190, 191,206, 208, 209, 210, 214, 217, 218,222, 223, 226, 229, 232, 233, 234,235, 243, 247density, 162Dismal River, 141, 142, 149, 150,151, 155, 159, 160 (table), 164,179, 181, 182, 184, 187, 189, 191,192, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212,216, 217, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226,227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,235, 236, 237, 238, 243, 244, 246-247, 252Dismal River sand-tempered, 142Glen Elder, 207, 208, 211Glen Elder-White rock, 239gray to gray-tan, 43, 235grooved paddling, 162hardness, 162, 211, 214, 234incised zigzag decorations, 206, 214"Kapo" black, 237Keiser Cord Marked, 86late red, 237late Rio Grande micaceous culinary,142, 237limestone-tempered, 64, 84, 85, 86lip-decoration, 165 (fig.), 214, 218,227, 232Lovitt Mica Tempered, 142, 160,161, 164, 230, 247Lovitt Plain, 142, 160Lovitt Simple Stamped, 142, 160orange, 227Page Cord-Marked, 86painted, 185, 192, 211, 218, 221, 234Pojoaque, Polychrome, 237polished, 184porosity, 162Potomac Creek, 86punctate decorations, 206
"Quiviran," 238Radford Cordmarked, 36Radford Series Plain, 36red, 230red and black on orange-buff, 211,212rim forms, 164 (fig.), 184, 190, 206,209, 214, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228,230, 233, 235, 236, 247sand-tempered, 85, 160-161, 182,185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 206, 209,213, 214, 218, 222, 223, 225, 226,227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,235, 236, 237, 247
490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 173]
Pottery?Continuedshapes, 162, 247shell-tempered, 64, 86shoulder area, 237simple stamped, 162, 178, 182, 184,185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 206, 209,212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 228, 229,230, 231, 233, 240, 247surface treatment, 162-163, 184,189, 206, 209, 212, 214, 216, 217,218, 222, 225, 226, 231, 233, 234,235, 236, 246, 252Taos ware, 240tempering, 160-161, 178, 185, 187,189, 206, 213Tew a, 237texture, 161, 184, 185, 187, 189,190, 191-192, 206, 209, 211, 218,223, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232,234 237thickness, 164, 190, 232, 236, 237thong-wrapped paddling, 162, 240trade 252Upper Republican, 141, 192, 209,210, 212, 221, 223, 225, 226Woodland, 181, 214, 223, 226, 233Pottery handle, 191, 231Pottery lug, 191Potterymaking tradition, 26, 29Pottery series and types, 120-127(tables)Powder Creek (River), 382Powder horn, worn by Indian, 367Prairie chickens, 143Prairie Dog Creek, 145, 146Prairie dogs, 143Preceramic and ceramic cultural pat-terns in northwest Virginia, 7Preceramic complex, 57 (table), 58, 65,68, 69, 70 (map), 74, 75, 76, 78,79, 81, 82, 87Pre-horse Period, 462Premeau, Jean, interpreter, 346Prisoner, represented by Indians, 389,395Projectile points, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,22, 23, 24, 25 (table), 26, 27, 28,29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,39, 40, 41, 48, 53, 81, 155, 156(chart), 159, 167-168, 178, 179,182, 185 (table), 187, 194 (table),198, 206, 209, 219 (table), 225,238, 242, 246, 446antler, 32, 215, 241, 242bone, 199-200, 215, 241, 242brass, 215Contracting Stemmed Type K, 25(table), 44 (fig.), 46, 50, 82, 90-127 (tables)Crude Triangular Tvne D, 44 (fig.),46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 90-127(tables)Eared Tvpe O, 25 (table), 44 (fig.),47, 90-127 (tables)flint, 155, 446Hanna tj'pe, 440
