SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 146CHIPPEWA CHII.D LIFE ANDITS CULTURAL CKGROUND
BySISTER M. rr XGER
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\- C.Z SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
: ^^^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 146CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE ANDITS CULTURAL BACKGROUND
SISTER M. itez HILGER
UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON : 1951
For sale by the Superintendent of Documente, U. S. Government Printing OfficeWashington 25, D. C. - Price 75 cents
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution,BuKEAU OF American Ethnology,Washington, D. C, April 15, 1950.Sir : I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled"Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background," by Sister M.Inez Hilger, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin ofthe Bureau of American Ethnology.Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirling, Direotor.Dr. Alexander Wetmore,Secretary, Smithsonia/n Institution.
CONTENTS PagePreface ixInformants and interpreters xiiiIntroduction: the Chippewa Indians. . 1Prenatal period 2Parental factors 2Conception 4Period of gestation 4Effect of mother's pregnancy on youngest child 6Food taboos and prescriptions 6Conduct taboos and prescriptions 8Abortions 10Birth 12Place of birth 12Persons assisting at birth 12Position of mother during delivery 13Aids at childbirth 15The navel cord 16The caul 17The fontanels 18The placenta 18The baby's first bath 18Purification of mother 19Announcement of birth and ceremonial celebration 19Postnatal interests 20Nose rings and earrings 20Cradles, diapers, "talcum powder," baby hammocks, and method oftransporting baby 21Lullabies , 25A child's first clothes 26A child's first actions, first word, first step, first portage, and first tooth. 27Nursing and weaning 28Nursing 28Weaning 29Atypical conditions 30Twins and triplets 30Sick babies 31Deformed babies 32Incest 32Illegitimacy 32Slaves, servants, and adopted persons 33Naming the child 35Various names 35Origin of names 35The namesake 37Ceremonial 38III
IV CONTENTS PagePrepuberty fasts 39Age of boy and girl 39Selection of fasters 39Significant dreams 40Manner of fasting 40Purpose of fasting 44Personal accounts of dreams 47Puberty customs 49Boys' puberty customs 49Girls' puberty rite 50Training children 55Type of education 55Methods 55Instructors 56Time of instructions 57Reward and punishment 58Discovering righteous children 59Religion and supernatural powers 60The Supreme Being 60Minor deities 60Tobacco as a ceremonial offering 62The Mide'wiwin 63"Grand medicine," or powers of members of the Mide'wiwin 71
"Tipi shaking" 75Belief in life after death 78Life after death 78Death 78Interment 80Graves 82Ofiferings for the dead (cibenaki'win) 83Burials 84Mourning 86Health measures 87Shamanistic powers 88Herbs, roots, bark 90Tattooing (aja'sowin) 93Bloodletting (pa'paicoang) 95Sweating 96Preventive measures 96Moral training 97Kindness 97Stealing 98Lying and boasting 99Talebearing 99Quarreling 99Intoxicants, suicide, cannibalism, revenge 101Mental training 102Counting time 102Linear measurements and counting numbers 103Directions 105Interpretation of natural phenomena 106Language 107
CONTENTS VPageDiversions 109Children's play 109Games and gambling 110Dances 112Visiting 114Vocational training and domestic economy 115Canoe making 115Snowshoes and toboggans 117Bows and arrows . 118Hunting 119Fishing . 125Clothing-_ 129Birchbark containers and bulrush mats 133Dwellings 137Fuel, fireplaces, and lighting 141Gardening 144Food: preparation and storage 144Bands, chiefs, and councils 150Marriage customs 153Gentes 153Courting 156Marriage 158Love charms 160Polygamy . 161Successive marriages 161Separations 162Infidelity 162Summary 162List of some plants used by the Chippewa 173Bibliography 173Index 189

ILLUSTKATIONS
^ PLATES(All plates facing page 188)
1. Informants, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 1, John Baptist Thunder anddaughter Jane Bonga. 2, Charley Johnson. 3, Angeline Highlanding.4, Ella Badboy.2. Mothers carrying babies in cradleboard. 1, Mrs. Howard Pete, VermilionLake Reservation, 1939. 2, Woman in Ponemah village, Red Lake Reser-vation, 1933. 3, Baby ready for cradleboard, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940.3. Mildred Hill putting son Jimmy to sleep in a hammock, Mille Lacs Reserva-tion, 1940. 1 and 2, Preparing hammock. 3, Baby asleep in hammock.Notice netting over hoop as a protection against flies and insects. 4, Babyafter its nap. Notice stick holding ropes apart at head end.4. Mille Lacs Reservation baby transported on mother's back, 1940. 1, Swingingto mother's back. 2, Carrying baby on back. 3, Dropping baby off back.5. Chippewa children. 1 and 2, White Earth Reservation, 1938. 3, Red LakeReservation, 1933.6. Mide'wiwin celebration, White Earth Reservation, 1938. 1, Man and womandancing. 2, Old people resting between dances.7. Chippewa burials. 1, Burials near home, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 2,Mide'wiwin cemetery, White Earth Reservation, 1938. 3, Mide'wiwincemetery, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935.8. Chippewa burials. 1, Grave with cloth covering. Red Lake Reservation, 1933.2, Burials near home, Lac du Flambeau Reservation, 1935.9. Burials, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940. 1, Cemetery. 2, Birchbark covering.3, Notice small platform. 4, Birchbark covering weighted down withstones. Notice do'dam marker in foreground to right.10. Children enjoying recreation of the traditional type. 1, Rabbit dance. WhiteEarth Reservation, 1938. 2, Side dance, White Earth Reservation, 1938.3, Squaw dance. White Earth Reservation, 1938. 4, Moccasin game, Ver-milion Lake Reservation, 1939.11. Pow-wow participants, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 1, Wife of Amos BigBird. 2, Amos Big Bird.12. Dance hall, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 1, Interior. 2, Exterior.13. Making birchbark canoe, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940. 1, Boiling spruceresin for mending cracks in birchbark. 2, Frying boiled spruce resin mixedwith charcoal in grease. 3, Split roots of spruce used in sewing. 4, Pre-paring ground by leveling it.14. Making birchbark canoe, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940 (continued). 1, Plac-ing birchbark. 2, Shaping canoe by means of poles and framework forbow or stern. 3, Placing bark into position by means of second set of poles.15. Making birchbark canoe, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940 (continued). 1,Framework for either bow or stern. 2, Binding edges with split roots ofspruce.16. Making birchbark canoe, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940 (continued). 1,Canoe ready for gunwales, ribs, flooring, and binding of edges. 2, Fillingcracks in bark with pitch. 3, Placing ribs and flooring. vn
Vni ILLUSTRATIONS I17. Making birchbark canoe, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940 (continued). 1,Canoe ready for use. 2, Transporting canoe. 3, Canoe on exhibition atMille Lacs Indian Trading Post, Onamia, Minn.18. Man's snowshoes collected on Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935.19. Josephine Gurneau making cord of basswood fiber. Red Lake Reservation,1933. 1, Rolling strands of basswood fiber. 2, Softening strands bymoistening.20. Fishing. 1, Fish nets being hung to dry, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 2,Shuttle and sample of fish net made on Red Lake Reservation, 1933.21. Fishing. 1, A haul of fish. Red Lake Reservation, 1932. 2, Fish nets drying,L'Anse Reservation, 1935.22. Emma Martin tanning deer hide, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935. 1,Wringing hide after soaking. 2, Last wringing of hide. 3, Second scrap-ing of hide. 4, Stretching hide.23. Emma Martin tanning deer hide, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935 (con-tinued). 1, Hide stretched for final scraping. 2, Final scraping of hide.3, Smoking hide.24. Birchbark receptacles. 1, Anna Knott making wild-rice winnowing traysand teaching daughter to make them, Vermilion Lake Reservation, 1939.2, Nonleakable birchbark receptacles, Red Lake Reservation, August 1933.3, a, Work basket ; &, makok' ; c, winnowing basket.25. Mary Gurneau making nonleakable birchbark receptacle, Red Lake Reserva-tion, August 1932. 1, Holding bark over fire. 2, Fastening folded end.3, Folding opposite end. 4, Completed receptacle.26. Wigwams. 1, Mishiman and wife and their wigwam covered with birch-bark and bulrush mats, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935. 2, Wigwamentirely covered with bark. Red Lake Reservation, 1932.27. Wigwams. 1, White Earth Reservation, 1938. 2, Lac du Flambeau Reserva-tion, 1935. 3, Lac du Flambeau Reservation, 1922.28. Wigwams, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940. 1, Coverings of cattail mats, tarpaper, and flattened cardboard boxes. 2, Wigwam frame. 3, Coveringsof cattail mats and birchbark. 4, Coverings of elm bark and birchbark.29. Tipi. Women packing wood. Red Lake Reservation. 1, Tipi covered withbirchbark?entrance view, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940. 2, Same as 1;rear view. 3, Nancy Cain, 1939. 4, Mrs. Peter Everywind, 1932.30. Fireplaces. Collecting herbs. 1, Mabel Daisy, Red Lake Reservation, 1932.2, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 3, Gathering medicinal herbs, roots, andbark, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935.31. Fireplaces. 1 and 2, Lac du Flambeau Reservation, 1935 and 1934. 3, MilleLacs Reservation, 1940. FIGURES Page1. Map of the Chippewa (Ojibwa) reservations xvm
PREFACEThe purpose of this study is to record the customs and beliefs of theprimitive Chippewa Indians of the United States as evidenced in thedevelopment and training of the child. Childhood among the pri-mitive Chippewa began with birth and ended with puberty. It wasdivided into two periods. The period from birth to the event ofwalking was called dakabi'naaswan; the period from the event ofwalking to puberty, abanod'ji. From the event of walking to puberty,a boy was called kwiwi'sens ; a girl, ekwe'sens. A child's age was notcounted by years. Before it reached the dawn of reason, it might bedescribed as having been "just old enough to remember," or "before ithad any sense." Children between the age of reason and puberty weredesignated as having been "so high"?a gesture of the hand indicatingthe height.From puberty to the birth of his first grandchild a man was calledkwiwisens'sok; a woman, ekwe'wok. From the birth of his firstgrandchild to the birth of his first great-grandchild a man was callednimico'mis ; a woman, nokomis.No monograph dealing with Chippewa child life is now available.Frances Densmore's (1929) Chippewa Customs, for which informationwas collected on the White Earth, Red Lake, Cass Lake, Leech Lake,and Mille Lacs Reservations in Minnesota, the Lac Courte OrielleReservation in Wisconsin, and the Manitou Rapids Reserve in Ontario,Canada, contains some excellent material on child training and devel-opment. So does Diamond Jenness' (1935) study of the Ojibwa ofParry Island found in The Ojibwa Indians of Parry Island, Their So-cial and Religious Life. The findings of the present study are largelyin agreement with those of Densmore and of Jenness regarding childlife. The writer has noted considerable difference, however, betweenher findings and those of Ruth Landes (1938 b), whose research wasdone among the Ojibwa of western Ontario and is recorded in TheOjibway Woman. All other sources that have come to the writer'snotice (listed in the bibliography) contain only scattered and scantyinformation on the child.The first eight sections of this work are concerned largely withphases in the development and the treatment of the child ; the last ninesections, with the milieu in which the child was reared. Since rathercomplete information on the cultural background of the child is al-ready available in the literature (see bibliography), it was covered in
rx.
X PREFACEthe research of this study only to the extent of ascertaining its relation-ship to child life. Incidentally, at times, informants volmiteereddetailed information on such traits ; sometimes, occasions or seasonspermitted personal observation of them. Such information, beingnew, is included in the monograph.The material for the study was gathered by the writer on the RedLake Reservation in Minnesota in the summers of 1932, 1933, 1939 ; onthe Lac Courte Orielle, the Lac du Flambeau, and the La PointeReservations in Wisconsin and the L'Anse Reservation in Michigan inthe summer of 1935 ; on the White Earth Reservation in Minnesota in1938 ; on the Vermilion Lake and the Nett Lake Reservations in Min-nesota in the summer of 1939 ; and on the Mille Lacs Reservation inMinnesota in 1940.Ninety-six Chippewa men and women on the nine Chippewa reser-vations named above contributed information included in this work.A list of their names is found on pages xv-xvi. Since many werewilling to give information only on condition that neither they northose of whom they were speaking would be identifiable in the pub-lished account, names are omitted in the text.Great care was exercised in selecting informants. Commercial in-formants were avoided, as well as those who were suspected, even onlyslightly, of consciously giving misinformation. Of the first genera-tion only those were included whose memory and mental alertness gaveno signs of senility. Liformants of the second and the third genera-tions were chosen either because they had been reared by grandparentsand therefore knew the old customs or because thej'^ were living ingroups that adhered to primitive ways and participated in primitiveactivities.Two or three interpreters were employed on each reservation.These were selected with the assistance of missionaries, of Indians andwhites in the local service of the United States Bureau of IndianAffairs, and of educated resident Indians on the reservation. Inter-preters were given an opportunity to select from the list of informantsthose for whom they wished to interpret. Their choice was usually arelative or a friend. Confidence was thus established from the outsetand information was often given spontaneously owing to pleasantrapport. This method also eliminated loss of time and the with-holding of information, which might have occurred had either aninterpreter or an informant, or both, harbored feelings of antagonismor distrust toward the other. This method, furthermore, facilitatedthe checking of information on any one reservation, for interpretersrelayed information, in most instances, as new information. Details,too, were recounted rather than the answer given, "This old lady saidthe same as did the one we saw yesterday." All information was
PREFACE XI
checked. The final checking was done on the Mille Lacs Reservationin 1940 after the notes of previous field work had been compiled intomanuscript. In order not to eliminate personal touches, direct quota-tions are freely used throughout the work.It was exceedingly difficult to obtain detailed or complete informa-tion regarding items whose origin lay either in dreams or in questsfor personal power, or that were associated with or obtainable onlythrough membership in the Mide'wiwin, the native religion. In manycases it was impossible to obtain such knowledge; not even nameswere obtainable. Powers are lessened, or disrespect is shown to thespirits who granted them, if they are revealed. Medicinal or magicuse of herbs, roots, and barks frequently fell into this class. Forassistance in procuring some native names, the writer is under specialobligation to John Kingfisher, of Lac Courte Orielle Reservation,and to Frances Sayers, of Red Lake Reservation, both natives whohave acted as official interpreters for Federal, State, and local govern-ments ; and to Benno Watrin, Benedictine priest at Ponsford on theWliite Earth Reservation, who is known in the Chippewa country asthe white man most conversant with the Chippewa language. In allinstances where plants are not identified, it was impossible to do so.Urging the obtaining of names in these cases would have savored ofa most discourteous act. In some cases, too, the price for the purchaseof secret knowledge was high. (Selling it cheaply indicates that theowner of it does not prize it highly nor appreciate its spiritual powers.)One old man advised the interpreter to try the following way : "Makethe approach by offering a half pound of tobacco; this will get thetalking started. Then ask for the information and offer one or twoquilts or blankets or some article of clothing of equal value, and seewhat will happen. I doubt that even then yoji will get it."Pictures shown in plates 13 to 17 are from photographs taken bythe Mille Lacs Indian Trading Post ; all others, by the author.The late Father Felix Nelles, Benedictine priest, of St. John'sAbbey, CoUegeville, Minn., 30 years a missionary among the Chip-pewa on the Red Lake, Leech Lake, and White Earth Reservations,assisted the writer with the correct pronunciation of all Chippewawords found in the study. Father Felix spoke and wrote Chippewafluently. The transcription of Chippewa words is based on fhe Pho-netic Transcription of Indian Languages (1916).Father Felix Nelles also read the section dealing with the trainingin religion and supernatural powers and the section which describesthe belief in life after death, and he gave valuable suggestions. Thewriter is sincerely grateful for his kind assistance.The writer also wishes to express her indebtedness to the late Dr.John M. Cooper, head of the Department of Anthropology, Catholic
XII PREFACEUniversity of America; to Dr. Wilson D. Wallis, head of the Depart-ment of Anthropology, University of Minnesota; and to the late Dr.Truman Michelson, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smith-sonian Institution, for their continued interest and many helpful sug-gestions ; to Dr. Matthew W. Stirling, chief of the Bureau of AmericanEthnology, and Dr. A. Irving Hallowell, of Northwestern University,for reading the entire manuscript, and to Dr. W. N. Fenton, also of theBureau of American Ethnology, for reading it in part, and to all threefor valuable advice.She acknowledges her obligation to both Chippewa informants andinterpreters without whose fine cooperation and intelligent assistancethis work could not have been produced. It is hoped that theirdescendants will be appreciative of the information this work contains
;
it was to be left to them as a legacy. Informants particularly weregrateful for the opportunity of recording customs and traditions thathad been so intricate a part of their lives, in order that their great-grandchildren's children might learn to know them.The writer is appreciative of the courtesies shown her by the per-sonnel of the United States Bureau of Indian Affairs on the Chippewareservations. She is also deeply grateful to the Catholic Sisters onthese reservations and to Mrs. Emily Weinzierl near Nett Lake andVermilion Lake Reservations for their hospitality during the sum-mers of ethnological research ; to Sister Marie Hilger, Sister ImmaculaBoeder, and Sister Deodata Kaliher for assistance in field notes; andto Sister Corda Burfield and, most especially, to Mrs. Peter Lel'onekfor typing the manuscript.The writer is obliged to her family for financial assistance in fieldwork in 1932 and 1933 ; to Mr. Roy P. Wilcox, of Eau Claire, Wis., forfield work in 1935 and 1938 ; and to the Social Science Research Councilfor grants-in-aid for the final work in 1939 and 1940.St. Benedict's Convent, Sister M. Inez Hilger,St. Joseph, Minnesota. Benedictine Sister.
INFORMANTS AND INTERPRETERSRed Lake Reservation of Minnesota
:
Ella Bad BoyTom BarrettAmos Big BirdCecilia BlackjackSolomon BlueJane BongaMary L. BrunNancy CainMary CrawleyMabel DaisyMrs. Peter EverywindMrs. GlasbyJosephine GurneauWhite Earth Reservation of Minnesota ;Big BearCarrie St. ClaireAndrew VanossMr. and Mrs. WilsonNett Lake Reservation of Minnesota
:
Sophie GoggleyeGrandma Peterson
Mary GurneauAngeline HighlandingMary lyubidudKah gay se gokeEva MountainNaytahwahcinegokeFrances SayersJames SayersGeorge StatelerMary SumnerJohn Baptiste ThunderCharley Johnson
Gabriel SiaceGimiwananakwod (Rain Cloud)Sadie RabbitMrs. Vivian Jones
Sarah Wein
Vermilion Lake Reservation of Minnesota:Jennie BosheyAnna ChosaJames GowboyAnna KnottMille Lacs Reservation of Minnesota
:
Mrs. John NoondayMildred HillEmishewagLac Courte Orielle Reservation of Wisconsin ;Peter CloudLouis Corbine and wifeWilliam De BrotGeoi'ge Fleming and wifeEllen GockeyAlice HallSusie HomeskyMary IshamMary KrokodakHenry La RushSister Syrilla La RushEmma Demare Martin
Mary O'LearyMrs. Howard PeteMrs. Joe Pete
BenaySusan Anderson
Peter MartinMishiman and wifeNellie OlsonMitchell QuagonMary RobinsonFrank SetterMrs. John ShogeyMrs. Otis TaylorFrank ThayerAngeline WolfJohn Kingfisher
XIV INFORMANTS AND INTERPRETERSLa Pointe Reservation of Wisconsin :Mrs. George Arbucle Mrs. Joseph La PointeMartha Cedarroot Frank ScottMargaret Greeley Mary TwobirdsLac du Flam1)eau Reservation of Wisconsin
:
Grandma Ardeshaw Mrs. St. GermaineMargaret Christianson Mr. and Mrs. Pat WilliamsBen Gauthier and wifeL'Anse Reservation of Michigan:Dan Curtis Mrs. Peter SharlifoeLouis Gauthier Lucy ShosaAna Johston John ThayerChai'les Pappin and wife Mrs. Ed Vashow
?1


CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE AND ITS CULTURALBACKGROUND
By Sister M. Inez Hilger
INTRODUCTION: THE CHIPPEWA INDIANSCopway, a native Chippewa, wrote in 1851 regarding the origin ofthe name of his people : "I have heard a tradition related to the effectthat a general council was once held at some point above the Falls ofSt. Anthony, and that when the Ojibways came to this general comicilthey wore a peculiar shoe or moccasin, which was gathered on the topfrom the tip of the toe, and at the ancle [sic]. No other Indians worethis style of footgear, and it was on account of this peculiarity thatthey were called Ojibway^ the signification of which, is gathering''''( Copway, 1851, p. 30) . The word "Chippewa," which is now generallyapplied to this tribe in the United States, is the popular adaptationof "Ojibway."Culturally, the Chippewa Indians belong to the woodland area ofNorth America; linguistically, they belong to the large Algonquianfamily. The tribes of the Algonquian family, according to Michel-son's linguistic classification, fall into four major divisions : Blackfoot,Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central, the last having two sub-types?the Eastern and the Central. The Eastern includes the Mic-mac, as one group, and the Abnaki, which comprise all the remainingextant dialects, as a second group. The Central subtype, the one in-cluding the Chippewa, is subdivided into the following groupings:The Cree-Montagnais ; the Menomonie ; the Sauk, Shawnee, Fox, andKickapoo; the Ojibwa, Potawatomi, Ottawa, Algonkin, and Peoria;the Natick; and the Delaware (Michelson, 1906-07, pp. 223-290).The first recorded word regarding the Chippewa is found in theJesuit Relations of 1640 where they are mentioned under the name ofBaouichtigouin. In 1641 Fathers Isaac Jogues and Charles Raym-bault found them at war. In 1667 Father Allouez wrote of them asliving on "the sault by which Lake Tracy empties into the Lake of theHurons" (Kellogg, 1917, p. 135) . In 1670-99 Perrot found them liv-ing south of Lake Superior (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 278). Mention ofthe Chippewa is found in most of the journals and narratives of the1884216?51 2
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
early missionaries, travelers, and fur traders. The tribe is recordedin historic literature under more than 70 different names, among themAchipoes, Chepeways, Odjibwag, Uchipgouin, Dewakanha, Dshipewe-haga, Ninniwas, Saulteur, and Saulteaux.Contemporary Chippewa, basing their information on traditionsrecorded in the ceremonials of the Mide'wiwin, their native religion,say that when the first white men met them, the Chippewa were jour-neying westward to their place of origin from somewhere in the Eastwhere there are great bodies of water. Their westward movement, in-terfered with by Fox and Sioux, was greatly aided by the use of tire-arms. These came into their possession about 1670. During thebeginning of the eighteenth century, the Fox were driven from North-ern Wisconsin ; the Sioux were driven across the Mississippi River andsouth of the Minnesota River. The Chippewa then continued west-ward across what is now Minnesota and North Dakota as far as theTurtle Mountains. Wliile a portion of the tribe was thus movingwestward, another forced the Iroquois to withdraw from the peninsulabetween Lake Huron and Lake Erie (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 278).Skinner notes that the territory over which the Ojibway at one timeroamed "extended from the Niagara River on the east to the neighbor-hood of central Montana on the west, and from the northern part ofWisconsin and Michigan north about halfway to Hudson's Bay"(Skinner, 1911, p. 117).Treaties between the United States Government and the Chippewa,as well as executive orders of Presidents and special acts of Congressaffecting them, began as early as 1785 and continued to be made untilrecent times. Twenty-two such negotiations were transacted in the 60years between 1805 and 1864 (Kappler, 1904, pp. 13-754 passim).Until the nineties the Indians were continuously ceding lands; inmore recent times the Government has been reacquiring lands forthe Indians.Today the Chippewa live on reservations within their original terri-tories in Minnesota, Michigan, Wisconsin, and North Dakota, and inOntario, Manitoba, and Northwest Territories (fig. 1). The entirepopulation in the United States and Canada was estimated in 1905 tobe between 30,000 and 32,000 (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 280) . The popu-lation in the United States today according to the 1940 census is nearly30,000 (U. S. Office of Indian Affairs, 1940, pp. 9, 12, 16)
.
PRENATAL PERIODPARENTAL FACTORSSterility.?The cause for inherent sterility was not known. Sterilitycould be produced artificially by taking a decoction, ingredients ol
Hii-GER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 3which were known only to certain persons.^ Sterile people were notwell thought of. "Indians are proud to be able to conceive." Someinformants had not heard of either partner blaming the other if theirunion was childless. One informant, however, knew that
?
a sterile woman was suspected of having had intercourse before puberty. If acertain married couple had no children, and the man died, and his wife re-married (or if his wife left him and married another man) and if the womanthen had children, everyone knew that she was not sterile. No one suspectedher any longer ; everybody knew then it was the man's fault.Fertility.?Certain Indians claimed to have knowledge regard-ing the medicinal value of plants which, when taken in the form of adecoction, produced fertility in sterile women. On the Red LakeReservation, "if a mother didn't have children and wanted some, theybrewed two roots, anicinabekwi djibik and basenakwegok and shedrank it. It always worked." On the White Earth Reservation sev-eral decoctions were used. The following were two : "Use either thebark of the hazelnut brush (baganimidii nonagek) or a sort of butter-cup or waterlily found in the meadows (pakwedidjitegons)."On the Mille Lacs Reservation both husband and wife drank thepotion
:
If a woman has no children and she wants some, she is given an Indian medi-cine and her husband drinks it too ; they always have babies after that. I knowof a couple who drank it; she was a relative of my husband?my husband'ssister's daughter. They were getting old, drank the medicine, and had a baby
;
but it died when it started to creep around. No one here today has knowledgeof that medicine. One old lady had it, and she died.Another very old informant on the same reservation said : "Old Indiansknew medicine which when taken by both husband and wife alwayscaused them to have children."On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, informants did not wish toname the ingredients, but said "roots and barks of certain trees." Theinterpreter added
:
The ingredients are known only to older members of the tribe who still practicemedicine. They will reveal the true recipe only when told to do so by the chiefmedicine man at the celebration of the Mide'wiwin which takes place in the falland in the spring of every year. At the celebration certain old persons, mem-bers of the Mide'wiwin, are selected for promotion to higher degrees. They arethen told the recipes of certain decoctions?each degree has its own particularknowledge pertaining to herb curing. When a member has completed the entirecourse?that is, has made all the degrees?he is a full-fledged medicine man.Limitation of size of family.?^Artificial limitation of familieswas not known to the Chippewa. Abstinence, however, was practiced.
"Parents preached to the men and to their daughters to stay away
^ Throughout this work where plants, roots, and bark are not identified, it was impossibleto obtain either native names or specimens. Cf. also Preface (p. XIII), For those thatwere identified, see list of some plants used by the Chippewa (p. 173).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146from each other. It was considered a disgrace to have children likesteps and stairs." "If a man had sense, he didn't bother his wife whilea child was young." "Some had many children, but none had them likesteps and stairs; the men and women kept away from each other."
"I didn't live with my man as husband until the baby was able to walk.I slept alone." CONCEPTIONAH informants agreed that conception is due to the collaborationof both parents. Typical remarks were such as these: "It is fromthe man that the child comes, as well as from the woman." "The manis responsible for the baby along with the woman. That was alwaysbelieved by the Chippewa because they knew that to be true." How-ever, it was believed that a child born with certain physical traits wasnot conceived in the normal way: it was considered reincarnated.Such traits were those of being born a twin ; of being born with a smallpatch of gray hair anywhere on the head, or with teeth, or with a caul,or with "nips" out of the ears, or with birthmarks, especially ones thatresembled healed wounds. It was believed that the ghost of an Indian,well advanced in years, one who showed the characteristics with whichthe child was born, had come near the mother's body and had enteredthe body of the child. This occurred either at the moment of con-ception or very soon afterward. "Such babies were old-time Indians.No one knew who the old-timer was, but some old Indian's spirit wentup to the mother's body and entered the baby's body. This was notsaid as a joke; this was the truth." "My daughter was born with apatch of white hair, and I heard my grandmother say, 'There, thatchild is some old person come back to life.' " "Some boys and girlswere bom with marked ears; it was supposed that they were oldIndians born again. You know in old times, Indians had their earspierced. My grandmother had long slits in her ears." ^PERIOD OF GESTATIONGestation covered a period of nine missed menstruations and wasreckoned from the first one missed, birth being expected at any timeafter the ninth one missed. The phases of the moon served as a calen-dar. One informant said:We took notice whether the first meustruation that was missed occurred athalf-moon, quarter-moon, full-moon, or no moon?the old Indians reckoned every-thing by the moon, for we had no calendars like now. The exact time was ninemoons. We made marks with charcoal somewhere to remember the moons asthey passed ; I used to make marks on the birchbark covering of our wigwam, inthe corner, right over the place where I kept my things.
n
* According to Hallowell, the Saulteaux believed that a child with a few gray hairs wasreincarnated. An infant that cried constantly was thought to be trying to utter thename it bore In a previous existence. (Of. Hallowell, 1940b, vol. 70, p. 50.)
Hii-GEB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 5Another added:I took notice of the phase of the moon of my first missed menstruation andcounted the numbers of moons of the same phase as they passed. I kept thatnumber in my head. I always had a good memory and didn't have to mark astick like many women did.Informants differed as to the exact time during gestation in whichthe child became a human being. Some had been told that the embryowas human from the moment of conception ; others, only from the timethat it gave signs of life ; others had never heard any one tell. "Wewere taught that the child was a human being as soon as it was con-ceived : right from the start when we knew we were that way ; fromthe time we didn't menstruate anymore." "After 4 months the childis completely shaped and starts to move in the mother ; from then onit is a human being. Some children even hiccough at that time." "Ialways thought of my babies as being human beings after I had missedtwo menstruations." "I had an aunt who knew her baby was 2 or 3months along when she lost it. (She lost it because she carried tooheavy a load of wood on her back.) You could tell that it was begin-ning to form. They cleaned it just like a child that is born andwrapped it. They gave a feast just like for a dead person and buriedit in the same way. They believe that a child is human when it isconceived."Some informants had been taught that for the gi-owth of the un-born child marital relations of the parents was necessary during theentire period of pregnancy; others noted that after conception "themother takes care of herself and the baby grows from the mother'sblood."All informants agreed that there were no methods by which eithermale or female sex could be produced, either ^t the time of conceptionor during pregnancy. Sex, however, could be predicted by the con-tour of the mother's abdomen, by the location of the fetus, by themovements of the child, by the physical condition of the mother, or bya type of affinity. If the contour of the mother's abdomen was point-ed, she carried a boy, because a boy sat in a haunched position, havingknees toward front of his body ; a girl sat low with knees on a levelwith feet thereby causing her mother's body to be rounded. "WhenI had my first baby my mother told me it would be a girl, because Iwas shaped round ; and a girl it was." If the fetus was located nearthe sternum the mother was carrying a boy ; if near the pelvic bones,a girl. Boys gave evidence of more life than did girls and they in-dulged in more violent and more frequent movements. Some womennoted that they had to void oftener when carrying boys than whencarrying girls. An affinity is said to exist between certain small chil-dren and an unborn child ; a small girl will be attracted to the woman
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146bearing a girl ; a little boy, to the fetus of a boy. These children willclimb on the woman's lap, throw their little arms around her neck,and wish to be where she is. They will follow her around and at everyopportunity come near her.Girls were usually born about 10 days before they were expected,but this was not so with boys. Boys were "harder on the motherwhen born, and labor pains took longer." "When my daughter wasborn, I took sick at 2 o'clock and she was born at 6." Twins couldnearly always be predicted because of the movement of the twofetuses. "My sister told us right along that she would have twins forthere were always two hiccoughing: sometimes they hiccoughed to-gether ; sometimes, one after the other."Parents had no preference as to the sex of the child, except thatmothers usually were glad to have a number of girls since daughters,more often than sons, cared for their aged parents.EFFECT or mother's PREGNANCY ON YOUNGEST CHILDIt had often been observed that during pregnancy a mother's young-est child developed an unusual thirst. This continued until the birthof the baby, at which time someone offered the child a drink of waterin a small birchbark receptacle (pi. 24, 2). While the child wasdrinking, the person offering the drink bent the receptacle outward,thus forcing the water to spill away from the child. After this thechild no longer craved water.FOOD TABOOS AND PRESCRIPTIONSInformants on all reservations except Mille Lacs agreed that theChippewa husband was not hampered in his food by either taboos orprescriptions during the pregnancy of his wife. One of the oldestmembers on the Mille Lacs Reservation was convinced that thefathers, too, should be restricted in diet:Both father and mother must not eat turtle. If they do the baby will stretchall the time just like the turtle stretches all the time, and that isn't good forbaby. Nor must they eat catfish. I knew a baby who was born with rings ofsores encircling its head ; the father had eaten catfish. The sores ate into thebaby's head and it finally died.At Nett Lake the mother of a freckled-face little girl was confusedand remarked that the child's father must have eaten sea-gull eggs, forshe was positive that she herself had not done so.For the pregnant wife, however, food was both restricted andprescribed. The violation of these mores at any time during preg-nancy affected the physical nature and/or the personality make-upof the unborn child. The expectant mother was warned not to eatmuch food at any time since "it made the baby large and birth diffi-
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 7
cult," but she was to observe this rule especially immediately preced-ing birth?an empty stomach facilitated birth. A child's head willbe large, she was told, and his limbs feeble, if a pregnant woman eatseither the head or the tail of any vertebrate animal; only the partsbetween extremities should be eaten. Eating entrails of fish or ofany other animal will cause the navel cord to wind about the child'sneck, shoulders, or body, and this, too, makes birth extremely difficult.Eating lynx, also, causes the birth to be difficult, for "the lynx has ahard time giving birth to its young." Eating turtle delays birth
"because the turtle is slow."If an expectant mother w^ould eat turtle her newborn baby wouldstretch continuously. Eating fat or grease or tallow caused thechild's head to become large ; so did eating suckers. Eating poppedrice caused the baby to have difficulty in breathing. Eating sea-gulls' eggs caused the baby's face to be covered with freckles, for
"sea-gulls' eggs are speckled with freckles." Chokecherries and hom-iny constipated the mother.Eating porcupine caused the baby "to have a stuffy nose"; to beclumsy or crippled, clubfooted, or pigeon-toed. "I didn't heed thewarnings of my mother ; I ate porcupine and my boy was born club-footed." "The teachers in our schools used to tell us not to believethese old Indian superstitions ; but I believe in some of them. I can'thelp believing that they are true for I have seen them come true."Porcupine, too, made babies headstrong, difficult to train, hateful, andtouchy, for "the needles of the porcupine are sharp."Rabbit heads caused the child to become frightened easily. Theyalso caused large bulging eyes. Eating the head of catfish causedthe baby's eyes to be small. Eating blackbirds and robins, or anyanimal that makes a sound like a bird, caused the baby to be a cry-baby. Eating hell-divers made the baby moan, "a pitiful hard moan,for the hell-diver makes a peculiar sound, a kind of sickening sound."Eating duck caused the child to vomit much ; eating certain fish madeit bite. Siskos, a snakelike fish, caused it to have snakelike movementsof the body. Eating woodchuck caused the baby to shake continu-ously, "for the woodchuck shakes all the time."Eating raspberries caused red marks on the child's body; eatingblueberries, little blue marks like blueberries; eating blackberries,caused black marks. "I have a blueberry mark ; my mother used tosay she ate blueberries while she was carrying me." "Once when Iwas carrying a child, we were moving camp. My mother walkedbehind me. I took a black raspberry and ate it. She saw me and toldme what would happen; and when my baby was born, he had a blackspot on his leg." Other foods that were taboo were geese, eggs ofturtle, and "lash"?a fish of snakelike color. Mothers were encouraged
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146to eat venison, wild rice, lake trout, and whitefish. (Cf. Hilger,1936 d, 46^8.) CONDUCT TABOOS AND PRESCRIPTIONSMost informants had never heard that husbands of pregnant wiveswere in any way either restricted by conduct taboos or hampered byconduct prescriptions except that the husband was strictly forbiddento strike his wife or to speak roughly to her. A Lac Courts Orielleinformant, however, related the following:According to the Chippewa traditions, hunting was at no time and in no wayever considered to be injurious to anyone with one exception. If while ananimal was being dressed that had been killed by the husband of a pregnantwoman certain bad signs appeared?muscles in certain parts, say in the sidesor ribs of the animal, twitched or jerked?he knew he was seeing a bad omen
:
stillbirth or death shortly after birth of his unborn child was in the offing.This could be averted only if great sacrifices were offered. For example, theman and his entire family and all those who lived in his household had to bringvarious foods?in the early days it was wild rice, berries, dried meat, etc.?toa place where all the grand-medicine men and women of the tribe were meeting.The latter were feasted and their power thereby obtained in averting the evil.The man knew, too, that from now on he had to refrain from hunting until afterthe birth of his child. Some violated this custom ; such cases are known andthe child suffered the consequences.The expectant mother was restrained by many conduct taboos. "Ifshe minded the old people who taught her these, she was all right ; ifshe disobeyed them her child would have to suffer the consequences."An expectant mother was not to look at corpses of human beings ifshe wished her child's eyes to be bright looking and not "dazed andqueer looking, or even cross-eyed." If the mother allowed her gazeto rest on a deformed person or a deformed animal, "such as a de-formed calf," she knew her child would be physically deformed. Itmight have drooping eyelids, or have its mouth drawn to one side.In fact, expectant mothers were not to look at any unusual object andif, inadvertently, they did so "they were not to turn and look again."Nor were they to look at snakes ; it was best not to look at any animal,or to torment any animal, even the smallest ones, such as a fly.If an expectant mother stepped over a tree felled by lightning,knowingly or unknowingly, her baby was born with a rash or a queer-colored skin, and was usually subject to convulsions. Such a babyhad to be bathed daily, until cured, in a decoction made by boilingbark or pulp of a tree that had likewise been felled by lightning. Ifnotice had been taken of such a fall, the bark was then and theregathered and saved until the arrival of the baby. This taboo, how-ever, was not known to the Lac Courte Orielle informants.The child of a mother who had been frightened by a lizard was bom
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 9with "a head shaped like that of a lizard, and with short arms andlittle legs like those of a lizard."An expectant mother was told not to turn over in bed, lying down
;
she was either to rise on knees and turn over, or to sit up and do so.Eolling over in bed caused the umbilical cord to wind around thechild's neck or body, thus causing either difficult birth or, at times, thestrangling of the child at birth. "Sometimes the cord was even underthe arm of the baby, because the mother had turned without sittingup." "My mother instructed me, but I never heeded her. When mychildren were born with their cords around their necks, she'd say,
'There, now ! See, I was right.' "Women were taught to do hard work while carrying a child and inthis matter no leniency was shown them. Women who refrained fromhard work might anticipate adiierence of placenta after birth. "Iused to saw wood and do everything ; it did not hurt me, but my littlegirl's back was all streaked, because of the wood that I packed on myback while I was carrying her." "A pregnant woman was not per-mitted to lie around ; she was made to do hard work, such as choppingwood, because that kept the child loosened and made birth easy."Hesitating on the threshold of a door or lying across her bed did notaffect the expectant mother in any way. Such a woman wasinstructed, however, not to enter the wigwam of any but her iriimedi-ate relatives. It was known in some cases that her enemies?jealousbecause of her marriage to her husband?^had the favor of certainmedicine men who allowed them to use their "bad medicine." ^ Someof it was of such strength that even the slightest contact with one pos-sessing any of it was sufficient to injure the unborn child, or even tokill both mother and child. Pregnant women were not allowed toreceive gifts, not even food, from anyone except immediate relatives.There was constant fear of "bad medicine." For the same reason shewas not to lie on any one else's bed but her own ; her clothes mightcome in contact with bad medicine?a thing they always feared.Women were also advised to refrain from going to dances or frommixing with crowds. If they did so on the Red Lake Reservation,legs and feet had to be massaged previously with some medicinalpreparation made from snakeroot (wini'sigons). On the Lac CourteOrielle Reservation
?
there was always fear that an expectant mother might come in contact with "badmedicine" and be afflicted with peasikwa'kwe (meaning she was tripped in herpurpose). Therefore, any part of her body might at any time be rubbed with amixture of a root found in swamps (mackwo'kawac) and with sturgeon grass(namewac' )?we now call it catnip. This would offset any "bad medicine" whichwas intended to harm her or her unborn child.
' When Chippewa Indians say "bad medicine" or "grand medicine" (kabe mide'wld) theymean a mysterious magic power, including black art, possessed by certain members of theMid?'wiwin, their native religion. (Cf. also pp. 71-75.)
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146ABORTIONSBoth induced and spontaneous abortions occurred among the Chip-pewa. Induced abortions, however, were not looked upon with favoron any reservation and were, theiefore, of rare occurrence. Judgingfrom the number of children born to older informants, one is led tobelieve that among them there were few abortions, but a rather highrate of infant mortality. One informant's story is typical of thosetold by many of the older women: "I had six children, all of whomare dead: One died as a mere baby; two were 1 week old; one was 3years old ; tuberculosis took one boy at 19, and my last girl at 21."Several of the oldest informants had heard, when younger, ofwomen who had aborted children voluntarily; these instances, how-ever, were spoken of in whispers. Most informants had never beenacquainted with such a woman. "No, I never knew any woman whodid that. An Indian doesn't like to do that. My grandmother saidthat years ago they suspected a woman of having done that butcouldn't prove it." "Mothers never induced abortions in old times
;
they took good care so that their babies would be born right.""Indians are proud to be able to conceive and do not think much ofabortions."Abortions, however, did occur in the olden days, and they occurtoday.In old days, I heard of one woman that was not married, but that had babiesand she caused abortions. They said she used to go where there was a fallentree and hang over that, and so cause the abortion. But after she was married,every baby died just as it was born. That was long ago. I knew of her ; butI was not acquainted with her.I know that there is medicine that women take and I know of some womenway back that did that, but I don't think that is right. Sometimes the womannever gets over it, and sometimes it kills her. Some try to hurt themselves,too, and cause abortions in that way.A very old informant knew of persons who had drunk decoctions toinduce abortions : "I was brought up by my great-grandmother whohad such knowledge. I never heard of abortions due to lying acrossa log or carrying a heavy weight. The only way I heard of was bymeans of tea. I don't think there was much of this since Indians likedchildren too well." "I do not know of any full-bloods on the reserva-tion today who cause abortions; but some of the others do that." "Iknow that abortions are being committed on the reservation today,for I know several persons myself who do it. They drink Indianmedicine which is made by steeping some roots or herbs; that is allthey have to do. Those who know what to use do not tell." One in-formant had aborted seven times "because I'm not rightly married
HiLOER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 11to my man and I don't want to have his kids around. I have enough todo to take care of two?the ones my right husband does not take careof. Some woman here in the village gives me tea to drink. It worksevery time." On the same reservation two informants told of fourold women who were dispensing decoctions to expectant mothers. Awoman 26 years of age?a mother of four small children?said shehad been told repeatedly by older women "to get medicine from 'OldLady So-and-So' the next time a kid was on the way." A 30-year-old mother of 7 children had been offered information regardingartificial limitation by a white woman on one of the reservations, andadded, "If I don't want any more children, I'll go to 'Old Lady So-and-So' and get some drink to get rid of the baby ; I don't need her,that white woman, to advise me." Informants noted that inducedabortions, in old days, as well as today, were performed either becausehusbands were mean to their wives and did not support them, or be-cause some women did not like children. Although decoctions werethe ordinary means used, women also induced abortions by lifting orstraining themselves or by jumping off high places.Spontaneous abortions occurred because women worked beyond theircapacity, as, for example, in splitting wood. A severe fall might alsodo harm. When a woman feared an abortion she might use preven-tive measures, the knowledge of which was in possession of ciertainpersons. A 90-year-old informant possessing such knowledge demon-strated the treatment. After placing some finely crushed roots, leaves,and flowers of certain herbs on smouldering lint on a dustpan, shestood over it flexing her knees so that the bottom of her long skirtsrested on the ground about the dustpan. This permitted the fumesto ascend her clothing without any of them escaping. She remarked.My sister and I have this knowledge. We generally use a frying pan, in placeof the dustpan I used here, and make the woman stand over that while the herbsare throwing off medicine. It is done only if a woman hurts herself and is afraidof an abortion. Knowledge to do this came to my sister and me from my mother,and she received it from her grandmother. So it goes back to our great-grand-mother. I wanted to teach it to my daughter when she was here last week, butshe wouldn't even listen to me ; she said she didn't believe in any of it. None ofmy children believe in the old Indian ways ; maybe they will when they growolder and wiser. Since no one but my sister and I have this knowledge, and wewon't live much longer, it will die when we go ; it belongs only to our family.In old times the fetus of an induced abortion was buried eitherunder the floor of the wigwam in which the mother lived or underthe roots of the tree from which roots had been taken for making thepotion that caused the abortion, or anywhere under the ground. Itwas never buried with funeral rites. Spontaneous abortions wereburied in the same mamier as adults (p. 81)
.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bcll. 146BIRTHPLACE OF BIRTHIf pregnancy ended in late fall or winter, birth usually took place inthe home wigwam of the permanent camping grounds. If, however,there were preadolescent boys or girls in the family, a small wigwamwas built not far from the home to which the mother retired until afterthe birth. "I used to erect a special wigwam so that I might be awayfrom the children since we all lived in one-room wigwams in thosedays." If the birth occurred in spring or summer, the mother prepareda place in the open, some distance from the home wigwam, and gavebirth there. The birth also occurred in the open if the family hap-pened to be enroute to or encamped in a place of food gathering, suchas maple-sugar making, fishing, hunting, trapping, berry picking, orwild-rice gathering. "My mother-in-law was out trapping with herhusband when one of her children was born. She cut the cord herselfand continued to work." "My grandmother used to tell how womenat times gave birth while the families were away from home, hunting.They would stay in the same place for four days after a birth, andthen go on again." PERSONS ASSISTING AT BIRTHMidwives (gata'niwi'kwe, a term also used for any woman adminis-tering to the sick) usually attended the mother at birth. At times,however, only the woman's mother and sister, or some women whowere near relatives, did. "You could have whomever you wanted : Iwanted my mama and my sisters." "All women seemed to know howto assist at birth, and always there were several women present atbirth." "I assist at birth even today and that without a doctor. Someof the full-bloods don't want men around ; not even doctors." "I my-self think it is a disgrace the way women submit themselves tostrangers today when their babies are born, especially to those doctors
;
when I was at the hospital with pneumonia, I heard all about it.In old days not even the women looked at anyone more than neces-sary ; a big piece of buckskin was placed over the mother to protect hermodesty."Only certain midwives, however, knew how to deliver stillbirths.This was done by means of the midwife's hands. "I know one mid-wife who removed three children in stillbirths." "A woman who wasdying of childbirth asked me to take her child as soon as she had died.I did so and the child breathed twice and also died." "I was calledto a home where the woman had died some time before. They did notwant to bury her with her unborn child, so I removed it by using both
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 13
of my hands. I had a hard time doing it for the baby, too, was dead."It was not customary for any man, not even the husband, to bepresent at birth unless no women were available, or unless some strongperson's assistance was needed. Some women objected to having theirhusbands anywhere near the birthplace; others tolerated them "tocome in and to see how things were progressing." "Sometimes if themother was too weak to kneel or stand, the women called upon thehusband to lift his wife." "Men were not to come into the home untilthe baby and mother were cleaned up. A man has something insideof himself (informant insisted this was different from his soul) andif he came into the place of birth something would happen to thatbeing in him ; it might even die. The man wouldn't amount to any-thing after that. No ; men had better stay away if they know what'sgood for them." There was nothing, however, by way of magic, suchas walking continuously or drinking or eating a particular food, thatthe father could do to assist with the birth.Medicine men or medicine women, shamans, were called in only iflabor was unusually hard, and it appeared as though the mother wouldnot survive.* These exercised their powers and were well paid fortheir services in material goods, such as cloth, buckskins, and kitchenutensils.Other assistants who were not of the immediate family were paidin wearing apparel. Members of the immediate family did not expectpay- POSmON OF MOTHER DUELNG DELIVERYIn the early days all mothers took a kneeling position when givingbirth ; some women do so today. "Those who are accustomed to givingbirth in a kneeling position find it difficult to do so lying down in bed,like women have to do when they go to hospitals." In the early daysthe child was delivered on a thin layer of dry grass, which was spreadeither on the ground or on a bulrush mat. Today a worn blanketusually replaces the mat. "No quilts nor good blankets are used be-cause after everything is over, all is burnt."Mothers employed several ways of bracing during delivery. Onemethod was to grasp a sapling that rested in the crotches of two polesthat were planted firmly into the ground some few feet apart. "Mychildren were all born while I was in a kneeling position bracing my-self on a pole so that my elbows were on the opposite side of the pole
;
the more the arms were used the less pain there was." At the presenttime, the pole may extend cornerwise in a room, being nailed to thescantlings of the walls. Today, too, chairs or boxes often replacepoles.
* Cf. shamanistic powers, pp. 88-90.
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146Some informants found pulling on a rope with all possible strengthof greater benefit than bracing. One end of the rope?either a stripof moose hide, a pack strap, or some basswood fiber?was fastenedto the trunk or limb of a tree or, in more recent years, to some part ofthe framework of the house. If the woman was too weak to pull thestrap, a short pole was tied to the end of the strap and she supportedherself by placing her elbows across it. "I was lying in bed in greatpain when my first baby was about to be born," a young woman re-marked. "They sent for my mother. When she came she made meget out of bed and kneel on the floor, telling me to lean against a chair.But I couldn't stand that. Then they tied a rope?one we use foranchoring the boat?to the wall and put a stick through the end of it,and they told me to pull on it. But I thought my end had come."
"I had an awful time when one of my babies came. Finally, one ofthe two old ladies that took care of me made me stand up and put myarms around her neck like this [with face toward assistant's back] andtried to lift me. Just as soon as she pressed her buttocks against mystomach, the baby came." An informant on the Eed Lake Reservation,in her nineties, gave the following account of the birth of her oldestchild?her only surviving one of 12
:
My son was born in brush like this. I expected him because I was sick allnight. I had swept the floor of our wigwam and gotten it all cleaned so itwouldn't be dirty should anyone happen to come. Early in the morning I tookwhat little clothes I had for him?tanned buckskins, mostly?and a scissors andwent out into the brush about as far from our home as that fence (about a rod).I told my husband to bring hay out there, and after that I was there all alone. Iknelt down and braced myself on a stick I had gotten ready the day before : Ihad placed a sapling in the crotches of two sticks that I had planted into theground. The child came, and I cut the cord and tied it. Then I wrapped upthe baby and hollered for my man to come. He took the baby and I walked withhim toward the home, and on the way I began to feel faint and my man bracedme with his arm. All that's woman's sorrow ! I fainted after I got into thewigwam. My mother and the neighbors were all out fishing, and it all came sofast. I drank Indian medicine and soon got well again. The only time that Iwas sick at childbirth was when this child was born ; he was my first child.A middle-aged woman on the L'Anse Reservation recounted an eventher grandmother told
:
My grandmother, who died some years ago at the age of seventy-three, saidthat when she was a small girl they used to move from place to place. Oncewhile we were coming along the Flambeau Trail when it was cold and snow wason the ground, my grandmother, grandfather, uncle, father, and mother weretraveling together. We stopped overnight in one place, and next morning, mygrandfather, grandmother, and mother stayed behind while the others moved on.When night came my father cleared away the snow in a certain place. He builta big fire there ; then removed the remnants of the fire and built over this placea wigwam covered with mats and brush, in which we slept. We kept askingwhen mother was coming. "What's wrong with mother?" "Why doesn't she
HiLGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 15
come?" After 3 days my mother and grandparents came, my mother carrying alittle bundle. "Here's a new baby," she said.In those days people picked moss in swamps. They hung this swamp-moss onbushes until it was dry and all the bugs had fallen from it, packed it in birch-barkmakuks or sacks and saved it for new babies. The babies were covered with thismoss and then wrapped in squirrel and weasel hides. Very few babies, they say,died in those early days. They were like little kittens; they lived right on.[Hilger, 1936 a, p. 21.] AIDS AT CHILDBIRTHAt the onset of labor pains, the woman was given a decoction ofherbs. "It causes the child to come at once and easily too." "Indiansmade their own medicine to help birth along and to make pains easyto bear. Only certain ones knew what plants to use, and you had topay the women who made the medicine."^ One informant usednabanani'weok (a root that looks like the hair of a man) acocwa'cok(high weed with flowers like sunflower), and mamaskwaga'misud(root that becomes red when boiled) . Another used bark of basswood(wigobi'mic) and slippery elm (ocaci'gob) . A third used sweetgrass(wrkuc). (Cf. Flannery, 1940, pp. 21-22.)Women were encouraged, too, to move about and, if possible, towork until labor pains became very severe. "If you make them walkaround or work, the baby will be loosened and birth will be easy. Wewere told not to overdo though," "Wlien I began feeling sick andwanted to lie down my mother said, 'Get up, this is not a sickness !'And I had to go to work ; I had to be on the move all the time." Allduring pregnancy expectant mothers were admonished to adhere tothe prenatal food and conduct taboos if they expected easy delivery.Most informants knew of mothers who had died at childbirth, andthey attributed each death spoken of to some irregularity or difficultyin delivering the placenta. "I knew of a woman who died because asecond child was born in the afterbirth." "Some mothers died ofhemorrhages or neglect. The afterbirth was often hurried or pulledso that parts were left behind and caused blood poisoning." "Wlienmy boy was born, the afterbirth had grown to my side. One of theold ladies whom my mother had gotten to help with the birth washedher hands with castor oil and went around the cord and pulled theafterbirth out very easily. Not all women could do that; the onesthat could also knew how to take a child from a dying mother, or adead baby from a living mother. It seems the ones that could dothat best were married women who had never borne children."Some mothers refrained from work for 2 or 3 days after a birth ; mostof them, however, returned to work within a day. Several old inform-ants were much amused at the idea of being confined to bed for several
' Cf. uses of herbs, barks, roots, pp. 90-93.
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146days after a birth. "Some of those young women say they are Indians.They may be Indians in some things ; they most certainly are not whenit comes to forgetting themselves after their babies are born. Why,I have seen many an Indian woman in the old days get right up afterher baby was born and help with the work?work like cooking a mealor cutting up a deer her old man had brought in." "After the babywas born, the mother got right up and walked around." "The motherwas lifted up to stand on her feet and given Indian medicine to drink.After that she walked around a little, although she didn't do any workfor 2 or 3 days ; but she didn't lie down."The mother drank a cupful of tea 3 or 4 times a day made by boilingthe inner bark of oak, maple, or slippery elm. She did this for 10 to14 days immediately following the birth.THE NAVEL CORDUsually one of the attending women cut the navel cord ; at times,mothers did so themselves (cf. p. 14). In the early days a stone,chipped to a cutting edge, was used in severing the cord ; in more recentyears, a butcher knife or scissors.The cord was dried and placed in a little beaded buckskin container,"about the size of my palm," the edges of which were sewed togetherwith sinew. One such bag on the Bed Lake Keservation consisted oftwo pieces of buckskin, each 2 inches in diameter. The bag of a 13-year-old son of an informant on the Nett Lake Reservation was madeof two pieces of buckskin, li^ by li^ inches each, covered with beads ofno particular design and finished off at the lower end with beadedfringes. Girl's bags did not differ in appearance from those of boys.A child's bag was attached to the bow of its cradleboard so that itmight play with it. This is still done ( cf . p. 23 )
.
Informants varied as to the final disposal of the cord. Densmore'sinformants said that the child was to keep its own cord during itsentire life (Densmore, 1929, p. 51 ; cf . also Flannery, 1940, p. 11, andColeman, 1929, vol. 2, p. 52) . One of the writer's informants on theVermilion Lake Reservation had saved all of her children's until theygrew up; "but now they are all lost." Usually, however, the cordwas disposed of early so as to be efficacious to the child. A RedLake informant noted : "When a baby boy began to walk, his fathertook his bag on a hunting trip and dropped it wherever he killed thefirst animal. That caused the boy to become a good hunter. If itwas a bear the father had killed, and the bear was in a hole, the cordwas thrown into the hole after the bear was out." In the old days onthe Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, after a boy was a year old hisnavel bag was placed in the stump of an old tree and ashes werethrown over it with the hope that a bear might find it and thereby
HiLOBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 17make a lucky hunter of the boy. A girl's cord was buried under woodchips in order that she might become a diligent wood gatherer. "Iplaced my little boy's in the trunk of a tree. This is done all aroundhere today," said one young mother on the same reservation.Should a mother be careless and "put the bag anywhere," the baby,when it began to walk, might "get into things." People would thensay, "He is searching for his navel cord." Placing the bag in adrawer made the child steal; throwing it into fire caused the childto play with fire, and people to say, "He is playing with his navelcord."Some of Densmore's informants noted that the cord was saved toprocure wisdom for the child, and that if it were not saved the childwould become foolish. One of her informants, too, observed that ifthe child poked the ashes of the fire, older persons would say, "Heis looking for the cord" (Densmore, 1929, p. 61 )
.
THE CAULInformants on the Vermilion Lake, Nett Lake, and White EarthReservations attached no meaning to the caul. On the L'Anse Reser-vation the caul was dried and put into a little buckskin bag, eachchild so born being given its own. Carrying it was to bring goodluck. "But it doesn't always bring good luck. Two of my daughtersand one of my sons were born with thin skins over their faces. Oneof these girls has had all sorts of bad luck ; she is entirely deaf now."Another informant on the same reservation remarked
:
When I assisted at a birth one time there was no doctor. I looked at theafterbirth and saw a thin piece attached to it. I was frightened, for I thoughtthe afterbirth had been torn and the mother would get blood-poisoning. I calleda neighbor. She laughed and said it meant good luck. She said, "I won't touchit ; but you take it and wash it and hang it up to dry. Then give it to the boyand you'll find he'll succeed in life; he'll become a good hunter, a good fisher,etc." When it was dry I looked at it and could plainly see the impression ofeyes and nose. It felt like silk. Later I helped at the birth of another boywho also had a veiled face. [Hilger, 1936 a, pp. 20-21.]On the Red Lake Reservation "a family was highly thought of andfelt honored for having such a child," Informants on the La PointeReservation respected the child, but not necessarily its family. Onthe Lac Courte Orielle Reservation an old informant
?
had never heard the people around here speak of its happening except once.One old woman here remembers that it happened once when she was a child.She tells that as a little girl she was always curious to hear the conversation ofolder people. One time when a child was bom she heard the women say that ithad come into the world with its veil. She remembers how serious these womenwere when they talked about the new baby: they said that he was going topossess powers of a spiritual nature?that he was like manito. But this persondied before he was old enough to show his powers.884216?51 3
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146iTHE FONTANELSThe Chippewa attached no meaning to the fontanels. Nor didthey give them any treatment, except that of refraining from touchingthem with pressure for fear of injuring them. "Sometimes theyweren't even washed ; they were too soft."THE PLACENTAPotions which the mother was given to assist birth were usuallyalso efficacious in bringing about the passage of the placenta. Ifthere was difficulty, however, she was given an additional decoctionmade of nabananiweok (a root that looks like the hair of a man)and nabagoc' (a flat-leafed weed). If the decoction plus the exertionof her will power was unsuccessful, she pressed her abdomen withher hands, or stretched, or gagged herself by tickling her throat withher finger.Informants on all reservations agreed that in the very early daysthe placenta was always hung in the crotch of a tree formed by themain trunk and a branch at such a height that no dogs or other animalscould reach it. In later days it was buried. Informants thought thatthe coming of the Whites introduced the custom of burial ; in the earlydays burying or burning it was decidedly taboo. Today, at leastamon^ the younger people, it is generally cast into the fire. "Whenassisting at a birth recently, I wrapped the afterbirth in a news-paper and burnt it. The grandmother of the woman grabbed intothe fire for it, and exclaimed, 'Oh ! you shouldn't have done that ; youshould have buried it,' and appeared quite angry."THE baby's first BATHA baby's bathtub was a nonleakable birchbark receptacle similar tothe one shown in plate 24, 2.^ Its length was the distance from fingertips to elbow; its width, two stretches of one hand?the thumb, inmeasuring, gliding toward small finger. Certain plants, among themcatnip, spruce boughs, and twigs of glbaimina'migok, a plant thatgrows in swamps, were boiled in water and the baby bathed in thedecoction immediately after birth or at least on the day of birth. Someused "an herb that can be found where maples grow." "Onlycertain Indians around here know which plants to use. They willgive you the crushed herbs but will not tell you what they are. Theypass the information on from generation to generation in their ownfamily." The bath was thought to give the child a strong constitu-tion and it might be repeated by the mother any time she desired.
* Cf. birchbark containers, pp. 134-135 ; and plate 24.
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 19PUEIFICATION OF MOTHERInformants on all reservations were agreed that there was no purifi-cation ceremonial for the mother after birth, such as standing orbending over fumes of herbs and roots. "I never heard old Indiansaround here, nor any Indians anywhere, tell of any treatment thatthe mother was given after the birth."ANNOUNCEMENT OF BIRTH AND CEREMONIAL CELEBRATIONDensmore's informants related that "if a baby was born during thenight it was customary to notify the people by firing guns" (Densmore,1929, p. 48). According to Father Pierz, a birth at any time was somade known, for as soon as a child was born the father announced itsbirth immediately by a "Schusz-Salve" (a greeting by gunfire) (Pierz,1855, p. 20). An old informant on the Ked Lake Reservation saidthat "way back they used to tell of the father firing a gun after thechild was born ; but that was long ago" ; then added, "Yet I heard agun fired after one of my neighbors was born, and he is forty-six now."Another Red Lake informant remembered
?
that neighbors, both men and women, as soon as they heard the gunshot, wentto the home of the newborn baby, gathered at the outside of the wigwam, rightnear the place at which the baby was lying on the inside, shot off guns, and madediving motions as though they would take the child ; they also talked to it tellingit to be brave. After this they all ran into the wigwam and formed a circlearound the child, each one tapping it with his hand and telling it to be strong.The mother and relatives then threw a paU of water on the persons?by thistime they were running around the child?in order to protect the child. Neitherthe father nor any member of the family took part in this ceremonial. Nor wasthis done often ; but whenever it was carried out the child did well : it becamea warrior or some worth-while person.Densmore recorded a similar account saying that immediately aftera delivery the people were notified of the birth of a child by the firingof the gun.The men of the father's gens and those of one other gens went to the wigwamand attempted to gain possession of the child, the father and the men of his gensdefending the child against the other party. The child's relatives threw water,and sometimes a mixture of flour and water, on the attacking party, and themen fought and wrestled. It is said that "everybody was wringing wet" when thestruggle was finished. The men who secured the baby took it to the leader of thegens who carried it four times around the fire while the people sang a song withwords meaning "We have caught the little bird." The parents gave presents tothe men to secure possession of the baby. It was said, "This was done to makethe child brave from hearing so much noise as soon as it was born." [Densmore,1929, p. 48.]A feast?a gathering at which a meal was eaten and pipes weresmoked?was given either the day following the birth or very soon
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146thereafter. "Any number may come to the feast, either men or women.Seven men came to the feast of my son the day after his birth." "Anespecially big feast was given when twins were born, for they wereconsidered sacred." POSTNATAL INTERESTSNOSE RINGS AND EARRINGSVery old informants gave the names of Chippewa men and womenwho wore nose rings and who were old when they themselves were stillchildren. The oldest woman on the Nett Lake Reservation remarked
:
I did not have my nose pierced, but all the people that were old when I wasyoung wore nose rings. Parents pierced the nose of a child?if they wished itto wear a nose ring?soon after birth with the point of a knife made of a mooserib. My mother wore a nose ring.Much amused, an old Red Lake informant said: "My grandmotherhad a hole in her nose, but she wore her two earrings in it !" "Longago many Chippewa wore nose rings." Densmore wrote that heavyornaments were worn in the nose, which was pierced, some ornamentsbeing so large that they extended down over the mouth (Densmore,1929, p. 141) . "In winter," she writes, "a little bunch of fur was some-times substituted for the ring. An informant said that she had oftenseen an old Indian with bunches of white fur in his nose and ears"(Densmore, 1929, p. 36).Although a girl's ears were usually pierced immediately after birth,
"because the baby had no feeling then," or within a few days afterbirth, both boys and girls had their ears pierced any time while theywere still small. Some had several piercings in the lobe and a numberalong the edge of the ear. "Some cut long holes in the ears and woremany earrings." Formerly the ears were pierced with the point of abone knife, and consequently, the incisions were elongated ; in recenttimes, the point of a metal knife or of a large needle was used. Anyperson might pierce a child's ear. The act was devoid of meaning orsignificance ; there was no ceremonial connected with it : "It was forornament's sake only." "In order that the piercings would grow right,mother turned our earrings once in a while." One informant piercedthe ears of all her children within 4 days after birth. She molded topoints both ends of lead used as weights on fish nets, brought thepoints together, and inserted them gently into the opposite sides of theear lobe. Each day she pressed them a little closer together until theyfinally met.Earrings were often made of coins, especially dimes. These wereusually hammered out and bent into various shapes. A woman on theLac Courte Orielle Reservation, who died in 1933 at the age of 115,
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 21wore a chain of 10 hammered dimes in each ear. The oldest womanon the Nett Lake Reservation wore earrings made of twisted wire anddimes in 1939 : a Canadian dime dangled from one ear ; an American,from the other. Densmore wrote : "The most common sort of earringconsisted of a bunch of small, elongated metal cones, suspended atthe tip. It was not uncommon for so many of these to be worn that theear was weighted down by them" (Densmore, 1929, p. 36)
.
CRADLES, DIAPERS, "tALCUM POWDER," BABY HAMMOCKS, METHOD OFTRANSPORTING BABYCradleboards (dikina'gon) (pi. 2) were being used by a few personson all reservations except White Earth and L'Anse. In constructingthem the traditional pattern had been followed. The board of oneseen on the Nett Lake Reservation (1939) was of cedar wood (bass-wood might have been used since both are of light weight) . Its lengthwas 28 inches; its greatest width (head end of board), lli/^ inches;and its narrowest width (foot end of board) , IQi^ inches. About 5^inches from the head end, a bow-shaped frame was inserted, the endsof which protruded beyond the reverse side of the board where eachwas held in position by a small peg of wood which had been insertedthrough it at right angles to the protruding end and parallel to theboard. The bow was double bent : the dip at the center was 11 inchesfrom the board and each of the two outward bends 131^ inches. About11/2 inches from the foot end, a U-shaped band of cedar wood, iy2inches wide, formed a footrest. Its ends extended nearly halfway upthe board. This particular cradle had been in use for 12 years, severalfamilies using it.A baby that was too small to be tied to the cradleboard itself wasplaced in a birchbark container (odapi'bewin or wikwacida'cinowin)
,
and then tied to the board. Containers of larger dimensions weremade as the baby grew in size until it was finally big enough to be tiedto the board itself.Formerly, the cradle was prepared for the baby's occupancy byplacing a piece of soft, tanned deer hide on the board, or in the con-tainer. Over this, from baby's waistline up, weasel or squirrel skinswere placed?the mother had saved these in preparation for the baby'scoming; from waistline down, a thick layer of dried swamp moss orrabbit skins was spread. The baby was placed on this. Weasel orsquirrel skins were then drawn over the baby's chest and arms; itslower body and legs were covered with moss and rabbit skins. Next,the ends of the deer hide were brought over and tucked tightly aroundthe baby. After this, two pieces of beaded buckskin (pi. 2, 2)?eachhad been securely fastened to one side of the cradle with strips oftanned buckskin?were brought together and laced over the middle
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
of the baby, beginning at the foot end. The beaded buckskin had beenreplaced on the Nett Lake cradle by black velvet lined with gray outingflannel and edged in buckskin. The buckskin edges were so piercedthat they could be laced together with buckskin laces.The length of a cradleboard on Vermilion Lake Reservation in 1939(pi. 2,1) was 30^ inches ; its width at head end, 12 inches, and at footend, 10 inches. The footrest, attached li/^ inches from the foot end,extended 10 1/^ inches toward the head end. Its bow-shaped frame was12 inches from the board at center dip and 16 inches at outer bends
;
it protruded 2 inches beyond the back of the board. A mother whohad borrowed it?it had been made by her husband's parents for someother child?wrapped her 6-month-old baby in it in the followingmanner : Sitting on the ground to the right of the cradle, she folded asmall blanket fourfold and four-cornered, and placed it on the boardso that it reached from the foot end to the place where the baby'sneck might be. Next she folded a diaper twofold and four-cornered,and placed it on the board so as to reach from feet to waistline. Overthis she laid a smaller blanket, again only to waistline. She thenfolded the baby's dress upward so as to leave its body below waistlinebare and placed it upon the folded cloths, moving it twice so as to makecertain that an approximate distance of 2 inches was left between itsfeet and the footrest. The blanket which had been placed on the boardlast was then folded over the baby's body and tucked between legs andgroins. After this the foot end of the outer blanket was brought overthe feet. Then the portion of the outer blanket on the left side wasbrought over both legs and tucked under the right side; the portionon the right side was brought over and tucked under the left side.Next, the left arm was laid straight alongside the body, the blanketlaid over it and held tightly until the right arm, too, was straightened.The blanket from the left side was then tucked under the right arm.Next, the portion on the right was held tightly across the body andtucked in on the left side. "He is almost too big for this cradle,"she remarked. "But he likes to be in it when he is tired from movingaround freely." Preventing the baby from moving by placing herleft hand upon it, she brought the outer covering?the one attachedto the board and in this instance of black plush?over it. She lacedthese from foot end to neck, leaving only the baby's head to protrude.She then set the cradle against the side of the house and went off topoke her outdoor fire for dinner. When babies in cradleboards getrestless, mothers free their hands by untying the upper section of theouter cover.A cradleboard in a Mille Lacs Reservation home in which the Mide'-wiwin drum was kept had been made for a baby by an old man in1935, and it was still being used in 1940. Its length was 24 inches;
HiLGEB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 23its greatest width, III/2 inches, and its narrowest width, 11 inches. Thefootrest, a U-shaped 2-inch strip of cedar wood, was fastened to theboard 1 inch from the foot end, reaching 9 inches toward the head end
;
its width at the opening was 7 inches. The greatest width of the 2-inchbow-shaped frame attached at the head end was 14 inches ; the nar-nowest, IIV2 inches ; its depth at dip was lll^ inches ; at crest, 12 inches.Each end of the frame protruded 3 inches beyond the back of theboard. It was held in position by being nailed to a li^-inch piece ofwood that had itself been securely nailed to the back of the cradle-board.The purposes of the cradleboard are to train the baby's back to bestraight, to permit the mother to carry the baby on her back whentraveling, and to keep it safely in place while she is working. "Themother can set the baby up in its cradleboard anywhere, against a treeor a wigwam or any place, or she can hang it on a tree so dogs can'tbother the baby while she is busy making sugar or picking berries.The baby can't get hurt if it falls over : the bow protects its head andbody, and the footrest, its little feet." Gilfillan, who spent many yearswith the Chippewa, wrote of a Chippewa baby in its cradleboard
:
It likes the firm feeling of being bound and swathed in this frame, and willcry to be put into it. The frame can be leaned against the wall at any angle, andso it can be relieved by change of position ; or, best of all, the mother carries itsuspended on her back, by a strap passed around her forehead, while she goesabout her work, [Gilfillan, 1901, p. 86.]Articles hung on the bow of the Nett Lake cradle were a navel-cordbag and four 3-inch strings of beads, each tipped off with the instepbone of a porcupine foot. The child in playing slid these along thebow. A Vermilion baby's cradle toy consisted of several duck crani-ums strung by the bills on a strip of buckskin. Other small bonesof animals were often strung and used as toys. Densmore recordsthat two articles representing spider webs were usually hung on thebow of the cradle. She was told that "they catch everything evil asa spider's web catches and holds everything that comes in contact withit" (Densmore, 1929, p. 52). She also mentions, as favorite toys,small white shells and bunches of tiny birchbark cones, one of whichwas occasionally JBlled with hard maple sugar and "hung in such amanner that the child could put it to its mouth and get a little ofthe sweetness" (Densmore, 1929, p. 52) . Cooper records caribou teeth,the shoulder blade of the turtle, feathers from the skinned and thedried duck head, a little net to catch oncoming colds, and a beadednavel bag as cradle charms used by the Lake of the Woods and theRainy Lake Ojibway (Cooper, 1936)
.
Although very often Chippewa families today have cradleboards,nearly all babies found in homes visited during this study were snugly
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN EfTHNOLOGT [Bull. 146and tightly wrapped up in small blankets or in cloth of some sort.One method of thus wrapping the baby was like that used by the Ver-milion mother in wrapping her baby for the cradleboard (p. 22)
;
the blanket, however, was held in place by safety pins. A mother onthe Mille Lacs Keservation placed her baby to her right on a squarepiece of blanket resting on the ground in diamond position, with thehead corner turned over toward the inside. She straightened thebaby's legs and held them in position by placing her left hand onits knees. She then brought the foot end corner of the cloth over thefeet and well up over the abdomen. Then holding the baby in posi-tion with her right hand, she straightened its right arm and laid itsnugly against its body. She next brought the corner of the clothat the right of the baby across its body, laid the baby's left arm snuglyagainst its side, and tucked the cloth tightly under the baby's leftside. The remaining corner was next brought tautly around the babyand fastened in the back with three safety pins, one each at chest,back, and feet. "Babies get so used to being tied up this way thatthey will not rest any other way," remarked the young mother (pi. 2,3). Densmore notes this custom arose "after the Chippewa at-tained cotton cloth" (Densmore, 1929, p. 48) . One very old informanton the White Earth Reservation was heard to say regarding a cryingbaby, "Pin him up tightly in his blanket. You know, I used to hearmy old grandmother say that babies like best to be wrapped tightlyin deer hide for then they feel like they did in their mother's womb."Babies so wrapped were usually placed in hammocks.Babies' hammocks or swings (wewebe'sikin) were seen on all reser-vations (pi. 3, 3, 4). They were made by stretching two ropes andfastening the ends to opposite stable objects, such as poles of a sunshelter, trees, or scantlings of walls in a house. A blanket was foldedover the ropes and the ends were so placed as to overlap well under-neath the baby, thus preventing the baby from falling through. Theropes were held apart at the head end by a small stick, crotched at theends ; on hot days one was also placed at the foot end. A baby wasseen resting in a hammock under a sun shelter where a mother wasmaking birchbark trays used in winnowing wild rice; under treesnear a home where a mother was braiding rugs; under trees in thewoods where a mother was picking berries ; fastened cornerwise in ahome where a mother was doing her kitchen work ; or fastened corner-wise over a bed on which a grandmother was sewing while tendingthe baby. In the early days hammocks were made of cords of bass-wood iSber and tanned hides.Very small babies, as indicated before, were transported on theirmothers' backs in cradleboards. A baby, however, that was able tostand the strain was carried on its mother's back seated in its mother's
HiLGEB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 25blanket or sliawl. This baby was said to be bemomakwa'so (pi. 4).On the La Pointe Reservation, a mother stooped so deeply that herback was nearly horizontal, took the hands of her 4-month-old baby,swung the baby gently to her back over her left shoulder, brought itslittle arms about her neck^ flung her blanket over her head, pulled ittightly about her waistline, and then knotted the two ends that metthere. She raised herself while pulling the upper section of theblanket tightly around her own shoulders, thus holding the babysnugly in position. She then tied the upper corners into a knot also.Caring for the baby in this way left her hands free to hold things.Mothers on all reservations tied their babies similarly and carriedthem long distances.On Vermilion Lake Reservation a young mother returned from avisit to friends living a few miles away. She packed her 8-month-oldbaby on her back and carried a package of groceries and two winnow-ing baskets in her hands. She dropped the latter upon arrival,stooped so deeply that her back formed a horizontal plane, untiedthe Imot of her blanket (all four corners formed one knot), pulledthe blanket off with her left hand, and with her right hand slid thebaby off her back, to the right.Although rabbitskins were used as diapers, being washed and re-used, or more often thrown away, swamp moss (asa'kamik) alone, ormixed with well-dried down of cattail, was most generally used. MossAvas gathered from swamps and marshes in summer, hung on bushesuntil dry, and then shaken and pulled apart so as to rid it of allinsects and dry weeds. Mothers kept supplies of it on hand, storingit in makok' (pi. 24, 3&) . "T\rhen moss was used for diapers the babyseldom became chafed, and when it was unwrapped you could smellonly sweet moss."Several types of "talcum powder" were used for babies. Some in-formants had used ashes of cedar bark, or finely powdered rottenstump, or decayed wood of cedar or of Norway pine ; others preferredcharcoal of cedar wood rubbed to powder between palms of hands.
"This was put wherever the child was chafed and healing set in atonce." Some used cattail that had grown old and gone into powder
;
others used finely crushed dried leaves and flowers of muckego'bok, "aplant that grows in swamps." Some used deer fat.LULLABIESThe Chippewa lullabies are conventional songs of nonsense syllables.Upon insistence that an informant sing a lullaby with words, she an-swered, "The Whites have words but we Indians don't; the Indiansjust sing : 'Ba ! ba ! ba !' and 'We ! we ! we !' " Wliile an interpretertransmitted information, an aged informant rocked her great-grand-
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
child in her arms singing to it in a friendly, talking manner, butmerely saying, "Ba, ba ! Ba, ba ! Wi, wl ! Wi, wi ! Ba, ba ! Ba,ba I" Another lullaby consisted of a repetition of the syllables, "Wa,wa! We, we!"^ A child's first clothesThe rabbitskins and weaselskins in which a baby was wrappedwhen in its cradleboard (cf. p. 21) were its first clothes. In coldweather these not only covered the upper part of its body but wereoften wrapped about its feet. When a child was old enough to creepabout the wigwam, it wore a little slip of soft, tanned deer hide?fawnhide if available?in cold weather ; it wore no clothing whatsoever inwarm weather.When about a year old, a child wore its first moccasins. These fol-lowed the pattern of those worn by adults except that each had a smallhole "about the size of a blueberry" cut in either the heel or the ball ofthe sole. This was done hoping that the child when grown to maturitywould work so hard hunting, if a boy, or gathering wood, and berries,if a girl, as to wear out his or her moccasins. Neglecting to do thiswould cause the child to grow up to be lazy?^"so lazy that he wouldnot even wear out the soles of his moccasins."At night babies were wrapped in rabbitskin blankets (wa'bosswa'yaki). One such on the Vermilion Lake Reservation measuredabout 50 inches square. The maternal grandmother of the baby forwhom it was made had used from 60 to 70 rabbitskins. Her daughter,her assistant in making such blankets, described the process as follows
:
Skins were stripped off rabbits from the back toward the head, hungup to dry, then rolled together and stored until a sufficient number wasat hand. They were neither tanned nor salted. On the evening pre-ceding the day of weaving, the inner side was sprinkled with water,
"just like you sprinkle wash." In the morning the skins were cut instrips an inch wide, beginning at the head end and cutting round andround the body circumference. When all was ready for weaving, aframework of poles was set up and a strip of fur stretched taut acrossthe top. Next, a strip of fur was attached to the upper left corner ofthe frame, and moving toward the right was tied in loops to the tautstrip of fur, each loop being fastened by means of a knot. When theweaver had reached the right-hand corner, she moved leftward, againforming loops by tying a knot to each loop of the first tying. Loopingand tying was continued back and forth until the blanket was of thedesired size.
'Of. Densmore, 1910, p. 163, and 1913, p. 241, for music to luUabies ; 1913, pp. 138-139and 302-305 for songs for entertainment of children. For other Chippewa songs, seeBurton, 1909.
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 27One informant and her mother assisted each other simultaneouslyon the same blanket. The informant worked from left to right, andher mother, from right to left. Both met halfway, knotted theirstrands together, and each returned to her starting point with her ownstrand. It took an entire day to weave one large blanket.Rabbitskin blankets were sometimes worn as coverings by adults,the number of skins required ranging from 150 to 200. The numberof skins needed also depended on the looseness of the loops : the looserthe loops the fewer skins were needed. Some workers made loops sosmall "that one was unable to poke one's fingers through them."Blankets if stored in mothproof boxes or trunks or hung up so asto be completely exposed to air lasted for many years. One was soexposed on the wall of the kitchen of a Vermilion Lake informant inAugust 1939.A chh^d's first actions, first word, first step, first portage, andFIRST toothNo significance was attached to a newborn infant's clenching itsfists during the first days of life. However, on the Mille Lacs Res-ervation its elders would not allow it to touch the fingers of one handwith those of the other, for "that is not a good sign ; it's like countingthe number of days it has still to live." All informants were agreedthat no significance was attached to a child's first word. "Peoplesimply said, 'Now he is talking.' " Since, however, early speech wasconsidered a sign of intelligence, a child was often given raw brainsof any small bird as food in the belief that it would thereby be aidedin developing early speech.When a child took its first steps (cigawe'cikwe)?"more than one ortwo, for it has to take a little walk, at least half the length of the wig-wam"?a feast was given. If the steps were taken at home, the par-ents gave the feast ; if it walked to neighbors, the latter gave it. Some-times small children in the neighborhood were invited; sometimes
"everybody that was near." "No feast was given when the baby madeits first step. But when it took its first short walk alone (3 yardswould be sufficient) its parents gave a feast." "When the baby walksalone to the neighbors for the first time, the neighbors give a feastbecause the baby has been on its first visit. Always the ones to whomit goes give the feast."Nett Lake and Vermilion Lake informants gave a feast on the daythat a child made its first portage on foot. The parents of the childprovided the feast and all those portaging were invited. "My brothermade his first portage on foot when he was three years old."The advent of the first tooth was not celebrated by Chippewa onany reservation. Nor was any significance attached to the loss of
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146the first tooth. But on the Mille Lacs Eeservation at the loss of eachtooth, the loser blackened the tooth with charcoal and then threw thetooth toward the west saying, "Noka' [Grandma], let another toothgrow immediately !" The charcoal was thrown to the east, the personsaying, "Nimi'co [Grandpa], let my tooth grow right away!" "Ihave lost all my teeth," said an informant older than 90 years, "andI threw all of them over there [to the west]." According to Flan-nery's informants, the milk teeth were thrown toward the east withthe same belief that new teeth will grow faster and stronger (Flan-nery, 1940, p. 12). NURSING AND WEANINGNUESINGIn most instances a mother nursed her baby immediately after birth.An old Lac Courte Orielle informant, however, said that a childshould not be nursed until 2 days after birth, because "mother's milkis not considered healthy until then. If the baby cries the first twodays, it is to be given water ; if it sleeps, it is not given anything." Ifthe condition of the mother's breasts did not permit nursing or if themother died, the child was given either wild-rice or corn-meal por-ridge boiled with meat or fish broth. The baby sucked this from asmall hole punched in a thoroughly cleaned and dried bladder of ananimal?"moose or rabbit or some animal like that."There was no set time for nursing; babies were nursed wheneverthey cried. Nor was there any custom as to which breast was to servethe feeding at any particular time.Children were commonly nursed until they were 2 years of age.All informants, however, knew children that nursed when they were4, or even 5 years old. "Children used to play around and come run-ning to their mothers to be nursed." "One woman in the village isnursing her boy now, four years old. My youngest brother used tobe playing with a bow and arrow and, with them in his hands, comerunning up to mother to nurse. Mother weaned him by going offon a trip, leaving him at home." "I knew a boy who nursed when hewas five years old. I have seen him pull his mother's sleeve whileshe was visiting, wanting her to leave the company so he might nurse."Densmore's informants knew of instances in which a mother nursedtwo children, 3 and 4 years of age, at the same time (Densmore, 1929,p. 51). Gilfillan, too, observed this: "Then it gets hungry and goesand takes a pull at its mother's breast, and this it keeps up till three orfour years of age; even after a younger baby has come, the mothernurses both together" (Gilfillan, 1901, p. 64). A child, however, wasnot nursed while the mother was pregnant.
HiLQBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 29Mothers nursed babies either holding them in their arms or hold-ing them tied to the cradleboard, the cradleboard being held as wouldbe the baby. The bow-shaped frame extended backward beyond thearm. One young Lac Courte Orielle mother was seen repeatedlynursing her small baby in a cradleboard. Older children stood whilenursing.In order to increase milk secretion, mothers were advised to eatporridge of fish or meat broth and corn meal or wild rice. "Corn soupsand such thick soups made the baby strong." "The mother was alwaysgiven the best kind of food, such as venison and soups ; that made themilk flow, and helped the baby grow."Eating hominy or chokecherries "dried up the milk" ; so did potatoesand bread. One very old Red Lake informant blamed youngermothers for violating these customs
:
In old days they gave the mother only soups for a week after birth. Babiestoday don't become strong because mothers eat everything; they eat choke-cherries and wild fruits of all kinds and soon their milk flow is blocked. Thenthey come to old people whose advice they wouldn't follow and ask for help.Some old man or woman who has the proper knowledge for such cases, brewstea for them. The women drink it, and their milk comes back.When asked if magic played a part in this she replied
:
This has nothing to do with magic. It's common sense ! It's the only curewe had
!
A decoction of raspberry roots (miskege'mi naka'wic) was especiallypotent in producing milk secretion.WEANINGA mother wishing to wean her child separated it from herselfby placing it with relatives or neighbors, or' by leaving it at homewhile she herself went away on a visit. Some mothers tried to pre-vent the secretion of milk by tying muskrat hides or similar softhides across the breasts.Formerly, some mothers frightened children by blackening thenipples with charcoal; today some treat the nipples with pepperedgrease or with peppery salad dressing. One informant said : "WhileI was weaning my four-year-old girl she used to climb on this bedwhenever I'd take a rest, wanting to nurse. I'd scare her by saying,
'You'd better not; a mouse might climb on the bed !' She was afraidof mice."Often the child was given the rind of bacon to suck. Densmorenoted that babies were weaned by being given fish broth or wild ricewell boiled (Densmore, 1929, p. 51).
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146ATYPICAL CONDITIONSTWINS AND TRIPLETSInformants were certain that twins (nico'de) were born to Chippewabefore they intermarried with Whites. Twins are born today to thosewho consider themselves, and who are considered, full-blood Indians
;
several such families have two sets of twins and one has three sets.Some twins were both of one sex and others each of a different sex.Mothers predicted twins during gestation because of simultaneousor successive hiccoughing in two distinct parts of the uterus. All mem-bers of a family having twins were respected and well thought of inthe community. "The Indians felt a reverence toward twins and con-sidered them one." The oldest Eed Lake informant said, "We didn'ttease nor touch twins like we did other children. All their lives twinswere treated better than other people: they were held more sacred.They were given no extra food nor were they petted; but it was acrime to mistreat them or talk badly about them." "People honor twinsand feel they are something special," said an old medicine woman onthe La Pointe Reservation. "Sometimes a twin is mistreated and dies,and soon the other twin is dissatisfied and also dies."Informants had not only heard twins spoken of as related to thespirit world, but themselves believed they were. "Twins are said tohave come from the thunders (animiki')." "You know the Indianswere scared when twins were born; they honored them as spirits."
"I remember the first set of twins born on this reservation [Vermil-ion]. Everybody respected the mother, and thought it was wonder-ful; they thought much of them; they spoke of them in connectionwith manito." No supernatural powers, however, were ascribed tothem.Informants knew of only three sets of triplets among the Chippewa
:
one in Canada, one on the Red Cliff Reservation (Wisconsin) , and oneon the Red Lake Reservation. The Canadian triplets were two boysand one girl. "They were quite big when we left Canada," said theinformant. "All three used to hop out of their wigwam and playtogether." Two sisters on the Red Lake Reservation, in their sev-enties in 1939, said Indians honored twins as spirits but were fright-ened when triplets arrived. They related
:
When we were real small, a woman gave birth to triplets. The mother'sgrandmother helped with the birth. The babies came one right after the other.The grandmother got very frightened and killed the three babies?three littlehoys?and dropped one on top of the other in a heap. We were too young toremember seeing it, but we remember the commotion that existed, and peoplecrying, and everybody being sad. When we were older, we were told that the oldlady cut the cords, and then cut the babies' heads off. We were related to them,and this is the truth.
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 31A very old Mille Lacs informant knew quadruplets?four boys
?
who gi-ew to maturity. "All four were respected by the people andseemed related to manito. They possessed supernatural powers: allfour were sometimes called to a sick person and were always able totell whether that person would live or die."SICK BABIESDecoctions in which sick or weakly babies were bathed might bemade of catnip (namewac') and cedar boughs (gi'cik kwabak), or ofan herb that grows "where there are maples." Plants were gatheredat appropriate times during the year, and dried and stored. In nearlyall Chippewa homes, bunches of herbs and roots can be seen hangingfrom rafters or from joints of rafters and walls (cf . pp. 90-93)
.
Sick babies were given purgatives. One of these was made by boil-ing "roots of various kinds" with maple sugar and storing these asmaple sugar cakes. When needed they were melted in a little waterand given the baby to drink. Nursing mothers chewed the root orbark of cabo'clgon (literally, "a little purgative"), the baby in drink-ing its mother's milk deriving the benefit of it. Sometimes a buck-skin sack of the same root or bark was heated and placed on thebaby's abdomen, the belief being that the medicinal effects penetratingthe intestines relieved constipation. An older baby was given a pieceto chew.Densmore noted that an ailing child "was held in the warmth ofthe fire and its body rubbed with grease, goose oil being approvedfor this purpose" (Densmore, 1929, p. 51).Although very soon after birth a child was given a name by someelderly person who had been in continuous good health during lifeand who had received power in a dream to give a name (p. 38), asickly child?one that cried a great deal?might be given a secondname by another old person for the restoration of health. "The sickchild was given to some old person so that it would live as long asthat old person had already lived. This person gave a name to thechild at a feast and named the child in the same way as it was givenits first name." Should a child take ill a second time and continuein its illness after medicinal remedies had been applied, it was givena third name by a third old person with all the ceremonials used whenreceiving its first name. A child might therefore have several names,receiving all but one for the restoration of health. "Other namesthan its first one are given when a child is sick so it will live long andbecome an old person. As long as it is a child, it can be given a name-sake for health's sake." ^ "Sometimes a child who was critically ill
8 HaUowell found that among the Saulteaux an infant that cried constantly was thoughtto be trying to utter the name it bore la a previous existence, and that if it was giventhis name, it stopped crying (Hallowell, 1940, p. 50).