Projectile points?ContinuedLanceolate Type F, 44 (fig.), 46,50, 51, 90-127 (tables)Large blades, unclassified, Tvpe V,25 (table), 47, 49, 50, 51, 75,90-127 (tables)Large Contracting Stemmed TypeP, 45 (fig.), 47, 90-127 (tables)Large Parallel-sides Stemmed TypeQ, 25 (table), 45 (fig.), 47, 48, 49,50, 51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables)Large Pointed Base Type S, 45(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)Large Rounded Base Type U, 45(fig.) 47, 49, 50, 81, 90-127(tables)Large Side-notched Type R, 45(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)Large Triangular Blade Type T, 45(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)McKean, 440Medium Triangular Tvpe B, 36, 43,44 (fig.\ 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 83,90-127 (tables)Notched Base Tvpe G, 44 (fig.),46, 51, 90-127 (tables)Notched Stemmed Tvpe I, 25(table), 44 (fig.), 46, 48, 49, 50,51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables"), 222Ovoid Base Type J, 25 (table), 44(fig.), 46, 49, 50, 82, 90-127(tables)Parallel-sided Stemmed Type L, 25(table), 44 (fig.), 40, 48, 49 , 50,51, 90-127 (tables)Pentagonal Tvpe E, 44 (fig.), 46,51, 84, 90-127 (tables)Side-notched Type M., 25 (table),44 (fig.), 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 81,82, 90-127 (tables), 216Small triangular Tvpe A, 23, 30,43, 44 (fig.), 48, "49, 60, 90-127(tables), 241, 244Stubby-barbed type H, 25 (table),44 (fig.), 46, 50, 90-127 (tables)Triangular Type C, 24, 25 (table),27, 43, 44, (fig.), 48, 49, 50, 51, 52,53, 82, 83, 90-127 (tables), 222,242, 248Type NBa, 155, 156 (fig.)Tvpes of, 44 (fiss.), 90-127 (tables),
'156 (chart), 167 (table)-168, 178,185 (table), 214, 220 (table), 225,242Unclassified Type N, 25 (table),47, 51, 90-127 (tables)Projectile-point and blade types, rockmaterial, chips, and other arti-facts, and pottery classificationtables, 90-127Projectile points and large blades, 43-63, 68, 170Promontory complex (Utah), 241, 245,247, 252Promontory-Dismal River relationships,244-245, 252
INDEX 491
Promontory Point, north-central Utah,244Protohistoric period, 240, 241, 245,440, 460Pueblo Site (14SC1), 237-238, 250Pugh, Stanley, Oglala Sioux Indian, 437Pulap, Caroline Islands, 273, 280, 287Pulo Anna, 287Pulusuk, Caroline Islands, 273, 285, 287Puluwat, Caroline Islands, 273, 274,276, 277, 278, 280, 285, 287, 289,290, 291, 292, 295, 297Pumpkin Creek, Morrill County, Nebr.,224Pumpkin Creek Site (25M02), 224-225Punches, bone, 186, 215, 240, 241, 248Putlnska, treaty with, 384Qu'appelle Valley, 424, 425Quartelejo, ruins of, 237, 239Quartelejo lapanans, 243Quartz, white, 11, 24, 66Quartz boulders, 197Quartz chips, 31, 40, 41, 66, 67, (table),75, 90-127 (tables), 181, 188,193, 229, 246Quartz crystal, 42, 56, 57 (table), 58, 65,66,"' 90-127 (tables), 167, 193Quartzite, brown, 196gray to yellow-gray Erwin-Antietam, 11, 66green, 196purple Erwin, 11, 41, 66Quartzite boulders, 445Quartzite rocks (chips), 11, 15, 19, 20,22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35,37, 38, 41, 65, 66, 67 (table), 68,71, 74, 75, 81, 90-127 (tables),181, 182, 186, 187, 193, 195, 196,209, 219, 225, 228, 229, 246Quartzite-using stations, designation of,14, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28,29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51, 56,68, 70 (map), 74, 75, 78, 79, 81,87Querecho people, 243Quick's Mill, Augusta County, Va., 17Rabbit {Sylvilagus floridanus), 32, 34,204See also Jackrabbit.Rain-in-the-face, Indian chief, 395, 408Ramarui, David, help from, 273Ramsey, Charles, collections by, 24, 25(table)Ramsey's Gap, on Calfpasture River, 25Rappahannock River, 86Red Bow, Indian brave, 399Red Breast, white man shown byIndians, 368Red Bull, Indian brave, 400Pi,ed Dog, Indian brave, 410Red Hail, Indian brave, 400Red Painted Feet, Blackfoot Indian, 429Red River, 424Red Robe, Indian warrior, 386
Red Tomahawk, Indian brave, 406Red Valley Component, New Jei-sey,82
"Ree," refers to Ankara, 347, 350, 360,368, 369, 372, 373, 375, 378, 379,381, 385, 392Reed (Arundo donax), 267Reghipol, Woleai teacher, 294Religion, 251Renaud, E. B., 142Republican City, Harlan County, Nebr.,179Republican River, 145, 146, 167, 179,221, 230, 251Resapechik, Trukese teacher, 290Rib sections, worked, 203Rider, Ambrose, Gros Ventre Indian,437Riesenberg, Saul H., and Kaneshiro,Shigeru: A Caroline Islands script,269-333Rifle, carried by Indian, 367, 380, 386,388carried by white man, 396Riggs, Stephen R., 347, 360Rings, brass, hair ornaments, 357Rio Grande River, 235River Basin Surveys, 139, 182, 183, 187River terrace, meaning of, 14Robe, worn by Indians, 386Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr., 140Robert S. Peabody Foundation Muse-um, Phillips Andover A cademy, 139Robinson, Will G., 362Roby, Roy, information from, 8, 30Rockbridge Baths, 11, 40, 41Rockbridge County (RB), 10, 12, 13(map), 40-43, 74Rockbridge Count j'^ sites:RB-i (east of Wade's Mill), 40RB-2 (Haves' Creek Mound), 8,40-41, 85RB-3 (on Haves' Creek), 41, 52,61, 77 (chart)RB-4 (Rockbridge Baths), 41, 77(chart)RB-5 (right bank of CalfpastureRiver), 41, 68, 77 (chart)RB-6 (on slope to Mill Creek), 41,52, 68, 77 (chart)RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound), 8,42, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85Rockingham County (RM), 11, 12, 13(map), 36-40, 65Rockingham County sites:RM-1 (South Fork, ShenandoahRiver), 12, 13 (map), 36, 50, 57(table), 77 (chart), 80RM-IA (near RM-1), 13 (map),36, 50RM-2 (west of RM-1), 36-37, 77(chart)RM-3 (Madison Run RockShelter), 37, 77 (chart)R,M-4 (northeast of Port Republic),12, 13 (map), 37, 38 (table), 48,
492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]Rockingham County sites?Continued57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 74,77 (chart)RM-4A (southwest of RM-4), 12,13 (map), 37-38 (table), 48, 56,64RM-4B (northwest of RM-4A),12, 13 (map), 38, 50, 66, 75,77 (chart)RM-5 (south of bridge at IslandFork), 37-39, 77 (chart)RM-6 (near RM-5), 38, 39, 52,57 (table), 77 (chart)RM-7 (Lyimhaven, on South Fork),39, 77 (chart)RM-8 (50 yards from RM-6),38, 39, 50, 67 (table), 77 (chart)RM-9 (northwest of Weyer's Cave,on North River), 39RM-10 (Grottoes, on South River),39-40, 77 (chart)RM-11 (southwest of Elkton), 40,57 (table), 77 (chart)RM-12 (bank of South Fork), 40,57 (table), 77 (chart)Rock material, 65-74Rock shelters, 78Rosie A. Young Man, Mrs., Blackfoot,interpreter, 429Roundtop, hill near Crawford, Nebr.,226Roy, Rob, discoverer of AU-27, andAU-28, 24Rubbing tools, bone, 241Ruffner Place, Page County, 65Ruins, stone-walled, 238Running Crane, cliief of Lone EaterBand, 432Running Rabbit, Indian chief, 427Russell, Frank, 371Sagebrush, 143Saipan, Marianas, 285, 297Salishan tribe, 440Sanasesli, location of, 239Sand, charcoal-stained, 183Sanderville, Richard, 446Sandhills, Central Plains area, 143,144, 180Sandhills sites, 180-208environmental setting, 180-181Sandstone, brown, 220buff, 198Cretaceous, 438, 445Ogalalla, 197soft red Dakota, 167, 171, 172, 193,197white or light, 167, 171, 186, 188,220Sansarc band, Teton Dakota tribe, 345,348, 362, 377, 392Santee group, Dakota tribes, 347(list), 367Santo Domingo, see El Quartelejo.Sappa Creek, 145
Satawal, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 277,278, 280, 283, 285, 287, 290, 291,292, 293, 295Savannah River Focus, North Carolina,82Saville, Marshall H., 268Scalps, 362, 367, 376, 377, 385, 386, 387,388, 392, 394, 395, 396, 397, 400Scapulae, worked, 173, 174, 198-199,220Schaeffer, Dr. Claude E., 421, 427, 459Schist, 182, 197, 246Schmitt, Karl, 86Schulenberg, Ray, translator, 344Schultz, James Willard, 427Sciurus calolinensis, 32Scott City, Scott County, Kans., 237Scott County Pueblo site. West CentralKansas, 142, 237-238, 239Scotts Bluff County, Nebr., 225Scrapers, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29,30, 35, 36, 39, 40, 84, 149, 150,151, 155, 169, 170-171, 194, 196-197, 206, 219, 225, 226, 245elk-antler, 383, 384end, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 81,90-127 (tables), 159, 171, 178,182, 186, 196, 197, 214, 215, 219,222, 238, 240, 241, 242, 244, 248hafted, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58,81, 90-127 (tables)side, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 90-127 (tables), 167, 171, 178, 182,186, 196, 197, 206, 214, 216, 241,242, 248snub-nosed, 242tanged, 242, 244Seals, 266Sea otter, 266Secov, Frank R., 143Sedgwick County, Colo., 229Seidling Hill, on Calfpasture River, 25Seneca, Nebr., 181Serifino or Serbino, helper of Soshaki,296Setzer, Henry W., animals identified by,32 33Shaddox,'Carl, 421Shaft polishers, 171, 186Shaft wrenches, bone, 149, 173, 174,198-199, 215, 242, 248Shale, 438Shave One Side, Mrs., 414Shaw's Fork, tributary of CowpastureRiver, 35Shell species:Anguispira alternata, 32Elliptio complanatus, 32, 34Haplotrema concavum, 32Heliodiscus parallelus, 34Mesodon sayanus, 34M. thyroidus, 32Mesomphix cupeus, 34Mudalia carinata, 32, 34Triodopsis alholarhris, 32T. fraudulenta, 34