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146was given to another person as namesake and he gave it another nameaccording to his dream. And the child usually got well."Sickly children, too, were admitted into the Mide'wiwin with thehope that health would be restored. Two sickly children between 4and 5 years old were admitted at the Ponsford celebration on theWhite Earth Keservation in June 1938 (pi. 6) ; one a little over ayear old, at the Nett Lake Reservation in August 1939 (p. 64).DEFORMED BABIESNeither head nor body deformation was practiced by the Chippewa.If a child was born deformed, it was said that the mother had beenfrightened while pregnant. "Twelve years ago a woman in this vil-lage had a baby whose head was shaped like a lizard's : it had shortarms and little legs, just like a lizard's. The woman had been fright-ened by a lizard after being pregnant a short time." "A boy bornhere had a mouth like a rabbit and elbows at the shoulders ; his rumpand backbone were hairy and he had a tail. People said that themother must have been frightened by a rabbit while she was carryingthe boy." "My mother told me of a baby that was born with a tail,and of another that had ears near the temples."INCESTInformants on the Nett Lake, Lac Courte Orielle, Red Lake, WhiteEarth, Vermilion Lake, and Mille Lacs Reservations were questionedas to incest between parent and child and between siblings. The facialexpression, the tone of voice which dwindled to a whisper, and thefirmness of the "No ! No !" (Ka'in ! Ka'in !) lead one to believe thatincest was decidedly an unusual event. "No, I never heard of that.It couldn't have happened in old days, for parents took care of theirchildren then." "I never heard anyone say anything like that tohave happened in old times. I heard of a man, who is still living,who was the father of his daughter's child ; the daughter is dead now.That could never have happened in old days. Everything was verystrict then." ILLEGITIMACYIllegitimacy occurred among the early Chippewa. One old in-formant remarked.Yes, there were some illegitimate children in the early days, but not many.It is different now ; it is quite common now. It was a scandal then ; now it isnothing. We didn't like that to happen. Such girls were not respected afterit occurred, but we did not send them away. Girls in families were alwaystreated better than boys, but when that happened the girl was no longer wellliked. No, nothing was ever said to the father of an illegitimate child. Long
HiLGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 33
ago when an unmarried girl was pregnant, her father was waiting to kill herchild. I heard of one girl, when I was a child, who gave birth to her baby in thewoods and killed it there ; at least no one ever saw the child and everybody knewshe gave birth to it in the woods. I remember people talking in a whisper aboutthat girl whenever she came around.Kemi'cegon, the Chippewa word for illegitimate child, means "a stolen,child," or "a child conceived through sneaky ways."The unmarried Chippewa mother did not desert her child formerly,nor does she do so today ; "that's a law of the people." She usuallycared for it in her parental home. The child was not well liked untilafter it grew up ; "it was considered lower than the rest of the people,but it was cared for." "Grandparents of the child (paternal andmaternal) quarreled with each other, telling each other to take careof the child." Parents of both the unmarried mother and the unmar-ried father felt disgraced ; "both were always in hopes that the manwould marry the girl." If the mother married a man, other thanthe father of the child, she gave the child to her own mother.Infanticide of either illegitimate children or other children hadnot been heard of by any informants, other than the two accountsgiven above (pp. 30, 33).SLAVES, SERVANTS, AND ADOPTED PERSONSThe Chippewa at no time enslaved people, nor did they treat anyoneas a servant. Adoption of persons, however, was very prevalent inthe old days, and is so today : nearly all homes visited while makingthis study housed nonmembers of families. Small children were, andare, adopted not only by relatives, but also by friends. Older childrenand adult persons either chose a home and asked to be adopted orthey were invited to do so.There were no adoption ceremonials. All that was necessary was aclear understanding by the parties concerned. In the case of smallchildren, the parents' consent was required. One informant said shewas present when her dying mother arranged for the placing andadoption of her children ; she was old enough to remember the occa-sion well
:
Today, people have to arrange with the Agency [local U. S. Indian Service] ifthey wish to adopt a child. It wasn't that way some years ago. Before mymother died, she selected the relatives with whom she wanted all of us childrento stay ; she might have selected friends or anyone else instead of relatives. Allof my mother's people talked with my mother and they decided among them-selves who would take each child ; we were five. If my father had been of theChippewa Tribe, he would have had something to say and could have kept allof us if he had thought he could care for us ; but since he is a Winnebago, he wasnot consulted. However, if mother had had no brothers nor sisters, my fathercould then have taken us. [She mentioned the names of three widowed Chip-pewa fathers on the reservation who were caring for their children.] But as884216?51 4
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146things turned out, my oldest sister was given to my grandmother, my mother'smother ; my brother was given to one of my mother's sisters ; my two youngestsisters, to another sister ; and another aunt raised me. I was treated just likethe rest of my aunt's family ; there was no discrimination shown as to food orwork. At times, however, that is done ; my brother was badly treated and theold lady with whom he was living struck him with a poker so that it penetratedhis foot ; she also hid bread from him. That is why he is now neglecting her.An informant who had been willed a grandchild by her daughtersaid : "When mothers are certain of dying, they will their children tosomeone?to relatives, or to the missionary, or to someone ; the husbandhas nothing to say about it." Another informant noted : "The grand-mother, if she lived, always took the children after the mother's death."A 50-year-old woman told of her plans to adopt a grandchild whoseparents were still living
:
When my son's wife goes to the hospital, he will bring their 2-year-old girl tous to keep. My son himself will probably bring her, and she will stay here allthe time. And I am willing to take her ! I can't wait until she comes ! Myhusband plans on it too, and is more than anxious to rear her. He and I haddiscussed taking her before her father ever spoke about it. That's just theway it happens that you find these children in Indian homes
!
The following accounts describe the adoption of mature persons:A family in Ponema [Red Lake Beservation] had a son who died; he wasabout the age of my boy. Six years ago, the man and his wife came over here[Red Lake] on a special trip to ask me if they could have my boy as their son.I thanked them for asking me, I was certainly glad somebody thought so muchof my son as to adopt him. He spends much time with them now, and theytreat him as their son. Two years ago he stayed there all winter. No, thereis no jealousy on my part. I feel flattered
!
A 50-year-old man at Reserve (Lac Courte Orielle Reservation),the father of three children in their teens, related this experience
:
An old couple in the village lost a son by death a year ago. Shortly after theold lady met me on the road between their home and mine, and said, "I had ason as big as you and I lost him, and now I'll adopt you as my son." Both ofthe old people call me their son ; I remind them of their own son because I am solarge. I go up there once in a while to see if they are all right, and I get theirwood for them. They bring us something once in a while too?fish or bear meat,usually. We really feel related now.Warren, a native, relates that at intervals when the Sioux and theChippewa were not at war,a Dakota chief or warrior taking a fancy to an Ojibway would exchange presentswith him, and adopt him as a brother. This the Ojibways would also do. Theseadopted ties of relationship were most generally contracted by such as had lostrelations in the course of their feud, and who, in a manner, sought to fill thevoid which death had made in the ranks of his dearest friends. [Warren, 1885,pp. 268-269.]A 12-year-old girl on the Red Lake Reservation whose mother haddied asked a woman with a family if she would adopt her as her own
Hu-GER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 35mother: "She looks on me now as though I were her mother, and Itreat her like a daughter. She comes over here and tells me things,and I give her advice. I also give her things, like dresses."NAMING THE CHILDVARIOUS NAMESAlthough a Chippewa had no family name, he might have severalsurnames. Shortly after birth he was given his Indian name, thename which he retained during life and which for him had a very realsignificance because it had spiritual value ; its origin lay in a dream.If he was a crying child or an ailing one, he might be given severaladditional dream names (cf. pp. 31-32)
.
Pet names were given to most small children, and as they grew olderthey received a nickname also. These were usually humorous : theymight indicate a resemblance to some object or animal or be associatedwith an event that occurred during the first day of life. "I heard alittle girl who was very spry called Grasshopper. Another was calledLittle Twig until she was old enough to know that it was not her realname." The first born of twins was called Oldest One ; the latter born.Small One or Younger One.Children were not given names at puberty. Many, however, weregiven American names when they first attended boarding schools, thisbeing true particularly of those whose Indian names were difficult toremember or which, in translation, were long names compounded ofseveral words. Old Indians who did not attend school speak of theirAmerican names as "my Agency name" or "my name at the Agency."In the schools and at the United States Indian Agencies, little, if any,attention seems to have been given in assigning names to members ofthe same family, for it is not uncommon to find several siblings eachhaving a different name and all names being different from that of thefather. ORIGIN OF NAMESAll informants agreed that Chippewa Indian names had theirorigin in dreams. They differed, however, as to the period in lifeduring which dreams had value in naming children. Some main-tained only prepuberty dreams were significant ; others told of namesthat came to them in dreams of later life, even when quite old (cf . pp.39-48) . "Only dreams that we had when young and innocent countedin giving names to children. Dreams a boy had once his voice beganto change were of no value." "When I was still innocent, that isbefore I menstruated for the first time, I dreamed of a rainbow severaltimes, and I have since named a child after it." "Before persons thinkof anything impure, that's the time dreams count." One informant, in
36 Bureau of American ethnologt [bdll. 146^ed,|lid Iher eighties, told of a child, less than a year old, whom she had nambut "I never named it until it was three years old. What I shoulcall the child didn't come to me before that time; I waited until Idreamed a name for the child. After I dreamed it, I told the parentswho then gave a feast at which I named the child." Jones speaks of
"a man in his youth and during a fast" who dreamed of the sky, forinstance, and, having occasion "to believe that the sky was the sourceof his life and the cause of bountiful gifts," later named a child inaccordance with the dream and thereby placed it under the samebeing that had been benevolent to him (Jones, 1906, pp. 136-137).Good dreams and one useful in naming children were those in whichbirds, thunder, sun, lightning, persons, and all animals, except snakeswere involved. Bad dreams and ones to be forgotten were thosedealing with dogs, water, and snakes.Pierz accounts in the following way for the origin of names amongthe Chippewa and the Ottawa:The name is usually taken from things of earth or air. The man shoots anarrow into the air and notices what is found near the place at which it lands.If this be an animal, insect, stone, grass, tree, or something else his child will benamed after it. Some have a habit of simply looking into the air and taking aname from wind, weather, clouds, thunder, or lightning or whatever appeals tothem. That is why Indian children have names taken from nature, and nevercarry their father's name. No one may ever change the name. When it happensthat the old fellow who is naming the child is not on good terms with themother it may happen that he gives the child a nasty nickname, such as snakeor turtle, bear paws or fox tongue, or wolf's teeth."Pierz' information was checked on the Lac Courte Orielle, LaPointe, Red Lake, Wliite Earth, and Mille Lacs Reservations, but thewriter was unable to verify it. Informants listened attentively to hisaccount and then uttered such remarks as these : "I never heard any-one of our people tell that." "That must have been the way with someother tribe." "We never heard of that before. No, we dreamed ournames." It is possible that Father Pierz never heard the Chippewatell the true origin of their names, for several of the very old Indianswere quite reticent in speaking of it to the writer even today. Oneremarked, "Long ago, Indians did not speak to each other of theirdreams. Now they tell everything; therefore, much is dying out."GilfiUan speaks of this reticence also
:
One of the things about the Ojibways that seems strange to us is the mysticaJimportance attached to a name, and the concealment of names. No Ojibway manor woman will tell his name, unless he has become very much Americanized. Ifa name has to be given, say to be put in some document, and the man is asked hisname, he will not give it; but, after a long period of hesitation and embar-rassment, he will indicate some other man who will tell his name. That man,finally, after prolonged consideration, mentions it, and when it comes out, a
* Pierz, 1855, pp. 20-21 (writer's unpublished translation).
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 37
sensation lies over the assembly as if some great secret had been let out.So in a store, if the name of the intending debtor be not known to the storekeeper,and he has to know it to charge the goods, he asks, with a manner indicatingprofound secrecy, some one else to tell him the man's name, and it is given tohim in a whisper, as a great secret. Often I have asked a man his wife's name,and after a long hesitation he would confess that he had never heard it. Onquestioning, he would admit that he had been married to her fifteen or twentyyears. This secrecy is about their Ojibway name ; about their English name, ifthey have any, they have no such feeling.The reason for this reticence, which seems so queer to us, is that by themgreat importance is attached, as in the Old Testament, to a name ; that the namesall mean something, as Abraham, father of a multitude, Isaac, laughter, Jacob,supplanter, and that the name is given as a religious act. So a father says to hisson, "My son, I give you this name ; it has a spiritual signification ; it is to you asacred thing ; the spirits give it to you, if you make light of it, or mock it, or dis-close it, I do not say that the Great Spirit will kill you, but you will have dis-graced yourself." Hence is the concealment of the names, the reverouce withwhich names are regarded. [Gilfillan, 1901, p. 111.]The following are names of informants : Coming-over-the-hill (thenamer, a woman, repeatedly dreamed of cows coming up to her over ahill) ; Morning or Dawn ; One-that-can-walk ; Ice-feathered-woman
;
Eound-old-woman ; One-that-can-climb (namesake dreamt of a bear"and a bear is one that can climb'"'). William Jones mentions Flood-of-light-pouring-from-the-sky (Jones, 1906, p. 137).THE NAMESAKEParents usually selected the namesake (wadawa'sok) of their childoccasionally an old person asked to name it or announced that he woulddo so. The namer might be chosen on the day of birth or as soon asthe parents desired to have the child named. An unfailing ruie, how-ever, was that he be an old person and one that had not been sicklyduring his life, "the belief being that the child would then be healthy."A 53-year-old informant was not old enough to name a child, but wasold enough to be invited to the feast at which a child was named. "Myson was 3 months old when he was named; he has only one Indianname. He never needed another for he has always been a healthychild." "Each one of my children was given its Indian name a fewdays after baptism." "When a child is born an old lady might say tothe parents, 'Now, you give me that child for my namesake.' Anotherwould say, 'Let it be my namesake.' Parents select one then and givea feast at which the child is named."A retention of this old custom survives on the L'Anse Reservationwhere many others no longer exist. An old Indian will aimouncehimself as the namer of a child, and will name it ; but no feast is given.A L'Anse interpreter related two instances: "When my sister was amere baby, a very old man from the neighborhood came into ourhouse and said, 'I want the baby for a namesake.' Mother didn't know
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146what to think of it. He took a red ribbon from his pocket, pinned itto the baby's pillow, and started to smoke. 'Your little girl's nameis going to be Batawa'sag5kwe, meaning Two-clouds-and-a-sunshine-between-the-clouds,' he said. That's how my sister got her name.Another old man who was at a certain home where a child was bornasked the mother if he might have the child for a namesake. Hecalled her Boganoge'cikwe, which means A-hole-in-the-sky. After henamed her this he hit the ground with his cane as many times as theyears of his age, saying he wanted the child to live that long."The term "namesake" is reciprocated by the child and the namer. Aman might name a girl ; a woman, a boy : there are no fixed rules as tothe sex of the namer (windawas'sowinini?man namer; windawas'-sokwe?woman namer) . Nor was there a limited number of childrenthat any one person might name. No namer gave the same nametwice. "I have named about 20 children and all have different names.I dreamed each name: dreamed them as I needed them," said aninformant on the Vermilion Lake Reservation.CEREMONIALThe naming of the child was done at a feast (windawas'sowin) ofvenison and wild rice prepared by the parents of the child?"a realfeast, a big feast of moose or deer!" Only invited guests attended.The namer held the baby in his arms, talked to it about Kice' Man'ito(Supreme Being), asked a blessing on the child, said that he wishedthe child to become as old as he was, gave it its name, and then handedit back to its mother.At one such feast in 1930 the maternal granduncle (60 years of age)
,
the maternal grandmother (52), an old man, nonrelative (80), and amaternal aunt (49) were the invited guests. The feast was given inthe maternal grandmother's house. Oilcloth was placed on the floorand on this, at each guest's place, a small piece of plug tobacco. Amer-ican food was served. The guests, after taking their places and smok-ing, talked about God and their dreams, and expressed hopes that thechild would have long life. Then the namer, the 60-year-old grand-uncle, took the baby girl in his arms, talked to it, and named it Hole-in-the-ground. After this the baby was passed from one person toanother and finally handed back to the mother. "This namesakefeast," the mother added, "took place right after they brought the babyback from baptism."In 1935 a young Chippewa mother and her 13-month-old baby re-turned to the reservation from Chicago for a visit. The 90-year-oldgreat-grandmother of the baby invited the wife of a medicine manto name the baby. "Before they ate anything, this woman, holdingthe baby in her arms, put a handful of tobacco in the stove," remarked
Hir-GER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 39the young mother, "told her dream, and then named my baby, Hole-in-the-sky. She didn't give the baby any sermon ; she simply told herdream. Then we all sat down and ate ; the baby sat at table too."A 21-year-old Mille Lacs mother and her husband gave a feastat which their 2-month-old baby was named (1940) . "We invited sixold persons from around here. I don't like to give their names sincethey might not like it ; they consider this sacred and so do we.?I don'tknow why.?They all sat in a circle on the floor ; a dish of tobacco wasin the center. After they all took some of this, I handed the baby tothe leader?you choose one person as leader?and I said, 'I give youthis child as your namesake.' He took the baby, kissed it, talked to it,telling it to live long, gave it a name, and then passed it on to thenext one. This one talked to it and passed it on and so on to the lastone, each one kissing it, and telling it to live long. Then my husbandand I served meat boiled with wild rice, cake, cookies, and cofl'ee."Jenness, in recording the naming of the Chippewa, wrote : "A pleas-ing ceremony accompanied the naming of each child ; when the rela-tives and friends had gathered for the feast, the grandfather (oranother elderly kinsman) took the child in his arms and called on allthe great powers in the spiritual world to impart their blessing to itsname" (Jenness, 1932, p. 280)
.
PREPUBERTY FASTSAGE OF BOY AND GIRLIn primitive days most Chippewa boys and girls spent some days insilent commune with the spirit world, abstaining from food and drink.The number of days varied from 1 to 10; the length of the time aswell as the number of times of fasting depended on the age of the childand on its endurance. Some children fasted for the first time beforethey reached the age of reasoji, that is at 4 or 5 years of age, or "whenso high" (about 3 feet). Children of such early ages fasted but 1day; those from 6 to 8 years old, 1 to 4 days; and those from 10 to12 years old, from 4 to 10 days. A 10-day fast was usually rewardedwith supernatural or shamanistic powers. No particular child, how-ever, was selected for a 10-day fast. The significant power that camethrough fasting was impressed upon older children more than uponyounger ones, and, because of this, informants thought, certain chil-dren made attempts to fast many successive days.SELECTION OF TASTERSParents decided upon the time that the child was to fast. The timechosen usually depended on the dream that the child related somemorning on rising, either of his own accord or upon request. The
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETI?NOLOGY [Bull. 146parent would not necessarily have done so but might have directed the
,
child when retiring the previous evening to dream and to remember its idream. One old Red Lake informant, however, knew of fathers who jhad dreamed that it was time to send a child to fast. "When a childis about 5 years old and it tells its mother a dream which the motherconsiders good, the mother takes charcoal, blackens the cheeks of thechild, and sends it out to fast, even without water, for 1 day."
"After children reported a good dream, their faces were blackenedwith charcoal before breakfast and they were not given anything toeat until sundown." "A mother might any morning call one of herchildren?it didn't make any difference which one?and ask it what ithad dreamt last night. If the dream was considered a good one, thechild's face was blackened and it was made to fast."An informant on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation gave the follow-ing account
:
Among the old pagans when a boy was 10 or 12 years old, his father said tohim, "Tonight I want you to remember your dream." Next morning his fatherwould ask him whether he had had a dream. If he had not dreamed, his fatherwould tell him the next night to dream. When, finally, he had a dream whichsatisfied the father, the father took charcoal from the fire, rubbed it between thepalms of his hands, then rubbed the face of the boy, blackening it, and sayingto the boy, "No breakfast this day." He is going to make something out of theboy through his dreams. He may abstain from food, though not from water,for 5 to 10 days. I have known boys to fast until they could scarcely stand.Later in life they may exercise their dream power by finding something whichis lost. One might dream one night, and the next day find the lost article. Ifa man's dream comes true, he is a person of importance among his people ; if belies, he is nothing. [Hilger, 1936 c, p. 34.]SIGNIFICANT DREAMSOn the Lac du Flambeau Reservation significant dreams were "thoserelated to the thunderbird or to any bird ; to the sun, thunder, light-ning, in fact to anything in nature ; to persons and all animals, exceptsnakes." On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation dreaming; of dogsor water predicted ill: "It was an indication of a short life; thesedreams were to be forgotten at once." A L'Anse woman was toldby her mother "never to dream of black horses, for such a dreamwould be followed by a death in the family; dreaming of a whitehorse brought good luck. Dreaming of clear water was a good sign
;
muddy waters brought heartaches." On the Mille Lacs Reservationdreaming of water or of anything in the water was a bad dream; itindicated that a child would die.MANNER or FASTINGAfter a parent had decided that the child had had a good dream, hetook charcoal from the fireplace?or in more recent times soot from
HiLGKB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 41the bottom of a kettle or a pot?blackened the palms of his hands, andthen rubbed the child's cheeks, leaving them well blackened but with-out decorative design. Older children blackened their own faces inthe same manner and without design.Small children?i, 5, or 6 years old?after having had their facesblackened were merely sent out into the woods to spend the daythere. "In the early days both boys and girls were sent out aloneto wander around in the woods. Each one was sent alone ; never weretwo sent together. Here the spirits were to talk to them, and theyto the spirits." "Children were usually sent out in the spring or fall.While wandering around they would probably see someone in thewoods, someone like manito, for example. They might see things,too, in the shape of trees, etc., these things being spirits would havepity on them and give them more power or longer life. This is donebefore the girl becomes a woman or the boy a man. The person muststill be a child."Fasting, if done for only 1 day, consisted of abstinence from foodand drink from sunrise to sundown.They waited, in tliose old days, for the sun to peep up?the sun had to belooking at us when we got our faces blacliened. And just as the sun went downwe had our faces washed?the sun was supposed to see us get washed. I fastedone day when I was about 5 years old: I got no bread nor water nor anyfood all day. Those who fasted more than 1 day were usually permitted todrink, but not to eat.As children grew older, greater significance was attached to fasting.The number of days was increased so that many children, especiallyboys, spent 4 or more days without food, consequently sleeping anddreaming. A child that did not return after 4 days of fasting wasthought to be receiving extraordinary powers?that he was beinggiven the "power" to be a medicine man or m'edicine woman. "Sucha child was learning how to cure certain diseases and how to combinecertain herbs for certain medicines, etc." "Some received such power-ful 'medicine' that they could pull someone's mouth to one side, cripplehim, make him crazy, or even cause him to die." ^?Hoffman in his study of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwaymakes the following statement
:
The first important event in the life of an Ojibway youth is his first fast.For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in the forestwhere he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of days; when reducedby abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or ecstatic state in which hemay have visions and hallucinations. The spirits which the Ojibway mostdesire to see in these dreams are those of mammals and birds, though anyobject whether animate or inanimate, is considered a good omen. The objectwhich first appears is adopted as the personal mystery, guardian spirit, or
'" Cf. "Grand Medicine," pp. 71-75 ; "Tip! shaking," pp. 75-78.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146tutelary daimon of the entranced, and is never mentioned by him without firstmaking a sacrifice. A small effigy of this man'ido is made, or its outline drawnupon a small piece of birchbark, which is carried suspended by a string aroundthe neck, or if the wearer be a Mide' he carries it in his "medicine bag" orpinjigosan. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his dream
;
and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary importance to theoccurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some powerful man'ido orother object held in great reverence by the members of the Mide' Society, thefaster first becomes impressed with the idea of becoming a Mide'. [Hoffman,1891, p. 163.]
"One old man here told how he fasted 10 days in the woods byhimself. His only sustenance was water that had collected in thepitcher plant. Fasters were not allowed to dip water out of lakesfor drinking." Of children who fasted several days, boys were sub-jected to more rigorous fasts than girls. "I have known boys tofast until they could hardly stand on their legs." Informants hadnot heard of any one dying from fasting, "although some had fastedfor 10 days and were hardly able to walk after that." All boys wereexpected to fast ; those who did. not were considered cowards.Boys usually fasted and slept in trees, on platforms or in "nests"(wadisswa'ni giikgrcimo?^lie fasted in a tree). Each boy built hisown in the tree of his choice ; but birch, white oak, or hardwood treesof any kind were favorites. "Nests" described by informants, whohad either fasted in them or who had seen them, were of two kinds.The platfomi type was built by resting poles?trunks of saplings-on the limbs of a tree and covering these with straw. "We slept upthere and fasted without food and water, fasting and dreaming inorder to get a helper." A "nest," or basketlike type (wa'dissan
?
bird's nest) , was built of twigs, lined with hay, and attached to thelowest strong limbs of a tree. "Each was really a nest of twigs andhay, deep enough so the boy could lie down or sit up in it. Thesenests were always built in a lonely place." "In the fall after all theleaves had fallen, one could see nests here and there all through thewilderness ; they were up where the strong limbs began."Nearly all girls fasted, but few fasted longer than 4 days. Thosewho wished to obtain the powers of medicine women fasted 10 days.One woman had fasted 6 days at 10 years of age. On the first dayshe abstained from water and ate only a small piece of bread ; on theremaining 5 days, she partook of a small piece of bread and a sip ofwater. "I was hungry but I didn't mind it very much, for I sleptnearly all the time," she added.It was not customary for girls to fast in trees : they fasted walkingabout the woods. "I was sent out to fast one time early in the springto a dry place where there was no snow." An old Red Lake inform-ant, however, said she had tried to fast in a tree after hearing hergrandmother tell the following story
:
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 43When you look across the lake (Red Lake) you see a big hill on the sandbar near Ponema. At one time four girls built four nests for fasting overthere?each built one for herself. They were very close to each other in onetree. The girls weve up there and some one began to throw stones at them. Sothe girls whispered to each other asking if the stones were hitting any of them.Three didn't know what it was ; the fourth knew and said, "Some men arethrowing stones at us." So the third one wanted to know who these men were,and the fourth one said, "We'll see them," and sure enough, a boat came withfour men in it. It was hard to see them at a distance. But soon they soundedlike doors slamming. And these were water gods, like mermaids. That hap-pened long ago.
"After hearing this," the informant added, "I tried once to fastin a tree, but my mother wouldn't let me do it."Fasting in most cases was done before puberty. Most informantswere emphatic in saying that girls, after their first menstruation, andboys, after their voices began to change, were no longer eligible forfasting. "They are impure after that." "No, the old people ('oldmen' and 'old women' were those past puberty) never fasted. Afterpuberty they couldn't fast ; it was considered a disgrace to fast then."
"Before persons think of anything impure, that's the time that fastsand dreams count." "Only girls who are pure and innocent?that isbefore first menstruation?have dreams for powers." "This is donebefore the girl becomes a woman and the boy a man ; the person mustbe a child still. Their dreams are of no significance once they areold enough to beget children." "I fasted twice a year while I wasa child, from the time I was 6 or 7 years old : once in the fall beforethe snow began to fall and once in the spring when the birds beganto come." "No man fasted after his voice began to change ; he wasconsidered impure after that. No woman fasted after her first men-strual isolation for she was considered impure from that time on.No one with sense would have attempted to fast after that ; everybodywould have laughed at him." On the Mille Lacs Eeservation, how-ever, a girl who was being subjected to her puberty isolation and fastmight have a dream in which supernatural power was granted.When a faster?^boy or girl?returned home, the mother or, if shewere dead, the grandmother or aunts prepared a feast and invitedfriends. The faster was advised to eat slowly and not to satiety. Hisfood was served in a birchbark dish (pi. 24, ^), which was laterhung upon a small twig on the lower trunk of a tree near the home."The tree near one house was loaded with these little dishes, indicatingthat there had been many days of fasting in that family." "Mygrandmother told of a boy who, on the tenth day of his fast, toldhis father?his father had come each day to see if he was all right
?
that he was coming home and that his mother should prepare thefeast." At the feast both faster and guests told their dreams.
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146,PURPOSE OF FASTING jParents obliged their children to fast because they were desirousof having them contact the spiritual world and obtain a medium init in the form of a guardian spirit. "You call him guardian spirit;we call him the spirit of a vision or obawage'kgon. We use the sameword for a girl's helper as for a boy's." Fasts in very early childhoodwere less significant in this regard than the ones that were prolongedenough to produce sleep and consequent dreams. It was duringdreams, or in visions during the waking hours of a prolonged fast,that the guardian spirit, the helper for all times, communicated withthe faster. Giikkwi'clmod is the word used to describe the fast nomatter how old the child, how prolonged the fast, or how significant,shamanistically, the results. Occasionally, a faster was not favoredwith a dream or vision. When this occurred he could receive poweronly by joining the Mide'wiwin (cf. pp. 63-71). "I never dreamedof a guardian spirit although I fasted 6 successive days on one occa-sion," remarked a Lac Courte Orielle woman.The guardian spirit usually took the form of a person, an animal,an inanimate object, or an activity of nature. His prerogatives wereto give advice, knowledge, and power to the faster. Powers receivedwere of various kinds, such as producing rain or winds, bringing suc-cess in war, discovering healing properties of plant life, predictingfuture events, or finding causes for past events. "Sometimes childrenfasted 10 days. If children did this and grew up they became power-ful. It was during the dreams they had while fasting that peoplereceived their guardian spirits and the powers they used in later life.Today, for instance, if a storm comes up and a person with power re-lated to the storms talks to it, the storm will subside. Or should aperson be walking around without a home and have nothing to eatand will talk to the sun or stars or whatever he dreamed of as a child,he will receive what he needs. It is said that old Indians always hadclouds or the sun or moon or stars but not any animals as their power.""A certain boy went out to fast. On the eighth day he heard someonesinging. Soon he uncovered his face and looked out and saw a flockof geese that now sounded like men speaking.?The boy had not hadanything to eat nor drink for these eight days.?The head one?thereis always a head goose?spoke to the boy telling him never to have fearin any war and should he be in danger in any war to thiiik of thisflock of geese and he would always come out unhurt." "The old In-dians believed that thunder and lightning were caused by thunder-birds. The ones who had dreamt of these birds when fasting whilethey were still innocent had power to stop storms. Here is what theywould do : When a storm arose they went out-of-doors, motioned withtheir hands for the storm to move away, saying, 'Go slowly ; go around
;
HiLGBH] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 45go away !' " "One time the Ottawa and Chippewa from Marquetteand La Pointe [Wisconsin] joined our bands here and all met theSioux at Portage Lake.?We were at war with the Sioux then.?Thesun was going down just when our side began to win. One of ourmen who had power over the sun asked it to continue shining. Thesun stayed right in the sky and the war was won !" "My husband'smother's helper was thunder. She used to make us very angry duringblueberry-picking time for she would talk to her helper, light herpipe and smoke it, and cause thunderstorms. And all that whilewe were all right out there in the blueberry patch I"Tanner tells of hunting trip which he made with some Objibway.He quotes an old man in the group as saying
:
When I was yet a little boy, the Great Spirit came to me, after I had beenfasting for 3 days, and told me he had heard me crying, and had come to tell methat he did not wish to hear me cry and complain so often, but that if ever Iwas reduced to the danger of immediately perishing of hunger, then I shouldcall upon him, and he would hear and give me something. I have never calledbefore, but last night I spent in prayer and singing, and I have assurance that Ishall this day be fed by the bounty of the Great God. I have never askedbefore, and I know that he will not forget his promise."Tanner continues
:
We all started at the same time in the morning, but went to hunt in diilerentdirections. I hunted all day without finding anything, and so weak was I, thatI could traverse but a very small extent of ground. It was late when I came in
;
the two young men were in before me ; all began to despair ; but old Gitch-e-weeshwas still absent. At a very late hour he arrived, bending under a heavy load ofmeat. [Tanner, 1830, p. 154.]After a successful fast, the faster invariably carried with him, usu-ally tucked in a small buckskin bag or wrapped in a piece of cloth, sometoken of esteem that would either resemble his, guardian or be a re-minder of him. The contents might be a feather, a claw, a piece ofcloth, or a bird's head. The contents plus the wrapping were spokenof as "medicine bundles" (picego'san) , "medicine" indicating magicpower, and were held in great reverence. "It was at the time that aboy slept in a tree and thought of manito that he received the powerthat he kept in his 'medicine bundle.' If such a boy grew up to be aman and did not have good luck when hunting, for instance, he re-turned home, gave a feast at which he opened the bundle and prayedfor success and success would be his." "My grandfather fasted tendays and received a wolf as guardian spirit. In his dream he saw aman coming along with fresh deer meat on his back. The mandropped the meat and said, 'This is what I give you!' and then ranaway in the form of a wolf. That is why my grandfather always fas-tened the tail of a wolf to the side of his belt when he went hunting."
"Supposing a robin would be a boy's dream object?a ribbon had been
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bui,l. 146the person who spoke to the boy when he dreamed or had a vision
?
well, then, every robin living would be sacred to that boy for he de-pended on the robin for lielp and advice. And that boy would alwayscarry with him some part of a robin, probably some feathers."In Old Indian Village on the Lac du Flambeau Eeservation a pieceof cloth with a thunderbird painted on it had been placed in a smallwooden frame and attached to the top of a pole twice the height of thehouse near which it was erected. The thunderbird represented thedream power which one of the parents had received while fasting whenabout 5 or 6 years old. Small pieces of clothing of each member ofthe family were hanging near the picture. "A piece of tobacco, aboutone inch square, must also be tied on up there near the picture," saidthe interpreter, peering to see it. Similar poles were seen in severalplaces on the reservation and were erected to protect homes nearby.Beltrami tells of a hunting expedition in 1823 in company with theOjibway at Eed Lake
:
We searched for the animal I had fired at, which it seems retained strengthsuflBcient to drag itself to a few paces distance among the brushwood, to whichtraces of blood had guided us ; it proved to be a wolf. My companion refused tostrip the animal of its skin, a superb one, viewing it at the same time with anair of respect, and murmuring within himself some words, the meaning of whichwill probably surprise you. In fact, the wolf was his Manitou. He expressedto it the sincerity of his regret for what had happened, and informed it that hewas not the person who had destroyed it. [Beltrami, 1828. vol. 2, pp. 390-391.]A Red Lake informant told the following in the presence of twopersons who collaborated
:
A young fellow, probably 20 years old now, a 'Cross Laker [resident of Pone-mah] about 6 years ago [1926] dreamed for power. He climbed up a tree andsat in it for 4 days and 4 nights without anything to eat. Since then he claimsto have a special knowledge. One day when payments [U. S. annuities] weremade, a woman, who held her baby in one arm and many bundles in the other,found upon arriving home that her 90-dollar payment had been taken from her.(All this happened 'Cross Lake.) Her old man went to the dreamer and askedhim if he knew who took it. The fellow went away and sang and pounded asmall drum, and when he returned he told the man that a certain woman (namingher) had the money and had not yet used any of it. "Go to her and tell her thatshe has your money and that you want it." He went to the woman and in agracious manner said to her, "You must have taken my wife's money by mistake."She admitted that she had the money and handed it right over to him and saidshe had not spent any of it. Not long ago that same dreamer came across thelake with some young men. These fellows thought they'd try him out and betwith him that he didn't know who the first Indian would be whom they wouldmeet at Redby. He remarked that he did (naming the man), and sure enoughit was he. He is the only one 'Cross Lake or in this vicinity who can do that.This young man often goes to the Point and stays there for days. He doesn'teat, and no one knows what he does there. My neighbor's youngest brother wentto dream for power, some 20 years ago. There was an old man near here, too,who had the same power ; but he died last winter.
HiLGKK] CHIPPEWA CHILD UFE 47PERSONAL ACCOUNTS OF DREAMSSome informants were quite willing to relate details regarding inci-dents of their guardian-spirit dream, but they were reticent to tell thedream itself. There were several reasons for this. Relating thedream was like communing with the helper, and this is not done exceptin case of necessity, and then only after ceremonial smoking and sing-ing and, at times, fasting. No "necessity" seemed involved in merelysatisfying the request of a visitor. A Red Lake informant preferrednot to tell of her helper, "for I'm afraid he won't help me any more ifI tell my dream and talk about him when there is no need of doing so."Another reason for reticence was possibly that the informant fearedthat relating his dream would produce some visible effects, somethinghe did not desire. Several of the oldest informants had never toldtheir dreams to any person. A member of the Mide'wiwin of the LacCourte Orielle Reservation considered his helper so sacred that he
"couldn't really talk lightly about him"; his dream was too sacred tobe told. The interpreter, his daughter-in-law, explained that "whilehe would be telling it to us and smoking his pipe, it would be thunder-ing : that is if his helper is the thunder. If he would do this unneces-sarily, something would go wrong. Lighting a pipe is the same aspraying, for when he lights his pipe he asks his helper to help him."Some were unwilling to tell their dreams because they might revealsecret information involving medicinally valuable herbs and roots,unusual powers for finding objects, or powers of revenge. Thesepowers were "copyrighted" and sold (by being told) only upon thepayment of a good price in cloth, hunting implements, etc. One oldinformant said : "Long ago Indians did not even tell each other theirdreams ; now they tell everyone. Therefore, much is dying out."One aged Lac Courte Orielle woman remarked : "That's a great thingthey want to know !" And then lapsed into silence. After somemoments she remarked, "It's too great a thing to tell them my owndream. My old man's was about thunder, and he used it too." Oneof the oldest women on the same reservation, however, related thefollowing two dreams
:
I fasted when I was about 5 years old ; men fasted long, but women did not.I dreamt about a big house. I saw green stairs leading to the sky and when Ilooked again they seemed to be of green velvet. While I was still looking, I sawfour women in veils coming down to meet me ; they told me to follow them. Myhair too seemed all white like a veil. I followed them a short distance up thestairs. Here they sang a song which I did not recognize. One woman told methat I might go no farther on the stairway, and by this she meant that I hadlived a part of my life and that I still had a part to live. When I told my motherthis dream, she blackened my cheeks, and I fasted one day. It was too coldto go out-of-doors, so I stayed around the house. I was not allowed any breador water all day. Of the dreams I had when I was six years old I remember
^48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bulu
only one. I dreamed that same dream several times at intervals vphen I waismall, and I have used it several times. Only those dreams count that personhave before they think of anything impure; that's the time the dreams count]Well, I used to dream that I was swinging in a swing to Shogytown. Someoncalled from the sky telling me that what was below was mine : "Why don't youtake it?" When I looked down I saw a deer which I took with me. And thawas my dream ; and it was a good one. One time my two sons brought a Siou:along and the three went out with my old man deer hunting. They were gone for"a long time and came back without anything. So I told them of my deer dream.One of my sons laughed at me but the other didn't Then they went out huntingagain. The son that didn't laugh came back with two big deer ; the other hadnone.The following account of a Red Lake woman includes a dream andseveral preliminary factors
:
I, too, fasted, but only for one day at a time. I tried once to fast in a treebut my mother made me come down and wouldn't let me do it; she said it wastoo hard for girls to do that. But one day I fasted ; I was about so high [3 feet].I knew of a girl who had fasted, and so I wanted to fast too. I asked my fatherif I might. He told me I was too young ; I'd get hungry. But I insisted, and sohe let me try it. I blackened my face and went into the woods. When girlsfasted they had to work aU day and were not to sit down; even when girlsfasted in nests they had to do some work. So when my father found out that Iwas really going to fast, he went hunting and said he'd bring something for meto eat by supper time. By noon I got lonesome and was thirsty and felt uneasy
?
I had been out in the woods all forenoon?and so I came home. But my mothersaid, "You wanted to fast; so now go out and fast for today." This was myfirst fast. My father killed two moose that day and he brought home only thebest meat. They made a feast for me and invited old people?not any youngpeople. I wasn't served with a plate like the rest ; my food was put in a birchbarkdish. I asked for a second helping, but I was refused because I had fasted.After I had finished my meal, they made me take my dish and hang it on thelimb of a tree so the opening faced the sun, Indians believed the sun wouldsmile on this. After this I fasted twice a year for a day ; once in spring whenthe birds began to come and once in the fall before the snow began to fall, I quitfasting after my first menstruation. The Indians fasted in order to learn some-thing for themselves just like white men study to learn things.In response to the question what things she had learned by fasting, shetold the following story, assuming a quiet and reverent attitude?therehad been much gesticulating at other times.At one of my fastings I saw some animal in the clouds. It appeared to befloating in the clouds and it was coming toward me. And this animal showedme his long hair, holding it away from his body. Since then I have alwayshad a sacred feeling toward this little animal. And that little animal was aporcupine. When I was a young woman I could take my hair in my hands andhold it out the length of my arms and even then it hung about a foot beyondmy hands ; it was so long.?The old Indians on the reservation can tell you aboutmy long hair.?The old Indians told me that my hair would be as you see it today,a mixture of white and black like the back of a porcupine. Yes, the porcupineformerly granted me favors; they were like the favors I now get from God.Whenever I wanted a favor, or was in need, not knowing where to look for help,I just thought of him and wished that he'd help me. I thought of him the sameas I now think of God. My chums fasted too.
HiLGHB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 49PUBERTY CUSTOMSboy's puberty customDensmore follows her account of a girl's puberty custom with thefollowing statement regajrding a boy's
:
At about tlie same age a boy was required to undergo a fast in which he hopedand expected to obtain a dream or vision. The father taught tlie boy to preparefor this and insisted that he persevere until he secured the dream. The boyblackened his face with charcoal and usually went away from home for his fast.Sometimes the father took the boy a considerable distance and made a nest forhim in a tree. He left the boy there several days, going occasionally *'to see ifhe was all right." It was not unusual for a boy to make several attempts beforelie secured a dream, but complete failures were very rare. [Densmore, 1929,p. 71.]Jenness notes that among the Parry Islanders an adolescent boy
"fasted and prayed in solitude to gain the protection of some super-natural power throughout the rest of his days" (Jenness, 1935, p. 96).Landes not only records puberty fasts for boys of the Ojibway ofwestern Ontario, but notes that every few years the parents of allpubescent boys in the village decided to send the boys out to fast.Boys did not fast alone but were near enough to each other to be ableto talk together (Landes, 1938 b, p. 4)
.
Chippewa informants who contributed to this work were agreedthat there was no puberty custom for boys." Some said that a boywas considered to be an "old man" as soon as his voice began to change,and "it was a disgrace to go out to fast then." Others said that boyscould fast at any time ; that some fasted for power even at 20 yearsof age. An old Mille Lacs informant was certain that no more thantwo boys ever fasted together
:
Boys fasted alone for 10 days, drinking only a birchbark dish of water aday (one-half cupful). When boys fasted they learned in their dreams how tobecome warriors, as was necessary for fighting the Sioux, or how their liveswould turn out, or whether they would die soon or live long. The fatherdecided when the boy should go ; never did all the men get together and decidewhen their sons should go. The boys were sent about the time their voiceswere expected to change, and they stayed 10 days. Usually two boys wenttogether?never three or four?and these were generally related, like cousins,or were good friends. Many liked it best to go out alone. In one of thetrees on a big hill on Murray Beach near here there was a big nest for manyyears in which a boy fasted. That man is still living. He built the nest him-self. The nest was still there 25 years ago. Nothing was done for a boy whenhis voice changed except that he had to learn to do a man's work in earnest:all the things that he should know before he married.
"Of. also Kohl, (1859, pp. 233-242) for account of old Chippewa man's fast whenthe man was a "half-grown lad."884216?51 5
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGT [Bull. 146girl's puberty riteAlthough well-defined customs ushered a girl into her maturity, fewgirls received any instructions regarding the occurrence or the signifi-cance of menstruation before it occurred. "I was taking care of some-one's children when I was that way the first time. It was in the fallat the time when people were fishing for whitefish, I ran away intothe woods. My grandmother found me and explained things to me.Nobody had told me before then." "I began to be that way while Iwas away at school. I was dreadfully scared and ran home and hid.When my mother found me, she explained my condition to me andbuilt a wigwam for me." An interpreter was certain that "girls todaywere bad because mothers gave them full instructions about all thesethings." Several informants were convinced "that girls learnt toomuch in the American schools : there they learn everything long beforethey should know it !" Puberty of informants or their daughters hadoccurred between the ages of 12 and 15 years. Mothers worried abouttheir daughters when menses had not occurred at the age of 15.A girl during her first menstruation was isolated continuouslyboth days and nights in a small wigwam called bakaned'je (a tentmade by herself) . Some informants had been so isolated for 4 or 5days ; others for as many as 10. "But some mothers were afraid toleave their daughters alone in the woods, they brought them homebefore the ten days were up." A girl living in her menstrual wigwamis called bakane'ga (living by herself) ; the period of isolation, iscalled makwa' or makwa'we (turning into a bear ; the bear lives aloneall winter).The wigwam, usually located several rods from the home wigwam,was built either by the girl alone, by her mother, or by the girl withthe assistance of her mother or grandmother. Wigwams varied intype, but were never larger in size than to permit the girl to standor to lie down. If isolation occurred in summer when cooking wasdone out-of-doors, the wigwam was dome-shaped but if it was beingused in cold weather when indoor fire was a necessity, it was more orless peaked and open roofed, so as to emit smoke. The frameworkconsisted of saplings ; the coverings were of either branches or twigsand of birchbark, or, if cold weather required a warmer shelter, ofhides or cloth. One informant's wigwam was covered with mosquitonetting "for that was all that was needed ; it was about this time of theyear (early June)." The floor of the wigwam was either partiallyor entirely covered with cedar boughs. "My mother built a littlebirchbark wigwam for me high enough so I could stand up. I wasthat way the first time when I was 12 years old." "Formerly theybuilt a little wigwam for such a girl, a real small one just big enoughso a girl could lie down or stand up in it."
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 51The girl was prepared for entering the wigwam by having eithercheeks alone or cheeks and forehead blackened with charcoal or sootthat had been rubbed between the palms of hands. No design wasmade; palms of hands were merely rubbed on cheeks in circularfashion, movements being ear-chin-nose-temple-wise. "I used to seeyoung girls that I had played with blacken their faces and live aloneand everybody shunning them. I wondered why they were doing this.Everybody seemed to be afraid of these girls, too."The girl's hair was either tied back or completely covered with buck-skin or cloth. While in isolation her mother combed it; if the girltouched her hair, she ran the risk of having it fall out. In fact, shewas not allowed to touch herself in any way. If she wished to relievean itching feeling, she was to use a little stick which had been givento her for that purpose.^^ Neither face nor hands were washed untilshe left isolation.The mother of a very old Eed Lake informant had prepared a sub-stantial meal for her daughter as soon as she was aware of her condi-tion. Since the girl was not allowed to touch food herself, she wasfed by her mother. After the meal, the wigwam was built. "Yes,that's exactly the way it was done. My sister was treated the sameway. We know, for we went through it ourselves."While in isolation the girl was required to cook her own food and touse none but her own dishes. In some groups the custom of using andcaring for separate dishes continued during the entire first year fol-lowing puberty, the year being completed when the season presentedthe same appearance as at first menses. In years intervening betweenpuberty and marriage, girls were required to use and wash their owndishes only during menses. Food was brought to the girl at sundown.