INDEX 493
Shell species?ContinuedT. tridentata juxtidens, 32, 34Unionerus tetralasmus, 1 77Ventridens ligera, 32Shells, 32 (list), 33 (list), 34 (list), 177,285mussel, 159turtle, unv^orked, 158, 177, 204unworked, 149, 151, 158, 179worked, 185, 187, 215Shenandoah Mountain, Va., 16, 35Shenandoah National Park, Va., 19, 37Shenandoah River, see North or SouthFork.Shenandoah Vallev, 80Shepard, Anna O.', 140, 161Sherds, Great Bend, 142southwestern, 142See also potsherds.Shinnj^ stick and ball, shown by Indians,406Ship, represented by Indians, 351Shippee, J. M., 145Shoshone Basin, Wyo., 458Shoshoni tribe, 437, 440Shuttorly's Mill, Staunton, Va., 30Si6dngu band, Teton Dakota tribe, 346,348,361Signal Butte, Nebr., 141, 222, 225, 440Sihdsapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343,344, 348, 350, 355Silk, Indian brave, 412Silk, Mrs. Harry, wife of Silk, 412Sioux Countv, Nebr., 243Sioux Indians, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370, 372,373, 378, 380, 387, 391, 395, 396,399, 424, 426Sirom, Trukese teacher, 290Sisseton, Santee group, 347, 367Site:A (historic period), 75A-B, 76B-C, description of, 75, 76B and M, 256C-D, descintion of, 75, 76D-E, description of, 75, 76E-F, description of, 76F-G, description of, 76Colo. E:l:7 (Larimer Countv,Colo.), 227-228, 256Colo. D:4:2; 227, 256Colo. E:2:l (northern part of WeldCounty), 228, 256Colo, E:7:l (South of Cornish,Weld County, Colo.), 228-229,256Colo. E:14:ll (5 miles east of FortLupton),229, 256Colo. F:15:l (10 miles north ofAkron, Washington County,Colo.), 229,256Colo. G:4:GEN. (Sedgwick County,Colo.), 229, 256
Site?ContinuedColo. G:16:6 (2 miles southwest ofWray, Yuma County), 229-230,256Colo. G:16:8 (10 miles north ofWray), 230, 256Colo. K:5:l (Summit Countv,Colo.), 230. 256Colo. K:8:2 (4 miles south of Mor-rison), 230, 256Colo. M:9:6 (6 miles east of Buick,Elbert County), 230, 256Colo. M:10:2 (13 miles northwest ofLimon),230, 256Colo. N :4 :1 (6 miles south of Laird')
,
231 256Colo.' S:12:5 (Pueblo County,Colo.), 233, 256Colo. U:5:9 (17 miles northwest ofEads),234, 256Colo. Y:12:GEN.; 233, 256Colo. Y:13:l (southern boundary ofColorado), 234, 256Colo.Y:14:l (Castilla County,Colo.), 234-235, 256Colo.Z:5:7 (Huerfano County), 235,256Colo.Z:6:l, 235,256Colo. Z: 14:2 (Las Animas County),235 256WY0'.AA:6:1 (Albany County,Wyo.), 236-237, 257WY0.U:11:1 (15 miles north ofLingle), 236, 25714SC1 (west-central Kansas), 141,178, 237-238, 250, 25717 (Larimer Countv, Colo.), 231,25624GL350 (tipi-ring camp), 465(fig.)24GL390 (above north bank ofGreasewood Creek), 447, 448(fig.), 44924GL422, tipi ring of White Man,431 (fig.)24GL427, tipi ring of RunningCrane, 43224GL486, south slope Milk RiverRidge, 449, 452 (fig.), 453 (fig.)-45524GL490, Milk River Ridge, Black-foot Reservation, 44924GL498 (tipi-ring camp), 465(fig.)24GL520 (bLson drive site), 461(fig.)24GL584, north shore Spring Lake,Blackfoot Reservation, 449, 450(fig.)25BN2 (BuU Canvon Site), 222-223, 25525C25 (30 miles northwest ofMullen), 208, 25525C27, 208, 255
471762?60- -35
494 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Site?Continued25C28 (12 miles northwest ofBrownlee), 208, 25525C29 (9 nailes north of Brownlee)
,
208 25525CH1 (Lovitt Site), 144 (map),178, 212-210, 218, 237, 245, 247,249, 25525CH7 (McCallum-Hofer Site),216, 25525CH8 (Skelton Site), 216, 25525CH14 (Baker Site), 217, 25525DK5 (22 miles southwest of TieSiding, Wyo.), 17625DN1 (Nichols Site), 142, 144(map), 178, 217-221, 25525FR15 (1 mile west of Blooming-ton), 221, 25525FT9 (southwestern Nebraska)