"In the evening my mother brought me rice and water ; during the restof the day, I had nothing to eat." Densmore's informants said in theold days the girl "was allowed absolutely no food during this period,"but that in later days "an older sister or other relative brought a littlefood to the girl" (Densmore, 1929, p. 70). Under no circumstanceswas food in season, however, to be given to such a girl. "When Iwas that way, they were fishing. My mother brought me my food,but they wouldn't think of giving me any fish then for that was thetime for getting them. If they had given me fish, all the tribe wouldhave had bad luck fishing. If a girl happened to be that way for thefirst time in the spring, say at sugar-making time, and her people hadgiven her sugar to eat, there would have been no sugar worth while thatseason. Or if they had been picking berries or other fruit and givenher some, the rest of the berries would have withered; and possibly
"The above is in agreement with thei finijings of Pensmore (1929, p. 70). Ct. alsoFlannery (1940, p. 12),
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146there would have been few or none the next season." "Such girls weregiven dried meat, dried fruit and wild rice. Years ago the Indianssaw to it that they had all these prepared if they had girls of that age
;
they kept them on hand then,"If a girl at puberty touched plants, it withered them; if she wentinto lakes or rivers, "she was liable to kill the fish, or at least all fishwould go away from there." By looking at a person, touching a child,or crossing the path of any person, she paralyzed that person. Infact during the entire year following first menses, she was not totouch babies, or clothes of her father, or brothers, or of any man, forit would cripple them.Idleness during isolation was taboo. The girl was required to sewor do beadwork. "You couldn't do much else; the space was toosmall." Time spent out-of-doors was devoted to gathering and chop-ping wood. One informant under the direction of her mother mendedbirchbark cups used in gathering maple sugar (pi. 24, 2) by plug-ging cracks in the bark with pitch heated in a little pan over a smallfire in her wigwam. Mothers also instructed their girls at this timehow to lead both good and useful lives. They were taught "that nowthey were 'old women' and must learn to do the work expected ofwomen, such as chopping wood, sewing buckskin, building wigwamsin fact, everything a woman had to do later."After isolation, the girl bathed herself and washed her clothes. Inthe meantime her mother prepared a meal of the father's hunting towhich old women were invited. When all was ready, the girl walkedfrom the small wigwam to the home wigwam on a path of cedar boughsor of bark of some tree. This was done to keep the girl from steppingon the ground, thus making it impossible for a man to walk the samepath later or to walk across her path, thereby paralyzing himself.There was no purification or fumigation ceremony, such as standingover hot coals covered with herbs.After the feast the girl was free to mingle with the people, butshe was not yet permitted to participate in gathering and preparingfood in season. Customs differed as to the manner of removing thistaboo. On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation the girl was freed ifsomeone fed a small portion of it to her. If she handled any of itbefore that time, she ruined the growth of that particular kind."Something happened to it : either the birds or worms got it or hailor drought destroyed it; or if animals were involved, they died out.People have firm faith in this around here today and ascribe thedroughts of the past year to it." Another informant on the samereservation said that it was customary for people to gather at a feastand partake of the food they were then gathering. This might befresh berries in berrying time, maple sugar in maple-sugar-making
HiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 53time, or fish, if it were fishing time. After the people had eaten,some of the food in season was handed to the girl. After eating itshe was permitted to participate in whatever seasonal occupation thepeople were then engaged in.A 75-.year-old Vermilion informant described the removal of thetaboo as follows : "Before picking any fruit or berries, or doing what-ever the Indians were then doing, an old man made a speech. Afterthis the girl gathered a small quantity of whatever was being gatheredthen (if berries, about 2 quarts), ate some charcoal, and after that,some fruit or berries, or whatever they were gathering. If she didn'tcarry out this custom she spoilt whatever the people were doing at thetime." A 32-year-old interpreter on the same reservation said thatin her day a girl was not allowed to pick strawberries, raspberries,blueberries, or any fruit until she had eaten one mouthful of themmixed with charcoal. After this a feast was given for her. "I knowit, for when I was that way for the first time, I was not allowed togo any place; I had to sit around and sew. But they needed me forblueberry picking; so they had me eat blueberries and charcoal, andgave a feast of blueberries. After that I was permitted to pick ber-ries but I was not supposed to look at anything else."During the years of this study puberty customs for girls were foundin some modified form on all reservations covered in the study, exceptL'Anse. In some instances girls were isolated by being kept upstairs
;
in others, they were made to stay by themselves "around the house andwere not allowed to look at anyone or to touch anything." Manywere obliged to eat off dishes reserved exclusively for them, washingthem as well. Many were told not to eat foods in season such asberries, fish, etc. until they had been served to them by someone else.Two puberty wigwams were seen near homes in which grandmotherswere rearing grandchildren. Informants and interpreters had seenothers in recent times but thought that they had been burnt, sincethe old custom required that the wigwam and all things used in con-nection with isolation, such as cedar boughs, scratching stick, dishes,etc. be burnt.After puberty a girl was never allowed out of sight of her mother,or of some older woman designated by the mother. "This was usuallythe grandmother, since grandmothers advised girls and watched overthem like mothers did." Nor were girls allowed to sleep away fromhome, "like in the home of a neighbor." An aged Red Lake informantafter lamenting the present lack of morals among her people re-marked, "I was never allowed to go out alone after I was that waythe first time. That was the custom. And that's why in old days nogirl had a baby unless she was married ; now every little girl has one.All has changed since the Whites have come. In old days a girl never
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146went away without her mother or some older woman. I had a chum.One day we two went out to pick berries with our mothers. Mychum asked me to come to her house and sleep with her that night.I asked my mother, and she said, 'No ! ! You have a place to sleep athome.' In those days parents were obeyed ; things are different now.Mothers are different now, too."Isolation during menstruations following puberty was not required.Freedom, however, was restricted : girls were "to stay around alone"and not mingle with others. Until married?on the Mille Lacs Reser-vation, even after marriage?they were expected to use dishes re-served for them and were not to touch food that was to be eaten byothers. "The dishes were tied together after her days were over,and laid aside until the next period." They were not to touch orstep over clothing since it might paralyze the owner.A Red Lake informant gave the following account typical of manyothers
:
My mother had sent me to get a knife and I noticed that there was somethingwrong with me ; so I ran away. I was so scared. I stayed away until towardsevening and when I came back my mother asked me what was wrong. I toldher and she told me it was about time, for I was old enough. "You are now a
'big woman' (kitcikwe', meaning both big woman and first menstruation). Youcannot go into our wigwam for it will make it bad for your brothers and sisters."I believe she knew all that day what was wrong with me for while I hid in thewoods, she had built a little wigwam of balsam boughs for me. The floor and mybed she had covered with cedar boughs. My grandmother spent most of hertime with me while I was in the little wigwam ; she even slept with me. How-ever, girls were not afraid to stay alone, for no one would come near them then
;
men were afraid of girls during that time. (I remember this occasion well, formany of our people were dying of smallpox at the time.) I stayed in my littlehut for 5 days and nights. They brought me food from the regular meals : mostlybread and potatoes baked out-of-doors. They would not let me touch their dishesfor that would have made them all sick. Nor was I allowed to step over anything.The Indians consider this an important event. They made me work, too ; I hadto cut wood. After 5 days they brought me clean clothes, and burnt the smallwigwam and everything I had used. It was sugar-making time ; but before theygave me any sugar to eat, I had to eat charcoal, about the size of a pea, takenfrom among the coals.A Mille Lacs informant, older than 90 years, related the following
:
When I knew I was that way, I put charcoal on my face and went into thelittle wigwam that my mother had built for me way out in the woods about amile from home. The girls had to be there by themselves and couldn't be nearanyone else. Indians believe that at this time nobody is to see them and thatthey were not to look at anybody. If a man came near them or crossed theirpath he might die from this. I didn't eat anything and wasn't hungry duringthat time. Every evening my mother brought me a birchbark dish of water(about half a cupful). The little birchbark cup was hung on the outside of mywigwam ; I couldn't use any other and nobody could use it. During that timeI had a dream that told me I would live a long time and would have white hair
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 55like you see I have now. I dreamed this; I did not have a vision. I considerthe dream I had too sacred to tell to anyone. I tell it only when I am given anamesake or when I have to talk at ceremonies. I have often been offered moneyto tell it, but I wouldn't tell it.The oldest woman on the Mille Lacs Reservation also obtained powerduring her puberty isolation
:
Every girl was isolated in the woods at first menstruation. I fasted 10 daysand my three sisters also did. Only those who wished to fast fasted. (I don'tknow of any girl who did not fast; but we did not live near other people.)During this time I had a dream which gave me power. I saw myself as I amtoday, an old lady. I again isolated myself at second menstruation and dreamedagain, and this made my dream power stronger. This is the dream that I usein naming children and I relate at feasts, but I don't relate it without a goodreason.After puberty then, the Chippewa girl, although only 12, 13, 14, or15 years of age, had reached maturity ; she was now an "old woman."Play life had ended. Mats had to be made ; hides tanned ; birchbarkreceptacles prepared ; beadwork designed ; wigwams built ; meat, fish,berries, and fruit dried. Life was now to center about obtaining allknowledge which was necessary in the life of a good housewife.TRAINING CHILDRENTYPE OF EDUCATIONA Chippewa child was not subjected to formal education, such aswe conceive it, but it was taught in an informal way to conform to themoral standards, as well as to the religious, the economic, and thepolitical pattern of his tribe. It learnt, too, the mental content of theculture pattern of its people and participated in their diversions.Much of this knowledge was learned by bojjs and girls before theyreached puberty ; all of it was expected to be theirs before marriage.METHODSMethods employed in training children were those of lecturing andcounciling, of listening-in, and of having ideals presented; of imi-tation of elders in play or of participation with them in serious workand ceremonials.Some instructions were of a formal type; some followed a mostinformal procedure. "Little girls, so high [about 6 years of age]were made to do work that they were able to do, such as carrying wateror washing birchbark dishes." "Children did the same things fathersand mothers did, but on a small scale : a little girl made a small net butused the same knots her mother used, and she set that net just like herparents did." "If a woman had a reputation for tanning hides a
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146mother said to her j^oung daughter, 'Go, learn from her.' Girlsfollowed their mother's ways. They started early making little wig-wams and small buckskin clothes."Densmore also observed that small girls imitated their mothers atwork : "A little girl was trained in what might be termed the accom-plishments of feminine life, as well as in its household tasks. Her firstlessons in applied beadwork were the decoration of her doll's clothing,straight lines, either continuous or interrupted, being the easiestpatterns from which she progressed to diagonal patterns and thefamiliar 'otter-tail pattern'" (Densmore, 1929, p. 62). A girl, shenoted, also participated in her mother's work: "The companionshipof a Chippewa girl and her mother was very close and the child learnedmany household tasks by watching and helping her mother. Thus alittle girl was early taught to chop wood and carry it on her back, andas she grew older she carried larger and larger bundles of wood untilshe could carry enough in to the wigwam for the night's use. A girlwas taught to make little birchbark rolls like those which covered thewigwam, her mother saying 'You must not grow up to live outdoorsand be made fun of because you do not know how to make a good wig-wam.' She was also taught to make maple sugar, gather wild rice,and do all a woman's tasks" (Densmore, 1929, p. 61).Children were taught the value of plants as Densmore points out,by being encouraged to gather every flower they saw in the fields,drying and pulverizing them and using them in the making of bever-ages. At the same time the child was also taught that some plantshad medicinal value "while all were placed on the earth for the goodof mankind" (Densmore, 1929, p. 61) . Boys were told not to destroybirds' nests for birds too were here "for the good of the earth" (Dens-more, 1929, p. 61 ) . She continues, "As soon as a boy was able to holdanything in his hands he was given something resembling a bow andarrow, and taught to go througli the motions of shooting. A bow andarrows were first given a boy when he was 5 or 6 years of age, andwith this he took his first lessons in the craft that was most necessaryto a hunter or warrior in the old days" (Densmore, 1929, p. 65).Children were taught good behavior by object lessons as occasionsarose : evil deeds were pointed out to them as undesirable ; good ones,as worthy of imitation. "Certain persons that had done wrong werepointed out to us and we were told, 'That's what happened to them.' ""If a man displayed anger in presence of children, parents later dis-cussed the occasion with their children, and told them w^hat to do andwhat not to do in such instances."INSTRUCTORSAlthough parents did much toward training their own children,they were quite willing that grandparents should take upon them-
HiLGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE' 57
selves a goodly share of the responsibility of doing so. Grandparentsnot only instructed children by word of mouth, but taught them bydemonstrating to them or by interesting them in participating in thedaily routine of work.Both parents and grandparents constrained children to listen tolectures given by elders; and obliged them to learn from those skilledin the arts. "My mother never told us anything, but my grandmotherdid." "Grandmothers advised girls and watched over them likemothers did." "My mother used to tell us stories that taught us todo right; my father, when he was old, told stories only occasionallyto his grandchildren." "Years ago when we were young, we oftensat around in a circle while an old person in the group talked, tellingus what was ahead of us; what we should do to live good lives."
"Boys, as young as seven, were made to go where old men were talkingto listen to them; parents made the children go. Old men usuallytalked to boys, and old women to girls." "One day my old grand-mother asked me if I was menstruating. I said, 'No, not for fivemoons.' Then she told me what condition I was in. I didn't knowbefore then. No one told me before I was married. I trusted mygrandmother more than my mother. She was older and had hadmore experience." "My father told me things ; my mother never saidanything to me for I was a boy; grandfather told me things too.""A grandfather often took a grandson when his voice began to changeand preached to him. This was done especially in the evening but atany time of the year." "My mother never called us all together toinstruct us, but my father did." Densmore's informant at Ponemah(Ked Lake Keservation) had four brothers and four sisters. His
"father gave counsel to the boys and taught them the best way tolive," and his "mother told the girls how to conduct themselves" (Dens-more, 1929, p. 60). TIME OF INSTRUCTIONSThe time of instructions was often an occasion ; frequently it was aplanned affair. However, legends were never told in the summertimebecause "people were afraid that toads would gather in their place ifthey did." The first ones were told in the fall when the reptiles beganto crawl into the ground ; the last ones, in the spring when the leavesbegan to appear. Some legends were told for entertainment only;others taught young children the things in nature which they wereto respect. Legends were taught to each generation by grandpar-ents, chiefly grandmothers, and usually to children from 5 to 10 yearsof age. Children were often sent to grandparents for that purpose,mothers giving them tobacco to be presented as a gift to the oldperson.
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146Copway, a native, in discussing legends says
:
These legends have an important bearing on the character of the children ofour Nation. The fire-blaze is endeared to them in after years by a thousandhappy recollections. By mingling thus, social habits are formed and strength-ened. When the hour for this recreation arrives, they lay dov?n the bow andthe arrow and joyously repair to the wigwam of the aged man of the village,who is always ready to accommodate the young.Legends are of three distinct classes, namely, the Amusing, the Historical, andthe Moral. In the Fall we have one class, in the Winter another, and in theSpring a third. . . .Some of these stories are most exciting, and so intensely interesting, that Ihave seen children during their relation, whose tears would flow quite plenti-fully, and their breasts heave with thoughts too big for utterance.Night after night for weeks have I sat and eagerly listened to these stories.The days following, the characters would haunt me at every step, and everymoving leaf would seem to be a voice of a spirit. To those days I look backwith pleasurable emotions. [Copway, 1851, pp. 98-99.]REWARD AND PUNISHMENTAlthough reward and punishment, scolding, and frightening p layeda part in the training of many Chippewa children, no great emphasiswas laid upon them. Every attempt was made to make children mindby speaking to them as occasion arose or by teaching them to do so attimes of formal instruction.The child was usually not given much praise; occasionally it wasgiven a reward, such as maple sugar, a toy carved out of wood, or adoll of grass, for work well done.Sensible parents, informants agreed, never ridiculed their childrenfor failures. Children were scolded, but "too much scolding oftenmade them worse." At times a child was frightened by some maskedperson ; more often by expressions such as these : "The Sioux will getyou." "You lazy old thing: you don't know anything, and you'llnever have anything either." "The owl will put you in his ears I""The owl will put you in his ears, and fly away with your little feetsticking out of his ears !" "The owl will come and stick you in hisears if you don't stop crying!" If children refused to go to sleep atnight, mothers poked their heads out of wigwams and called the owl,saying "Ko-ko-ko ! Now, hear the owl !" On the Lac Courte OrielleReservation some parents hesitated to threaten children with the owl,for "long ago an owl did come and get a child."An expression that was very hurtful and brought immediate con-formity was that of "Ga!" accompanied by a gesture of the righthand. In inflicting it the mother brought all finger tips to the tipof her thumb, stretched her arm full length toward the child, releasedthe fingers, spreading them out completely, and at the same time said,
HiLGiB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 59
"Ga!" Mothers used this gesture mostly when they were busy andchildren became annoying. Both children and dogs were seen to mindat once when thus corrected.For mere annoyances children were punished at times by being sentto bed early, but never without food. For more serious offenses, suchas lying, quarreling, being gone all day without permission, refusingto obey, or taking things that did not belong to them, children olderthan five years?"but never babies, one, two, or three years old"
?
were switched or slapped. Either parent administered the punish-ment by switching the legs or buttocks with a little stick, once or twice,while the child was standing, or by slapping it with the hand acrossthe shoulders ; it was never taken across the knee. "Parents made usmind by striking us a little across the shoulders and slightly pushingus. My mother once asked for salt?the salt was in the house and wewere out of doors. No one fetched it ; all five of us continued runningaround and playing. So our father slapped each one of us across theshoulders with his hand, and said, 'Can't you hear? Can't you hear?'Our mother herself often struck us across the shoulders when wedidn't mind but never whipped us. She would say, 'I'll tell yourfather!' and then we minded, because we were afraid of him." AMille Lacs informant was "spanked on legs and hands with a littleswitch. I got spanked by my father once because my little sister fellinto the lake. I was supposed to be watching her. The ones who gotspanked turned out to be good ; the others did not."Not all parents, however, approved of whipping children. "EealIndians don't believe in striking children ; they say, 'You'll knock thespirit out of the child'." "My father never, never, switched us ! Hetalked to us every evening, telling us how we should conduct ourselvesthe next day." A young Vermilion mother noticed that her grand-mother invariably showed by her demeanor that she disliked seeingher daughter, the informant's mother, switch any of the children.
"She doesn't want me to whip mine either. She often takes the chil-dren and talks to them ; she holds other people up to them as good orbad examples."A child that persisted in crying was never punished by having acloth tied about its face, or by being tied to a tree or to the wigwam,as is the custom among some Plains Indians.DISCOVERING RIGHTEOUS CHILDRENIf parents had convictions that a child was giving promise of "be-coming something special" they tested it by sending it to bed withoutfood. "In the morning such a child would be hungry and would behanded both food and charcoal. If it chose the charcoal and merely
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146held it without eating it, it gave promise of becoming something; ifit walked around nibbling the coal, it would most certainly be some-thing; if he took the food first, it would be only ordinary."If a child walked away from a group that was being instructedby a parent or an older person "say in the evening when all were to-gether, everyone knew that it would not lead a good life. My de-ceased mother's sister had a daughter that used to do that, and thisone didn't lead a good life ; she drank, and the life she led is not worthtelling. The girl's mother tried to talk to her alone, but she wouldnot listen even then. Today hardly anyone listens to parents."RELIGION AND SUPERNATURAL POWERSTHE SUPEEME BEINGBelief in a Supreme Being was firmly rooted in the Chippewa culture. This Being, called Ki'ce Man'ito or Great Spirit, was far awayfrom them. He was seldom addressed directly or alone in prayers,and offerings were made to Himonly at the Mide'wiwin celebration.'Informants spoke of Him in subdued tones and with much reverence;they spoke of Him as the giver of life who protected and cared forthem. "He put everything on the earth and takes care of everything,"added an old man, the most powerful medicine man on the Lac CourteOrielle Eeservation. An old worn an on the same reservation said thatwhen praying the old Indians addressed themselves to Ki'ce Man'itofirst, and then "to the other great spirits, the kit'cl man'ito, those thatdwelt in winds, snow, thunder, storm, trees, and everything." An oldVermilion shaman was certain that "all the first Indians around hereknew there was a God long before the Whites came; only they didn'tgo to God for things as they do now as Christians. They got theirfavors from their special helpers then." Three L'Anse informantsagreed that "Ki'ce Man'ito was always thought of as being up in theheavens somewhere; He was never thougjit of as being near or aroundthe people." Prayers of the Mide'wiwin were addressed to Him.These were vocal prayers, a type of prayer seldom addressed to minordeities; prayers to them, and at times to Ki'ce Man'ito, were those ofmeditation. MINOR DEITIES "
_
Deities of lesser power than Ki'ce Man'ito were both those that dweltm nature and those that formed the individual's helpers, namely theguardian spirits. Guardian spirits, the intermediaries between Ki'ceMan'ito and the Chippewa man or woman, were obtained when fastincr(1937'%?3fSr ^i'f ?';^- ^\ ?? "^'''""^'^ ^^*^^"^?* ""^'^ ?? Chippewa religion1937, pp 3 -57). Her informants, however, differed from the present writer's in themeaning of Ki'ce MSn'ilS and kit'ci man'itO.
I
HiLGEB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 61
as a child (cf . pp. 39-48) . An appeal to the guardian spirit by hisclient when he was in need was always heard. Several informantstold of helpers that appeared to them in dreams or visions in laterlife but not while fasting. A Ked Lake informant received such ahelper when in dire distress. She said,My place v/as struck by li-ghtning; and everythins was burnt. The governmentthen built this house in which I now live, but I had very little furniture andpractically no utensils when I moved in. After dark on the first day I was tosleep here, I walked to the north door. Just as I looked up at the sky, I saw12 girls (bust size) in the air, looking at me; they were all white girls withheads drooping. I knew that they had come to be my helpers. After that I wasgiven things by different people on the reservation ; one day by this person andanother day by that one. This happened 22 years ago ; but even today when Iam in need or lonely, I think of those 12 girls and things brighten up.A L'Anse woman told of a helper that came to her husband's firstwife while asleep. She dreamed "that she was sick with tuberculosis,and while walking along the beach saw two sisters who said to her,
'Don't be scared. We are the Thunder. Whatever you will ask,we will give you.' She asked for health, and got it from theThunder" (Hilger, 1936 a, p. 23). Her father when about 18 yearsold dreamed
?
that he was like a white cloud and could fly like a bird over mountains andlakes ; that he was a prisoner of two women in a wigwam near the Sault. Itseemed he couldn't move ; he felt paralyzed. The wigwam opened ; a little weaselentered, took him by the head, and he could again fly. He dreamed this samedream two or four times. Then he went to an Indian in Canada and told hisdream. This Indian said, "You'll cover a lot of land, and because the little whiteanimal got you by the head, you'll get as white as the weasel." He became cap-tain at the Sault Locks. Later he was land surveyor, mail carrier, transporterof minerals to Detroit, Chicago, Buffalo, and Canadian shores. He was neversick and died at the age of 76. [Hilger, 1936 a, p. 23.]Other minor deities were those that resided in things of nature, suchas lakes, rivers, and hills ; rocks of uncommon shapes or magnitude
;
trees of unusual size or formation ; birds, fish, animals of all kinds, andvegetables ; thunder, wind, storms, and lightning. "We were taughtto show respect for the thunder ; we were told to sit down and to bequiet until the storm had passed over. It was just like God going by."
"Old Indians think that stones have spirits, especially large stones.That is why they place tobacco as offerings on stones." "I often sawan old man who lived near here?he is dead now?put tobacco on thebig stone that you saw on the side of the road on your way out here."The Chippewa also believed in evil spirits (ma'cl man'ito) . Theywere personal and individual and not tribal and general. Their originlay in dreams. Racoons, fish, and turtle were possessed of evil spiritsfor some informants. "In old days evil spirits were spoken of asdoing harm, but no one ever spoke of a leader among them. The be-lief in the devil came with the Whites."
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146TOBACCO AS A CEREMONIAL OFFERINGTobacco, the usual ceremonial offering (pindako'clge?^he offers to-bacco) , was seldom offered to Ki'ce Man'ito. It was, however, offeredto all other deities by anyone inclined to do so : to guardian spirits toobtain favors ; to evil spirits to ward off harm. Tobacco was offeredas a ceremonial gift either in its natural form or by being smoked.
"I burn tobacco in our stove whenever it thunders for the first time inthe spring." "Whenever there is a thunderstorm we put tobacco neara tree or near the house or in any clean place (a place that cannot bestepped on by human beings) so the lightning won't strike us." "Longago when a thunderstorm was gathering, we threw tobacco outsideand said to the thunder: 'Take this tobacco and go your way; thereare lots of other Indians on your way.' "A Lac Courte Orielle interpreter knew an old Indian, "a very oldIndian," who placed pinches of tobacco on a big boulder found betweenReserve and Chief Lake. Many informants were certain that offer-ing tobacco to the deities associated with bodies of water was an oldcustom. "My aunt always strews tobacco on the water, all around theboat, before leaving the shore in order to drive away the evil spirits."
"Early in the spring when we make our first trip on the water, wethrow a pinch of tobacco into the lake." An 87-year-old Red Lakeinformant had seen Indians fill a miniature birchbark canoe withtobacco and "offer it to the spirit of the water by throwing it into thelake." His son had caught three dead dogs in his fish net (1939).Since each had a small bag of tobacco tied to its neck, he "supposedthat someone had drowned the dogs in the lake as an offering for goodluck."An old Mille Lacs informant noted : "Some white men drowned herein the lake, and that did not happen for nothing. Some things aresacred to Indians and white people who make fun of it can expect tobe punished. Whites have laughed at Indians putting tobacco in thelake. We put tobacco into the lake whenever we go swimming, orwhen we want to cross the lake. One time, long ago, we were crossingthe lake in a steamboat called 'Queen Anne.' Many Indians were onthe boat. We were coming from Waukon and going to the Point.The waves were so high that we thought we were going to drown. Mygreat-grandfather threw three or four sacks of tobacco into the waterand soon the waves took us back to Waukon. We were all saved."
"If a person dies the surviving members of his family must throwtobacco into the lake before they take their first swim. My husbandand his brothers did so this spring ; their brother died in the winter(1940)." "Yes, we boys put about a handful of smoking tobacco intothe lake," added the husband.
HiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 63Tobacco was smoked as an offering to Ki'ce Man'ito at the Mide'-wiwin, and to the deities appealed to when exercising shamanisticpowers. It was also smoked when invoking a guardian spirit, naminga child, treating sickness, making use of medicinal knowledge, avert-ing danger, or petitioning for a favor. "Lighting a pipe is the sameas praying, for we light our pipes and ask our helper to help us." Thehead nurse at an Indian hospital neglected to awaken an old Indianwhen a thunderstorm arose. "I wanted to smoke my pipe and askprotection on all the people of the reservation, as well as those at thehospital. That nurse didn't awaken me after I asked her twice to doso ; so now I smoke for all, but not for her !"Tobacco used in the early day consisted of the inner bark of red dog-wood?Indians on all reservations called it "red willow." ^* An in-formant removed the outside bark of a twig with her thumbnail andnoted that the remaining layer of bark when carefully shaven offserved as tobacco, so-called kinnikinnick. Today kinnikinnick is amixture of finely crushed inner bark of the red dogwood and shavingsof plug tobacco. The mixture is worked in a mortar with pestle, bothmortar and pestle being of wood. This mixture, too, is used todayfor ceremonial smoking. THE MIDe'wIWIN "Warren defined the Mide'wiwin as the Chippewa "mode of wor-shiping the Great Spirit, and securing life in this and a future world,and of conciliating the lesser spirits, who in their belief, people earth,sky, and waters . . ." (Warren, 1885, p. 100.) All reservations in-cluded in this study except L'Anse had held Mide'wiwin celebra-tions within the year preceding the writer's visit. Interested personson the L'Anse Reservation usually partook in the Lac Vieux Desertcelebration (Wisconsin).Traditionally the Mide'wiwin was held regularly in the spring afterwarm weather set in, and in the fall before cold weather began; itcould be given in addition at any time of the year as a thanksgivingoffering for favors received or as a petition for the restoration ofhealth. These traditions have been retained on most reservations.Persons of any age were received at any celebration, membershipbeing by acceptance and initiation, and not by inheritance.^^ An oldLac Courte Orielle medicine man remarked : "In the old days not allIndians were members of the Mide'wiwin, nor was there an age limit.Sometimes children and old people joined at the same celebration. In
" Densmore (1929, p. 145) classified tlie "red willow" as Cornus stolonifera Michx.^Ct. also Hoffman (1889, 1891) ; Hallowell (1936 b) ; and Lafleur (1940)." Cf . Kohl (1859, pp. 40-52) for description of ceremonial at which child in cradleboardwas adopted.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146fact, anyone could join who wished to derive benefits by being a mem-ber." One informant having been a sickly child had been initiatedwhen very young. She remarked: "Some old man performed theduties which I should have done had I been full grown when initiated.It did me much good ; that's why I'm living today." A person wishingto join announced his intention "ahead of time and had to keep thatpromise ; if he didn't, he could expect bad luck. For instance, a personannouncing now that he will join next fall must join next fall, andnot at any other time."At the spring celebration (June 1938) at Ponsford on the WhiteEarth Eeservation, two children between 4 and 5 years of age wereadmitted (pi. 6, 1 and 2). The mother of one had promised duringthe previous winter that she would have her child that had been re-stored to health initiated in the spring celebration ; the mother of theother had asked for its admission hoping that thereby the child wouldregain health and strength and reach old age. On the Nett LakeReservation in August 1939, a mother asked that a special celebrationof the Mide'wiwin be given in order that her child, not yet a year old,might be admitted and thereby be cured of swollen glands in neckand chin; it had suffered from them for months. On the LacCourte Orielle Reservation in the spring of 1935, two small childrenand one adult married woman were admitted. An informant on thesame reservation had been admitted as a child, but had not gonebeyond the first degree. He said persons joined the first degree inorder to obtain long life; he preferred not to comment on the otherdegrees.Informants, whether members, ex-members, or those who had neverbeen members, on all reservations were hesitant to discuss matterspertaining to the Mide'wiwin. Hesitancy was possibly due to loyaltyto their beliefs, to respect for the beliefs of others, or to a fear thatrevenge might be visited upon persons divulging secrets. Some in-formation, however, was collected.Degi'ees and ceremonials differed somewhat in the various groups.Informants believed these differences had a historical background inthat in the early day each band held its separate Mide'wiwin. At thepresent time persons still travel distances to participate in the cere-monial of the group that admitted them. An old couple on the WliiteEarth Reservation had traveled to the Mille Lacs Reservation to par-ticipate in the celebration in June 1939, and had in mind to continueto do so each year. If ever the time arrived when they had no oneto take them or when they were no longer able to travel so far, theyintended to celebrate the Mide'wiwin on the White Earth Reservationeither with the Mille Lacs group at Elbow Lake or with the group ofthe White Earth band that celebrates at Ponsford.
HiLGHB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 65A Lac Courte Orielle informant contributed the following
:
There were usually four decrees or stages in the Mlde'wiwin ; in a very fewcases there were five or six. The following are the degrees : 66'ge mide'wid, ini-tiation or 1st degree or 1st stage ; ni'co mide'wid, 2d stage ; mls's5 mide'wid, 3dstage; nl'o mide'wid, 4th stage; na'no mide'wid, 5th stage; kabe' mide'wid, 6thstage or final or last stage or finishing stage. Making the first four degrees is thenormal or average attainment. Only in exceptional cases are the 5th and 6thdegrees granted. The 5th degree is granted if one loses a loved one and inconsequence of the bereavement his health is jeopardized?he becomes so sickthat people think he will die of a broken heart. The spirit is asked in this degreefor greater power to endure sacrifice ; the person is willing to exchange whatpowers he has for a prolonged life. The Gth degree is very, very seldom granted.The degrees differ slightly on the various reservations. Ours are about the sameas those on the Lac du Flambeau Reservation. The following are the degreeson the Lac du Flambeau Reservation and again in order of importance : 1st,weasel or its family, mink, beaver, etc. ; 2d, some kind of water fowl, such ashawk, owl, etc. ; 3d, fox and its family ; 4th, the bear ; 5th, an exceptionally largesnake, copperhead, pine, etc. ; 6th, a bear hand with claws, etc.When a person has completed the fourth degree, he has attained the highestdegree of the Mide'wiwin; he is then considered as -having completed the entirecourse of Indian religion. There is nothing more beyond this stage, except, asstated before, in exceptional cases when certain persons for very special reasonsare granted special degrees. But the powers of these persons in no way exceedthose that were attained in the 4th degree. The skins of animals which thedancers or participants in the Mide'wiwin carry are symbols of achievement inthe Mide'wiwin course. Each type of skin represents a certain degree. (Theseskins do not represent any power that the carrier attained through his fasts ordreams.) Names of skins are the following, each corresponding to the degree:1st degree, weasel (cingo'alwa'yan) ; 2d degree, fowl of any kind (bine'siwa'yan)
;
3d degree, fox (wa'gocsiwa'yan) ; 4th degree, small bear (makwa'slwa'yan) ; 5thdegree, large snake (kene'bikslwa'yan) ; Gth degree, bear claw or paw (mak-wa'nindjsiwa'yan)
.
A White Earth informant contributed the following:The degree of the Mide'wiwin, or rather the naethod of procedure, differssomewhat from locality to locality. Those of the members of the Mille Lacsband living at Elbow Lakes on this reservation differ considerably from those ofthe Ponsfordians on this reservation and both of these differ from those at Pone-mah on the Red Lake Reservation. At Ponsford there are eight degrees but thelast four reiterate the first four. The first four degrees are called abading' mide'-wid (once "grand-medicined"), nidjo mide'wid (twice "grand-medicined"),niso' midewid (three times "grand-medicined"), neo'mide' wid (four times "grand-medicined"). The "medicine bag" of each degree is distinct. That of the firstis the cingo' siwS'yan (weasel hide) ; of the second, cankwe'siwa'yan (mink hide)of the third, makwa slway'wan (bear's foot); of the fourth, gicik' (cedar). Thethird degree might also be signified by the hide of the owl or the hawk; formerlyalso by that of the otter. The cedar of the fourth degree is whittled out in fourplaces and migis (shells) are placed in these four holes; ribbons are tied to bothends. The "medicine bundles"?dream badges?are distinct and are not thesame as these used at the Mide'wiwin.The badge of the first degree on the Lac du Flambeau Reservationis the weaselskin; the second, the skin of the owl or some fowl; thethird, the foxskin ; and the fourth, the highest degree, the bearskin.884216?51 6
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146The ceremonial was held in an elongated wigwam." Frameworksof the Mide'wiwin wigwam were seen on all reservations covered inthis study, except L'Anse. They were always found near the home of amember (pi. 26, 7), and were in his care. One such wigwam on theLac Courte Orielle Keservation (June 1935) measured 125 feet inlength and 13 feet in width. Two entrances, one at each end, hadbeen barred with two saplings tied to the framework in the form ofan X; the height was, therefore, not measured, but it appeared tobe that of wigwams scattered about the place?wigwams occupied byparticipants during celebrations. One of these was 614 feet in height.The framework consisted of 2 rows of 11 saplings each. The heavierends of the saplings were planted securely in the ground about 12 feetapart; the slender ends of opposite ones, bent over and fastened toeach other to form an arch, thus forming a rounded ceiling. Pineand cedar twigs had been intertwined between saplings for about 2feet above the ground. The upper section of the wigwam was un-covered. The Mide'wiwin member who cared for the wigwam notedthat during the days of ceremonial this section was covered with hides,birchbark rolls, and canvas. Down the middle in the interior was arow of 20 stones, each about 6 inches in diameter, set about 4 feet apart.The entire row was skirted by a path. Outside the wigwam and alittle distance to the side of one end was a circle of twigs about 5 feetin diameter. In the center of this was a stone of unusual contourand bordering it, a thin outline of red clay resembling a turtle. Wher-ever the contour of the stone permitted, a pinch of smoking tobaccohad been placed. The Mide'wiwin had been celebrated in this wigwamin May 1935.The Mide'wiwin wigwam on the White Earth Reservation differedlittle from the above in construction, except that the upper sectionwas not covered during the ceremonial, nor did the cedar and pinetwigs reach much beyond a foot above the ground. Within the en-closure, not far from the east entrance, were two poles, each of whichwas topped with a carved wooden representation of a bird (pi. 6, 1 and
^). The Mide'wiwin was celebrated in this wigwam in June 1938.The framework of a Mide'wiwin wigwam on the Mille Lacs Reser-vation consisted of two rows of nine saplings each. Poles were tiedhorizontally to these, encircling the wigwam about 2 feet from theground. Four rows of poles rested on top and were tied to the frame-work, the entire upper weight being supported by three poles plantedin the ground along the center. Basswood fiber had been used in alltying. The spring celebration which had been delayed was to be heldthere about July 4 (1940), remarked a member of the hawk degree.
" Cf . pi. 6. All Mide'wiwin lodges were formerly covered with birchbark and bulrushmats, like the home -wigwams (of. pp. 137-141).
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 67At that time the lower section, extending a little beyond the encirclingpoles, was to be covered with long grass, twigs, and branches.The Mide'wiwin ceremonial celebration lasted 4 days. It consistedof gesticulated dancing and singing to the accompaniment of a drum
;
of fasting, feasting, and smoking; and of sacrificial offerings. Thesongs of the Mide'wiwin were used exclusively during the ceremo-nials.^^ Members had them recorded in pictographs on birchbarkrolls and frequently rehearsed them before celebrations. Only mem-bers were able to interpret the pictographs. The meal served tomembers at the Nett Lake and at the White Earth celebrations con-sisted primarily of wild rice, beef, and meat of dogs?dog meat beingconsidered essential to the feast. At Nett Lake dogs were describedby nonparticipant observers as "just about the size of this little blackdog; they are about eight weeks old." The one used at the final mealat the White Earth ceremonial was larger and older. He was keptwithin the enclosure of the Mide'wiwin wigwam, being tied to itsframework with a rope. He was quieted and petted by one of themembers, and never left alone.Members partook in the ceremonial feast only upon invitation.A young man extended such invitations on the Nett Lake Reservationby handing a small stick to each person invited. One of these, handedto an informant during an interview, invited her to partake of thefeast given during the ceremonial held for the cure of the child withthe swollen glands, earlier referred to in this work (p. 64). Thesurface of the stick of wood, about 6 inches in length and in thicknessthat of a lead pencil, was cut hexagonally, and was encircled with agroove about one-quarter of an inch from one end. A young mandelivered this invitation about 4 o'clock in the afternoon. He andanother young man had already extended several invitations and hadyet a handful to deliver?"at least eight more." Only the very oldmembers were being invited. The informant called her grandchildfrom play and sent it into the house to fetch her grandmother's grayenameled dish (6 inches in diameter) and her red flannel bag (8 by 6inches) containing her pipe and tobacco. In the meantime, an oldman carrying a similar dish, a buckskin bag with pipe and tobacco,and a washed-out pink cotton blanket, stopped to say a few wordsto our informant and then walked down the path to the Mide'wiwinwigwam. Soon she, too, carrying her pipe bag and dish followedthe path. Her daughter remarked that although she herself was 50years old and a member of the Mide'wiwin, she could not help in thiscase and was therefore not invited. "Only the old people can help inthis case; the chief and five old men have carried on the ceremonialsince yesterday."
" Cf. Densmore (1910, pp. 11-118) for songs sung at the MldS'wiwin celebration. Thesepages also contain a rather detailed description of the ceremonial.
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146Offerings at the White Earth celebration consisted of four cottonblankets, three 2-gallon tin water pails, several small cooking dishes,several pieces of calico cloth, and some packages of wild rice andgroceries (pi. 6, 2). Observations of offerings could not be made atNett Lake, the wig-warn being a closed one. They were described byone informant who had seen them as similar to the above, including, inaddition, two hides which the mother had tanned. A member on theLac Courte Orielle Reservation thought that providing the offerings
?
an absolutely necessary thing?was the condition hardest to fulfill.If one can get together the offerings, [he added] one can make all the degrees.In the old days offerings consisted of buckskins and blankets. Parents makethe offerings when their children are admitted. All offerings are really madeto Ki'ce Man'ito, but the persons that dance and take part in the ceremonialsreceive them. These ceremonies can't be changed; they are exactly the sameas in old days. They are the same as when the Indians first came on this earth.They are just the same
!
Each degree possessed its own design of facial and body decoration.An old Mide'woman on the Wliite Earth Keservation when preparedfor burial (September 1938) had two stripes, one blue and one red,painted diagonally across each cheek from bridge of nose toward lobeof ear, and a disk of blue on the center of the forehead. The redpaint was made of soil ; the blue, from the lead of an indelible pencil.Many Wisconsin Chippewa obtained red paint from L'Anse Indians,soil for red paint being found on the shores of Keweenaw Point onLake Superior:On the rock just beneath the water, there will be found little cup-shapedformations in which there is a jelly-like substance of dark red color. This maybe scooped out and dried in the sun ; it will seem like clay when di-J^. When,red paint is desired, it may be mixed with any grease, preferably bear grease
?
bear grease was always used in old days. Some men also made clay pipe bowlsof this material.A very old Mille Lacs informant, member of the hawk degree, saiddesigns for all degrees in life and at burial consisted of lines anddisks. Colors differed : the first or weasel degree, used white paint
;
the second or mink, brown ; the third or hawk, yellow and vermilionand the fourth or bear, black.Each member kept "power" or "medicine" in the skin of the animaldistinctive of his degree (cf . p. 65) . This formed his badge. Eachmember was buried with his own skin. The White Earth woman wasclasping the skin of a weasel in her hands when ready for burial. Anold informant on the same reservation was saving the skin of a weaselthat had inadvertently wandered into his garden (July 1938) ; hewished to have it on hand when the adopted child by his daughterwould be admitted to the Mide'wiwin. He was a member of the owl-skin degree ; his wife, of the weasel degree.
HiLOBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE' 69These skiiis containing "power" were carried by members duringthe ceremonial dances of the Mide'wiwin. At the White Earth cele-bration, the two mothers sat in the center line each holding her childin her lap, while the participating members (eight in this instance)danced along the path, the full length of the wigwam, singing andcarrying in their hands the skins of their degree. As each memberapproached the child, he or she, with a quick motion of the hand,pointed the head of the animal at each child, bringing it very near itsface. The child invariably cried with surpise and fear. Nonpartici-pant observers were unwilling to comment on the significance of thesegestures.A former Mide'wiwin member on the L'Anse Reservation describedher uncle's initiation thus
:
My uncle sat in the middle of the long wigwam. The medicine men, four orfive of them, came dancing in, carrying pouches. The pouches were made of theskins of beaver, otter, white martin or weasel?all elongated like snake skins.The dancers danced along the path of the wigwam and when they came near myuncle they threw their pouches at him. The "medicine" in them was so strongthat he fell over and fainted. Each man then picked up his pouch and laidit on him, and he came to. From then on my uncle had powers to punish hisenemies.A 70-year-old Vermilion informant had joined the Mide'wiwin atthe age of 16, having been chosen by his parents to do so. He ow:nedtwo books (ledger-ruled, about 9 by 6 inches in size) which containedinformation that he had obtained as a member of the Mide'wiwin. Anumber of pages contained names of roots and herbs of both medicinaland magic value written in Chippewa, Each line of such informationwas followed by several explanatory lines of pictorial writings, thedrawings being mainly animals and men. One page contained thesketch of a front view of a person. Lines le'd from dots on variousparts of the body to numbered circles drawn in the margin of the page,the numbers referring to information on succeeding pages. Each dotindicated the place on the body into which magic power was infusedduring the Mide'wiwin ceremonials, "A weasel member, for ex-ample, will motion toward this point of the body with his weasel,"remarked the informant.The Mide'wiwin drum is called mitikkwakok' (wooden pail) ;when in actual use it is called nimicdmis (my grandfather). Thedrumsticks for this drum are called bagakdk'kwan. The drum usedat the White Earth celebration was about 18 inches long and 8 inchesin diameter. It was made by hollowing out a log cylinderically, leav-ing one end closed. When in use it contained several cups of water,the open end being covered with a piece of scraped but untanned freshrawhide. As the hide dried, it shrunk, thus forming an airtight tautcovering. The water caused the sound of the drumbeats to carry a
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bui,l. 146long distance. Both men and women members beat the drum durmgthe ceremonial, this being the only occasion at which women beat adrum.A larger drum, the so-called "big drum" (dewe igon) "one as largeas a washtub with rawhide stretched on both ends," is also consideredsacred. Formerly it was used at the sacred dances other than theMide'wiwin, such as the War Dance. The Mide' drum is the older,but both drums were held equally sacred. It is believed that both hadtheir origin in dreams : the small one, among the Chippewa ; the largerone, among the Sioux. An old Lac Courte Orielle man had heard aSioux describe the origin of the big drum thus
:
Long ago there was a war. A young girl found herself trapped under muchgrass that was hanging over the side of a river. The enemy was camped rightnear by. Four days she was imprisoned there. On the fourth day the GreatSpirit appeared to her and asked if she were hungry, and she said, "Yes." TheGreat Spirit then told her to follow Him and He led her right into the enemy'scamp where they both sat down and ate. The enemy couldn't see them. Afterthey had eaten, the Great Spirit told her that she was entitled to have a drumin her possession; that this drum would bring peace between the people; andthis was a Sioux girl. The Chippewa got their drum from the Sioux, and thisis its origin. We consider the big drum sacred, and place offerings of tobaccoand clothes near it.Today the large drums are still held sacred but are used at socialdances, such as pow-wows.Drums were seen or heard during this study on all reservationsexcept L'Anse; none had been used at L'Anse for some years. In1935 five large sacred drums were extant on the Lac Courte OrielleReservation. One was owned by each of five groups : the Chief Lakegroup, the Barber Town people, Eeserve village, the Round Lakegroup, and the Whitefish people, and cared for by men in each group.When the United States Government moved the Indians from the village ofOld Post to the village of New Post on the same reservation (the land at OldPost having been flooded by a newly built dam), the Indians of the reservationpresented the New Post group with a sacred drum. After we had moved toNew Post, some Indians came over with the drum. That morning everybodywent out into an open space, a field. Those who brought the drum lined upon one side and our Indians opposite to them. They started drumming, andsoon everybody joined in and danced Indian dances. Then the drum was giveninto the safekeeping of two of our men, and from then on it belonged to NewPost. Indians consider the drum very sacred and will never leave it alone forlong; somebody is always in the room with it. He might step outside for afew minutes and leave it alone, but he won't be gone long.In Indian Village on the Mille Lacs Reservation a large drum, welldecorated with bands of beadwork and copper medals about the sizeof 25-cent pieces, rested on a shelf in the corner of one of the homes.On the La Pointe Reservation, "the Martin group owned one, andone was owned by the group across the river (Bad River)."