,
141, 142, 144 (map), 222, 25525GD2 (Ash Hollow Cave), 144(map), 223-224, 237, 25525HN37, environmental setting,145-146, 25525HN37, houses, 146-157, 158(table), 173 (table), 177 (table),21825HN37 (White Cat Village),Harlan County Reservoir, south-central Nebraska, 139, 140, 144(map), 145-180, 224, 242, 24925HN44, southeast of RepublicanCity, Nebr., 179-180, 25525H01 (south bank of DismalRiver), 181, 225, 25525H02, south bank of DismalRiver, 180, 225, 25525H03, about 15 miles south ofMullen, 180-181, 25525H04 (fork of Dismal River),181, 25525H05 (8 miles east of Mullen),180, 182, 25525H07 (the Lowe Site), MullenReservoir area, 139, 144 (map),180, 183-187, 25525H09 (northeast of Mullen"),180, 187, 25525H021 (Mullen Reservoir area.Hooker County, north-centralNebraska), 139, 144 (map), 174,180, 183, 185, 187-205, 224, 25525H024 (Mullen Reservoir area.Hooker County, north-centralNebraska) , 139, 180, 205-207, 25525HO30 (8 miles southeast ofMullen), 207, 25625H031 (13 miles southeast ofMuUen), 207, 25625H032 (15 miles southwest ofMullen), 207, 25625HY4 (3 miles northwest ofPalisade, Nebr.), 207, 25625LN2 (8 miles southwest ofNorth Platte, Nebr.), 209, 25625LN3 (1 mile northwest, of Som-
Site?Continuederset, Nebr.), 210, 25625LN4 (6 miles south of NorthPlatte), 210, 25625LN5 (north of North PlatteNebr.), 210-211, 25625LN6 (opposite North Platte,Nebr.) 211,25625LN7 (Kelso Site), 211, 25625LN9 (2 miles north of Dickens,Nebr.), 211-212, 25625LN10 (3 miles south of NorthPlatte), 212, 25625M02 (Pumpkin Creek Site),224?225 25625SF1 (Signal Butte Site), 144(map), 225, 2565SU2, see Site Colo.K:5:l25SX00 (Roundtop Site), 226, 25625SX301 (Glenn Site), 226, 25625TM1 (5 miles west of Thedford),208-209, 25626, 231, 25638 (Larimer County), 231, 25639FA45 (Fall County, S. Dak.)237, 25739FA83, 237, 25748PL11 (near Platte River, PiattCounty), 236, 257101 (Boulder County), 231, 256104 (south of Mount Morrison),231-232, 256Billy Big Spring, 440Site descriptions, 12, 13 (map), 57(table), 67 (table), 75-76, 77(chart)Sites
:
in Lincoln County, Nebr., 209-212in northeastern Colorado, 227-233in southeastern Colorado, 233-236in southeastern Wyoming, 236-237in southwestern Nebraska, 212-222in southwestern South Dakota, 237in western Kansas, 237-238in western Nebraska, 222-227Middle Period in the Plains, 440Sitting Bull, 385, 391, 396, 397, 398,399, 402, 403Skeletons, 42articulated, flexed, 21disarticulated, 21Skelton Site (25CH8), 216, 255Skin working, 245Skulls, human, 22, 41Skunk, 204Skunk People, Indian band, 433Slave, woman, taken by Indians, 380Slim Buttes, S. Dak., 386Smallpox, pictured by Indians, 352, 358,362, 363, 374, 378See also Measles.Smith, Alfred G., 274Smith, Carlyle S., 142, 237, 278, 284,287, 291, 299, 300, 301, 304, 305,307, 308Smith, J. Russel, 439
INDEX 495Smithsonian Institution (collecting par-ty), 139, 159, 164, 172, 173, 174,183, 187, 191, 193, 196, 201, 202,236, 238Snelling, Alfred, and the Trukesecastaways, 288-290, 292, 293,294, 309Snow, used for drinking water, 427Snowshoes, shown on Indians, 367, 368,376, 381Soapstone fragments, 24, 56, 57 (table),58, 90-127 (tables)So-at-sa-ki, mythical character, 428Sods, used to hold down tipi covers, 457Soldiers, represented by Indians, 363Someki, Atsushi, 274, 276, 277, 278,282, 283, 299Somerset, Nebr., 210Sonsorol Island, 287Sorol Island, 287Soshaki or Soshiki, Japanese inventor oftype I, 296, 297Sounding Knob, near Dry Branch, 33South Fork, Shenandoah River, 10, 11,17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 36.37, 38, 39, 40, 68, 71, 81South River, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26,27, 29, 36, 39, 69, 71, 75, 81South Rivers District, definition of, 10,11, 66, 71, 74, 82Spades, bone, 215Spanish, Mrs. Nora, 466, 468Spatulas, bone, 198, 203, 215, 241, 242,244, 248, 251Spearheads, 42, 65Spears, 268Spear throwers, decorated, 265See also Atlatl.Speck, Frank