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE) 71Drumsticks (bagakok'kwan) were about 1 foot long with the end,used in beating, well padded with buckskin.
"grand medicine," or powers of members of the mide'wiwinThe supernatural power ascribed to members of the Mide'wiwinincluded black art, generally spoken of as "grand medicine" or "badmedicine" (kabe' midewid).^^ In exercising it, it was believed thatMide' members, (mide'winini?medicine men and medicine women),could bring great misfortune upon people, even causing them to be-come ill or insane or to die. Powers could be exercised by personalcontact, by being in the presence of persons to be influenced, or bybeing at great distances from them. The medium used was acquiredin the various degrees of the Mide'wiwin. "Persons who had com-pleted the entire four degrees of the Mide'wiwin were given an in-signia, usually a thimble-shaped article wherein was carried 'dope.'He wore this on his person ; not in a conspicuous place, however. The
'dope' is 'bad medicine.' As he is advanced in the degrees, more dam-aging medicines are revealed to him. The medium is sometimescarried in small doll-like men and women made of unbeaded buck-skins called odeceno'win." Influence could be exerted on Indians andWhites, but was seldom exercised on the latter. Expressions usedin describing these shamanistic activities are mike'ci mide'wid (being
"grand medicined")
.
Members used various methods when exercising evil powers, thecommonest probably being that of the "fireball" (cinkwane'nok orma'dji ic'kdte). On all reservations informants either had experi-enced the effects of the "fireball" in their own lives or had observed itin the lives of others. To the eye the "fireball" appears like a ball ofglowing, flameless material. Young informants, as well as Whitesintermarried with Indians, who had investigated "fireballs," wereconvinced that they are merely marsh gas or "will-o'-the-wisp." Chip-pewa who conceded that they were marsh gas still persisted, however,that they were used by the Mide' to transmit "bad medicine" or "grandmedicine," even great distances, the effects being ill health, death, or
"bad luck of some sort."The following are personal experiences of informants:An old Indian told me that he once saw three "fireballs," the first one largerthan the others, rise one after the other east of here and travel far over to thewest, sailing about a half mile above the earth. The Indians called these ballscinkwane'nok. They are omens of sickness or bad luck.
" Hallowell (1936 b, vol. 38, pp. 48-49) tells of a favor bestowed on some young menby a Saulteaux through the exercise of his "medicine." Cooper (1936, pp. 8-13) recordsseveral types of divination and six types of medicine men for the Lake of the Woods andRainy Lake Ojibway.
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146When I was young I rose very early one morning while the rushes were yetdamp with dew, to malie a bulrush mat. It was still dark. I saw a light, likea flash, pass across the river. It passed among the trees and over towardGreen's meadow. I whispered this to my brother William who was with me.He took a pitchfork and hit at it. It disappeared in the woods, and we neversaw it again. There was a sick girl nearby, and we think the "fireball" wentfor her. At least she died soon after.Indians are afraid of "fireballs." They were afraid, also, of certain lightthat used to appear in the woods near the Convent. One evening a little girlvisited here. It was dark when she was ready to go home and she was afraidto pass those woods. My girl offered to go with her, but I was afraid to haveher come home alone. Finally my husband said he would go with them. Onthe way back he saw the light, and went up to it, and it was a rotten funguson some old tree stump. He brought part of it home and said to me, "Hereis what the people have been talking about." My husband has no Indian bloodin him. [Hilger, 1936 a, p. 19.]A "fireball is an ill omen for Indians. When one is seen, it is believed thata medicine man has been hired by someone to injure a particular person. Sometime ago, during the night, a "fireball" was seen to leave the swamp near hereand go eastward.?The direction which the "fireball" takes will tell where the evileffects will show up.?Several weeks later, during maple-sugar-making time,one of the men was tired from walking back and forth for sap, and he laiddown In the open. The groimd was damp and he contracted pneumonia anddied after several days. It was said that tha| "fireball" had been "badmedicine" and caused his death. His wife has been sick too since that time.Every spring one hears things about "fireballs." My brother-in-law had a strokea year ago, and claims it was caused by means of Indian "medicine."Late in the afternoon on the day when my son William and some men hadexhumed six graves?one being that of a chief?in the new roadbed betweenBedby and Red Lake (Red Lake Reservation) a deadful storm arose. It wasthe worst one, the old people said, that had visited the reservation in 40 years.Upon his return home William found the neighbors gathered about his houseand much excited. They insisted that before it began to rain a "fireball" hadcome out of his house. My daughter, too, had seen it. He found many of thetall pines near his home broken down. The neighbors insisted that the deadchief was avenging the exhuming of his remains; the terrible storm was apunishment to all the village, while the "fireball" gave evidence of special dis-favor to William. One old man insisted on placing tobacco on William's door-step hoping thereby to pacify the dead chief.Not being certain who had injured her husband, a Lac CourteOrielle informant engaged a medicine man to discover the culprit
:
I once hired a medicine man. It happened like this: About 2 years ago, inthe fall, while I, my old man, and an old neighbor woman were sitting on ourfront porch facing the lake, a stone in the shape of a "fireball" hit my oldman's leg. Soon his leg broke out with sores, even to his waist line. So, inthe spring we hired a medicine, man to discover the source of the "fireball."He went away and upon his return said that an Indian enemy had done it,and advised us to save the stone. [The stone, about 3x2x2 inches, was storedin a Mason fruit jar.] We paid the medicine man half a pound of tobacco forhis services. One can pay them anything.
HiLOER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 73Black art could also be exercised as "grand medicine" on figurinesof wood made to represent persons (macld'kl masinigo'clkon) . Aninterpreter at L'Anse related the following:A few years ago I was asked to clean out an old house. In it I found abundle which contained two figures carved out of wood, one representing a man,the other a woman. At about the position of the heart was a little red spotand an arrow. An old woman \Yho looked at them said, "That's bad. TheIndian who moved from here must have killed these two people by 'medicine'."She examined them and said they represented a man and a woman who hadbeen done away with some time ago. [Hilger, 193G a, p. IS.]Another method of exercising evil power required contact with anenemy's person. "They tell of an Indian here who, pretending to be ingood faith, distributed tobacco to several persons. While doing so toone of the men, he dropped 'poison' Vv'hich he had stored between hisfingers along with the tobacco, thus causing this man's mouth to bedrawn to one side." A young man was similarly afflicted for laughingat a medicine man who was relating an incident. "The medicine mangave him one look, and everybody knew that something would happento this fellow. And sure enough, after some time his mouth waspulled to one side." A L'Anse interpreter when afflicted with aswollen ankle was told by her aunt, "That is just what I expectedwould happen. I notice people want you to work for them in prefer-ence to other Indians, Somebody is jealous of you. You are gettingalong too well ; that's the reason."Members of the Mide'wiwin could also cause death. On theL'Anse Reservation this story prevails : "Years ago an old medicineman came nearly drowning in Keweenaw Bay, but the mermaids(mama'kwasa) saved him; whereupon he promised them a personevery year, for 10 years. This man lived on an island near Pequaming.Every year after that until the medicine man's death?he died bereft ofhis mind?a person was drowned in the Bay." An old Lac CourteOrielle informant had been told by his father that Bagawas, a medi-cine man, had killed many children by merely beating his drum. "Inold days," he added, "the Indians were scared of each other, especiallyof old fellows."Insanity was often the result of being "grand-medicined." "Theyput that 'grand medicine' in a bearskin bag, and do such powerfulthings with it as to make a man crazy; I have seen it!" said a RedLake informant. "Years ago a woman across the Lake from here (atRed Lake) ate her own children.?The one who does that must becrazy; she can't be right!?She claimed she was eating bear meat,or porcupine meat. But she had killed her child, and cooked it. TheIndians said some one had 'grand-medicined' her for she was doingthe will of another and not her own. So they had her 'grand-medi-
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. I4ecined' by a stronger medicine man and she became sane again." Thefollowing was related on the L'Anse Keservation
:
A surveyor whom I knew very well robbed the Indians of much property. He;surveyed lands for Indians at Watersmeet, Lac Vieux Desert, Granville, andIron Mountain. He was given money to buy lands. He might be given $400 forthe purchase of a piece of land and obtain from the Indian owner a deed anda receipt for $400, when in reality he had given only $200 and retained theother $200. The seller expected the balance of the money. Many were trickedin this way and finally the culprit was discovered. One day when he came homehe fell and stretched out about six feet ; his body seemed to become that much:elongated. He jumped up and said, "Hard game !" He had these spells duringa period of six months. He would foam at the mouth, but nobody could do any-thing for him. We tried everything, even rubbing him with vinegar. Every timehe came out of a spell he would say, "Hard game !" The old chief had foundhim out and had sent bad medicine to him. After awhile he became foolish.One time he wore my shoes to town. He finally confessed he wronged thgIndians. Now he knew they had punished him. [Hilger, 1936, p. 19.]Upon the refusal of parents on the Red Lake Reservation to allova daughter to marry a medicine man, the latter "grand-medicined" thigirl causing her nose to bleed for 2 days and 2 nights. Upon th(advice of another medicine man, an old one, the former was recalled t(fumigate the girl. This he did by placing herbs on two hot stonesover which the girl held her head, head and stones being coverecwith a blanket.A woman on the Red Lake Reservation told of her plight:Yes, twice I was "grand-medicined." I almost died ; even my hair came outIt happened like this : One fall when we had caught a great many fish, a younjman wanted to buy some ; but we had already sold all we could spare. SinceI couldn't give him any, he became angry and had me "grand-medicined." ]was going to sleep when I saw him ; his mouth was bloody. People said I waiasleep; but I saw the man come. He tried to throw me into a hole in th<ground from which I knew I should never have escaped, had he succeeded,was out of my mind for a long time. When I came to, a man, a near relativesaid, "Don't you think there is somebody doing something to you?" I kneMvery well who was doing it ; it was an old man. I knew the old man who wasdoing this to me ; but that young man had paid him to do it. This old relativ(said, "I am going to that old man and ask whether he feels justified in doingthat to you just because somebody else hired him to do it!" He went; andeverything came out all right. They gave me medicine to fumigate my 'headand after that I was well. When anyone is fumigated, herbs are placed onheated stones in a little wigwam. The person then crawls into this hut Some-times herbs are put on hot stones in the house and a blanket thrown over thehead, allowing the fumes to be inhaled. The old medicine man later came andgave me a shawl and said, "You will be all right from now on." That samefall that old man died.A L'Anse informant had heard of medicine men who charmed afly, identified themselves with it, and traveled in the form of a fly.A long time ago [he said] one party at war with another put up a defenseof brush and lined it with hides. A medicine man cut a hole about 3 inches
Ihilqkr] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 75in diameter into the hide, and then by means of his "medicine" gradually madehimself into a fly with feet so small that they were only 11/2 inches long. Hecrawled through the hole to the enemy's side, discovered their location andplans, returned through the hole, and gradually took over the form and size
' of a man again.
, It is firmly believed that injury done by a medicine man or medicine'Woman can be undone by one with greater power. A L'Anse in-
'formant had had the following experience:
. Some years ago I landed a boat full of fish every morning. One morningjsome fellow came along and talked about my good luck. While we were takingfish out of our nets?I had 30 nets?he saw a big whitefish and asked if lie
.might have it. I let him take it. That fellow spoiled my fishing! I couldn'tFget any more fish after that. Well, one day when we were out on the lake wepulled up to the shore where some of my wife's relatives lived, and went therejfor something to eat. The man said, "I suppose you get plenty fish." "No",I said, "not any more." And I told him the story of the whitefish. "Nevermind," he said, "we'll fix him." And he took a half pailful of lukewarm water,
'washed the "bad medicine" ofe my nets, and hung them up. When they were!dry he said, "Set out one net and you'll catch one whitefish, an unusual white-
,fish. Clean it very carefully, put the scales into some water, and then washyour nets in that water. Take the big whitefish and eat all of it with yourfamily," I took the net and set it. We caught the big whitefish, only it looked
' somewhat red. My wife baked it in the oven, and she and I, the old man, andmy two children ate all of that big whitefish! [His wife interjected: "It wasa pretty hard thing to do, it was such a big fish."] "Never mind; we'll get thatfellow yet," said the old man. He told me to sink 3 nets the next day, 6 thefollowing day, and keep doubling the number each day until all the 30 nets hadbeen sunk. And now I began catching fish again, and lots of them. It wasall due to this medicine man's power being stronger than that other man's.
"tlpi shaking"Certain medicine men have shamanistic powers to discover factorsinvolved in past, present, or future events. 'Since the shaman's in-vestigations are connected with the tremor, or, at times, violent shak-ing of a small dome-shaped wigwam (cisagi'kan), the name "tipishaking" (cisagi'kwin) has been applied to it. The shaking may bein two opposing or in all four directions. Medicine men possessedof this power were still extant on the reservations of Lac du Flambeau,La Pointe, Vermilion, Eed Lake, Lac Courte Orielle, Mille Lacs,and Nett Lake in the summers of ethnological studies covered in thiswork; there were none on the L'Anse nor on the White Earth reser-vations, but persons on both reservations had engaged shamans soendowed from other reservations to make discoveries for them.The shaman with "tipi-shaking" powers was invariably an oldman. His communications with the spiritual world were carried ononly when in a small wigwam and when alone, after having smokedand mediated. A Lac Courte Orielle informant had not only observed
"tipi shaking" but had helped to build a wigwam for his granduncle
:
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 14My grandfather's brother was a fako medicine man. He was asked to discover
'
whether a sick child was going to live or die. His sons and nephews were toldto build a tipi ; we built a regular one of light poles 7 feet high and 4feet in diameter. We tied the poles together and covered the tipi with blankets.Some 12 feet from the tipi was a bonfire. Some men sat near it and beatthe drum. Halfway between the acting medicine man?in this case my grand-father's brother?sat down and smoked his long pipe. He sat on the ground withthe bowl of his pipe resting on the ground. His hands clutched the pipe stem,his arms rested on his bent knees. He continued smoking his pipe and staringbefore him at the ground, continually staring, while the others beat the drum.Finally he said, "Everything is all right !" meaning, he was ready to go into thesmall tipi. He goes in, and in a few minutes things begin to rattle. Often thereare bells at the top of the tipi, and these begin to rattle. My great uncle wentin and, as soon as things began to shake, the tipi went to pieces. We had pur-posely constructed it carelessly, so as to annoy the old man. He was cross andsaid, "Come, now, make a good one." Next day we built one of poles so strongthat we were hardly able to bend the poles in order to tie them together. Nowthe old fellow couldn't make things go ; things only quivered. He came out andsaid, "Spirits won't come.." So another man vfho sat nearby was asked to go in.He didn't want to, but finally he did ; he was middle-aged. He made the thinggo because he was a powerful medicine man. He nearly shook it to the ground.I knew that fellow ; he wasn't so strong physically that he could shake that tipi
!
We fellows who had made it, tried our level best to make it shake, but couldn'fcmove it. This fellow made it shake ! My grandfather's brother had failed, forhe was a fake. This fellow said the girl would live, and in 2 days she was upand around.Another time I saw a medicine man work. Two medicine tipis were built notfar apart. The same strong man that acted in the case of the sick gir]was to occupy one, and another man, the other. The first one refused to actThe second man came and said he would try. They beat the drum, and hesmoked, and thought, and studied, gazing on the ground. Then, raising him-self up, "It is all right ; we can start." He crept on hands and feet for 5 feetto the tipis. He took off his shirt, tucked it in one tipi, and went into the other.Both tipis began to shake and sway from side to side. The purpose was to find iout whether a certain person was going to live or die, and what medicine should]be used. [Hilger, 1936 c, pp. 4&-47.] ^ tA Mide'wiwin woman on the same reservation, approved of thejabove account, and added, "The wigwam in which a medicine mantalks with the spirits is open at the top. The spirits enter and leavethrough this opening."An old L'Anse informant remembered well the days when therewere powerful medicine men. Y^hen still young he assisted in thebuilding of a shaman's wigwam
:
One winter in January we heard my mother's father was sick. Jly mother wasgreatly worried, but she couldn't go to see him for it was cold ; the snow wasdeep and there was no trail. We lived where the road comes down to Rabbit'sBay. An old medicine man said to my mother, "You give me tobacco, and I'll findout how your father is getting along." He ordered five or six of us boys to build
^Cf. Hallowell (1942 b) for an over-all account of conjuring among the Saulteaux ofBerens River, Manitoba, a branch of the Ojibwa-speaking peoples. Cf. also Hallowell '(1940 b).
IiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 77
L wigwam. We built a solid one ! We took 12 poles, set them in a circle about 2!.eet into the ground, tied other poles solidly around these and covered all withlanvas. The medicine man went in r?ud took with him a buckskin drum. The>lder people sat close to the wigwam ; but we boys had to go about 5 feet away,
^^bout 9 o'clock at night the old man began to sing. (We laughed; but motherhaid, "Be quiet!") Soon the tipi began to shake, first slowly, and then fasterind faster, swinging from one side to the other ; suddenly it stopped with a thump,
'.'he spirit, Owacagabo'wis, had come to talk to the medicine man. We could hear
'lifCerent voices. One asked the old man, *'Why do you want me?" "I want hisjoul." (He meant my grandpa's soul.) In a moment the tipi began to shake\gain, just like before, and again it stopped with a thump. Then we could hearny grandfather talk ; his voice was weak and it sounded hungry. Some boys inair crowd said, "There is your grandfather." Then the tipi shook again likelefore, and that's when the spirit left."
; A Lac du Flambeau interpreter had been an observer of several*tipi shakings." She told of two
:
About 10 years ago, a woman gave a hide and some tobacco to a medicine maniSking him to make inquiries about her daughter in Oklahoma. He did so. Sud-lenly the tipi began to shake ; we could hear various noises and several voices
!
Che fellow must have changed his voice ! He came out of his tipi and said
:
'Tour daughter is all right ; in a few days you will see her." And sure enough,n two days the girl came home ! I saw another "tipi shaking," about 8 years ago,vhile I was interpreter for a Winnebago woman who wanted to talk to a Chippewanedicine man but couldn't speak our language. I told the medicine man that shevould give him three ponies, two boxes of maple sugar, four pairs of blankets,wo beautiful shawls, and a man's suit, if he would discover for her whether orlot she'd be cured of her illness. He did all the necessary things and went intolis little wigwam. When he came out he told her that she'd be cured. But thatvas a big "fib" for she died a few years after
!
On the White Earth Reservation two small children had died within
I brief period of time in 1938. "So the father got a medicine manTom Mille Lacs Reservation to shake his tipi and was told that the
?ault lay in his not having joined the Mide'wiwin." A young woman)n the Red Lake Reservation had seen her grandfather, a grand medi-ine man and "tipi shaker," "crawl into a small tent into which he calledhe spirit of a man upon whom he was exercising revenge for anothernan. This other man had hired him to do so. My grandfather had)owers to cause the man on whom he was exercising revenge either noto wake up again some morning or to make his mouth crooked. He had)ower, too, to make white men's mouths crooked but he never used it."A Lac Courte Orielle interpreter contributed the following
:
A medicine man may be called on, day or night, to discover the cause and theure of some internal disease. The sick man is placed on a mat outside the smallT^igwam in which the medicine man is exercising his powers. All during theeremony some one on the outside beats the drum. It is absolutely necessary thathe wigwam sway back and forth, for, without it, the procedure is ineffective.lS soon as the tipi shakes?which indicates that the spirits are in the wigwam
?
^^Cf. also Flannery (1940, pp. 14-18) for good account on beliefs related to conjuring.
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGT [Boll. 146 1the medicine man asks the persons on the outside who are interested in the sicman what they wish to know. The spirits on the inside answer. One can heathem talking but only the man in the wigwam usually understands the language,for only occasionally do the spirits speak Chippewa. The voices sound like thoseof a large crowd. It's these spirits that make the wigwam sway. We call this
"tipi shakes." Long ago the swaying was so violent that the wigwam touchedthe ground from side to side. If many spirits come into the wigwam, the medicineman comes out tired and weak. In the early days the medicine man performedceremonies similar to the ones above to discover whether it was safe to break,camp. BELIEF IN LIFE AFTER DEATHUFB AFTER DEATH ^^Not only is the Chippewa belief in life after death evidenced in theirburial and mourning customs, but there exists a tradition among themthat after death their spirits go westward "to where the sun sets," "tothe camping grounds of eternal bliss and happiness," to cibi'odena(spirit town or happy home). Nonmembers of the Mide'wiwin liveoutside cibi'odena and have only bark as food. At a burial, as the bodyof a Mide'wiwin is lowered, the attending medicine man says : "Do notlook back. Keep going until you arrive at the camping grounds of ourfathers and grandfathers and parents, where you will enjoy everlast-ing happiness." DEATHFormerly when death was imminent, the dying person?adult orchild?was clothed in his best buckskin clothes including moccasins,and his body decorated with Indian paint. Some were known to havebeen buried with trophies and war awards hung about the neck.Today, death usually, but not always, has occurred before the body isdressed for burial. When ready for burial both hat and shoes areworn. In 1930 an old Eed Lake man was dressed for burial "in hisdancing clothes, feather bonnet, and moccasins."Immediately following the death of a Mide' relative at which a Lacdu Flambeau interpreter was present in 1935, the Mide drum wasbrought in. It was placed close to the dead woman, all women pres-ent dancing around the body in step with the beat of the drum.If it had been a man, the men should have done so. After the women haddanced awhile, they talked to the body saying, "We will now let you go, becauseyour body has changed. Always take the right road ; don't let the devil temptyou. You will come to a river where you'll see a log ; don't cross it.?The log isa snake.?Some one there will speak to you ; but keep to the right-hand side. Onthe opposite side there will be another person. He will reach out his handacross to you. Give this person some tobacco."?^With a person are buried a littlesack of tobacco, four matches, and four small pieces of bread which are to lastfor 4 days, that is until the end of the journey to eternity. Fire is also built for
Cf. also HalloweU (1940 b).
[ILOBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE: 79le dead at the grave during the first 4 nights after death, the first night beingJat following the day of death ; persons must be buried before sundown aftereath.?"Then you will come to a hill," these women continued. "You willear beautiful sounds of dancing and singing. You will see your dead relatives,hey will inquire about the people who are still living. Tell them we are noteady to come." And the women repeated this until burial time.Informants recalled hearing death announced by the shooting ofgun. They were unable, however, to tell the manner of doing soefore guns were introduced. "If anyone died in our band," said aj'dc Courte Orielle informant "a gun was shot three times. At Oda-ah (La Pointe Keservation) guns were shot five or six times. Thisiea originated with the Chippewa ; they didn't get it from the whiteleople." An interpreter, while still a child living on Leech LakeMinnesota), related that one morning her family heard repeatedunshots.Soon a man came into my father's trading store. His forehead and his body
'hich was nalied to the waistline had been blackened. Each arm was pierced
^ith a stick, about the size of an all-day sucker. Rope had been passed betweenae protruding ends of the sticks and the arms, tied together in a knot, andllowed to hang down. I was much frightened and ran into my mother's room,ut she assured me that the man was only mourning; that his little boy hadied during the night.Body mutilation as an expression of sorrow at death is not tradi-ional among the Chippewa. Most informants on all reservationssemed surprised when asked this question. However, several Rediake women had legs well scarred with slashes made while mourning.Hiippewa were taught not to weep at death, not even at the death ofearest relatives. "Old Indians advised women not to weep event the loss of a child, for this action might be visited on the next child."Indians were told not to weep in presence of ethers when death oc-arred in the family. Their weeping was to be done while sitting neartree or a rock : its manito would soothe them and console them."In order to ward off the spirit of a person just departed, not onlyelatives but other persons also blackened their faces with charcoalr soot, but without design. "When anyone died my mother put char-oal marks on my face so that the spirit of the dead person would notome near me." A L'Anse interpreter told the following
:
One time I was called to a young woman dying of blood poisoning. The'oman said, "I am going soon, I won't stay long. I am sorry I can't take myaby." Toward midnight I wanted to go home. I was very tired and other
'omen were there. But I was afraid to go, for when I told her I was goingnd that I would return in the morning, she said, "When you go, I am goingith you." At about three o'clock in the morning she died. I went to tell anId woman who was in the kitchen and she at once went to the teakettle, rubbeder hand across the bottom of the teakettle, and blackened the forehead of theying woman's child and of two other small children who belonged to two of
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146the women present. One of the women noted that the old Indians believed thatwhen an Indian dies two others will soon follow him; now it wouldn't be anyof these three children, for they had their faces blackened. [Hilger, 1936 a, pp.23-24.] INTERMENTThe remains of a departed one were kept in the home until burial,which took place before sunset on the day of death. Imm.ediateljpreceding the removal of the body relatives spoke to it. This custonmaintains today. "My deceased daughter's pagan husband leanecover my deceased daughter just before we closed the coffin and talkecso feelingly to her, and promised her that he would have their daughter raised a Catholic."In old days bodies were flexed "with knees pulled up toward chest."It seemed befitting that persons should leave this earth in the positionin which they were when they came into it, "the position they were inwhen in their mother's body." Arms were extended lengthwise oneither side. Food and cooking utensils were then placed near thebody and all was wrapped into birchbark and held in position by beintied with cords of basswood fiber. The body was placed in the gravein a sitting position, the top of the birchbark "casket" being from5 to 10 inches below the surface of the earth. At times the bottomof the grave was lined with a bulrush mat. Often useful implementswere also placed around the wrappings after the body had been placecin the grave, the belief being that the spirit of all objects enclosedin the grave would travel with the dead person on his journey to thehereafter. Since there is great difficulty in obtaining large piecesof birchbark today the Red Lake man buried in 1930 (p. T8) was notwrapped in birchbark but was placed in a sitting position in a boxmade of lumber. His burial faced north. With him were burieddried meat, berries, bread, wild rice, and a frying pan. An old womaninformant in the same area had buried five of her family near herhome, all in flexed positions, "with knees near chest and arms straightdown the sides." All of her burials faced north. She had not heardwhy Indians should be buried facing north. "But all do," she added.^^On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation burials faced all directions,informants there being unaware that burials anywhere among theChippewa faced only one direction. In one of the Mide'wiwin ceme-teries on their reservation, all bodies faced east (pi. 7, <?)
.
On the Lac du Flambeau and Lac Courte Orielle Reservations im-mediately after the body of a wife or husband had been lowered intothe grave, the living partner walked across a plank of wood?or if
? Hallowell's Informants said of Saulteaux burials : "The head is placed to the north,but the body is said to be 'facing the south'." It was thought that life after death wasspent somewhere in the south. (Hallowell, 1940 b, p. 34.)
I HiLUBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 81
I none was available, a planed tree trunk?that had been placed overthe grave, signifying thereby "that they were letting the dead partnergo, but that they were not yet ready to go."' An interpreter was toldat a funeral of a man that his widow meant to show thereby "thatshe had gone as far as she could go with her husband. I have oftenseen this done by women but never by men," she added. Before thegrave was closed, those attending the funeral danced around it threetimes giving the spirit a start on its way to the hereafter. A veryold Mille Lacs informant said that "the burial ceremony was thesame for children as for adults. Food was given to both. The beliefwas that the dead person was going on some journey or trip, and hadto have clothes and food. He was buried in new or clean clothes.Two little bags made of flour sacks or muslin were laid near the bodywhile it was laid out, and were later put into the grave. One con-tained tools, like a jackknife, and other things that a person carries;the other, food, like wild rice, etc. There was no ceremony in thecemetery. The wife did not walk around the grave nor across aplank laid over the grave of her husband. For four nights afterthe burial, no matter how cold it was, relatives had to keep firesburning at the head end of the grave. I don't know the reason forburning it at the head end. The hole in the grave cover is also alwaysat the head end."An induced aborted fetus was buried mider the floor of the wigwamin which the woman lived (p. 11). A spontaneously aborted one ora child stillborn was buried in the same manner as a mature person.
"I know of a fetus that was only 2 months old. We gave a feast,wrapped it in birchbark, and buried it a little below the surface ofthe earth. Then we covered it over with earth, put birchbark ontop of this, and weighted it down with poles^and rocks. I remembertwo other burials, one of a fetus 3 months old and the other 4months old."Jenness records the following:Whether or not death occurred naturally made no difference in the mannerof burial. Only for a still-born babe were there special rites, because its failureto live was attributed either to sorcery, or to some wrongdoing on the part ofthe mother, and the latter, being always suspect, had to seek forgiveness fromthe Great Spirit and from her kinsfolk. The corpse was, therefore, depositedin the hollow of a stump for 9 days, and each day at the hour of birth themother walked nine times around its resting place. At the end of 9 days thegrave was opened. If the corpse had disappeared, as sometimes happened,the Indians believed that it had perished completely, body, soul, and shadow
;
but if it had not disappeared they interred it without ceremony in the woods.[Jenness, 1935, p. 105.]There were no wills, but a woman might indicate before death per-sons to whom she wished her personal belongings to be given. If she884216?51 7
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146had not expressed lier wish, all her belongings were placed in acontainer and at the end of a year distributed either to her children,near women relatives, or particular friends. Occasionally, today, im-mediately after the funeral, personal belongings of the deceased areburnt, but always in an open fire outdoors. Traditionally, the fam-ily of the deceased gave a feast soon after burial. This custom stillsurvives in some families. An interpreter's aunt had given "a bigfeast after every death in her family, a feast of doughnuts, cake andeverything good to eat."Three old women who had been present at burials between Kedbyand Red Lake (villages on Red Lake Reservation) and who were alsopresent when the remains were removed (removals were made topermit the building of a highway) , identified the graves as those ofa chief, of two other men, of a little girl, of an old and of a young*woman. All skeletons were found wrapped and tied in birchbarkin sitting positions with knees drawn to chest and hands extendingstraight downward on sides. All bodies faced Red Lake (north). Thegraves were 4 feet in length and were covered with ll^ feet of earth
;
over each rested a small wooden house. Among the remains werefound pails, parts of forks, knives and spoons, two pipes, a tomahawk,beads, a mirror, and a large silver medal. One of the old women,the wife of the exhumed chief, remarked that a big dance had beenheld when he was buried and that with his remains would be founda medal given to his father by a United States President, his fatherhaving been one of the first Chippewa who in a body went to see thePresident. The medal was found as she predicted (Hilger, 1935 c,pp. 321-323). GRAVESThe old custom of covering graves with small mounds of dirt over-laid with poles, brushes, birchbark, or rush mats, survived on severalreservations covered in this study. Substitutes for coverings on othergraves were pieces of cotton cloth, oilcloth, or tar paper weighteddown on corners and edges with small stones. "I can't bear to see mygraves uncovered ; they seem so naked and cold." (Cf. pi. 9, 2, and ^.)On every reservation except L'Anse graves were also covered withsmall wooden houses. Some consisted of four sides and a gabled roof,or of four sides and a flat roof (pis. 7, 8, 9) ; others of only a gabledroof. A gable-roofed cover located 50 feet from a home on VermilionLake (1939) was 50 inches long and 24 inches high. The roof wascovered with tin; the front and back, painted white. A small box,10 by 41/^ inches and 6i/^ inches high, was attached to the end facingthe lake and served as a deposit box for food for the dead. The frontof the box served as a door which could be closed by means of a latchmade by fastening a bent nail over a tack. The house was enclosed,
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 83on all but the lake side, with a fence made of 3-foot posts crossed bypoles. A 9-foot pole was planted to the front and rif^ht of the g^rave,facing it. "A small rag is sometimes attached to the top of it so thatpeople may know that it is a new grave." The grave was that of an8-month-old baby buried in 1934. On the Lac Courte Orielle Keser-vation clothes of one recently buried were often hung on the top of apole near the grave. "The dress you saw hanging from the top ofthe 20-foot pole near a grave on the Couderay River belonged to my12-year-old deceased sister," said an informant.Each grave house in a Mide'wiwin cemetery on the Lac CourteOrielle Reservation had a 3 x 5-inch opening at the foot end or eastend of the grave (pi. 7, 3). On a ledge nailed directly below theopening on many of these houses rested empty dishes, small vases,or sandwich-spread jars. Dilapidation of two houses permitted birch-bark coverings weighted down with stones to be seen.A grave marker (odemiwa'tik) made of a small piece of wood withrepresentation of the do'dam of the buried person either drawn orcarved upon it was seen at either the foot or the head end of severalgraves. The d5'dam emblem was often inverted. One such markerof cedar wood on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation had an outlineof a bear carved into it, with head toward ground and tail toward sky.The portion showing above the ground was 3x8 inches. All graves ina cemetery on Mille Lacs Reservation were marked, markers rangingin size from 2 x 6 to 4 x 12 inches (pi. 9, 4). Two of these markers,one engraved with an eagle in flight and another with a bird at rest,were not inverted; the following were inverted (head toward earthand tail toward sky) : bullhead, beaver, weasel, bear, fox, and elk.One group of graves in this cemetery contained the remains of a man,his wife, and their two sons, all of whom had been killed in automobileaccidents in 1939 and 1940. At the head end of the graves of thefather and the two boys, a bullhead do'dam marker had been placed
;
at the mother's, a beaver. "My father makes do'dam markers withoutbeing asked and does not charge for them. He merely makes themand puts them at the graves. There are others around here who makethem also." OFFERINGS FOR THE DEAD (CIBENAKl'wiN)For several days after a burial relatives offered food at the graveand kept a fire burning there, the belief being that the spirit of thefire was being used by the deceased in the preparation of the foodwhile the soul was on its journey. In some communities on the RedLake Reservation the fire was kept burning for 3 successive daysand nights : "When a man dies his wife keeps a fire burning near hisgrave for 3 days and 3 niglits ; it takes that long to reach the here-
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
after. When a woman dies her husband does the same for her. Whena child dies, both father and mother keep the fire burning." In othercommunities on the same reservation the fire was kept lighted onlyduring the first three successive nights after burial and not duringdaytime : "I often saw relatives build a fire near their new grave thefirst three nights after burial. They believed that the food that hadbeen buried with the dead person was being cooked by him on hisway to the resting place ; it took three nights to go there." On the LacCourte Orielle Reservation the fire was kept burning four successivenights, "for it takes four days and four nights to go to the otherworld." Charcoal remains, li/^ feet in diameter, were seen near arecent grave on the Mille Lacs Reservation.Offerings for the dead consist today as formerly of maple sugar,wild rice, wearing apparel, or anything that is treasured. These arenot only placed on graves immediately after burial but at any time ofthe year, and for many years after death. "It's the best food, or thebest of anything they have that they put on the graves of their dead."Food thus offered is never eaten by persons depositing it. It may beeaten by persons who find it or by persons who are invited to do so.
"Wlien we were children we used to run around to different gi-aves insearch of maple-sugar cakes." ^* On the Lac du Flambeau Reservation,in midsummer of 1935, an old woman, her daughter, and two smallchildren, entered a cemetery, plucked weeds off the grave of the oldwoman's son, a war veteran, and also from the path surrounding it,sat down near the grave, unpacked food, placed some on the grave, andate the remainder. At the end of the repast they shot off several fire-crackers, and then left in their automobile. After a half hour theyreturned, dropped three boys, about 10 years of age, waited in their caruntil they were certain that the boys had gathered the food left on thegrave, and then drove off. The boys returned leisurely, two eating anorange each and the third an individual pie; cracker-jack boxes filledtheir pockets. "Those people picked us up near the store and broughtus over here to get the food," they said. "We are cousins of those kidsin the car, that's why they picked us up ; but they could have pickedup anybody." BURIALSCemeteries with many burials were found near permanent villagesites and also near Mide'wiwin wigwams. Burials of smaller groups,five to eight graves, were often seen near homes in various parts of thereservations (pis. 8, 2; 7,1).
"According to HaUowell (1940 b, pp. 36-37) the Saulteaux made offerings to the deadand later collected them in order to maintain a certain relationship ?with deceased relativesand to enable the dead to continue the tradition of hospitality and of sharing with otherssomething they had been accustomed to do in life.
HiLGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 85About 100 feet from a group of homes of related families, amongthem the home of the interpreter, on the Mille Lacs Reservation, were13 graves. Burials included the maternal great-grandparents, broth-ers and sisters, and children of the interpreter. Flat-topped boxesmade of lumber rested on 11 of the graves ; 2 were encircled with stonesabout the size of a man's 'fist. All boxes faced south of Mille Lacs Lake.A 2 X 4-inch hole had been cut in the south end of each box. Severalboxes were so dilapidated that birchbark coverings could be seenresting upon the burials.No scaffold or tree burials (ogado' ciba'mik), traditional modes ofdisposal of bodies, were seen on any reservation, nor were any recentburials of this type known to either informants or interpreters. In-formants remembered well, however, when bodies were thus disposedof. In the early days remains so deposited were wrapped in birch-bark ; in more recent days they rested in home-made coffins. A scaf-fold consisted of a rectangular framework of saplings resting on fourupright poles that had been securely planted in the ground. A EedLake interpreter remembered well as a child playing near places
"where bodies in coffins of boards lay up high on stilts or in trees.The bodies were never removed from these places and the smell wasterrible, terrible !" Parents of informants on the same reservation
"used to speak of painting dead persons as though they were preparingto go to a dance, and then wrapping them, first in a blanket and then inbirchbark, and putting them up in trees, half lying and half sittingdown. They hung an entire cooking outfit and something to eat onthe tree for the first 3 nights. It was their belief that a personhad to make three stops on his way to the other side, to the place theWhites call "the Indians' happy hunting ground." "I saw rough boxeswith dead bodies on four poles and kettles hai:iging on the poles, whenI was a child," said a Wliite Earth informant. An old Mille Lacswoman remembered seeing burials on scaffolds : Bodies were wrappedin birchbark or blankets and placed on four poles erected close to-gether and about one foot from the ground. "An island in SandyLake was the burial ground for all the Indians in this area," sheadded. "My mother used to say that you could go over there andsee bones on the ground in many, many places. And we know thesethings to be true, because people saw them."Mounds on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation are considered burialplaces of very early times. Old Indians had repeatedly heard theirelders say that the Odawa', sometimes called the Dawasa'gon, builtthem "long, long ago. We always believed that these mounds weretheir wigwams, that they lived in them, and died in them during star-vation times. At Old Post some mounds were opened some years agowhen a cellar was dug. The bones found in them were those of large
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146people. At Old Post, too, a white pine, a yard in diameter, is growingon a mound ; that must tell something about its age." Erosion of thehind leg of a bear effigy mound takes place in heavy rainfalls, oftencausing arrowheads to be washed out. To the northeast of this moundis an oval-shaped pit about 12 feet deep ; in the center of it is a bed ofcharcoal. MOURNINGThe period of mourning lasted for a year or less (netaki'win). Itwas customary for all in mourning to dress carelessly and allow thehair to hang loose and disheveled. On the Lac Courte Orielle, theLac du Flambeau, and the Mille Lacs Reservations mourners had beenseen carrying a doll-like bundle of cloth, or merely a bundle formedby rolling cloth around a dish (wiwapi'djigan) . At times a few hairsof the deceased person were enclosed. Such a bundle was seen at Flam-beau (Lac du Flambeau Reservation) in 1935; on the Mille Lacs Res-ervation in 1939. A Lac Courte Orielle informant related thefollowing
:
If a pagan (Mide') man's wife dies, he carries on his back a dish wrapped ina bundle shaped liiie a person ; but if his child dies, he carries a dish without abundle (ona'kan) anywhere on his person. Should he be eating a meal whenvisitors arrive, he will place food on the dish and offer it to one of the visitors.A year after death, he'll give a feast at which he will present some article toeach guest. This custom releases him from mourning. My aunt who is a pagancarried a bundle with a dish, after her husband died. I told her that in thesedays she didn't have to carry that dish, but she replied that it was their custom.At a feast she gave away quilts, blankets, and moccasins that had taken her theentire year to prepare.An interpreter on the same Reservation gave the following account
:
My step-grandmother must have had many deaths in her family, for I neversaw her unless she was carrying a babylike form or bundle. In the bundle wasa dish. When anyone died she was asked if she wanted to do this. If she didnot she was released. If she said yes, she carried the bundle with her for ayear. When visiting, she set the bundle down, opened it, took out the dish, andate from it. This was a tin dish. Besides the tin dish the bundle containedsomething that the dead person had liked, such as a pair of moccasins. A yearafter the death, everything that the dead person had ovnied was given away.This was done for deceased near relatives including grandchildren. The pagansstill do this. [Hilger, 1936 c, p. 40.]A 16-year-old Mille Lacs girl had seen persons carrying a small bun-dle during the year of mourning : "My mother did not carry one whenmy father died, but she did when my little brother died. There is nohair of the deceased in the bundle, but only a dish and a spoon. Theseare wrapped in some piece of cloth and carried in the arm, not on theback. At mealtime food is put on the plate."Formerly for one year following a death all the members of thedeceased person's family were not permitted to participate in seasonal
HiLOBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE; 87
occupations, such as production of maple sugar, gathering of wild riceor berries or garden vegetables, or hunting or fishing, unless someonefed them a portion of the food being gathered. After having eatenfrom the hands of another, the mourners gave a feast and were therebyreleased from the taboo. "When my little girl died, my mother gath-ered vegetables of every kind from the garden, cooked them in her ownhome, and brought them to me to eat. After this I could gather myown vegetables. She also picked berries of every kind, green ones ofthose that hadn't begun to ripen mixing them with ripe ones, andoffered them to me to eat also. After this I picked my own berries."If the taboo on food gathering was violated, all things produced bynature died, or "something happened to them?grasshoppers or worms,or disease took them." An aged Lac Courte Orielle informant wascertain that the flagrant violations of this taboo and of the one whichforbade menstruating women to participate in the same food-produc-ing activities (pp. 52-53) was the reason, and the only reason, for thelessening within recent years of all growth productive of Indian foods,such as maple trees, berries of all sorts, wild rice, gardens, fish, andother animals. She added
:
Whenever a man lost his wife or a woman her husband, in the old day, theperson left behind could not gather nor eat anything lilse venison, fish, sirup,berries of any liind, nor wild rice, until a feast was given at which they were fed.This gave them the privilege of again gathering and eating these things. Ifthey had ignored this custom and fed themselves, they could reasonably haveexpected that the berries would be eaten by the birds, that the rice would havebeen shaken off by a storm, and that everything would have gone to nothing.An interpreter at L'Anse had had the following experience
:
One time a woman who was still in mourning period came to visit me. Wewere in the orchard and she admired the apples. I said she might have theapples. She wanted me to pick them, but I insisted that she would have to dothat. After much talking she came the next day and picked the apples. Shetold me that the tree would die; and it died the next year. The old belief isthat anything touched by a mourning person dies. [Hilger, 1936 a, p. 22.]Pronouncing the name of one's deceased parents and their brothersand sisters, one's own brothers and sisters, and one's children was taboofor all times. "My mother never pronounced my deceased sister'sname, but always spoke of her as, 'The one that is no more,' or 'The onethat died.' " One constantly heard informants and interpreters speakof their "deceased" relatives.HEALTH MEASURESCurative powers and procedures were of two types: those closelybound up with shamanistic powers (mide'win) and those primarilysecular in nature in which curative measures had intrinsic value.Ejiowledge of the first type, and some phases of the second, had their
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
origin in prepuberty dreams (pp. 39-49). Those possessing suchknowledge and exercising it either had obtained it themselves duringtheir own fasts and dreams or had purchased it from someone whohad been so favored. Shamanistic procedures, however, were knownto only a few persons. Knowledge of intrinsic value of herbs, bark,roots, tattooing (aga'sowin), and bloodletting (pa'paicoang), onthe contrary, was held by many : it was specialized knowledge, to someextent, for persons had knowledge only of certain herbs that curedcertain diseases. Some were adept in bloodletting, others in tattoo-ing. Preventive measures were known to all.SHAMANISTIC POWERSShamanistic powers were applied not only when the occasion forthe disease was ascribed to evil powers but also when it was considereddue to natural causes (pp. 88-90). If the cause was thought to be anatural one, the remedies found in nature were applied; if no cureresulted, a medicine man was summoned. In more recent times, ifthe patient shows no improvement after both natural and shamanistictreatments have been applied an American licensed physician may becalled upon. If foul play is suspected a "tipi shaker" may be hiredto discover not only the cause but the type of cure and the possibilitiesof a recovery (pp. 75-78)
.