G., 424Spence, Carl, 226Spider Lodge constellation, explanationof name, 427-428Spider Man, mythical character, 427,428Spindle whorls, bone, 242Spoke shave, stone, 197Spotted Bear, Indian brave, 405, 430Spring Lake, Blackfoot Reservation,449Squash rinds, 238, 245Squirrel, gray {Sc^^irus calolinensis) , 32Staff, ceremonial, 357, 367Standing Bull, Indian brave, 394Standing Rock Reservation, 339, 341,343, 344, 345, 347, 353, 399Staples Run, tributary of CalfpastureRiver, 18Star Husband tale, 427Staunton, Augusta County, Va., 17, 28,30, 31Stealing, punishment for, 361Steatite fragments, 17, 19, 22, 40Stephenson, Robert D., 140Stephenson, Robert L., 239Sterling, Logan County, Colo., 233
Sterling Site (6 miles northwest of Ster-ling), 233, 256Sterns Creek Woodland, 238Steward, Julian H., 244Stewart, Richard, 265, 266Stinking Water Creek, Chase County,Nebr., 212, 216, 217, 222Stinking Water Focus, 142, 160, 204,221, 251, 253-254 (tables)StirHng, M. W.: The use of the atlatlon Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan,261-268Stone, chipped, 167, 206, 209, 214granitelike, 167pecked or polished, 167, 194unworked, 149, 150, 154, 155, 158,182, 187, 193, 194, 205, 210, 211worked, 149, 150, 151 (list), 155(list), 158, 165-172, 182, 185-186,193-198, 205, 206, 210, 211, 214-215, 217, 219-220, 229, 244, 246Stone chips, definition of, 66Stone circle sites, 458Stones, fireburnt, 17, 26, 33, 37, 183, 187,188, 205, 211, 217, 250, 437, 468Stone tipi rings, archeological consid-erations, 437-455, 463conclusions, 462-464discussion, 456-462ethnological considerations, 429-437, 463historical evidence, 424-428introduction, 421-424possible uses of, 421-423Stone tipi rings in North-Central Mon-tana and the adjacent portion ofAlberta, Canada; their historical,ethnological and archeologicalaspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe,417-473Stove, commercial, used in tipi, 467Straight Creek, northeast of Monterey,33Strikes Many, Indian brave, 412Stuart's Draft, on South River, 26, 27Strong, W. D., 141, 143, 180, 182, 225Strong-Heart warrior society, 412Structures, 188, 212-213, 248-250Sturtevant, William, 273Subsistence, Dismal River Aspect, 245Subsistence cycle, annual, 436, 456, 461,462Subsistence methods, 439Suicide, method of, 375Summary, Site 25H021, 204-205Site 25HN37, 178-179Summit County, Colo., 230Sun Dance, Indian ceremonv, 364, 428,429, 464Sundance, Wyo., 329Sun Dance shelter, 428Sunshade or summer shelter, 213, 250Swan winter count, 346, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363,364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383,384, 386, 392
496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Swanton, John R., 440,Sweat houses, 425Sweet Grass Hills, 426 'Swift Dog, Dakota Indian, 344, 351,352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358,359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,387, 388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394,395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408,409Swift Dog group, winter count, 341, 343,344Sword, represented in winter count, 411Syllabaries, Cherokee, 273Sylvilagns floridanus, 32, 34
Tablets, slate, 42Tall Bear, see High Bear.Tamias strialus, 34Taos, 243, 244, 247refugees, location of, 239Tarascan Indians, 265, 266Technology, 245-248Teeth, animal, 32 (list)animal incisor, perforated, 25deer, 25Tenney, L. F., 446Tent peg, wooden, 428, 429, 430, 435,445Tents, skin, 424, 425, 426umbrella, 464wall, 464Tepees, 425, 427See also Tipis.Terrace, meaning of, 14Terrapin, 204Terry, Frank, 33, 34Teton Dakota Reservation, 341Teton Dakota tribe, 341, 342, 343, 344,345, 346, 347, 348, 351, 355, 359,360, 361, 364, 365, 372, 377, 391Teya people, 243Thedford, Thomas County, Nebr., 208Thomas, Alfred B., 243Thomas County, Nebr., 208Thompson's exploration, start of His-toric period, 440Three Thigh, Indian brave, 401Tiber Reservoir, Marias River, Shelby,Mont., 441Tidyman, James, 456Tie Siding, Wyo., 227Tilden Site (4 miles north of Hudson),232, 256Time marker:A (Historic), 86-87B (Protohistoric), 85-86C (Middle-Late Woodland), 84-85D (beginning of Middle Woodland),82-84E (transition between Late Ar-chaic and Early Woodland),81-82, 83, 84
Time marker?ContinuedF (Early Archaic), 81, 82G (beginning of Early Archaic),80-81Time period
:
A-B, 77 (chart)B-C, 77 (chart), 78, 80C-D, 77 (chart), 84D-E, 77 (chart), 78, 80, 84E-F, 77 (chart), 78F-G, 77 (chart), 79, 81Tinder box, 274, 276, 278Tinian, Marianas, 285Tipi covers, skin, 423, 428, 435, 436,437, 439, 443, 444, 445, 449, 455,456, 460, 462, 463, 466, 467Tipi liners, hide, 435, 464, 466, 467, 468Tipi poles, 428Tipi rings, Blackfoot encampment, 470(table)depth of rocks, 443-444 (table), 455door gaps, 444excavations, 446-447quantity of rocks, 445rock concentrations in center, 445-446rock types, 445shape of, 443Tipi-ring sites, 440-441, 446, 448 (fig.),449, 450 (fig.), 451 (fig.), 452(fig.), 453 (fig.)-455, 468archeological fieldwork, 440-455camp plans, 442-443location of, 441-442payment for use of, 434proportion of to other sites, 441remains of contents, 468sizes of, 442, 443, 455summary of fieldwork, 455Tipis, canvas, 460, 462, 464in Blackfoot encampment, 469(table), 470 (table)large, 436, 461play, used by children, 434, 436pre-horse period, 462present period, 462protohistoric, 435represented in winter counts, 352,363, 364, 367, 368, 372, 376, 377,379, 381, 382, 394, 398, 401, 413size, 462 (table)small, use of, 436Tobi Island, 287Tomahawk, carried by Indian, 382, 400Tongue River, 398Tools, bone, 241, 242chipped-stone, 248ground and pecked-stone, 248skin-dressing, 205, 245, 252weaving and matting, 242Tools and implements, 248Torgerson, Lloyd, 464Torquemada, quotation from, 268Tracks Weasel, Indian warrior, 387Trade material, 187, 204, 215-216, 221European, 175-176
INDEX 497
Trail Coulee, 443Transvestite, female imi^ersonator, 375Travoises, transportation devices, 372,373, 428, 434Treaty with halfbloods in Canada, 396,"397Tree Top (Jack), see Bear Claw.Trifolium sp., 177Trimble, Mrs. Ralph, owner of HD-2, 33Triodnpsis albolarbris, 32T. fraudulenta, 34T. tridentata juxlidens, 32, 34True Word, Indian chief, 389Truk, Caroline Islands, 273, 275, 277,285, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291,292, 299alphabet of, 287-288, 292Trukese alphabet, adoption of, 290-293,297Trukese castaways, and Alfred Snelling,288-290, 292, 294, 309Turkey, wild {Meleagris gallopavo),32, 34Turner, F. Earl, 421Turquoise, 246, 252Turtle Head, Indian chief, 389Turtle Mountain bands, Plains OjibwaIndians, 347Turtle Mountains, 365, 366Turtles, 245snapping, 204Two Bears, Indian chief, 381, 389, 391,394, 397, 401, 408Two Horns, Indian braye, 395Two Kettle band, Teton Dakota tribe,345Ulithi Island, 287Ulna pick, 198, 203, 215, 248Ulul Island, Carolines, 289, 290Umatilla Reseryation, Oreg., 468Uneitor, Trukese teacher, 290Unionerus teiralasmus, 177United States troops, Indians attackedby, 365University of Colorado Museum, 139,231University of Denver, 139, 227, 229,230, 233University of Hawaii, 273University of Kansas, 237University of Nebraska, Department ofAnthropology, 160, 172, 173,174, 176, 179, 187, 209, 221, 228,229University of Utah, 139Upper Pend d' Oreille Indians, 423Upper Republican, 179, 211Upper Republican people, 239Upper Rio Grande Pueblos, 244Urocyon cinereoargenteus, 34Ute Indians, 361, 437Uyehara, Dr. Y., 273, 274Vai syllabaries, 273Valentine, Mann S. and Granville, G.,explorers of RB-7, 42