Preparatory to exerting his supernatural powers, a shaman tooka sweat bath (madodo'son) in a low, circular, dome-shaped wigwam(madodd'swan) . T\Tien exercising his power he usually beat a specialdrum (cigi'gwan), sang special songs, breathed upon or blew at theaffected part of the person and sucked it through several hollow bonetubes made from leg bones of fowl (odoka'nigan) (leg bones of geesebeing preferred because of their length). He finally swallowed thebones, and then ejected them (cf. also Densmore, 1910, pp. 119-125).A drum used for shamanistic cures on the Red Lake Reservationhad been made by stretching wet untanned deer hide over both sidesof a band of wood 7 inches in diameter and 2 inches in depth. Thetwo pieces of hide were sewed together around the band with sinewand after drying formed taut drumheads. In the interior were twocross sections about one-half inch in thickness of a long bone of alarge animal. "Any bone that was about 2 inches in diameter andthat had contained marrow could be used." The drum could eitherbe beaten with two small drumsticks or used as a rattle.A Red Lake informant had seen a medicine man blow on the affectedarea of a man's body through two hollow leg bones of a fowl.He blew furiously at it ; you can't imagine how hard he blew ! Then heswallowed the two bones?swallowed them right down into his body, he didn'tkeep them in his mouth?took the drum and rattling it repeatedly struck his
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 89breast and his back between the shoulders with it, coughed up one of the bonesand ejected it into a little dish, and soon he spat out the other. This is thetruth. And that fellow treats all diseases that way.Some 20 years ago I and my mother were caught in a snowstorm, [remarkeda Bed Lake interpreter]. So we stopped at an Indian home on the road andasked to stay over night. The old man, the owner of the home, was sick in hisfloor bed but he welcomed us and said he was sorry he couldn't feed our horses.I and my mother attended to our horses, ate our supper, and laid down to sleep.During the night we heard sleigh bells ; soon an Indian walked into the house.It was an old lady. She had come a long way. She told the old man that herson hadn't slept for 3 days and 3 nights ; that he had been struck by a tree hewas felling, and that splinters had entered his ear. The American doctor wholived right near them had been unable to remove them, and would the old manplease do something for the boy. The son was brought in. The old man addressedthe splinters in a speech ordering them to leave the young man's ear as Jonahhad left the belly of the whale. While he beat the drum, he ordered his oldwoman to bring him a bundle. He carefully unwrapped this and from it tookseveral hollow bones through which he blew into the young man's ear severaltimes. He then asked for a dish, and presented the mother with the splinters.After this the boy fell sound asleep.An old L'Anse man and his wife related the following
:
One day while we were fishing, we stopped at a relative's for a meal. My oldwoman had suffered from a toothache for some time. The relative who was amedicine man asked her to lie on a bulrush mat on the floor, with the sore sideof her face toward the ceiling. (I was sitting there watching him.) He thencovered her face with a clean cloth, sat down near her, and began to beat hisdrum and to sing. Then he swallowed three bones. Soon I heard a noise likea crane, and I looked out across the lake to see the bird. After a little whileI heard the same sound, and I was puzzled again ; but an old woman who wasin the room pointed at the medicine man to let me know that it was he whowas making the noise. And then I heard a noise for the third time and herehe was, coughing up the other bone. He had asked for a clean saucer containingsome water and in it he now had three small worms. [His wife added, "Yes,that's true, and each worm was black at both ends, and about so big"?indicatingtheir size by pressing the tip of her small finger between her two thumbnails.]The following was related on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation
:
Suppose there is something wrong in the chest or some part of the body. Youcall in the medicine man. He has bones of a bird, for example, a goose, thelargest ones of which are probably 2 inches long. He will have two or threeof these bones, cleaned and smoothed. When he is ready to perform on thepatient, he puts the bones into a dish of clean water. One by one, he puts theminto his mouth and swallows them. He then puts his mouth on the chest, or onthe bare skin of the sick part, and one by one he will cough up the bones. Hesucks the sick part through the bones, and sometimes worms or whatever causesthe sickness, appear. [Hilger, 1936 c, pp. 45-46.]The same informant had witnessed the "killing" of the cause of adisease
:
One time at Long Lake many Indians were gathering rice. They were campingacross the bay. They had a drum. We used to go over at night to watch them,and to dance. Old Omazig was their speaker. He was a brave. He made a
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146
speech. A girl was sick and was getting worse. This old speaker said, "We are?oing to kill the cause of thie disease which troubles her." He gave no explana-tion of how he was going to do this. He simply said, "In the morning you willknow." Early next morning at sunrise?it was foggy?we heard a big noiseacross the bay ; 1hf;n a gun shot. We wondered if there was some truth in whatthe old man had said. Someone said that the people had fashioned bulrushesinto the shape of a person. Then they attributed the sickness, as it were, to thestatue. Tlie noise we heard was made by the women, who, with hatchets, wereattacking the statue. The old speaker had shot at it with the gun but missedit, and everybody laughed about it. The women chopped the statue into pieces.The old fellow predicted the girl would get better, and she did. I was twenty-five years old at that time. Yes, the old fellow missed that statue, and with ashotgian at that ! The shot scattered a considerable distance, and j^et he missedthe figure ! The man may have had poor eyesight, or perhaps the fog obscuredthe target. [Hllger, 1936 c, p. 40.]HERBS, ROOTS, BARK ^The administering of plant life, namely of herbs, roots, and bark,was more widely known and practiced than were tattooing and blood-letting. In order that herbs, roots, and bark be efficacious, the collec-tor offered a small piece of plug tobacco (paki'djiwin) , It was placedin the ground "very near the plant, if an herb was gathered ; right nearthe trunk of a tree, if bark was gathered; and in the hole fromwhich the root was extracted, if a root was gathered." Some Chip-pewa not only offered tobacco while collecting herbs and roots, butalso smoked their pipes; some addressed prayers to the spirits in-volved in plants they were gathering. "Before old people set out togather plants they cut plug tobacco into small pieces. They placethese as offerings in the ground wherever they dig up a root orgather an herb. Their belief is that the better they pay, the moreefficacious the medicine will be. You can't have anything for noth-ing! In early days, when the old fellows brewed medicines, theysang songs too." A L'Anse man remarked that one day he and anold fellow were coming from Copper Harbor
:
On the way we saw some valuable roots. "Let's dig these up," I said, "butlet's offer tobacco first." My friend laughed, and wouldn't offer any. WeU, Ibegan to dig ; I offered tobacco every place I took a root. He, too, dug and founda few at first ; but in the second place in which he dug, a frog jumped up ; andthe next place a lizard. That was enough ; he stopped gathering them. But hewas served right!
"Indians who know the medicinal value of plant life consider thisknowledge personal and will not share it with anyone without goodpay," remarked a Lac Courte Orielle interpreter. "They may givedecoctions brewed from herbs for little pay, but will not give know-ledge of how and where to collect the plants unless they are well
="Cf. also pages 10, 15, and 31 of the present study; Densmore (1928, pp. 299-305,322-368) ; Smith (1932. pp. 348-392) ; and Reagan (1921 b, and 1928).
HiLGEB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 91paid." Some knowledge regarding the medicinal value of plant lifecannot be bought at any price, and "dies with the one possessing it."(Cf. Preface.) Usually, however, parents or grandparents are will-ing to transmit knowledge they possess to their children or grand-children. Many informants remarked that such knowledge had cometo them from parents or grandparents. A Red Lake woman boughtthe prescription for sore eyes, the name of a root, by paying theowner "a blanket, a sap kettle (kettle used in making maple sugar),a pair of fancy pillow cases, and yards of calico." A Lac CourteOrielle informant had paid tobacco, dry goods, quilts, buckskin, mats,and kettles for information regarding medicinal decoctions. "Iwouldn't think of asking for such information for nothing," she added.Medicinal knowledge, when purchased, included the ingredientsto be used, the direction for making the decoction, and the mannerof administering them; the method of inhaling herbal fumes or ofmasticating roots or bark; and the songs used in preparation andapplication, if such there were. If only the decoction was purchased,the price, as noted before, was less; the "recipient probably payeda little tobacco first, and then a piece of cloth."A La Pointe interpreter contributed the following prescriptionapplicable in cases of tuberculosis, or of any lung trouble:Cut into pieces and boil in a gallon of water: (a) about 12 inches of tbe trunkof saplings of each, pine, spruce, and ironwood, that have grown to the size ofyour wrist; both bark and pulp are used; (6) two pieces of cherry-tree roots(bawa'imi mamaga'wac), about the length of your hand; (c) two hazelnutroots fbagani'mic) ; and (d) 1 tablespoonful of bambilian buds (manaso'dl),Keep the decoction in a crock jar and drink a cupful at a time as often as thirstrequires, and also before going to bed. When all has been used, reboil theingredients, but a longer time than before. Reboiling can be done a third time,but after that discard the material. Keep the tea ija a cool place. I shall sendyou any ingredients that you may need and cannot find, for we have all thesetrees and roots right here on our reservation. This really benefits a personwhen taken in time; I mean when taken in the first stages of lung trouble.A Lac Courte Orielle informant after being presented with bothtobacco and calico for a dress, took the writer and an interpreterthrough fields and woods, gathering the material for a prescriptionused in treating "internal abdominal troubles" (pi. 30, S). Sheslashed a piece about 3 inches in length from the trunk of an iron-wood tree. "Only the core of this, the yellow part is used," she said,
"and this can be gathered at any time of the year. When u.=ed alone itis good for pleurisy ; it also serves as a physic." Then two chips of thebasswood tree, about the size of the palm of her hand, were gotfrom near the root of the tree, only the inner bark being used. Nexther hatchet severed two chips off the butternut tree, also the size ofthe palm of her hand, but both outer and inner bark were collected-She then added a chip of the slippery ehn. and remarked, "And now
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
we'll have to find an old stump." In our search for it she ran acrossthe false solomon seal and the "cat's eye," and dug up roots of bothof these. From a wild currant bush close by she cut a twig, and thendug up a root of the maidenhair. We finally found a stump andloosened from it the vine she knew would be growing on it. She tookthe entire vine?root, vine, leaves, and flowers. "When used alonethis will bring about menstruation, if it fails to occur at the propertime," she remarked, "my daughter-in-law used it successfully." Shesearched in vain for the following plants which were essential to theprescription: jabo'cigan, wisogi', djibik', oko'dok, aniclna'pikodjibik', nabane'anikweyak, micigl' nimine'kwawic, and wabic ka'kiwi'cgagok. Had we intended to gather ingredients of the above pre-scription for curative purposes, we should have had to offer tobacco ateach collection. "But," said the informant, "since I did it only to showyou which plants to use and how to find them, tobacco was not neces-sary." A few roots, however, had been gathered by the informant totake home, since her supply of them was nearly exhausted. In theseinstances she dug little holes with her hands, placed a small piece ofplug tobacco in each, covered it with dirt, and spoke to the plantsaying: "I'll take just a little for my use, and here is some tobaccofor you !" The above ingredients were to be boiled in a gallon ofwater and could be reboiled twice, each time, however, prolongingthe period of boiling.Information regarding several commonly known remedies werevolunteered by informants : Skin eruptions are sponged with a decoc-tion made by boiling strawberry roots and alum. Dried resin, groundto powder, is dusted on skin sores. Chewing the root of sweet flag(wibank'), gathered late in fall after growth has stopped, cures sorethroats. Decoctions of roots of wild celery is thought to cure tuber-culosis; the leaves of "zens" stop sweating that occurs with colds;flowers of the boneset, if picked "just before the frost sets in," sub-dues a fever; sturgeon potatoes (nama'pin), gathered in the fall whenthey are filled with strength, cure heart trouble ; mixing a root foundin swamps (mackwo' kawac) and catnip (namewac') revives faintingpersons or quickens weak heart beats.One informant had medicinal knowledge of herbs "that are usefulin case of pleurisy, and can also be used as a cathartic." Anotherknew that "pine lumps" (pine knots) had medicinal value. Another,born with weak eyes, had sight partially restored as a child by anIndian doctor who used eye drops made "from something that lookedlike green peas." An interpreter's mother had bought knowledge ofmedicine for sore eyes which consisted of the inner bark of the rootof the wild rose and of an ingredient which she preferred not to tell.Her friend made medicine by boiling the inner bark of the Juneberry
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 93tree and a stick of some plant (this was secret knowledge) sliced intofour pieces. After boiling, the sticks must be burnt. "One-half acup of chopped potatoes boiled with pine lumps is good for earache."Earaches are also cured by blowing tobacco smoke directly from thesmoker's mouth into the ear. Inhalations were made by placingherbs on some heated object and catching the fumes under a blanketthat covered both the patient's head and the heated object.Several very old informants spoke of the days of smallpox epi-demics. The disease being unknown to the Indians, they had no curefor it; remedies that it was hoped might help were applied withoutsuccess.We had no cure for vvhite men's sickness like smallpox. I remember anevent of the smallpox time [said a Red Lake informant]. Some Canadian In-dians who happened to come down our way found all the Indians in one placedead?all but two children. Ont of these children was Ghost Head. Thiswoman grew up and lived in Red Lake a long time ; I knew her well. TheCanadians found Ghost Head suckling her mother who had been dead of small-pox 3 to 4 days. Big flies were on her body, but still the child nursed on thewoman. They put the children into their canoe, took them home, and cared forthem.
Tattooing was used as a health restorative in cases of muscularpains, "such as rheumatism, dislocated joints, and backaches." Fewpersons, however, had knowledge of the procedure and ingredientsto be used. Both adults and children were treated. A Red Lakeinformant had found relief from pains in her knee and elbows afterseveral tattooings. She had tried various medicinal remedies previ-ously without success ; she had "even tried the U. S. agency doctor."Marks were in evidence on her legs and wrists. Another informanthad been cured of rheumatic knees by beifig tattooed in May 1932.Both Red Lake and Lac du Flambeau informants had been cured ofgoiter by being tattooed. "I never heard of any herb used in curinggoiters ; in fact, I never saw goiters when I was young." A numberof informants were convinced that their people had "caught" goitersfrom the Wliites, along with tuberculosis and smallpox.No pattern was used in tattooing. Tattoo marks were of varioussizes : the variety in both size and color reminded one of blueberries.Tattooing was done on the affected part. The woman cured ofgoiter had many marks on chest and neck ; the one cured of rheumaticknees was spattered with marks in the knee area and just above it.Several women had marks on the side of the face; others said theirbacks were covered with them.The implement (djabon'igan) used in tattooing consisted of a stick,usually a twig of a tree or bush, into one end of which three or fourneedles had been inserted?occasionally the needles were tied around
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146 'the stick. Tattooers were reluctant to give information on ingredi-ents used. Informants as well as interpreters who had been tattooedthought them to be gunpowder mixed with some pulverized roots.One informant was certain that sarsaparilla roots were used, "theroot that's really not a root, but runs along in long strips."A tattooer's outfit?that of a 60-year-old Red Lake informant?con-tained a needle applicator and some pulverized substance. Both weresecurely wrapped in a piece of birchbark and stored in a closed sand-wich-spread jar. The applicator had been made by slicing one endof a hazelnut twig and inserting into this three needles in a row.
"There should be four needles," remarked the owner, "but I'm usingone for buckskin sewing." The needles were held in position by beingtightly tied with some white woolen yarn. The medicine consistedof a bit of moldy substance the ingredients of which the interpreterthought it best not to inquire about. The tattooer remarked: "Mymother taught me how to tattoo and she learnt it from an old, oldwoman years ago. Men seldom have this knowledge,"Tattooers had used two procedures. Some dipped the needles intothe medicinal substance and then pricked the skin ; others applied themedicinal substance with the end of a small stick, and after thatpricked the area with needles. A Red Lake tattooer used the lattermethod: "He dipped a little stick into some black medicine con-tained in a small birchbark dish, and dotted my arm. After that hetook a stick that had a row of three or four needles in one end andpressed the medicine into my arm. It cured the crawling feeling Ihad had in my arm for a long time." An informant on the samereservation had been tattooed by the first method in 1926 : "I had dis-located my knee and was so badly off that my old man had to carryme from place to place. The woman who tattoed me dipped a bunchof sewing needles that had been tied around a stick (about ^4 i^chin diameter) into some black medicine and kept pricking my leg. Itwas very painful; but it cured my leg." Marks were scattered ir-regularly from ankle to hip, except for two rows, about one-half inchapart, which extended from ankle to upper leg.On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation the procedure to be used wasdescribed as follows
:
If you want to tattoo, in order to cure a sickness, take a small piece of wood, splitone end of it and tie a few needles into this end. Mark off the space that is tobe tattoed, an area about 1 inch square, dip needles into medicine, and withthem prick the marked area. I broke my hip some years ago and used to havegreat pain driving a lumber wagon. I drove this wagon practically every day,hauling lumber to build a new house. I had a spot tattooed on my hip. I foundgreat relief but after having it done so many times, I no longer found that ithelped any. After it was pricked, I was supposed to rest. Once I felt that thewhole thing was taking too much of my time, so I took the needles and insteadof pricking my hip continuously for a long time, I drove the needles down
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 95deeper. But this made my hip very sore. After each pricliing, the prickedpart oozed blood. It was covered with the down of any bird. The down sticlisto the wound until it is healed.In '81 1 saw an old woman on the Reservation who had tattooing in the form ofa cross on her forehead. The parts of the cross were all equal. They were madeup of four i/^-inch squares. The color was a deep blue. The design, sofar as I know, didn't mean anything. This woman had merely been treated andcured of some trouble. [Hilger, 1936 c, p. 44.]
Bloodletting was done to remove "bad blood." It could not cure
"aches inside the body ; herbs and roots and teas were good for that."Nor could it cure cases in which pus infections were involved; "themedicine man had cures for these" (cf. pp. 88-89) . Bloodletting wasdone at the temples and at the inner arm at the elbow. When appliedat the temples it relieved headaches or insanity, "the kind of insanitywhich does not make people violent and which is caused by evilpowers". When applied at the elbow, it relieved strained backs orarms.Incisions were made with sharp-edged flint stones (bi'wanak), withpieces of broken porcelain sharpened to an edge, or with points ofknives. If the blade of a knife was used it was completely woundabout with string, leaving only as much of the point exposed as wasneeded for the depth of the cut. The gash was made by holding thepoint over a vein with one hand and tapping the handle end of theknife with the other.After incisions were made in the temples?at times as many as threewere made in each temple?^the larger end of a horn "of any critter"(wikwa'cigans) was pressed firmly against the temple so as to coverthe incisions, and the blood sucked through the small end, this endhaving been filed or cut off so as to permit the passage of air. If theblood was let at the elbow, no sucking was necessary since a vein wastapped and blood flowed freely. When the required amount of bloodhad been let?probably a teaspoonful from each temple or a half cup-ful from the elbow?the blood flow was clogged by the application ofchewed tobacco, chewed bark ("he won't tell what bark it is becauseit is secret knowledge"), a green poultice, or a decoction of graymedicine.Both temple and elbow bloodletting were being done during the timeof ethnological research covered in this work. Several persons sotreated were seen with bandages about their heads, or adhesive tapeover temples. A L'Anse informant found relief from a prolonged
"terrific" headache by being bled by an Odanah woman (La PointeKeservation) blood-letter. "This woman," she said, "rubbed herfingers over my temples, made three incisions?none of which I felt
?
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146with a knifelike thing made from a chip of a dinner plate and suckedabout half a hornful of blood. Then she pasted a green poulticeover the incisions. I haven't had a headache since ; and that was 11years ago." SWEATINGSweat baths (madodo's5n) were resorted to as both curative andpreventive measures. Since sweating released impurities, it wasoften resorted to in cases of pain or stiffness in arms or legs. Sweatlodges, low, circular, dome-shaped wigwams (madodo'swan) , were seenon all reservations. One on the Red Lake Reservation, 4 feet highand 4 feet in diameter, had been made by planting eight hazelnut stalksin the ground, about 1^^ feet apart. The upper opposite ends wereoverlapped and tied together with basswood fiber. The entrance wasindicated by two twigs, each 18 inches long, that had been plantedparallel with two of the hazelnut stalks. To one side in the interiorwas a pile of eight stones, each approximating the size of a man's fist.A sprinkler of balsam twigs with handle made by tying two places nearone end with basswood fiber lay nearby. Indentations in the sandindicated recent sprinkling. Encircling the lodge, close to the frame-work, was a ring of balsam twigs. A path of an unidentified weed ledfrom the door of the lodge to a place about 2 yards away where charredremains of a fire and a pail half filled with water stood. A similarwigwam on the same reservation was made of branches of the eldertree. Its owner sweated in it for an hour and a half, "never longer,"whenever afflicted with rheumatic pain. After covering the frame-work with blankets, he heated stones, carried them and a pail of waterinto the wigwam, undressed inside of it. (His clothes were pushedto the outside so as to keep them dry.) He then sprinkled cold wateron the pile of heated stones producing as much steam as he desired.Four men on the White Earth Reservation were seen crawling out ofa sweat lodge. "All those men worked hard on road building thisweek, and their muscles ached," said the wife of one.PREVENTIVE MEASURESPreventive measures began with a baby's first bath in herb and rootdecoction: this was to give it a strong constitution (p. 18). As thechild grew older, it was allowed to eat all the charcoal it wanted, stripsof burnt cedar preferably, in order that its bones might thereby bestrengthened and it be given some resistance to sickness. There wereno measures taken to establish resistance or immunity to sickness inolder children or in mature persons. Some informants thought thateating bear grease in the early days had given their people some resist-ance by making them physically strong. "We eat it sometimes now
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 97and everybody feels better." It was thought that epidemics "carriedby Whites," such as measles and scarlet fever, could be checked bymaking a smudge of cedar in the room in which the disease was found;or if no one in the family was afflicted, the sickness could be wardedoff by filling the air of the entire house with the fumes of a similarsmudge. It was also ^believed that cedar boughs on doors keptepidemics from entering.People were at times warned of impending sickness by the songof the robin, for "a robin has two ways of singing: if he sings oneway sickness will occur; if he sings the other way, it won't." "Whenrobins announced it, or rumors had it, that an epidemic was spread-ing, the Indians hunted for skunks to secure the musk. They droppedthis into toilets, woodsheds', and around the outside of the home. Somepeople saved musk in bottles for emergencies. "It keeps away small-pox and other sickness, the kinds Wliites get mostly. It's just likejour fumigation."It is possible, too, that the Chippewa were immune to certain ill-nesses. On Vermilion Lake Reservation no Indian is known to havebeen poisoned by ivy although the reservation has a profuse growthof it. "The only one that is ever poisoned is a Finnish woman wholives here." MORAL TRAININGKINDNESSChildren were taught proper etiquette in an informal way when-ever an occasion presented itself. "It was really not manners thatwere taught ; it was more like kindness." "We were told not to look atany person a long time; nor to make fun of anyone, but to respect allpeople. We were told, too, to say 'goodbye' or to look at people oncemore just before they left: that was a sign that they were welcometo come again. Children were often given tobacco and told to presentit to older persons as a sign of good will and friendship. It was cus-tomary for any one arriving in a home to offer a pinch of tobacco toall adults. The acceptance of it signified peace and friendship amongall present".^^Densmore's' informants had been taught "that they must not gopeeking in the wigwams after dark and that they must not laugh atanything unusual nor show disrespect to older people. They werealso taught that they must not go to the neighbors when they wereeating and look wistfully at the food. Little children were taughtnot to go between older people and the fire" (Densmore, 1929, p. 58).
*? When Chippewa friends instructed the writer In the etiquette of their people, theyemphasized the importance of tobacco giving and advised that commercial tea be offeredin the event that no tobacco was at hand.884216?51 8
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146Eespect for older people, evidenced in speaking to them in a civilway and in listening to them attentively, was well impressed uponchildren. "It was one of the main things taught us ; we were told noone would respect us if we did not respect older people." "Motherwould talk to us children and tell us that if we met a blind man, tolead him ; if a hungry man, to feed him ; or if we found an old personalone, to help him."Assisting the aged in a material way, however, does not seem tohave been part of the training of the Chippewa children. On allreservations old persons were seen to shift for themselves' ; their able-bodied sons felt no obligation to assist them. Daughters, more oftenseemed to feel a responsibility. Old parents seemed indifferent totheir neglect; none offered any complaints against their children.GilfiUan (1901, p. 96) found this' condition to exist in his time. Hewrote
:
But it seems to be an unwritten law among them tliat an old man, and especiallyan old woman, must shift for himself or herself somehow. They have a contemptfor the aged and useless, like all heathen. The son never seems to think he 18under any obligation to do anything for his aged father or mother. Nor do theymake any complaint of him, for they do not seem to expect anything. And onealways hears the complaint that food given by the government, or by charitablepersons, does not get to the old persons for whom it was intended, but is eatenby the well and strong.Sharing what is over and above the necessities of life is a virtue ofthe Chippewa. Children in the early days were taught this by observa-tion and participation : "A mother would put some food into a dishand tell her child to take it to the neighbors, and so teach the child togive and share." "A mother seldom gave anything away herself ; shealways gave it to one of the children to give, so the child would growup to give and be willing to give." "Children learnt one of the maincustoms of the Indians', namely that of feeding each other, from theirparents. If a family had much meat because of a successful hunt,everybody was invited to come and get some, and the children sawthis." STEALINGVarious informants named families, members of whom they nevertrusted, because they knew that they had not been taught to respectthe property of other people. "They belonged to the lower class andeverybody knew they had no training."In the better families, however, honesty was highly respected andwas taught to children. If a very small child brought home an articlethat did not belong to the family, "the parent took the thing, carriedit back, and explained." If the child had nearly reached the age ofreason, "he was taken by the hand, marched back with the thing, and
HiLQBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LITE 99made to put it where it belonged. If he was old enough to be reasonedwith, I sent him back by himself, after talking to him. I teach mygrandchildren the same as I taught my children." "If a child tooksomething from a neighbor, it was told to carry it back. If it refusedto do so, the mother marched it back with the article?the child hadto carry the article and hand it to the owner."Older children who were caught stealing were whipped by a parentand made to return the stolen object. "I used to take my son andspank him, and make him take the thing back," said an old man.Another informant gave his grandson "a licking, and made him returnthe stolen thing." LYING AND BOASTINGA lying child was told that it was making a wrong start in life,and that it would never be of any account if it continued to lie. Par-ents scolded lying children, "spanked them with little sticks on theirlegs," or "hit them in the mouth." Lying children were not liked;
"a grudge was held against them and they were ignored to make themfeel it for a long time."A boasting child was usually not listened to. Sometimes boysboasted : "if what they boasted about was true, their elders listened
;
if not, they ignored them or walked away from them."TALEBEARINGA talebearing child was not listened to : either it was pushed awayor people walked away from it. Some parents punished children thatbore tales by slapping the mouth or shoulders. "I wouldn't listen toa cliild that brought tales ; I chased it away and told it, 'I don't wantto hear that.' Those who listened to children spoilt them and madetattletales out of them." QUARRELINGOften when children quarreled with neighbor children, they werenot allowed to play with them again. Parents who took sides withtheir own children against those of neighbors' caused ill feelings togrow up between the families. Usually quarreling was ignored bythe parents. "I never defend my children when they complain aboutother children being mean to them ; I say to them, 'Oh, that's all right,so long as you weren't killed'." Densmore (1929, p. 60) writes thatstern and oft-repeated advice by grandmothers to mothers was ". . .if your children go among the neighbors and make a quarrel, don'ttake their part. You must bring them home and make them behavethemselves. Do not get into a quarrel with your neighbors becauseof the quarrels of the children."
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. I4tWhen children of the same family quarreled, parents either paidno attention to them or gave them a little switching. Some parents"just wouldn't allow quarreling. If we quarreled early in the morningwe were chased away from the house before breakfast and were givennothing to eat until evening; we were not allowed to come home formeals." A 4-year-old boy who had formed a habit of settling a quarrelby biting his opponent had repeatedly been told by his mother that"it was naughty and not to do it. But one day when he was biting aboy, I took a stick, opened his mouth, and told him that I would knockout all his teeth and that then he wouldn't have any when he grew upto be a man. He seemed to realize that he was doing wrong, andnever bit anyone again. I had to tell it to him in this way just once!I did not touch his teeth, of course."Quarreling children, and grown-ups too, might call each other"dog" or "ghost", or "snap eyes" at each other, or say "Ga!", an ex-pression accompanied by a gesture of the hand."Dog" (animuc') or "You look like a dog" or "You are like a dog"are the most insulting expressions a Chippewa can use ; "they are theworst thing that can be said in the Chippewa language." "When wecalled each other 'dog' or 'ghost' (cibai), we were using the worstnames we had; really, they were about the only bad words there werein those old days.""Snapping eyes" (nimicga'bin) consists of looking sharply andreproachfully from the corner of one's eyes directly into the eyes ofanother person and then, while turning the head disdainfully in theopposite direction, walk away from him. This gesture was donerather quickly and no words were spoken. The writer has seen, andrepeatedly heard of, children and older girls who wept bitterly be-cause someone had snapped eyes at them. "Indians are very, verysensitive to snapping eyes," said one old informant after she haddemonstrated the act. Only after repeated requests did she give ademonstration and then only on condition that the writer understoodvery well that she "had no thoughts back of the snapping.""Ga !" was an expression that was uttered in a loud annoyed tone andwas accompanied by a gesture of the hand which was formed as thoughit held an egg (tips of all fingers were brought to tip of thumb),fingers and thumb were released full stretch with a quick movementwhile the person said "Ga !". A mother was seen using the gesture inorder to disperse her annoying children : they stopped play instantly,and quietly and doggedly found their way behind the house. Thegrandmother seemed amazed at the mother's action and was no longerwilling to give information through her as an interpreter. After 15minutes the children were still huddled against the back wall of thehouse, out of sight of everybody.
HiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LITE' 101INTOXICANTS, SUICIDE, CANNIBALISM, REVENGEThe Chippewa before the coming of Whites had no intoxicatingliquor ; its devastating ravages among the tribe today are well known.Suicide occurs today, but none of the old informants recalled everhaving heard of it in the early days. Gilfillan wrote in 1901 thatthere had been only one case in 25 years, "this being an elderly womanwho hung herself at the gate in front of her door, after a familyquarrel" (Gilfillan, 1901, p. 60)
.
Cannibalism was resorted to, but only very rarely. Warren (1885,p. 501) relates that a man, his wife, his two daughters, and a son-in-lawhad killed and eaten 15 persons, most of whom were their own childrenand grandchildren. He also quotes from the Minnesota Democrat ofJuly 29, 1851, describing Indians at the point of starvation as eatingtheir own children. Father Belcourt affirmed that the Chippewa ofCanada ate the flesh of their vanquished enemies but, aside from this,looked upon cannibalism with horror (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 278).Several Red Lake informants knew that Sioux had been eaten by theChippewa?"just a little by each warrior"?after a successful war.Two aged informants on the same reservation had heard of a womanof their band having eaten her own children, but "she had been 'grand-medicined'" (p. 73). On the White Earth Reservation cases werereported to have occurred about 1850 (Watrin, 1930, p. 44)
.
Revenge for the death of a relative culminating in the murder ofthe offender was an unwritten law of the Cliippewa. "There were nolaws among the Indians like among the Whites; but if a man killedanother man, the second man's relatives killed the first man; andthat was considered all right."The following account was collected on the Lac Courte OrielleReservation
:
And now I'm going to tell a true event: An old fellow, before the eighties,killed two brothers of a man still living at Reserve (Lac Courte Orielle Reser-vation) ; after that he moved to Mille Lacs. Some years ago some Mille LacsIndians, among them this old fellow, came to Reserve to give a dance. On thelast day, when recounting experiences which showed bravery, the old man got upand made a speech in which he told of the killing of those two brothers. AU theIndians from Reserve were tense, for the brother of those two men was presentand they knew what would follow. The brother rose to leave the place, but theyheld him. In the evening the friends of the old man offered to take the old manback to Mille Lacs some other way than that of going with the crowd. But hesaid he didn't care : he was going with the crowd. In the morning all danced,and then the band of 50 Indians from Mille Lacs started home. They went insingle file except those around the old man who tried to keep him in the center.When they came to the path between Wolf and Whitefish, "Bang!" came agunshot. That was the end of that old fellow. He was shot at long range.That was the way that ended
!
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLiOGT [Bull. 146MENTAL TRAININGCOUNTING TIMETime of day was told rather accurately by the old Chippewa bymeans of sundials. Sundials are used occasionally today in campinggrounds and are made as in the early day : On a clear night a manwill stake a stick, about a yard high, and, lying flat on the ground,move about it until it is in line with the North Star. The position ofa second stick will be determined by laying a pole to the south of thefirst and in line with it and the North Star. (An informant on theLac Courte Orielle Keservation did not stake a second stick but simplydraw a straight line north and south through the first stick keepingthe North Star as a guide. ) In the morning he will draw a line throughthe base of the south stick and at right angles to the line joining thetwo sticks. When the shadow of the south stick falls on the westerlyline, the first half of the day is beginning; when it falls in line withthe north stick, it is midday; when on the easterly line, the last halfof the day has ended. The remaining parts of the day are onlyapproximately read.An old Red Lake Indian staked two sticks as described above. Inthe morning, a third one was planted to the south and in line with thefirst two. A semicircle was then drawn through the third stick, convexto the southward. When the shadow of the third stick fell west andtangent to the circle, it was approximately 6 o'clock in the morning;when it fell in line with the two sticks to the north, it was noonday;when, to the east and tangent to the circle, it was approximately 6o'clock in the evening (Hilger, 1937 f, p. 179).Days were counted by nights; nights were not named. Neitherhad informants heard names assigned to days of the week other thanthe ones now used. Sunday is called ana'mie gicigod' (prayer day);Monday, Ickwa'anamIS glclgod' (day after prayer day); Tuesday,'nlco'giclgod' (second day); Wednesday, abato'seg giclgod' (middleday); Thursday, nio'gicigod' (fourth day); Friday, nano'giclgod'(fifth day); Saturday, Marl'gicigod' (Mary's day).When time counts needed to be kept, either nights or moons, asthey passed, were marked on a stick or on the bark or the poles ofthe wigwam. Moons began with new moon. New moon was calledoc'gegagin gisis (moon hangs new); first quarter, pakweVi gisis(moon has piece bitten ofi*) ; full moon, wawias'si gisis (moon is round);and last quarter, ickwaya'si gisis (moon ceases to burn). The fol-lowing moons correspond to our months. (Informants were not ableto account for an additional moon in the 12 calendar months.)
HILGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 103January kit'ci mSn'ito gisis Big spirits moonFebruary namlbl'nl gisis Suckers-begin-to-run moonMarch onab'ani gisis Crusted-snow-supporting-man moonApril iskigam'issige gisis Boiling-down-maple-sap moonbibokwadajam'ik gisis Putting-away-snowshoes moonMay wabigon'I gisis Flowering moonJune oden'iminni gisis Strawberry moonJuly - abitani' bin gisis Midsummer moonmini' gisis Blueberry moonAugust mini'ka gisis Plenty-of-blueberries moonmanom'ini gisis Wild-rice-gathering moonSeptember wataba'bi gisis Turning-of-leaves moonOctober bina'kwa gisis Leaves-falling moonNovember gackad'ino gisis Lake-freezing moonDecember m3,n'it6 gisis sons Little spirits moon ^7Seasons are called sik'wan (spring), nl'bin (summer), takwa'glk(fall), bi^ban (winter). These words do not lend themselves totranslation.Dates were not recorded. Events were remembered by being asso-ciated with significant happenings or with a phenomenon of naturethat occurred at the time of the event. "I shall be married 50 yearsnext rice-gathering time." "My father used to say that since the lastSioux fight he had seen a certain set of stars appear 5 different times."
"Wlien the Chippewa and the Sioux fought their last war, that wasthe time I was born."The age of individuals was not recorded. Events in the lives ofinformants were placed in a developmental period: before I couldwalk; when I was so high; before I had sense; when I was alreadyan old woman; after I was a grandmother the first time. "That hap-pened when the blueberries were ripe and I was so high." "My motherdied before I could walk." "We admitted two children, just oldenough to remember, into the Mide'wiwin this spring." "No oneblamed a child that took a neighbor's moccasins unless it was oldenough to have sense." "I was laughed at for playing with dolls whenT was as big as that girl (11-year-old girl), for I was already an 'oldwoman.' " LINEAR MEASUREMENTS AND COUNTING NUMBERSMeasurements were based on the palm of the hand (naga'kimi) ; thewidth of four fingers (ni5n'inj) ; the distance from tip of thumb to itsfirst joint (ogicininj') ; a hand stretch, one consisting of distance fromeither tip of long finger to tip of thumb, or from tip of small finger totip of thumb (ningotwa'cininj) ; distance covered by a fist with out-
s' Of. also Cope, 1919, pp. 165-166, for Chippewa names for moons as found In other sources.
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
stretched thumb (abito'sid) ; distance from tip of long finger to elbow(ikodo'swank) ; and on an arm stretch, either on one arm from end offingers to face (abita'winik) or on both outstretched arms from end offingers to end of fingers (nigoto'winik or nica'blgons)
.
A navel-cord container was made of two pieces of buckskin "aalarge as the palm of my hand." Arrowheads were measured in length!and in width by a certain number of thumbs?from tip of nail to firstjoint. In making buckskin jackets women used "big hand stretches,';stretches from tip of thumb to tip of middle finger. (In demonstrat-ing the informant moved the tip of the middle finger to the position oithe tip of the thumb, the hand thus gliding along the length of theskin in the direction of the thumb.) The length of a baby's birch-bark bathtub extended from the tip of the long finger to the elbow;in width it covered two stretches of the hand. (In demonstrating,the thumb of the informant glided to the position of the tip of the littlqfinger.) An informant measured the length of an arrow shaft byclosing both of his hands with thumbs extended around the left endof the shaft, outstretched thumbs resting on shaft and nails touch-ing. He released the left hand and placed it snugly against and to theright of the right hand. This gesture was repeated until he hacmeasured the stick. Birchbark dishes used in collecting maple sapvaried in length ; the largest ones measured from tip of long finger toelbow.An informant measured the width of a bulrush mat with seven handstretches (from tip of thumb to tip of long finger), by gliding tip oilong finger into position of tip of thumb. The length of a mat wasa double arm stretch and a half (one-half was distance from tip othand to shoulder) . Wlien a mat was completed, it was stretched, thegive of the weave lengthening it to two double-arm stretches. "I oftensaw my mother use this measurement," the 53-year-old informantremarked.The pattern for moccasins is }nade by tracing the foot of the personfor whom they are intended, adult, child, or baby, on a piece of paperon which he stands. Formerly a thin layer of birchbark and char-coal were used in the tracing. The foot may also be traced while thepaper is held against it. The tongue for the moccasins of adults is ofstandard size, a pattern being kept on hand; the size for a child's orbaby's is guessed. The length of moccasins "that are sold to storestoday" are measured by placing the palm of the hand on a piece ofbuckskin and bringing it over the tip of the fingers to the joint oflong finger and palm ; the complete width?sole and top?is a singlehand stretch ; the tongue is standard size.A Red Lake informant attached floats to her nets a double armstretch apart, "both arms must be outstretched at full length in line
_HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE' 105
,with my ears; not by holding hands backward." "I often saw mygrandmother measure something between the hands of her two out-stretched arms. This is called nica'bigons. Today, women considerthis equivalent to 2 yards."Chippewa count numerals in the following manner : One, two, three,four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten ; ten one, ten two, ten three . . .ten nine; two tens, two tens one, two tens two . . . two tens nine;three tens, three tens one, three tens two . . . three tens nine ; etc.DrRECTIONSChippewa who were acquainted with the locality of their habitatand with the country surrounding it relied on the position of the sunor of the North Star to find directions ; when not well acquainted witha locality, they marked the trail in order to make return possible."When men went hunting in those early days, they didn't need tomark the way ; they always found home without difficulty. However,if some families were moving and expected others to follow them at alater time, the first ones chipped bark off trunks of trees or brokebranches along the way. If the direction changed en route, the treewas chipped on two sides, one chip in line with the direction fromwhich the family came and the other in line with the direction towhich they had turned. If the distance to be traveled was long, andno chances were to be taken of having the second detachment loseits way, a small piece of birchbark was fastened to a tree at turns inthe trail : a + , "a star," engraved on the birchbark indicated a turntoward the rising sun ; a ? , one turning toward the setting sun. Thiswas done in addition to chipping the tree.A woman going only a short distance from home?she might begathering berries?^broke little twigs, one at a time along the way andseveral at a turn in the direction in which she turned. Today, whenever it is difficult to find brush, because of clearings in many localities,sticks are driven into the ground and rags tied to the upper ends.Some informants had not heard that the Chippewa used smokesignaling; others said it was used whenever fear arose that someonehad lost the trail. In such cases a fire was made on an elevated areaand covered with a buckskin, thus smothering the flames and at thesame time preventing any smoke from rising. When all was ready forsignaling, the buckskin was lifted and all smoke allowed to ascend.Immediately afterward, grass was thrown on the fire to smother itand all was again covered with the skin. When the first signal hadwell dispersed, a second was sent up. This was repeated as manytimes as it had been agreed upon before families separated, or asmany times as it was customary to signal.
\106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 141INTERPEETATION OF NATURAL PHENOMENA ^Northern lights were ascribed to the thimderbird, to electric stormsraging in the far north, to reflection of the sun on snow, ice, or water,to currents of wind in high elevations, or to spirits or ghosts dancingifar to the north. "The people said last night when the northern lightsplayed (Vermilion Eeservation, August 19, 1939) that the souls of theold people who lived long ago as well as those who died recently weredancing." "The ghosts of the departed Chippewa, other Indians,and Whites have a dance." All informants were agreed that northernlights predicted rain or snow, strong winds or storms. "Two or threedays after northern lights appear bad weather will invariably follow.'jjMost informants had not heard any explanation given for the origiaof the rainbow. A very old Lac du Flambeau woman had heard oldIndians say when she was a child that after a rain Modjigekwe' extended her arms over the sky, joining her fingers; the colors in th(rainbow were those of the sleeves of her dress. La Pointe and L'Ansinformants had not heard this explanation, and they doubted it'because buckskin clothes and not rainbow-colored ones were worn for-merly. A rainbow predicted fair weather when it appeared in theeast ; rain, when in the west.Sundogs predicted snow. A large circle about the moon gave warn-ing of warm weather ; a small one, of a storm, "and that is true, for itnever fails to storm when a small circle is seen." Thunder and light-ning did not predict weather; both were caused by the thunderbird,Animi'ki. The movements of his wings and tail caused the thunder
;
the opening and closing of his eyes to see where he was going, thelightning. Weather, too, could be predicted "by the way the stars andclouds hung. An old woman here can do that, she can tell for instancewhether or not we'll have a good sugar-making season."The behavior of animals, too, predicted weather: when tree toadssang, rain or storm was in the offing ; rain could be expected when birdsended their songs abruptly ; whistling lizards, small ones that live inrotten wood and whistle like persons, predicted rain ; when large ani-mals "tracked around in the woods rather aimlessly, going round andround, a change of weather could be expected. The ordinary way foranimals to act is to go around quietly and to act as though they knewwhat they are about."Human beings, too, brought about change in weather ; killing frogsbrought rain; throwing rabbitskins on fire brought north winds orcaused a "big storm." Swinging one's hands back and forth in thewater while going places in a boat also caused storms.
? Cf. also miger, 1937 a, pp. 178-179.
'hilgee] CHIPPEWA CHILD LITE 107
I was often corrected by my grandfather when swinging my hand back andforth in the water while traveling by boat. I was told it would cause a storm.However, I might play in the water after the boat landed.Throwing dogs or cats into the lake will cause a storm almost at once. The
! spirit of the water, it seems, doesn't like nasty things in the water so it producesa wind that will take the things to shore. Winds thus produced may blow in anydirection. As soon as the cats or dogs are thrown on shore, the wind ceases.Pappin often saw this take place. One day he and one of my uncles wanted tofish off Keweenaw Point. They threw a cat into the bay and had a favorablewind for 3 days.Not long ago, Pappin was out in a boat with two men. They intended to fish.He noticed a bag near one man and said to him, "What have you in there?"He said, "A cat that I am going to drown." Don't put it in the bay or you'llhave a wind." They were conversing in the boat, when suddenly a storm arose.Pappin turned to the man and said, "What did you do with the cat?" "I threwit into the bay." "Well ! there is your storm." [Hilger, 1936 a, p. 20.]The Chippewa did not cause winds by plucking feathers off a bird'sback, "but any man who wanted to do so could change the wind byshooting an arrow in the direction in which he wished it to blow. Myuncle often did that."No significance was attached to an eclipse of the moon. Severalexplanations, however, were given for an eclipse of the sun: Spiritswere thought to be hiding the sun and hence arrows were shot towardit until the eclipse passed, the belief being that the spirits were killed
;
some believed that the sun was dying or dead, and shot arrows to reviveit; others thought it a bad omen. "I have seen Indians shoot at aneclipse of the sun with guns in order to kill the bad luck. The Indianswere much frightened by an eclipse."Both sun and moon "were like persons. The moon at one time hadbeen a man who, while on his way to fetch water, was taken up intothe air. That is why in a full moon one can see a man with a pail."A comet forbode evil. "While we were liting at Copper Harbor,"said a L'Anse informant, "my mother called us outdoors one nightand said, 'Look!' The sky was red and then it became white. Thestones were red from the reflection. It was night but it seemed likedaylight. This thing had a long tail which was lighted. My mothersaid some catastrophe was going to happen, and soon the war betweenthe North and the South broke out. My father went away and wasgone for 3 years." [Hilger, 1937 f, p. 178.]LANGUAGE ^^Children were taught certain words of their native language by imi-tation. Names of objects might be taught by holding the objectbefore the child and pronouncing the name until the child was able
29 For pictography, see Hoffman (1888, pp. 209-229) and Reagan (1927, pp. 80-83);for pictography and sign language, see Tomkins (1926, pp. 74-90).
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLiOGY [Bull. 146,to repeat it correctly. Often a child was rewarded by being giventhe object after pronouncing its name. Most of the child's vocabularywas learned by hearing elders speak. The various bands spoke dia-lects of the Chippewa language, "but all could make out what otherbands were saying."The sign language was not taught to children; it was not part ofthe Chippewa culture. Only a few old persons were able to communi-cate in it. "Some of us had to know it so that we could talk to theSioux and some other prairie tribes," said a Ked Lake informant.The Chippewa had no written language (Baraga, 1878; Jones, W..1919). A form of pictography, consisting of symbolisms that repre-sented numbers, directions, days, hills, lakes, sky, and earth, and olcrude delineations that represented men, birds, animals, and materialobjects was known to a few persons in every band.^? Those who werewell versed in it could combine these delineations and symbols intoideographs that represented progressive action. Such ideographs, ifused in messages, records of time, directions, or maps designed for tra-vel, could be interpreted by many, but only members of the Mide'wiwii]could read the ones related to their lodge (cf. also Densmore, 1929, pp,176-183). "My father had birchbark with writing on it. It was toosacred for me to look at; young people were not allowed to look atit." "Once before they had a medicine dance, they sang initiationsongs four successive nights. I saw my grandfather go to his bundleand take out a roll of birchbark. He opened the roll and lookedat it. There was no writing on it ; there were only birds and animalsmarked on it. He looked it over carefully and selected some songsand hymns. I looked at it too and asked how he could read it. Hesaid, 'I know what it means. I can read it' " (Hilger, 1936 c, p. 45).Picture writing was done with a bone on the inner surface of birch-bark, or occasionally on slabs of cedar or ash. In order to give thepictures some relief, charcoal or colored soil was rubbed into themarkings.If a Red Lake band was in danger or needed help and no one in thegroup had the ability to write a message, several scouts were sent toa neighboring tribe with a belt to ask for help. This belt was un-deniable evidence that the group was in trouble and that the scoutswere delivering a truthful message. The belt was about 3 feet inlength, broad in the middle and tapering toward the ends. On bothsides eagle bills were attached in a scattered manner. "When these wereremoved the belt was like a carrying strap that women used in packing
so Mnemonic records were exhibited in Case 6, Hall 4 of the Field Museum, Chicago, July25, 1935. A descriptive label read : "The Ojibwa had developed a system of mnemonicrecords which more nearly approached writing than any other form found north ofMexico. The records consisted of more or less conventionalized figures incised on birch-bark. Each figure represented an idea or event but the figures were not sufficientlyconventionalized to be classed as true ideographs."
;HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LITE. 109[Wood or anything else on their backs [p. 141]. I never saw such a beltbut my father told me about it," said an old Red Lake informant.DIVERSIONSChippewa children were given much freedom and therefore spentmuch time in play. Their developmental age, it appears, was notunlike that of other children. While small they played with toysmade by their elders; when a little older, boys and girls played to-gether in games and in imitation of elders; when still older, sexesexcluded each other and played apart and tolerated no interferencefrom each other; in adulthood, some games were played by each sexexclusively, some by both sexes but apart, and others by both sexestogether.Formerly the child had little choice in companionship, since theonly children within its environment were those of its own familyor of the few families that lived in its group. Groups of familieswere of necessity small since all had to live upon nature in the locality.They usually moved en masse in following the seasonal occupation ofmaple-sugar making, berry picking, wild-rice gathering, fishing, andhunting.Both boys and girls in late preadolescent years had a chum ; manyinformants spoke of these with affection, having been lifelong friends."Chums were like brothers or sisters to each other, and no matter whathappened after we were married, we could always count on a chumif we needed help." Old men informants did not think that ganglife, such as is found among American boys, existed among the Chip-pewa boys. Boys of various groups banded together to fight theboys of another group, but this seems to have been the extent of theirplanned activities. iGroups of families of close social affinity exist on reservations to-day. Small children of such groups play together. Parents seemfree of worry when their older children seek companionship onlywithin the group. In some instances the families of a group areconsanguineous; in others the affinity is do'damic; in still others itis thought that the common possession of drums in early days isresponsible for their grouping.Diversions within and between groups consisted of story telling;of smoking, chewing, and snuffing while visiting; of playing gamesand gambling; and of dancing. The children, if not actual partici-pants in these activities, could always be nonparticipating observers.
children's playThe earliest toys of a Chippewa child were those hung on the bowof its cradJeboard. Among these were usually the bag with his navel
110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETH]SrOIi,OGY [Bull. 14|cord and strings of claws of animals or of skeletal heads of smallfowl (p. 23). Small girls played with dolls; boys, with bows andarrows. They mimicked their elders in the various occupations ofhousekeeping, caring for dolls (pi. 5, 3), hunting and fishing, anddancing. During this study children on several reservations wereseen imitating their elders. On the White Earth Eeservation, eithercommercial dolls or ones improvised from old rags (hose stuffed withrags to toe and then wrapped snugly into a piece of cloth "so that itlooked just like my little sister when mama gets her ready for sleep")were put to sleep under soothing one-syllable lullabies in hammocksstretched between twigs of berry bushes or poles of a swing. One-room "houses" with walls of 1-inch-deep ridges of soil were markedoff on well-scraped ground in the yard. These houses were equippedwith household furniture, such as is found in their own meagerlyfurnished homes, made of most perfectly modeled clay forms?thegumbo soil in the area (western section) being well adapted to model-ing. Although models were only 2 or 3 inches in length, tableshad grooved legs and rounded corners ; chairs had curved or straightbacks ; rockers had runners ; and sideboards, designs on doors I Sev-eral tables had plates and cups with handles. None of the fur-nishings were considered precious enough to be saved for the nextday's house playing; new ones were made three successive days. Inthe yards of these "houses" tripods were erected and cooking wasplayed at.A question as to the differences in steps and rhythm of the squawdance and the rabbit dance was answered by several third-, fourth-,and fifth-grade girls on the White Earth Reservation by fetchingan old rusty metal pail and some pieces of kindling?these servingas drum and drumsticks?and demonstrating both dances (1938).(P1.10,i,^.) GAMES AND GAMBLINGDensmore classifies the games among the Chippewa as games ofchance, such as the moccasin, hand, plate, snake, and stick games;and games of dexterity, including the bone, bunch of grass, awl,woman's, and lacrosse games. Children's games are listed by heras the coasting erect game, snow snake, deer sticks, marbles, spinningstone, woman's game, bunch of grass game, playing camp, hide-and-seek or butterfly game, blindfold game, windego game or cannibalgame.^^The only game which came under the writer's observation was themoccasin game (ma'kisin ata'diwin?shoe gambling) which was being
*^Ct. Densmore (1929, pp. 67-70, 114-119). For quotations from Densmore's study,see Brown (1930, pp. 185-186). For games played by children and adults, see also Copway(1851, pp. 49-60) ; Hoffman (1890, pp. 138-135) ; Reagan (1919, pp. 264-278) ; and Culin(1907, scattered between pp. 61-791).
kiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 111Dlayed by men on the Red Lake Reservation and by boys on the\rermilion Lake. On the Red Lake Reservation (1939), six men(women never participated in it) were seated on the ground, threein each of two opposing rows. "Moccasins" consisted of four oval-jhaped pieces of blue serge about the size of a man's hand, lined withbrown cloth, and hand-sewed about the edges. The serge was theipper side. One of three drums used in this game was made bystretching scraped but tmtanned deer hide over a band of basswood,ind fastening it there by passing a strip of hide back and forth on:he opposite side through holes made near the edge of the hide.When completed this side gave the appearance of the spokes of atvheel. The drummer held the drum by clenching the spokes withlis left hand. With his right, he beat the drum, all drummers sing-ng to the rhythm of the beats.^^ One drummer had to be a partici-pator in the game. Other implements necessary for the game werefour ball bearings (m^'kisin atagia'win?bullets used in shoe gam-aling) , one of which was marked with two crosses carved on oppositesides, all parts equal ; a switch of the hazelnut bush used in designating:he moccasin under which the marked ball bearing was hid ; 20 knit-dng-needlelike sticks of wood (bemeag'anon) used in paying theoenalty for a wrong choice (these were all passed to the opposingdde when a "deal" had ended) ; and 10 small slabs of cedar wood,Dointed at one end so that they could be easily planted in the ground,rhe small slabs were counters and each represented 20 of the smallmitting-needlelike sticks, their total making up the final score andshowing the winning side.The game was played in the following manner: One of the threepersons on a side, each taking his turn, hid the ball bearings, onemder each moccasin. The hider did this wdth many amusing ges-:ures of arms following the rhythm of the drums and the songs.Drumbeats, songs, and gestures were intended to confuse the oppos-ng person whose turn it was to find the marked ball bearing. Whenill were hidden, the hider clapped his hands. The opponent whippedthe ground slightly with his stick for a time in thoughtful search,md finally slapped the moccasin that he suspected was hiding theDall bearing. Before doing so, however, he was permitted to uncoveriwo of the moccasins, if he so wished. His choice was always un-ieniably indicated by the decided manner in which he slapped themoccasin. A wrong choice was penalized, a knitting-needlelike stickDeing passed to the opposing side. A loss of 20 of these gave theDpponents one of the cedar-wood slabs.
^ See also Densmore (1910, pp. 156-161, 186-191 ; 1913, pp. 240-242, 282-284, 299)for moccasin game.
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1*Old clothing?a pair of trousers and faded shirt topping the piler-was staked by the men who were gambling. Twenty-four person!of all ages and both sexes, including children, were nonparticipantsThe men, all of whom were WPA employees who had worked th(allotted hours for the week, had played for 3 days. "Long ago valusable things were staked," remarked an observer. "But that's noldone any more ; men today play for amusement rather than for stakes.'Copway wrote of the moccasin game in 1851 : "So deeply interestin|does this play sometimes become, that an Indian will stake first higun, next his steel traps, then his implements of war, then his clothing, and lastly his tobacco and pipe, leaving him, as we say, 'Nah-bahwan-yah-ze-yaid,' a piece of cloth with a string around his waist(Copway, 1851,p. 54).On the Vermilion Keservation, August 1939, a Chippewa, over 80years of age, was teaching the moccasin game to four boys, aged 7 to11 (pi. 10, 4). He used ball bearings like the ones described abovewhenever he played the game, but "these kids do just as well usingthree white marbles and that yellow one," he remarked. The moc-casins and counters, however, were the ones used by him whenever heplayed the game with adults. The moccasins?oval-shaped and ofblack material with edges sewed by hand?were 8 inches long and 6inches wide; the knitting-needlelike counters, 10 inches long. Thelarge counters, each worth 20 of the above-mentioned, were of birchwood, 7y2 inches long and 1^ inches at greatest width. Ten ofthese were used in counting; the eleventh one, easily differentiatedbecause of one scallopped end, was shifted back and forth by the old.man, thus indicating the side that was hiding the marbles. The wil-low stick used in slapping the moccasin was a yard long. One of theboys beat the drum while he and the old man sang to the rhythm."The drum may be of any size," the old man said. His, coveredon both sides with undecorated and untanned deer hide, was l7i/2inches in diameter, and 2 inches in width. A strip of deer hide withfour 2-inch sticks tied to it at intervals, extended across the diameter onone side. The drummer held the drum by slipping his hand betweenthe drumhead and the strip. All-day suckers which the writer haddistributed among the children in the group formed the stake. Inearly days the old man had staked, won, and lost blankets, canoes,tanned hides, and "other valuable things."Some informants had participated in the lacrosse game when young.
"It was no gambling game, but the winner got a prize. I once tookoff my waist and gave it as a prize," remarked a Lac Courte Orielleinformant. DANCESOne of the most enjoyable diversions of the early Chippewa was thesocial dance, for dances gave opportunities for friendly gatherings
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 113and fun. Catlin wrote in 1832-1839 that the Ojibway had entertainedhis party with picturesque dances. He wrote: "They gave us the
'beggar's dance?the hufalo-dance?the bear-dance?^the eagle-dance?and dance of the braves. This last is particularly beautiful, and ex-citing to the feelings in the highest degree" (Catlin, 1926, vol. 2, p.154). Densmore (1929', p. 107) lists the begging dance and thewoman's dance as social dances.^^All informants had participated in the squaw dance, a dance stillprevalent on all reservations, most especially at the time of the com-mercial pow-wow?an Indian dance held for tourists (pi. 11) . A LacCourte Orielle informant gave the following account of a squawdance
:
When I attended squaw dances as a young man, it was done like this : Womenchose their partners for each occasion. If the man chosen by a woman for thefirst dance gave the woman a whip, he signified thereby that he would presenther with a pony later. She, in turn, might then give him a beaded-bag outfit.In the dance the woman follows the man. In old days these dances sometimeslasted 10 to 14 days but were not given very often ; today they are given everySaturday night.The feather dance is still held on the Lac Courte Orielle and theVermilion Reservations. Although it was formerly considered asocial gathering, the Vermilion Indians in recent years have attachedto it a ceremonial which the interpreter was certain was an intrusion."An old man here leads this dance every spring and fall in the dancehall," she remarked (cf. pi. 12 for similar dance hall). "He offersfood in memory of certain Indians?it is as though the spirit of thefood went to these dead Indians?and after that the people eat thefood. My mother said it wasn't conducted that way years ago."The forty-nine dance, a new dance only 5 ^or 6 years old, was muchin vogue on the Lac Courte Orielle and the La Pointe Reservations inthe summer of 1935. "It's all the rage here now," said a Lac CourteOrielle informant. "It is not so much an Indian dance as it is a waltz.It originated after the World War : 50 men went across but only 49returned. These 49 originated the song and the rythm for thedance." The La Pointe Chippewa who had held the dance for 3 yearsprevious to 1935 gave the same explanation for its origin. Someinformants believed the 49 men to have been Chippewa. Othersthought they were Winnebagos, and that these had introduced itamong their own people. Still others had heard that it had originatedwith the Dakota and had been introduced by them.
"Other dances that were not known among the Chippewa years agobut are found among them today are the fish dance, the snake dance,the deer dance, the horse dance, and the com dance," said a Lac
33 Cf. Culkln (1915, pp. 83-93) and Reagan (1934, pp. 302-306) for social-ceremonialdances.884216?51 9
114 BURiEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146Courte Orielle woman. "It is possible that the Winnebagos intro-duced these. They are all social dances." On the Wliite Earth Eeser-vation, children imitated their elders in the squaw dance, the rabbitdance, and the side dance (pi. 10, i, ^, 3) .VISITINGOne of the most prevalent diversions of the Chippewa consisted ofvisiting. Time was spent in conversation, or in silently sitting in eachother's presence. In the summer, visiting was done out-of-doors undersun shelters; in the winter, in the wigwam around the fireplace.Children, when not romping around and playing, sat by and listenedin. Topics of conversation were often mere gossip, but many times,especially in the winter, historic events such as wars, traveling, andvisits of other tribes, were recounted. Many times, too, traditionallegends?some with lessons for the young, some for mere entertain-ment?were related, especially by those well versed in them. Dens-more's informants said that one old woman "used to act out her stories,running around the fire and acting while she talked." ^ Stories ofWinde'go and Ba'kak were also told. Winde'go is variously de-scribed as a "giant, an overgrown person who eats human beings;" oras "a giant who ate and drank a lot of grease, and then sat down andbecame tall and bloated ;" or as "a giant Indian who eats other people,who may eat a whole person at one meal and then not have enough."An old Lac Courte Orielle man told this story : "An old man once toldme that while a man was trapping he stooped over to look at his trap.Just then someone put a shawl over his head. The man said to thisbeing, 'What are you doing?' The being answered, 'Oh, nothing!'But he took the man into a boat into which he had already taken histwo children, and this being ate all three. And that was Winde'go !"Ba'kak is a skeletal being who is always going about harming other people[said a Red Lake informant]. At the first thunderclap he comes from the east,and stays around until deer hunting time in the fall, when he goes west ; some-times too in winter he returns from the west and goes east. He does hismischief on his way westward, never on the way back. Sometimes he is seenwalking in the clouds. My husband tells me that when the Indians are outhunting and have no tent, they must hang their clothes above their heads inorder to be protected against this skeleton. Once while camping, a man, hiscousin, and his brother slept near the side of the fire. The cousin woke up,heard something like a little squeak, and saw something fall; and that wasthe skeleton. The brother, too, heard it and was frightened. The skeleton,using something he had in his hand, cut the man open down the front, tookthe tissue called "weese" (omentum)?it is right over the abdomen?put it onthe fire, and finally ate it. His brother saw all this. The skeleton put the
?*Densmore (1929, p. 29). For traditional legends, see Chambei-lain (1889) ; Blackwood(1929) ; Jones, William (1919) ; Laidlaw (1915-22.)
Hii-GER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 115
man's skin together again, covered him up so all looked the same as before,and started on his way. The brother went over to the man, woke him, andsaid, 'Are you alive?' The man didn't know anything had happened; so hisbrother told him. Soon the man began to fail and before long died. Thisreally happened.Good humor, telling jokes, and smoking added their share of enter-tainment. Men, women, and children smoked, GilfiUan (1901, p. 97)noted: "All the children think they must have tobacco the same astheir elders." Pipes were often passed from one person to another,each person taking a few puffs. When empty, they were refilled andpassed again. On the Lac du Flambeau Keservation an old couplewho had joined our group of informants passed a pipe between them,the woman refilling and lighting it as many times as her husband.Many Chippewa today smoke kinnikinnick, chew plug tobacco, anduse snuff.Visiting was often done in silence, persons merely sitting or reclin-ing in each other's presence. Old Indians on several reservationscomplained that they had been indirectly told by white people thatthey were not wanted on their porches or on their lawns. They wereasked: "Do you want anything?" "So now I don't go visiting thereany more, for I'm not wanted. I used to enjoy visiting on the porch,just sitting and smoking, thinking of so-and-so when he used to livethere." Children on the Lac du Flambeau and the Lac Courte OrielleReservations repeatedly dropped in to see the writer, squatted at oncein a huddle on the floor near the wall, stayed awhile without utteringa word, and when bidding goodbye quite agreed that they had had apleasant visit. On the White Earth Reservation girls entered thewriter's room after a gentle rap, quietly announcing that they hadcome for a visit. Clearing rockers and chairs of paper and books, theysat for an hour in perfect silence, observing*the writer and studying allthat was to be seen in the room, and finally left thanking her for the
"nice visit" they had had.VOCATIONAL TRAINING AND DOMESTIC ECONOMYCANOE MAKING ^^Birchbark canoes were used by the Chippewa in summer travelingon lakes and rivers ; for movement of household goods and families
;
for fishing, hunting, berrying, and rice gathering. Families usuallyowned several of various sizes, smaller ones for berrying and ricegathering, and larger ones for transportation. Both men and womenrowed : the man paddled sitting in the prow, the woman in the stem.The weight of a canoe ranged from 65 to 125 pounds. "My father
?Cf. also Densmore (1929, pp. 150-152) ; Warren (1885, pp. 98, 105. 473).
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146helped to make one of the largest canoes our band had ; it seated 30warriors and it took 2 men to portage it," said a Vermilion Lake canoemaker. When portaging either the man or the woman carried thecanoe by balancing it on head and shoulders (cf. pi. 17, 2). Thedelicacy of balancing often depended on the manner in which thepaddles were fastened inside the canoe. Catlin says of the canoe
:
The bark canoe of the Chippeways is, perhaps, the most beautiful and lightmodel of all the water crafts that ever were invented. They are generally madecomplete with the rind of one birch tree, and so ingeniously shaped and sewedtogether, with roots of the tamarack, which they call wat-tap, that they arewater-tight, and ride upon the water, as light as a cork. They gracefully leanand dodge about, under the skillful balance of an Indian, or the ugliest squaw
;
but like everything wild, are timid and treacherous under the guidance of awhite man ; and, if he be not an experienced equilibrist, he is sure to get twoor three times soused in his first endeavors at familiar acquaintance with them.[Catlin, 1926, vol. 2, pp. 157-158.]Although both men and women made canoes, canoe making wasusually considered to be a man's occupation. Boys past puberty wereexpected to learn to construct them. Today the art is nearly lost. Al-though birchbark canoes were seen on nearly all reservations, themaking of them was known to only a few old men. "The Indian artsare dying out. Here on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation there areonly two men left that can make a birchbark canoe. It is difficult, too,to have snowshoes made these days," said an informant. No dugouts
?
boats made by carving out cedar tree trunks and then covering themwith hides, "the kind they used years ago"?were seen on any reserva-tion. Several old men remembered well how to make them but hadneither strength nor material to do so. "Anyway the cedar treesaround here are too young ; you need a pretty good sized one to makea dugout," remarked a Eed Lake man.A canoe exhibited at the Mille Lacs Indian Trading Post on MilleLacs Reservation was made by a fullblood Chippewa, her son, andthree other women (pis. 13-17) . "It really takes four women, and twomen to do all the work in making a canoe." The men did the work re-quiring the use of tools, such as shaping the wood for ribs, floor, bow,and stern. The women prepared the bark and the pitch, and did thesewing. All material used in making the canoe came from trees:the bark was of the birch ; the gunwales, ribs, and flooring, of greencedar saplings; thread, of the split roots of spruce; and pitch, ofspruce resin, "boiled until it pulls like taffy, after wliich it is friedin grease mixed with powdered charcoal made of cedar." All mea-surements were distances between body parts. The depth at middledistance between bow and stern was the distance from elbow to tipof thtmab; the distance between ribs was one hand stretched fromtip of little finger to tip of thumb.
HiLGBK] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 117A 75-year-old Vermilion informant completed a canoe on August18, 1939, which he intended to use for wild-rice gathering within aweek, "just as soon as the licenses for wild-rice gathering have beenapproved." The floor of the canoe measured 14 feet 2 inches inlength ; the distance between stern and prow at the opening, 12 feet2 inches. Its width across the middle at the opening was 3 feet 2inches ; its depth, 1 foot 6 inches. All material used had been gatheredfrom trees: the framework and all wood was of cedar; the outercover, of birchbark ; the pitch, of spruce ; the fibers used in keepingframework and parts together, of spruce roots. It had taken a weekto gather the material and to make the canoe. The framework con-sisted of 43 ribs of 2-inch width and %-inch thickness. Underneaththese and running lengthwise, about 1 foot apart, were slats of thesame width but less in thickness, some being a continuous piece andthe full length of the boat. The ends of the ribs and of the slats werefastened to a strip of cedar wood which formed the rim about theopening of the canoe. The rim was held apart and in position by four8-incli boards which extended across the opening and were fastenedto the rim. All parts of the entire framework were held in positionby stitches of spruce roots, a metal awl having been used in makingholes for the sewing. Formerly, sharpened and pointed moose bone,
"or any hard and tough bone of any large animal," was used. Theexterior of the entire framework had been covered with birchbark,with inner side of bark toward outside,. Cracks or weak parts in thebark were well soldered on both sides with spruce resin. For the firstapplication pure resin was used since it was soft enough when heated tobe pressed well into all small breaks in the bark. A second applica-tion, placed only on the very weak parts, was made of resin mixedwith charcoal?charcoal making the resin less brittle than the pure.The pure resin appeared brown; the charcoal mixture black.Both paddles were also of birch wood ; one was 61 inches in length,the other 64. The greatest width of the ladle ends was 8 inches ; thenarrowest, the handle end, 7^/^.An informant stated
:
As a yoimg lad I had often watched my father make canoes and in that waylearnt how to do the fine details. My father was considered an expert canoemaker: he had learnt it from his father who also had a reputation for canoemaking. I made my first one when I was 14 years old ; an old woman directedme and showed me exactly how to put the parts together. It was the same sizeas this one ; 14 feet 2 inches long, 38 inches wide, and about 18 inches deep. Noone today wants to help me, nor learn. These boys you see around here watch10 minutes and then run away.SNOWSHOES AND TOBOGGANSSnowshoes, well adapted for winter travel, were worn by both menand women. Men's snowshoes (a'gemak) often had pointed, upturned
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146toes; women's (ikwe'pdagemak), round toes. The framework of apair of men's snowshoes on the Red Lake Reservation (1932) was madeof elder wood. One-half of the woven network, the center section,was made of cowhide; the sections to the front and back of this, ofdeerhide. When in use the foot was inserted into a strap of ragsfastened in the middle front section of the cowhide weave. "Whenusing these snowshoes, moccasins must be worn; shoes would getcaught in the network;" said the owner. "Without snowshoes I'dnever venture out to trap and hunt in the winter."A pair of men's snowshoes on the Uac Courte Orielle Reservationmeasured 46 inches in length and 141/2 inches in greatest width (pi. 18)
.
The middle weaving ( 14^4 inches in length) was of horsehide ; thatto the front (9 inches in length) and to the back (14 inches in length)
,
of deerhide. The weaving of the middle section was held in placeby being tied over two bars, one toward toe end and the other towardheel end ; the bars also served to hold the framework in position. Thestrands used in weaving the back and front sections were passedthrough holes in the same bars. The wife of the owner had hungthe snowshoes on a limb of a tree about a rod from the home shortlyafter her husband's death. "I couldn't bear to see them anymore;they made me very lonesome," she said.In the spring of 1935 an aged woman on the same reservation hadmade a pair of snowshoes for her son-in-law for fall hunting. Thelarger weave was of horsehide; the smaller, of deerhide. "WhenIndians find a dead horse, they usually remove its hide and use it inmaking snowshoes," she remarked.Toboggans (nabagidob'anak, literally flat wagon on ice or snow)were used by trappers and hunters in hauling game and furs. Severalinformants had seen some but were unable to give details in the makingof them. (Cf. also Densmore, 1929, p. 136.) An interpreter remem-bered one that her grandmother used when she first came from Canada
:
it had been whittled out of a basswood tree, with a crooked knife.BOWS AND ARROWSMaterial used by informants in making bows and arrow shafts wassinew of nettle twine, fish glue, and wood. Sinew was removed fromthe spine of the horse, cow, deer, or moose and placed on a flat surface,preferably a piece of timber, and allowed to dry. It was later smokedin order to make it mothproof and flyproof . Dried sinew could be sev-ered into strands fine enough to be used in making beadwork ; severalstrands together were used in sewing buckskin shirts, leggings, andmoccasins. Nine were used in making strings for bows and for tyingarrowheads to shafts. Sinew was being used by many women on thereservations and was often seen hanging from rafters in homes.
HiLGKR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LITE 119Cords for bow strings were made by drawing either strands of sinewor the inner bark of the nettle (bigeg'awac) througli the mouth tomoisten them and then rolling them over the calf of the right leg withthe palm of the right hand (pi. 19). The procedure was the same asthat used in making cords for fish nets (p. 125).Bows varying in length from 4 feet to "as long as I am tall" (nearly6 feet) were made of any wood that was strong and pliable, preferablyyoung oak or young ironwood. After the wood was planed with astone scraper, it was smoothed with sandpaper. Sandpaper was madeby pouring sturgeon glue over tanned moose hide and over this, soonafter drying set in, very fine sand. After lying in the sun for severalhours, preferably a half day, it was ready for use.Arrow shafts were usually made of ironwood and were smoothed inthe same manner as bows. They varied in length, the standard lengthbeing 2^ feet. At one end arrows were fastened into grooves withsinew. In order to produce better flying power, the opposite end wastipped off with closely trimmed feathers split in half. The featherswere dipped in glue, inserted into a slit at this end of the shaft, andsecurely tied with several strands of sinew. Slight engravings weremade in shafts and overlaid with color. This enabled the owner toidentify his own. Bows, too, were frequently painted or engraved.Arrowheads varied in sizes and in materials. Some were of flint
;
some of copper ; others of rib bone of moose, deer, buffalo, or any largeanimal. "Not every man could make arrows ; only certain ones in thetribe could do that." Informants knew of no one living that wasable to make flint or bone arrowheads. Informants believed that atone time their people knew how to temper copper. Several old menagreed that a copper arrowhead 4 inches in length and one at greatestwidth found in the vicinity of New Post (Lac Courte Orielle Reser-vation) had been used on a spear shaft; it? weight was too heavy foran arrow shaft. Arrowheads of iron were introduced by white traders.Blunt arrows were used in hunting birds and small game, the blunt-ness preventing the tearing of the flesh. Grooves were made oneither one or both sides of an arrowhead which was intended forpoisoning ; grooves were packed with poisonous herbs. Another wayof poisoning an arrow was to dip both it and part of the shaft into amixture of water and rattlesnake poison. In either case the victim ofthe arrow could not survive. HUNTING ^The chase provided the Chippewa with both food and clothing andwas, therefore, a chief occupation throughout the year. It was espe-cially so in the winter when furs were heavier and animals were not
?? Cf. also Densmore (1929, pp. 109-111) and Hilger (1936 b, pp. 3, 17-19).
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146bearing young. Families set out for their hunting grounds soon afterthe cold weather began, about the beginning of November, and re-turned to the winter camp only after the severe weather set in. Theyhunted moose, elk, and deer; bear, wolf, and fox; beaver, otter, andmuskrat ; mink, martin, fisher, and rabbit ; partridge, ducks, and otherfowl ; and buffalo, if they resided near the prairie lands.Since hunting was a man's duty, boys were taught the use of bowand arrow at an early age. A boy's first success in killing any animalused as food was celebrated with a feast : all the village was invited andthe meat of the animal served as part of the main dish. "Wlien mybrother caught his first deer, and later his bear, my mother preparedthe animal?head, hoofs and insides?and invited all the old people,"said a Red Lake woman. The same celebration took place when a boycaught his first fish. On the Lac Courte Orielle, the Vermilion, theNett Lake, and the Mille Lacs Eeservations, these customs still prevail."The first bird I shot was a wild goose," said a Lac Courte Orielleinformant. "I shot it with a bow and arrow directly through the head.It flopped and flopped and flopped, but finally I caught it. I wasabout 6 years old then, but since my father was a white man?he didn'tbelieve in Indian ways?no feast was given for me, like that given forother boys, even for boys here at New Post today." A 38-year-oldVermilion mother gave a feast (1932) when her son caught his firstfish. She invited mostly old people and served the fish as part of themain dish. An old man made a speech so the boy would continuebeing successful as he grew older.The charm most effective in hunting on the Lac Courte OrielleReservation (1935) was the foetal inclusion found between the skinand visceral lining of an animal?those for rabbit (bitawi' wabos') anddeer (bitawl' wawec'kisi) predominating. At times, as many as threeinclusions were found in the same animal. "Once a man trapped amale rabbit and brought it to me to skin," said an informant. "Justas I was removing the skin a bag about 2 inches long fell out. In itwere two small rabbits. I thought it was some Irind of 'medicine'(magical power) . I kept one and the other I gave to the man. I keptit for good luck, but I don't remember that I ever used it." An oldman sitting by remarked : "I carry a little rabbit around with me
;
I have never found a little deer."
"I heard recently," said another hunter, "that foetal inclusions canbe used as lures when hunting, if hunters carry them upon theirperson. One fellow here recently let someone carry his?a little deer,completely grown except that it had three heads. It was found in amale deer. The fellow who lent it said, 'You will get deer !' and hedid ; he got eight deer ! Lately a man who found a little rabbit undera male rabbit skin threw it away not knowing its value. He got a
HiLGEK] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 121sound scolding from an old Indian for not saving it ; the old man him-self carried a bear. Deer brings deer ; rabbit, rabbits ; bear, bears !"The Vermilion Chippewa had not heard of the charm of the foetalinclusion but believed firmly that finding a fetus?a normal fetus?in arabbit shot in the fall meant good luck for the entire hunting season.L'Anse Indians believed good luck in hunting would be theirs if theyhung skulls of beaver on rafters. A trout skull was hung up by thejaw "inside or outside of the house for good luck in anything." Skullsof various animals were often seen hung from rafters. A Red Lakehunter after smoking a weed found "somewhere out there in the woods,in a clean place," invariably had good success ; he smoked only if hisfirst attempt at hunting failed.Meeting an owl in the woods, said a L'Anse informant, is a badomen : "I was out hunting a few years ago with a man from Flambeau(Lac du Flambeau Reservation) who insisted on shooting an owlwhich happened to be sitting on a branch along our way ; not killingit, he said, would bring bad luck. Old Indians who meet a fox Avhenout hunting will at once return home; hunting after that would beuseless." Another L'Anse informant related his bad luck : "About 20years ago when I was working across the bay, there were many deer inthat area. An old medicine man lived over there. We had no meat,and although I hunted every day and even at night, I never saw a deer.I would see tracks, but never a deer. Somebody told me that thatmedicine man was using 'bad medicine' on me. I had noticed thatevery time I'd go into the woods, an owl came from somewhere,swooped ahead of me and sat on a limb. As soon as I cau,ght up to it,it would swoop in front of me again, and sit on a limb. Retracing mysteps, the owl repeated its conduct, always keeping to my right. Soone day I took a buckshot gun with me. "fhe owl repeated its maneu-vers, always keeping to the right of me. If I get a chance I'll shootyou, I thought. I shot, hit the owl and saw it slip down. I ran up toit and stepped on it. A noise like a human cry came from it threetimes ; it looked at me with its two eyes wide open and died, I stoopedto pick it up : there was nothing there except the hide and feathers. Itook these home and burnt them. After that I never failed to get deer.Two or three days after I shot the owl, the medicine man took sick. Heasked to see me, but I wouldn't go. Four days after that he died. Thatmedicine man had taken the shape of an owl and injured my hunting."Chippewa hunted game for sustenance all through the year, never,however, was any animal killed wantonly. Although no particularfamily laid claim to any area as its exclusive hunting ground, groupsof families that had for years migrated together for the purpose ofhunting returned seasonally to the same area. All respected eachother's prerogatives. Informants had never heard of difficulties aris-
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLiOGY [Bdll. 146ing from overlapping of hunting grounds ; they did know of seriousquarrels that had arisen because persons lifted game caught in trapsnot their own. "This didn't happen often ; but it happened !"The best season for deer hunting was "when the leaves began to fall
:
the deer were fattest then and best tasting, as well." Doe were notshot while carrying or nursing young.As noted before, some hunters used charms for good luck in hunting
;
those who possessed tutelary power related to hunting exercised these(pp. 45, 47) . Still others prepared themselves for the chase by givingserious thought to what they were about to do. "The first time thatI went hunting my father called me : 'Witigoc, [informant's Indianname] , you are now ready to go hunting. (I was told this a few daysbefore we left home.) Don't say anything disrespectful about the deer.Don't boast, saying, I am going to kill a deer, or I am going to shoottwo deer. Don't talk that way. God made the deer so he can hear yousay that. Simply be quiet and don't talk ; and then you will get deer.'The same respect is shown to moose."Impounding, one of several methods employed in hunting deer, wasdone by cutting a lane through the woods. The deer was driven downthe path and impounded at the end in a space fenced off by saplings.As many as were needed were shot with arrows.Deer were also caught by means of snares made of a three-strandbraid of rawhide, each strand being about one-fourth inch wide. Asnare consisted of a noose hung at an angle of 45? and attached tothe heavy branches of a tree overhanging the path which the deerwere accustomed to take.At night deer were caught by means of torches. Torches wereseldom used in open spaces, and never in the woods; they were ofgreatest service when hunting from a canoe. When making torchesa Lac Courte Orielle informant gathered resin which had collectedat a gash which he had slashed in the trunk of a Norway or awhite pine several days previously. He heated the resin, saturatedrags with it, and while they were still hot wound them around theend of a stick. In earlier days he had used birchbark in place ofrags. A White Earth hunter lined a birchbark cornucopia with mossto prevent its burning and then filled it with small strips of birch-bark dipped in liquid resin. A La Pointe hunter split one end of agreen sapling, 2 feet in length and an inch in diameter, into smallsplinters and filled the space between the splinters with spruce pitch.This torch threw light at a distance of 200 feet. When hunting deerthe torch was fastened to the prow of the canoe, occupants of thecanoe hiding behind a piece of bark that was either fastened behindthe torch or held there. Today lanterns commonly replace torches.A Lac Courte Orielle hunter (1935) rested his lantern on a 6- by 18-
Hunger] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE- 123inch board which he had nailed to the prow of his boat. A board8 inches square nailed at right angles to the end of the board nearesthim served as a shield.When rustling of the twigs or breaking of dry sticks indicated theadvance of a deer, the torch or lantern was lit and light played aboutin the area. If a deer was in the vicinity, he could easily be seen for
"his two eyes appeared like two shining lights. Deer will come towarda light ; they are enticed by it." Flashlights have replaced lanternsand torches, especially among the younger hunters today. In orderto leave his hands free to use his gun, the hunter fastens the light tothe crown of his hat and lights it only if a deer is thought near.Deer are easily caught at artificial salt licks deposited by huntersin the deer's watering places. La Pointe Indians (1935) watched atnight in one such area on lumber laid in the crotch of a tree and inanother from a platform constructed of saplings. When a noise washeard flashlights were played upon the space, the deer being easilydiscerned because of the glare of their eyes.
"Yesterday while rowing around the end of Big Couderay, myhusband noticed a deer," said a Lac Courte Orielle woman. "He putsalt on the old salt lick and toward nightfall returned, quietly lyingin his boat awaiting the deer. Soon he heard a noise, turned on hisflashlight?he keeps it securely fastened to the crown of his hat withlens facing directly to the front?saw the deer's eyes like two brightlights, leveled his gun, and shot it."The "deer call," a sound resembling the call of a fawn that attractsdoe, was made either by blowing through one's folded hands, througha roll of birchbark, or through a wooden implement. The father ofa Red Lake informant, when out hunting, heard the call of a doe, hethought; brush moved and thinking it was a fawn he fired his gunonly to find he had shot his friend. "My father grieved over this allsummer. Relatives did not resent it for my father had shown themrepeated kindnesses when he stayed at their home."Bears were caught in deadfalls in the early day. Informants eitherhad seen deadfalls when young or had helped to build them. Theywere of wood and so constructed that the weight of the bear, as hestepped forward to eat the bait, released a heavy suspended log whichfell upon him, pinning him down. Meat of any kind, including thathandled by human hands, as well as decayed meat served as bait. "Abear is not particular. I recently saw one eating the decayed carcassof a deer." Maple sugar and fish were also used as bait.After guns were introduced deadfalls were no longer used. Thegrandfather of a Red Lake interpreter owned one of the first gunsin the area, "an old flint, a muzzle loader, which took three-quartersof an hour to load. Any man who owned any kind of a gun in those
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNO'LOGY [Bull. 146days was considered rich. One time, grandfather happened to comeupon a tree under which a bear was sitting. He shot at the bear butmissed him?just touched his ears. His dogs saved him ; for duringthe time he loaded his gun, they barked at the bear and kept himat bay."A Lac Courte Orielle informant had heard an old hunter tell howhe discovered the winter habitat of bears
:
Shabagizig tells about this. In old days in the spring of the year?take awarm day In spring?some fellow would wear snowshoes and go in the directionof a bear lair. He'd beat the snow down with his snowshoes, the snow afterfreezing making a trail. After dark, this person would get ready, put on hiscoat, take his hatchet and strike out on the trail. He might go several milesperhaps. It is night. Here is how he told it. This fellow would go along andstand and listen, and stand and listen, and stand and listen. Pretty soon hewould hear something. He would hear bear yaps. Sometimes they came fromthe ground ; sometimes, from hollow trees. When he would hear the sound, hewould take his hatchet, cut a stick, and place it in the snow so that it wouldpoint in the direction from which the yaps had come. The next day he andsome others would go out and find the bears there. [Hilger, 1936 c, p. 49.]A successful bear hunter usually gave a feast at which bear meatwas served. While guests (1935) on the Lac Courte Orielle Keserva-tion were sitting around waiting for such a dinner, the host passedtobacco. "Some smoked it ; some put it in the stove ; I put mine in thecorner of my handkerchief and took it home. The man did this justto follow the old custom. Bears are killed in fall and spring, not insummer because then they are carrying their young ; in winter, bearslive in hollow trees."Wolves were caught in traps " or snares, but with great difficulty.A less laborious way was to fasten a hooked stick to a tree with lowerend, the hooked end, 5 feet from the ground and at such an angle thatthis end was 2 feet from the trunk of the tree. The wolf in jumpingfor the meat which had been fastened to the hook was caught on thehook, "just like a fish."Foxes were caught in snares, being enticed into them by the odor ofskunk. Skunk musk was scattered in the path on the side of the snareopposite the one from which the fox was expected to come.Rabbits, too, were caught in snares. Both fox and rabbit snares werelike the nooses used in catching deer (p. 122) except that the rawhidestrands were less heavy.Beavers were speared close to the water with spearheads of copper.In order to shield his eyes from the reflected light a hunter coveredhis head with buckskin or blanket.Weasels, hunted only in winter when their fur was white, werecaught while eating a piece of meat or lard in which a piece of iron
*^For a good account of traps see Lips (1937, pp. 354-360).
HILGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 125had been frozen, the tongue by adhering to the iron caused death.Martins and fishers were caught in traps baited with rabbit meat. Allhuman and other scent had been removed from traps by boiling.All birds, except the humming bird, were edible and were killedwith blunt arrows. FISHINGBoth fresh and smoked fish constituted an important article offood among the early Chippewa. Fishing for immediate use wasdone at any time during the year. In fall it became a seasonal occu-pation; groups of families moved to fish for winter storage. "Al-though no one laid claim to any part of the shore nor to any part ofthe lake, for persons could fish anywhere, all settled down where theyhad always settled when fishing. All respected these same rights ofothers." L'Anse Indians have a tradition that Lake Superior and thelarge lakes are theirs for fishing but that inland lakes should be leftunmolested. "I often heard my father say the old Indians believedthe inland lakes and the woods belonged to the animals. They wouldnever bathe in inland lakes. Wlien passing through the woods thefather would lead, the children follow him and the mother bring upthe rear. They would stay in one fine making only a single path and,as it were, tell the animals and the earth that they were using this bitof the land merely to go to another place. Children were told notto run along the sides of the path but to stay in line. People used biglakes, such as Keweenaw Bay and Lake Superior, as though they weretheir own" (Hilger, 1936 b, p. 2).Fishing, formerly, was done largely by means of nets, although fish-hooks, spearheads, and traps were also used. Women generally usednets, thus securing the best results in numbers and variety.A Red Lake informant, a professional net maker, in making netsused cord made from the inner bark of the basswood. (Some womenused nettles.) The bark, torn into fine strands, was boiled for aboutone-half hour, and while still soft rolled over the bare side of the rightleg with the palm of the right hand (pi. 19,1). If fibers become dry,they are drawn through the mouth to be moistened with saliva (pi. 19,2.). No knots were made in joining strands but the ends of twostrands were worked between molars and deftly rolled into each otherwith fingers. Men who assisted rolled cord above the knee.One old Red Lake informant's great-grandmother made cords forfish nets by boiling nettles, drying them, separating them into fibers,dampening them by drawing them through the mouth, and then rollingthem on her leg. "This made fine cord for nets. She used to haveballs of it ready for use. That was long, long ago." While rollingbasswood fiber women squatted on the ground.^^
^FoT vegetable fibers, see also Huron Smith (1932, pp. 411-423).
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146The professional Red Lake net maker, referred to above, made netsas recently as 1930, using quilling twine "bought at the store." Oneof her two shuttles (nabekwe'agons) was made of basswood ; the other,of a cigar-box cover (pi. 20, 2) . The former was 7 inches in length and1^ inches in width ; the carrier of the thread was 2% inches in height,the space for the release of the thread, 3I/2 inches. The mesh ofthe net as demonstrated was 2 by 2 inches. "This would catch pike,perch, and suckers," she remarked. Meshes were measured in themaking by pieces of wood (bimegi'migon) of various sizes, the sizeto be used depending upon the kind of fish to be caught in the net.A 2- by 2%-inch measure was used if pike, perch, and suckers were tobe caught ; if "two-lippers," a 3- by 2i/^-inch ; if whitefish, a 2%- by 3l^-inch. If the work was well done, our informant noted, the knots ofthe mesh were immovable. In preparing to set a net as her motherhad taught her?the net incidentally had been made by her mother
?
she held the end of a basswood fiber between her teeth and a stonein her left hand while with her right hand she wound the fiber twicetightly around the stone. She then tied a knot leaving the mouthend long enough so that the stone by means of it could be tied to theedge of the net. Fifteen stones, each about the size of a walnut, werethus prepared and tied to the net, serving as sinkers. On the oppositeedge of the net and directly in line with the stones, she attached 15floaters made of cedar wood. These varied in length from 27 to 29inches, and weighed approximately 2 ounces each. A second set offloaters, also made of cedar wood, were 5 inches long by 2 inches indiameter, the weight of each again being approximately 2 ounces.A nicety of balance had to be estimated between floaters and sinkers.Notchings, an inch from the narrow end of the floater, permittedfastening to net. When the net was set, the floaters stood erect in thewater with only the tips showing. The floaters are made and then thesize of the stones chosen, "very large ones would drag the net to thebottom of the lake."Today Chippewa use factory-made nets. Families on the RedLake (1932 and 1939) and the L'Anse Reservations (1935) who werefishing for commercial purposes owned from five to seven nets each.Sinkers consisted of flat or rounded pieces of lead ; floaters, of elon-gated cylindrical pieces of wood attached to the net by having the cord,forming the edge of the net, passed through the center. One suchnet, 300 feet long and 3 feet wide (Red Lake Reservation), had 38sinkers and as many floaters. Its mesh measured 1% inches square.
"One-and-three-fourths-inch squares would have caught many morefish, but this is Government ruling." The owner had paid $15.20 forit. The same informant owned a net measuring 300 feet in length and8 feet in width.