Valentine Museum, Richmond, Va., 8,40, 41, 42, 56Vegetal remains, 177, 204, 216, 217Ventridens ligera, 32Verona, Va., on Middle River, 29, 30Vessels, miniature, 214, 237shapes of, 162, 213, 247sizes of, 213, 247soapstone, 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127(tables)Vestal, Stanley (Walter S. Campbell),339, 341, 346, 349, 352, 354, 355,356, 359, 360, 361, 371, 372, 373,374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,402, 403Vestal's Hunkpapa count, 346, 370, 371,372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378,379, 380, 381, 382, 384, 385, 386,387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399Vesuvius, boundary of Augusta County,Va. 29Viele, Roy, 226Virginia:Mountain section, description of, 10Piedmont section, description of, 10Tidewater section, description of,10Virginia Department of Highways, mapsprepared by, 14Wade's Mill, at Brownsburg, Va., 40Wagon, four-wheeled, shown by Indiansin winter counts, 393Wahpekute, Santee group, 347, 367Wahp6ton, Santee group, 347, 367Wall, earthern, 182Wallace Mounds, Highland County,Va., 8Walnut, black {Jugla nigra), 149, 177,245Walnut hulls, 32Wandgi tipi ceremony, 362Wand, feather-decorated, 351, 353, 354,369, 379War bonnet, 406, 411first, 372, 373, 384, 385four-horned, 383Sioux, 349, 373, 380Washington County, Colo., 229Water pail, metal, 352Wauneta, Nebr., 216Waynesboro, Augusta County, Va., 17,18, 19, 20, 23Waynesboro Nurseries, Lipscomb, Va.,18, 20Weakly, Harry E., 140, 142, 177, 179,209, 210, 211, 216, 221Wears Hat, Indian brave, 406Wedel, Waldo R., 140, 141, 142, 143,222, 238, 239, 422Welch, A. B., 341, 342, 343, 345, 347,374, 399, 402, 408, 410, 412
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173]
Weld, Colo., 233Weld County, Colo., 228, 229, 233general site, 233, 256Weld Site (northeast of Weld, Colo.),233, 256Wellington, Larimer County, Colo., 228West Fayu, Woleai Islands, 273We-ta-piu band, Cheyenne Indians, 361Weyer's Cave, on North River, 39Whiskey, found by Indians, 395, 396Whistle, bone, 198, 199, 242, 248White, Theodore, 140, 204White Beard, white man, 384, 399, 400White Bull, Teton Dakota Indian, in-terpreter, 346, 349, 352, 353, 354,365White Bull winter count, 339, 340, 346,356, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364, 370,371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 380, 381,383, 384, 385, 386, 390, 391, 392,394, 395, 396, 399, 400, 401, 402,403White Cat Village (Site 25HN37), 142,143, 145-179, 185, 189, 194, 196,207, 214, 219, 225, 247, 248, 249,255White-Cow-Killer count, Olgala band ofTeton Dakota, 346, 352, 353, 354,355, 356, 358, 360, 361, 362, 363,364, 365, 366, 368, 370, 371, 373,378, 383, 387, 388, 390, 396White Dog, Indian chief, 396White Eagle, Indian brave, 407, 411White Earth Creek, 383White Man, Blackfoot Indian, 431White River, 226White Rock sites, 239Whooping cough, 389Wic^yela, name applied to Yankton andYanktonnais Dakota, 347, 366,373, 375, 378, 379, 383, 387, 392Wichita, 240, 252Wiciyela group, Dakota Indians, 347(list), 375, 377, 380, 381, 384, 385,389, 394WiU, George F., 437, 445Williamson, John P., 360Williamson, Mae, Blackfoot woman,439, 444, 446, 464, 466, 467
Williston, S. W., and Martin, H. T., 237,238Willow trees, 143, 145Willson, Mrs. Gilpin, owner of siteAU19, 21Wind River Reservation, 436Winds, effect on Indian habitations, 439Windstorm, representation of, 363Winter, meaning of w^ord to Dakotas,339Winter counts, Dakota, 341-414Wissler, Clark, 428, 434, 466Witapaha, Indian tribe, 360Withers, Arnold, 140, 442Witthoft, John, 82, 86Woleai atoll, Caroline Islands, 273, 274,275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 285,287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293,294, 295, 296Woleai language, 299 (list), 302, 304Woman-Good, Indian woman, 413Wood, charred, 205, 213, 217mineraHzed, 167, 446rotten, 207Woodrat {Neotoina sp.), 32Woodward, Arthur, 175, 176Wray, Wray County, Colo., 230Xochimilco, Valley of Mexico, 266Yanktonai tribe, Standing Rock Reser-vation, 341, 342, 343, 344, 346,347, 368, 377Yap Island, Caroline Islands, 284, 286,297Yellow Bucket, death of, 384Yellow-Lodge (Dakota Indian of mixedblood), 343, 413Yellow-Lodge, Mrs. Teresa, ov/ner ofcount, 343Yellow-Lodge Count (Blue ThunderVariant III), 343Yiicc3( 143Yuma'County, Colo., 229, 231Zahn, Judge Frank, translator, 344, 346,362, 365, 383, 398, 404, 407, 409,422Ziegler, Donald, 421Ziegler, Jerry, 421o
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