HiLOKE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 127On Keweenaw Bay (L'Anse, 1935) two young men each owned a net200 feet long and 3 feet wide ; each had 40 floaters and as many sinkers."We set these nets at seven this evening and expect to raise them atfour in the morning the day after tomorrow." They were catchinglake trout, large-mouth black bass, and ciscos for commercial purposes.Nets were thoroughly dried after each usage by being wound onreels, hung on poles arranged lengthwise or in squares, or slid overpoles nailed in the form of a plus sign on top of a center pole (pis.20, 1 ; 21, 2) . Poles were peeled of bark and sandpapered so as not totear nets.Fishhooks, in old days, were made of bone or wood. Two old L'Ansefishermen heard of a hook 2 inches long made of bone. Both ends hadbeen sharpened and the middle slightly grooved by means of stones,the sliced end of a stick being securely tied into the groove with bass-wood fiber. Wlien fishing the pointed ends were tipped off with bait
?
anything edible serving as bait. With a quick and skillful movementa nibbling fish was hooked in the jaw. A Lac Courte Orielle fisher-man when a boy made a wooden fishhook by removing bark of a 16-to 20-foot maple sapling, about 2 inches in diameter. After hardeningone end of it over the heat of a fire he notched this end in two placesopposite each other, thus forming two hooks. Fish were grabbedwith either hook while the fisherman stood on the shore. Some in-formants had heard old people tell of spearing fish with copper arrows,
"such arrows as were found when digging the canal between Hancockand Houghton, Mich."At night fish were enticed by torchlight. One old informant whenyoung had made such a torch by burning roots of Norway pine in abasketlike holder made of old wire which he attached to an iron rodextending from the prow of his canoe. Roots dug about noon anddried in the sun burnt brightly by everring. More recently he hadused rags saturated in kerosene in place of pine roots ; his neighborswere using discarded automobile tires. Fish, attracted by the light,were both hooked and speared. Fish, whether hooked, speared, ornetted, were often killed upon landing by being clubbed. Clubs weremade of knots of trees : the knot formed the club and an attached por-tion of the trunk of the tree, the handle.In winter fishing was often done through a hole in the ice made witha chisel. In making a chisel a bent piece of iron, sharpened at one end,was inserted into a stout piece of wood and securely fastened there bymeans of strips of buckskin.A group of four families, probably not unlike those of early days,had settled on the Narrows of Red Lake for the fishing season of 1932.Women of two of the families were daughters of a third ; the fourthfamily were friends?a young couple with, a baby. The old couple
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOIiOGY [Bull. 146occupied a canvas-covered tipi of 12 poles, plus 2 used in controllingwind flaps that regulated the draft. One daughter and her familylived in a wigwam, a framework of saplings covered with canvas ; theremaining two families lived together in a commercial canvas tent.Floors of all places were covered with bedding; corners were filledwith wooden boxes and pasteboard cartons used in transporting be-longings. Dishes and cooking utensils were seen on the outside ofeach home, indicating eating apart. Toward the center of the group-ing, under a long rack, fire was smouldering in two places, charcoalbeing in evidence in a third. (See outdoor fireplaces, pis. 30, i, 2,' 31,
^, 3.) The rack consisted of several stout 12-foot ironwood saplings, theends of which either rested in crotches of two poles found at each end ofthe fireplace or were fastened to the poles with basswood fiber. The twoend poles were firmly planted in the ground in the position of an X.All were held in position by being firmly tied together with basswoodfiber. Pails and kettles used for cooking purposes were hanging fromcrotched sticks attached to the horizontal poles. Astride the poleswith bellies up hung skinned fishj slit down the back, backbone andentrails removed. These were being dried and cured in the smoke ofthe smouldering fires. "It will take about 2 days to smoke these fish
;
after that we can pack them to take home. These belong to me,"remarked the old woman, "but there's room on the rack for everybody.We all cook here, too." A short distance away in a small excavationon the side of an embankment, two large whitefish were broiling overa slow fire. One end of a stick had been thrust under the lower jaw ofthe fish ; the other was planted in the ground in a slanting position.Neither heads, scales, nor entrails had been removed. "We'll havethese for supper in a little while," said one of the men as he poked thefire. Several large rolls of birchbark, many pieces sewed togethersince they were intended for a wigwam covering, were used in protect-ing belongings left outside against rain. They were not needed forthe wigwam since the friend had brought a canvas cover. Seven par-tially tanned hides, both deer and moose, lay in a pile nearby ; one wastautly stretched on a framework of saplings and exposed to the sun onthe shore. On the shore, also, nets were drying, having been hungfrom f)ole to pole, thus giving the appearance of a high fence. It wasabout 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Two men were mending a boat:others were lounging in the shade of trees. The old woman, using abone awl as needle and sinew as thread, was sewing herself a pair ofbuckskin moccasins. "Since they are for myself, I am not decoratingthem with beads," she remarked. Her work kit, a piece of buckskin,contained also a bone flesher made of moose tibia. "It's a very oldone, but the best thing I own." One of the younger women was sittingagainst a tree nearby swinging the hammock in which her baby was
HiLGEU] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 129
asleep. (See pi. 3 for hammocks.) A cradleboard rested against atree. The other two women were soon to return with groceries. Atabout 5 o'clock, after a lunch, all were going out to set nets. In theearly days, the time for setting nets was sundown. A notice posted invarious places along the shores of Red Lake by the manager of the RedLake Fishers' Association (a cooperative enterprise owned and con-trolled by the Red Lake Chippewa) advised all persons fishing for theAssociation to set nets at 5 o'clock in the evening and to take them inbetween 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning, "since this gave everybodyample time to pick blueberries and to attend to gardens." It took twopersons to set a net but only one to draw it up.During fishing season on the Red Lake Reservation (1932) mendrew up the nets between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning (pi. 21, 1).Women came later bringing the men's breakfast. All nets werebrought ashore, women busying themselves sorting fish and removingentrails ; men assisted as soon as they had eaten breakfast. Specifiedsizes of pike, pickerel, perch, and whitefish were marketable ; odd sizeswere either kept for family consumption or given to old people or tothose who were unable to fish. Grapples, suckers, and rock bass werediscarded. Of the fish found in one woman's net one morning in 1932,41 were marketable. Her earnings during the season varied from 5to 10 dollars a day. (By order of the manager of the Red LakeFishers' Association the season had opened on July 7 and was to closeon August 17.) After the marketable fish had been packed in boxesof ice furnished by the Red Lake Fishers' Association, men rowedout into the lake and discarded all ofFal. The women in the meantimehung up the nets to dry and all went home ; the time was between 9and 10 o'clock in the morning.Fishing was done on a similar commercial basis on the L'Anse Res-ervation in 1935. The fish, however, were' collected by "fish trains"
?
freight trains that furnished ice and boxes, and collected fish early eachmorning, transporting them to Chicago.CLOTHINGIn the early days adults wore clothing made of finely tanned hidesof deer, moose, bear, and elk; and of dressed skins of rabbit, beaver,and other small fur-bearing animals. Children's clothing was madeof delicately tanned fawn hides and of skins of beaver, squirrel, andrabbits, whenever these were available.Tamiing hides and dressing skins were a woman's work, but girls,no older than 13 years, assisted. "After a girl had spent her days inher little hut, she was thought old enough to learn everything a womanwas expected to know" (p. 52).884216?51 10
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAjST ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146Although tanned hides and skins no longer form the clothing ofChippewa, articles of wearing apparel made of them, such as mocca-sins, jackets, and gloves, were being worn by men, women, and childrenon every reservation. Tanned deer or moose hide were also beingiused in making tobacco pouches, money bags, and tool kits ; headbands,bracelets, and ceremonial dance outfits, many of these being beaded
;
straps on cradleboards, wood carriers, and working tools ; and networkfor snowshoes.Chippewa women on all reservations were tanning hides by oldmethods. A Lac Courte Orielle informant who had learned tanningfrom her mother removed all flesh (gidjebi'nag) when the hide wasstill fresh, washed the bloodstains from it, and then soaked it in a pailof clear water for 3 days. After wringing it out tightly by hand, shefastened it to a large branch of a tree with a rope passed through thehole left by the removal of the head. She then held the hide tautlynear the tail end with her left hand, while with the right she scrapedoff the hair with a butcher knife, moving across the hide, first to herright and then to her left ; strokes were away from her body. Thisprocess is called cigowe'cige. She next soaked the hide over night ina pail of water in which deer brain had been boiled. This process iscalled nigogan'gina. The brain of any animal might have been usedand in the event no brain had been available, a raw egg well beaten andmixed with a pail of lukewarm water would have served the purpose.On the following morning she wrung out the hide by holding the headend in her right hand and tightly winding the hide about the samehand, wrist, and arm (pi. 22, i).She next unfolded the hide and hung it, head and tail ends meetingover the top pole of a rectangular framework which she had erectedthe previous day for the purpose of stretching the hide. She thenrolled the hide from both sides toward head-to-tail line, placed itaround a tree (protecting it from the rough bark by a towel which shehad fastened snugly about the tree), carefully unrolled the ends,placed one over the other about a hand's length, rolled them togetherso that they were tightly fastened into each other, placed a stout,smooth round stick into the overlapped ends, and then twisted thehide tightly against the tree, first to right and then to left. Wring-ing out the hide in this way is called sinakwe'gas (pi. 22, 2.)The hide was next unrolled and placed on a "horse," a contrivance(apakwi'gon), made by resting one end of a very smooth 6-foot log onthe vertex of two raised boards while the other end rested on theground. It is essential that the log be very smooth, so as not to tearthe hide. The informant now standing close to the raised end of the
"horse" scraped both sides of the hide, stroking away from the bodythis removed any hair, flesh, or moisture that had escaped previous
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 131treatment. This procedure she called dicakwa'gon (pi. 22, 3). Thescraper (gigokwa'cigon) made by her husband, was a 5-inch butcher-knife blade inserted lengthwise into a 19-inch piece of oak ; the 7-inchextension of wood on either side of the blade formed handles. (On theKed Lake Reservation a 9-inch blade had been inserted in a 21-inchironwood sapling, handles extending 6 inches on either side.)After the scraping the informant stretched the hide in all directions(pi. 22, ^). Holes about 3 inches apart were next pierced along theentire edge of the hide. A stout rope made by braiding three strandsof twine was passed successively through these holes and over the toprod of the stretcher. This process continued clockwise until the hidewas fastened to all four poles of the framework and tautly stretchedthere (pi. 23, i). Basswood fiber, when available, was preferred torope.The stretcher (sakana'tigon) had been made by nailing two hori-zontal rods about 9 inches from ends of two vertical ones. The frame-work thus formed was 72 by 55 inches and stood 10 inches above theground.The hide after having been tautly stretched was scraped with achisel-like iron implement (neciga'gon) 11 inches in length with oneedge flattened and bent at nearly right angles to handle. The scraperthus formed was 21^ inches in width and l^/^ inches deep (pi. 23, 2) .In scraping, the left hand guided the implement while the right handexerted pressure (pi. 23, 2). The entire surface was scraped in alldirections, with strokes toward worker. This process is calledcicakwe'age. Since the hide stretched under this treatment, the ropewas adjusted from time to time to keep it taut. Of the entire tanningprocess this was the most laborious, the entire weight of the body hav-ing to be x^laced on the implement and treatment continued until thehide was dry. Humid days required less energetic work than dry onesdid. In this instance?a damp day?scraping took a little longerthan 3 hours. The smoothness and softness of the hide dependedupon the dexterity with which the scraping was done.After the hide was dry the informant removed it from the stretcher,laid it on the ground folding it on head-to-tail line, turned both edgesover together, and beginning with head end fastened them togetherby means of clothespins. This made a nearly airtight compartment(pi. 23, 3).^^ In former days edges were sewed together tightly withbasswood fiber. The head end of the hide was next fastened to thebranch of a tree ; the tail end placed so it encircled the rim of a pailof smudge. This process was called sowa'slgon. Two granddaughters,aged 8 and 11 years, who had assisted the worker by handing her
** Cf . also Densmore (1919, vol. 70, p. 117) for photographs of a Chippewa womanadjusting a deer hide in the process of smoking.
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146implements and cord, had prepared the smudge by placing bits ofbirchbark on burning embers fetched from the kitchen stove andpacking the remainder of the pail with white-pine and Norway cones.Punk was sometimes used in place of cones since it was less inflam-mable. Jack pine cones were not used; they give an unsatisfactorycolor.The worker swung the pail back and forth several times to enhance!the smudge and then placed it under the hide, holding it there care-jfully so as to permit the hide to fill with smoke. The informant kept^a watchful eye on the fire lest flames shoot up and scorch the hide.Occasionally she peeked into the hide to ascertain the color. Whenit was sufficiently tanned, she loosened the clothespins, turned andfolded the edges and again pinned them. She then tanned the reverseside. Smoking not only gave color to hides but preserved them frommoths. Smoking the hide thus is called sowagige'akwans.If the liides are not sufficiently softened with one scraping, or ifthey are scorched in the smoking, the entire procedure?soaking inbrain or egg solution, wringing out, stretching, scraping and smok-ing?is repeated. "When I was about 5 years old," the informantrelated, "I was playing around where my mother and her cousin weretanning hides. Two hides had been sewed up, hung up on poles, andwere being smoked. First one shot up into the air and then the other.Both had caught fire while the women were chatting. The wholeprocess of tanning, from soaking to smoking, had to be repeated.But when they were finished, they were like silk." Moose hides weretanned in the same manner as deer hides. Bear hides were treatedonly on the fleshy side. They were used for bed coverings, mattresses,and floor mats.On the La Pointe Reservation, an informant preferred pine punkor crushed cedar bark to cones in making smudge since these are lessinflammable. She also added a tablespoonful of soda to the brain solution when soaking the hide. A Red Lake informant had to supplydeer brain to the woman whom she hired to tan hides. "She says shecannot tan them unless she uses brains. I must give her a head withevery hide." At Red Lake, too, hides were exposed over smudges madein holes in the ground.A Red Lake informant used a flesher made of 6 inches of moose tibia.When in use she held the knee-joint end in her right hand while withthe other end, chiseled to a slanting edge and serrated, she removedthe flesh with abrupt strokes. When gripped for use the palm of thehand faced the hide, and the small finger, the serrated part of theflesher. Strokes were away from the body. The implement was looselyfastened to her wrist with a band of tanned hide.
HiLQEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE. 133Often articles of clothing made of tanned hide were decorated withporcupine quills or beads.^? Informants knew of only one Chippewawho was using porcupine quills at the present time. Women wereseen on all reservations using beads of various colors in decoratingmoccasins. On all reservations, too, some individuals owned beadedbuckskin suits or dresses which were worn at the annual pow-wows(pi. 11). Designs consisted of conventionalized flowers, leaves, orfruit.On the L'Anse Reservation rabbitskins were treated by having theflesh side thoroughly soaked with wet salt, soda, and soap. Laterthey were gently rubbed and scraped. Great care had to be exer-cised since the hides were very tender. The hair was not removed.Bed coverings and blankets worn by adults were made of rabbit-skins. L'Anse informants either sewed the skins together edge toedge (furry side was then used nearest the body), or sewed togetherbraids made of four 3-inch strands of skin extending the full lengthof the robe. A braided robe on the L'Anse Reservation was nearly2 inches in thickness and in size that of an ordinary comforter for adouble bed. Vermilion Chippewa neither tanned nor salted rabbit-skins but merely dried them in the sun. Robes were made by loopingand knotting strands of skin (cf. pp. 26-27)
.
Head, neck, feet, and ankles of both adults and children were oftenkept warm by being wrapped in rabbitskins with the fur nearestthe body. BmCHBARK CONTAINERS AND BULRUSH MATSChippewa women, when gathering birchbark, tramp through thewoods all day, walking miles in search of a suitable bark. Birchbarkis gathered from the time the leaves of the birch have completelyunfolded to the end of July, the bark being most easily removed dur-ing this time. A Lac Courte Orielle informant clutched her pocketknife in her right hand with blade extending beyond her little fingerand carefully cut the outer bark (only the outer bark is removed)from a place as high as she could reach, down to the root. In remov-ing the bark she moved clockwise around the tree, loosening it care-fully with both hands so as not to break it. Removing bark fromgrowing birch does not injure the tree. "When large pieces of barkare needed, such as are used in making canoes, trees are felled andstripped. Large birch trees are very scarce today," she noted.The bark is either rolled or folded at the place of gathering, tiedwith basswood fiber, packed on the back of the gatherer, and brought
?Cf. Densmore (1929, pp. 35. 161, 172, 191-192; 1928, pp. 390-397) and Lyford(1943) for patterns used In beadwork. For plates showing patterns made by bitingbirchbark, see Densmore (1928, pis. 59-63).
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI^OGT [Bull. 146home for storage.*^ Somewhere either inside or outside of homes inwhich aged women lived, rolls or folded packets of birchbark wereseen.Chippewa women make both leakable and nonleakable birchbarkreceptacles (pi. 24). In making leakable ones, such as serve forworkbaskets, for storage of food, and for trays for winnowing wildrice, the birchbark is cut and the seams are sewed with basswood fiber.Three sewing baskets were collected on the Red Lake Reservation.One measured 9 by 8i/^ inches at the opening and 3^^ inches in depth(pi. 24, 3 a). Two circular ones were each 5^ inches in depth. Onemeasured 10 inches in diameter at the opening and 7 inches at thebottom ; the other, 7 inches at the opening and 6 inches at the bottom.Makok', trapezoidal-shaped containers (pi. 24, ^ 5), were used forstoring maple sugar and wild rice, and as buckets when carrying,berries long distances. Small ones were tied to the belt of the picker!while picking. The handles of buckets were usually made of wood!or of basswood fiber. Three that were being used for storing maplejsugar were collected on the Red Lake Reservation. The depth of onelwas 101/2 inches; the opening, 11 by 5^^ inches; the base, 13 by 814J(pi. 24, 3 h). Another measured 5i/^ inches in depth, 7 by 5 inches atjthe opening, and 8i/^ by 5 inches at the base. A smaller one?onefilled with maple sugar (weight li/4 pounds)?was 3 inches deep and4% by Sy2 inches at the base. A berry-picking bucket collected onthe Lac Courte Orielle Reservation was 7 by 6I/2 inches and 3 inchesdeep.A tray used in winnowing wild rice on the Vermilion Reservationmeasured 20 by 14 inches across the opening, 17 by 12 inches at thebase and 6 inches in depth (pi. 24, i) . One collected on the Red LakeReservation was 17 by 12 across the opening and 3 inches deep (pi.24, 3 c) . One used on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation was 24 by 16at the ojjening and 6 inches in depth.Bark used for nonleakable containers is folded, never cut. Beforepresent-day dishes were available, nonleakable receptacles had manyuses; today they are used almost exclusively for gathering maplesap, some women making several hundred for this purpose duringwinter months. Sizes vary; average-size ones are approximately18 inches in length and 9 in width. One found in a maple grove onthe Red Lake Reservation is 10 by 13 inches and 5 inches deep(pi. 24, 2, one at right).A Red Lake informant made a nonleakable dish by cutting a pieceof birchbark in rectangular shape?the size for dishes used in servingsoups or liquids. She quickly passed both sides of one end several
?Cf. Densmore (1919, vol. 70, pp. 114-118) for photographs on collecting and packingbirchbark.
Bii^miit] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 135times over a small fire on the ground (pi. 25, 1) and promptly foldedthat end into two folds slightly overlapping. (The bark can bevariously bent once heated.) She pierced the folds and side simul-taneously with an iron awl and tied them together with basswoodfiber (pi. 25, ^) . (Formerly awls were made of bone of moose or someother large animal.) "She moistened the fiber with saliva by passingit back and forth between her lips several times. This made it moreflexible. Next she rolled it between first finger and thumb, dried itover the fire, and passed it through the hole made by the awl. Afterthis she heated the opposite end of the bark, folded it, and tied it inthe same way (pi. 25, 3). Wlien completed the dish was 5 by 41^inches and 2 inches deep (pi. 25, ^).A Red Lake informant not wishing to pass up some ripe choke-cherries on her way home through the woods one day made a similarreceptacle using a thorn of the thorna^jple tree as an awl.Basswood fiber (wigob') is made by removing the inner bark ofthe basswood tree, tearing it into long strips while wet, folding theseinto small bundles about the length of the hand, boiling and then dry-ing them. Dried fibers can be pulled apart into various widths
?
widths depending upon the use for which they are intended. Strandsof the same width are tied into small bundles and stored for futureuse. The bark is gathered in June and July since it is most easily re-moved then.*^Basswood fiber was being used, during the period of research cov-ered in this study, in sewing birchbark receptacles, in tying togetherpoles of tripods or racks used in cooking, in tying floaters and sinkersto fish nets, and for tying purposes in general. One informant, inpreparing warp used in making rush mats, drew two strands of thefiber between her lips to dampen them, and then with the palm ofher hand rolled these over the bare shin of her right leg (pi. 19).One woman who had shins crusted from the friction of the fiber,used the thigh for rolling. Formerly basswood fiber was also usedin making traps and fish nets.Cracks in birchbark receptacles today are mended as formerlywith heated resin. Resin that has oozed for a year in gashes madein spruce trees is gathered, whittled, placed in bags loosely wovenof fine strands of basswood fiber, and boiled in water (pi. 13, 1).As the heated resin comes to the top it is instantly removed?longboiling makes it brittle?poured into birchbark dishes, and storedfor future use. Women usually have a supply on hand. The bass-wood-fiber bag serves as a sieve, retaining bark and dirt.
*^ Cf. also Jones (1936, toI. 22, pp. 1-14) for preparation and uses of basswood fiber by theChippewa and other Indians of the Great Lakes region; and (1935, vol. 21, pp. 21-31)for uses of sweetgrass in handicrafts and as perfume and incense.
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN E,THNOL.OGY [Bull. 146Makok' and work baskets were sometimes decorated with designs.An informant, after drawing the outline of a spray of maple leaveson the birchbark of her makdk' soaked the mak5k' in water for morethan a day after which she scraped off the top layer of all the barkexcept the leaves. On drying, the leaves were given prominence be-cause of their darker hue (pi. 24, 5 &).Porcupine quills, used in decorating birchbark and deer hides,were removed from the animal, while it was still warm, with the aidof a butcher knife. A La Pointe informant dyed quills by soakingthem in a decoction made by boiling alder bark or the roots of the
"owl root" (kokoko djibik'). A L'Anse woman soaked hers in a de-coction made by boiling mud from Copper River.Bulrush mats were used as floor mats, the family squatting onthem indoors and outdoors, especially when the ground was damp;as "tables" on which meals were served; and as coverings for wig-wams (pi. 26, i).Women both gathered the material and made the bulrush mats(nakon) (cf. also Kinietz and Jones, 1942, vol. 27, pp. 525-527, pis.1-3) . Although bulrushes growing near the edge of any lake or riverwere usable, the ones in small lakes were choicest since they were leastbrittle. Those grown in rivers were not used because of their short-ness, unless lake-grown ones were not available. Today, as in daysjpast, rushes are pulled up by the roots or cut with a knife, tied inbundles, boiled until the green color has disappeared, and spreadout in the sun to bleach. Bleaching continues during the sunny hoursof 6 or 7 days, the rushes being turned several times each day inorder to give sun exposure to all sides. They are taken in at sunsetbefore the dew falls?dew causes them to turn yellow while in theprocess of bleaching. Weaving, however, is done in the morningwhile the dew is still on the mat; dry reeds break easily. Shouldany reeds become dry, the weaver squirts mouthfuls of water on them,thus keeping them pliable.Mats used as "tables" or for squatting on were often woven in col-ored designs?designs "planned in the head of the weaver." On theLa Pointe Reservation reeds were dyed yellow by being boiled eitherin a substance (probably a mineral) found in a certain creek or indecoctions of finely chopped bark and twigs of hazelnut and sumach.Red color was procured by boiling them in decoctions of roots ofeither the bloodroot, the "owl-plant" root (kdkoko djibik'), or theinner and outer bark of the wado'pe. Hemlock bark produced apurple dye ; bark of the alder tree, mahogany ; black muck found incertain ponds, a black color.On the L'Anse Reservation red dye was made by boiling eitherroots of a red fungus found on decayed wood or earth found in the
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE> 137Copper River or bark of alder and hemlock?^"the more the bark wasboiled the redder the color became." Red, green, and blue streaksfound in decayed roots of the maple tree made corresponding colors
?when boiled. One informant swished bulrush reeds in ashes of theouter bark of the poplar tree thereby making them "pitch black."On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, informants had boiledroot of bloodroot for a brown-orange color and bark of butternutfor black. L'Anse informants had not used either of these, nor sumach.Red Lake informants had boiled black muck for black, roots of blood
-
root for red, and bark of alder for mahogany.*^ Some informantsboiled reeds in decoctions; others soaked them over night. Boiling,said some, made them too soft. Reeds formed the woof in weaving;basswood twine, the warp (of. also Densmore, 1929, pp. 154-161).Mats placed around the interioi* of wigwams to keep drafts fromblowing in were made of cattails (apokwa'yok) or of cedar bark. Bothbulrush and cattail mats were being made on the Mille LacsReservation in 1940. DWELLINGSThe principal types of dwellings of the Chippewa were the wig-wam, the bark house, the peaked lodge, and occasionally the tipi. Theframework of all types consisted of saplings, and the cover of eitherbark alone or of bark and rush mats (cf. also Bushnell, 1919 a, pp.609-618).A wigwam was constructed by driving saplings, usually peeledironwood, securely into the ground in either a circle or in an elipse.Opposite poles were brought together in arches, overlapped, and tiedwith green basswood fiber (pi. 28, 2) . In some instances the sides werecovered with bulrush mats and the top with birchbark (pi. 26, 1;27, ^) ; in others, the framework was entirely covered with bark(pi. 26, 2). Coverings at times were held in position by being over-laid with cords of basswood fiber, the ends of which were weightedwith stones or pieces of wood (pis. 26, 1; 28, 4-)- Sometimes poleswere leaned against the sides of the wigwam (pi. 27, i). Womencarried the rush mats and birchbark coverings on their backs fromcamp to camp as the family followed its seasonal occupation. Frame-works were left in the localities and used successive years. If barkother than that of the birch was used, the entire wigwam was leftintact from season to season (pi. 26, ^).A hide was used to cover the entrance. The upper end was fas-tened to the wigwam while the ground end was weighted horizontallywith a stick or pole. (Today cloth has replaced the hide.) If thewind blew so strongly through the usual entrance, it was closed by
?For plants used as dyes, see also Densmore (1928, pp. 369-374) and Huron Smith(1932, vol. 4, pp. 424-426).
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146placing a pile of stones on the lower end of the hide ; an opening waithen made by separating the bulrush mats in the opposite side o:the wigwam.Circular wigwams housed only one family; elongated ones, one orseveral. An informant remembered that when a child his familyoccupied a wigwam with three other families, each family having aseparate fireplace and tripod.In the building of a wigwam the women selected, cut, and peeledthe poles, pulled the bulrushes and made the mats, collected birchbark and sewed it together, and placed the coverings over the frame-work. The man drove the poles into the ground, bent them, and heldthem in arched position until the women had tied them.Because of the difficulty in certain localities of finding large birchfrom which wide strips of bark can be removed, the bark of the elm,tamarack, Norway pine, and ash are used as substitutes. One alsofinds these barks used as substitute for bulrush mats. Consequentlycoverings for wigwams may be entirely of bark.Wigwams or frameworks were seen on all reservations excepiL'Anse, either in sugar bushes, on shores of lakes producing wild rice,in blueberry patches, or near Mide'wiwin lodges. The framework oiseven circular wigwams occupied during the Mide'wiwin celebrationwere seen near the Mide' lodge on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation(1935). One was 14 feet in diameter and 6^/^ feet in height; its en-trance was 4 feet 11 inches high and 2 feet wide. The keepers of thedrum, a medicine man and his wife, occupied an elongated one nearby,covered with bulrush mats and birchbark. Plate 26, /, shows seamjbetween pieces of birchbark, and poles sewed to the edges to preventtearing. When camp moved, the bark was rolled on these poles andpacked on backs of women.A wigwam (pi. 28, 4) used as an all-year-round dwelling on theMille Lacs Reservation was 18 feet long, 17 feet wide, and 7 feet highThe framework consisted of 9 saplings extending lengthwise, 11 cross-wise and 6 encircling ones. All were tied at points of junction withbasswood fiber. Strips of bark of the black ash, each about 51/^ feetin width, were tied to the outside lower frame ; the upper ends wereneatly trimmed off in zigzag edges. Sheets of birchbark about 10feet long and 4 feet wide, made by sewing together pieces of the barkand ending them off with strips of cedar wood, were laid across thetop for roofing. All coverings were held in position by being weighteddown with strands of basswood fiber, to ends of which, on oppositesides of the wigwam, trunks of young trees were tied. Stones restedin several places along the trunks, adding further weight to thestrands. The entrance was 30 by 69 inches.A mother and her two daughters had erected a wigwam (pi. 28, 1)to be used as a dwelling for the summer months of 1940 near
HiLoBa] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 139
a well-traveled road (Mille Lacs Reservation). They were sellingbirchbark articles to tourists. The length of the wigwam was 12feet; the width, 11 feet; the height, 5i/^ feet. Five saplings placedlengthwise and seven placed crosswise formed the framework. Poleswere tied together with basswood fiber at points of meeting. CattailQiats, 49 inches in width, had been placed about the entire outside[ower section; pressboard and tar paper covered the top. (The cat-tail mats had been made in the fall of 1939.) All was weighted downwith poles tied to the ends of a network of basswood fiber, nine strandsrunning lengthwise and eight crosswise. The entrance was 24 by 63inches.A wigwam and a tipi were erected by a 45-year-old woman, heriaughter, and another woman at Mille Lacs Indian Trading Post inRme 1940 (pis. 28, 3; 29, i, 2). The wigwam was 12 feet long, 11Peet wide, and 6 feet high. The framework consisted of 4 saplingsextending lengthwise, 4 crosswise, and 4 encircling ones. Cattail mats,50 inches wide, covered the sides ; sheets of birchbark sewed together,he roof.The following account records additional information regardingsvigwams
:
Several wigwams of the more recent type were found in blueberry patches onthe Red Lake Reservation in 1932. The lower section of the walls of one of:hese, the part traditionally covered with bulrush mats, was covered with the3ark of black ash. The upper section of the waUs and the roof, the sections
'ormerly covered with birch bark, were covered with the barks of Norway pineind black ash ; the top and upper sides were covered with only the bark of Norwaypine. The lower bark was tied to the framework with basswood fiber, while theroof was kept in place by being weighted down with a network of twine ropesIt the end of which, about six feet from the ground, poles were fastened -asveights. This particular wigwam was twelve feet in diameter and eight feet inleight. Another wigwam in the same blueberry 'patch, an elongated one, wassixteen feet long, twelve feet wide, and eight feet high. Its lower walls were of)ark of black ash ; the top and upper sides were of birch bark. Each wigwamlad an entrance about three feet wide and six feet high. None of the wigwamslad smoke holes, cooking undoubtedly having been done out-of-doors over openires, for tripods, cinders, and flat stones?the latter used in shutting off thevind?were in evidence nearby. In the interior were platforms of lumber,jlevated about a foot from the ground, which served as beds.Mrs. Peter Everywind of Red Lake was using a wigwam for a storage housen 1932. She herself had built it. The walls were of bark of the black ash, and;he roof, of that of the cedar tree. The interior upper ends had been prettilymt in zigzag pattern. "I wanted it to look nice on the inside," she said. "I3uilt it well in every way, and I haven't had to repair it since I built it, way>ack in 1922."Wigwams were seen on the White Earth Reservation in the summer of 1938 . . .Cwo families were occupying one as a dwelling during the spring Mide wiwin atPonsford. Its framework, twelve by sixteen by six feet in height, was ofronwood saplings and the roof was of birch bark. The traditional bulrushnats, however, had been replaced by old blankets and pieces of calico. Eight
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOIiOGT [Bull. 146poles laid against the outside weighted down the bark. From the center of theroof a stovepipe protruded, and an old blanket served as a door.Skeletal frameworks of four other wigwams were found near homes. Threeof these were in the wild-rice area near Rice Lake and were used by relativesof the owners during the wild-rice season. It was interesting to note that allthree, although entirely exposed to the weather, were used as storage placesduring the summer. Two were nearly filled with birch-bark rolls and withimplements used in wild rice gathering and maple sugar-making; the thirdcontained wash tubs and firewood.A fourth one, seen in the Ponsford area, was in the process of construction.A 30-year-old woman noted that she had completed the framework and hadthe birch-bark rolls for the roofing ready, but that she lacked the bulrush mats.Her mother, fifty-two years of age, had in mind to make these. The wigwam
,
was for her aged grandparents, a grandfather probably one hundred years oldand a grandmother nearly that They had complained so many times that theywere uncomfortable in their tar-paper shack. It was hot in summer and coldand full of bedbugs in winter. And she added, "The old man says before theWhites came, the Chippewa had no bedbugs nor smallpox nor tuberculosis !"It is interesting to note that Chippewa who were constructing, occupying, orowning wigwams in the summers of 1932, 1933, 1935, and 1938 were membersof the Mide wiwin.Although bark wigwams were found on all Chippewa reservations visited,few were intended for all-year-round dwellings. If foimd near homes, theywere used for sleeping purposes during the summer months, or possibly asstorage places. Those found scattered in berry patches, in sugar bushes, alonglakeshores where wild rice is gathered, and in places where the Mide wiwin isheld, were occupied only seasonally."The bark lodge used by the Chippewa gave the appearance of aone-room, low, gable-roof cottage. The entire framework consistedof saplings of ironwood or elm. The coverings of walls and roofwere bark of the birch, cedar, Norway pine, elm, or tamarack. A96-year-old White Earth man recalled that previous to sawmilldays, nearly all the Indians in their vicinity lived in bark houses.The framework of several was seen in wild-rice camps on the samereservation in 1938. An old Lac Courte Orielle informant as a childlived in an elm bark house with a gabled roof at Jump River nearChippewa Falls, Wis. iThe peaked lodge consisted of poles so planted as to form twosloping sides, giving the appearance of a high-pitched gabled roofsquatting on the ground. The ends of the poles used for formingthe sides were held in place by being tied to a horizontal pole at theridge. Any of the barks used in constructing wigwams served ascoverings for the sides. Each end served as an entrance; the cross-ing of the poles provided space for the emission of smoke. Such alodge usually accommodated three or four families. The only peakedlodge that came to the writer's notice or was known to her informants
**Hilger, (1939, pp. 45-47). The construction of all wigwams seen by the writerconformed closely to Densmore's description (1929, pp. 22-26).
aiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 141
to exist on any reservation was one in which the Mide'wiwin cere-nonial was being held on the Nett Lake Reservation in August 1939.A tipi consisted of a conical-shaped framework of saplings coveredwith overlapping layers of birchbark. The bark was held in posi-tion by being tied to the saplings with basswood fiber and weightediown with leaning poles (pi. 29). Jenness found Parry Islandershad "no recollection of the earlier use of dome-shaped wigwams cov-ered with birchbark or rushes" but they remembered the peaked lodge
'with A-shaped ends and ridgepole," and the conical or tipi form(Jenness, 1935, p. 112). A Red Lake informant remarked: "EveryChippewa woman had to learn to build a wigwam in the old days;it was part of the training her mother gave her. None, however,knew how to build a tipi except those that lived near the Sioux."Canvas-covered tipis were seen on several reservations and werebeing used for storage or for sleeping purposes. Originally they hadbeen used in pow-wow demonstrations (Indian dances given for com-mercial purposes)
.
FUEL, FIREPLACES, AND LIGHTINGWood was the only fuel used by the Chippewa of the early days.It was gathered by women as needed, usually every day, and packed3n their backs in carrying straps (pi. 29, 3, 4) -Gilfillan (1901, vol. 9, p. 77) noted his observations:Every day one can see, about four o'clock in the afternoon, long strings ofwomen, each with her ax and packing strap, going out into the woods perhaps amile; soon the woods are vocal with the axes; and then equally long stringsaf women are seen issuing from the woods, each with her load upon her back,and each woman packs an immense quantity. This is thrown down at the doorot the house, and brought in as needed, /A carrying strap (a'pikan) used by a Red Lake informant in 1932(pi. 29, 4-) was 16 feet long and li^ inches wide. It had been madeby sewing two pieces of tough tanned moose hide to the ends of adelicately tanned piece of deer hide. The moose-hide ends were usedin strapping wood; the deer hide rested across the forehead. Theforehead side had not been tanned but only closely cropped of hairin order to leave a soft finish. The informant laid the strap on theground in two equal parallel lengths, about 1 foot apart, and piledpieces of wood upon the straps some distance from the ends. Shethen laid the first two fingers of her left hand (pointing toward head-band) upon one strap, between wood and headband and parallel withit, and brought the end of the strap over the wood, passed it threetimes around the fingers and under the strap, withdrew her fingers,slipped the end toward headband through the space left by the re-
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNO'LOGT [Bull. 14Cmoval of her fingers in such a manner as to make a half bow. Sheproceeded to tie the other strap in the same way. Remaining in akneeling position, she placed the headband on her forehead, reachedbackward around left side with both hands, and moved the packonto her back.Another informant on the same reservation who had a similarstrap, demonstrated its use in a similar manner and tied the bow inexactly the same way (pi. 29, 3). "Many a stick of wood I cut andcarried strapped on my back," she remarked.Although any wood could be used for fuel, alder wood was preferredsince it threw off neither sparks nor smoke.In the old, old days, [said a Red Lake informant] an Indian chief wantedhis son to marry. No one knew who the girl would be. Since many girlswanted to marry the young chief, the old chief said that she who brought thebest firewood could marry him. An old woman dressed her granddaughter,whom she had adopted when a little girl, in her Indian best, combed her hairlike they did in the old days, painted her face, and said to her, "Now, daughter,go and cut a bundle of dry alders, pack it to the chief's door and drop it there."
"Well, all the girls brought their wood ; but the lucky one was the one whobrought the alder.On the La Pointe Reservation an informant made fire by strikinga piece of flint held between thumb and first finger, along with somepunk, with a piece of tin ; the sparks falling on the punk, lit it. Someinformants wrapped the flint nearly completely in punk ; some usedtwo flints and no tin.A Lac Courte Orielle informant made fire by rotating the end ofa 10-inch stick in a circular groove made in a piece of wood. Thegroove was % of an inch in diameter and % inch deep ; the piece ofwood, 14% inches in length. The stick rotated by being slid back andforth either between the palms of the hand like a hand drill or ona 29-inch string of a bow like a pump drill; in the latter case theleft hand held the stick which had been looped into the cord of thebow, while the right moved the bow backward and forward.Open fireplaces were used for heating and lighting wigwams andfor cooking. Types were tripods and racks. Both were used in theopen, but only the tripod in the wigwam (pi. 30, i, 2). If twofamilies occupied the same wigwam, two tripods were found on thecenter line of the wigwam, one for each family. A tripod on theRed Lake Reservation was made by resting two Juneberry saplingsin the crotch of a third ; all were tied together with basswood fiber.
"This is made exactly like my grandmother taught me to make it,"said the 70-year-old demonstrator. She then made a hanger for akettle by chopping a small branch off an alder tree in such a waythat a slice of the trunk remained on it. The trunk end, after beingtrimmed, served as a crotch and was placed over the junction of the
HiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE, 143tripod. The other end was notched so as to hold the handle of thekettle. A hanger could also have been made by removing all pulpbut not the bark from one end of the branch and tying the branchto the junction of the tripod with the bark; the crotched end in thisinstance would have been used for the kettle.Racks or elongated fireplaces served both for cooking and for dryingfish or meat (p. 148). When en route or when moving, camp kettleswere sometimes hung over a fire from ends of sticks that had beensecurely fastened into the ground at an angle in such a way as tohold the kettle over the fire. At times fish and pieces of meat werebroiled at the end of sticks similarly placed.Wigwams were also heated and lighted in the early days by meansof fire located in a shallow pit in the center of the wigwam ; the pitwas usually encircled with stones to prevent persons from steppinginto it. No light was needed in the summer months, ordinarily, forthe end of dusk was bedtime; during the winter months, however,Bvenings were spent in visiting or storytelling for entertainment andinstruction.The fireplace in the wigwam usually gave sufficient light for ordi-nary work. If a woman, however, needed additional light, she stuck
a, piece of tightly twisted birchbark into the sliced end of a piece ofwood, and set this upright in the ground. If light was needed for
a, short duration outside the wigwam, a lighted piece of birchbarkserved as torch. A cornucopia of bark filled with resin and bits ofbirchbark served for longer periods, such as might be required tofetch one skilled in herbs to the bedside of a sick person (Hilger, 1939,p. 150).L'Anse and Lac Courte Orielle informants recalled seeing theirtiomes lit by means of oil and wicks.'*^ "I^often saw my mother roll2ord over her leg and later curl it into a dish of bear grease, or anygrease. She lighted one end and let it rest on the edge of the dish,"said a Lac Courte Orielle informant. His friend remarked: "Mymother pulled rags through the four holes of an ordinary button,bwisted the ends together and wound a string tightly around them,rhis made a wick which she placed into a dish of bear grease andlit." On the L'Anse Reservation oil of any fish, preferably whitefish,served as oil for lamps. Whitefish oil never froze; deer tallow did,ivhen the weather became very cold. "Chumbs," the fatty substancefound in the interior of whitefish, was boiled in water and skimmedDff. Braided pieces of cotton cloth also served as wicks. One in-formant had placed a button on a piece of cloth, brought ends to-gether, tied them close above the button, and then twisted the ends
" The writer believes this to have been an intrusion of European origin.
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI^QGY [Boll. 146between the fingers : the weight and size of the button gave equilibriumto the wick.La Pointe informants had not used lamps made of grease or oiland wicks: "When old Indians wanted light, they built a fire; orthe fire in the wigwam served as a lamp."GARDENINGGardening of the traditional type, small cultivated plots of groundscattered haphazardly among tall grass or in open spaces in thewoods, was seen on most reservations. In the early days garden plotswere found near all winter camps. The winter camps, the permanentcamps, were usually located in maple tree groves. In the spring thegrass on the plots was burnt and the ground was worked with sticks.Corn, squash, pumpkins, and beans were planted and cared for untilthe families moved into the berry patches. After the wild rice hadbeen harvested in the fall, families returned home and gathered theirgarden products.Today traditional vegetables and many others can be seen in Chip-pewa gardens. A Lac du Flambeau informant had three good-sizedgardens: she herself had prepared two, and a third had been pre-pared by her nephew's wife. The farmer of the United States IndianService had furnished seeds of squash, beans, radishes, onions, rutabaga, lettuce, artichoke, tomatoes, carrots, and peas. The informanthad also cleared grass and weeds off three small patches, about 2 by 3feet each, leaving the grass about the patch intact, however. "Thisis the old way," she remarked; "the grass keeps off the sun, retainsthe moisture, and helps prevent early freezing." In one she hadplanted squash, in another lettuce, and in a third radishes.FOOD : PKEPAKATION AND STORAGE ^Meat, fish, and fowl formed the chief sustenance of the Chippewa.These were boiled with cultivated vegetables, such as beans, corn,squash, and pumpkin, and with native ones, such as wild rice, wildpotatoes, and tips of certain plants. Berries of many varieties wereeaten both fresh and dried. Acorns, too, were used as food. Maplesap, refined to sugar, was used for sweetening purposes and was alsoeaten pure. Squash and pumpkin were baked on coals for imme-diate use ; for winter use, the rind was removed and the pulp cut inone continuous strip and hung in the sun to dry. Dried squash andpumpkin were boiled with meat. Beans were collected from the podsin the fall and stored in birchbark containers. They were eitherboiled with meat alone, or with meat and corn.
*?For uses of plants as food, see also Densmore (1928, pp. 306-322) ; Huron Smith1932) ; Gilmore (1933).
HiLGBE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 145Com prepared for storage was boiled in the shucks when not quiteripe, cooled, shucks turned back and braided, and then hung up todry (pi. 1,1). If treated in this manner, kernels retained their sweettaste and remained on the cobs. Several informants did not boil thecorn, but removed it from stocks before it was completely dried. Whenin this condition shucks could also be braided. Braids of corn, about4 feet in length, were seen hanging in kitchens or on outside walls ofhouses on several reservations.Dried corn was ground in mortar with pestle, motion being a stir-ring rather than a pounding one. A L'Anse informant rubbed cornagainst the walls of a stone that had been grooved by water actionvnth a rock held so that the larger part protruded beyond the littlelinger. One informant had seen a mortar made by chipping andsmoothing a large rock until it was bowl-shaped. Two Red Lake in-formants were using a section of a trunk of a tree that had beenhollowed out, leaving both ends closed, however. One was 24 incheslong with a trough 13 inches in length and 4 inches in depth; theother was 12 inches long, 5 inches wide, and 4 inches deep. A pestleused with the former was a continuous piece of wood shaped so asto have a handle. It weighed 1 pound 5 ounces. When mortars werebeing used, they were placed on buckskin so that no meal would belost.Formerly corn meal was used primarily for thickening soup; someinformants had mixed it with water and fried it in tallow of buffaloor bear. Today it is used in soups, fried, and baked as corn bread.Many Chippewa bake "Indian bread" by mixing wheat flour withbaking powder, water, and salt, and frying it in lard. An informantsquatted near her outdoor fireplace, stretched dough with both hands,poked a hole in the center with her finger, and dropped it into hotlard in a frying pan which rested on the coals (pi. 30, i). When thebread was well browned on one side, she flipped the pan, thereby turn-ing the dough, and browned the other side also. She then removedit to a plate, spread fresh blueberries upon it, and served it to agrandchild.Acorns of white oak?red oak are too bitter?were boiled in hulls,cooled, hulled, and dried in the sun. When needed they were crushedor pounded to meal, boiled with meat, and served as thick soup.Informants and interpreters on all reservations were sun-dryingblueberries, Juneberries, and chokecherries on pieces of birchbark, onroofs, or on pieces of cloth. After 2 or 3 days' drying they were storedand later cooked with wild rice and venison. Wado'pe ("a root foundbetween Flambeau and Hurley, Wis."), and Indian turnips, bothbraided by means of their leafy growth, were also dried for storageand cooked with meat when desired.884216?51 11
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHN0L.0OY [Bdll. 146Lac Courte Orielle Indians (June 1935) were gathering milkweedshoots (4 inches or less tall) and tips of ferns, which when boiled andflavored with grease of any kind were served as vegetables. Pumpkinblossoms gathered later in the season were also boiled with meat andmade "delicious soup."A beverage served with meals was made by boiling in water eitherraspberry twigs and leaves, wintergreen, or "something that grows inswamps" ; these had no medicinal value.No family neglected to put in its supply of maple sugar in the earlydays. When the sap began to rise, groups of families moved intomaple groves?unless the winter camp was located in one, which wasnot unusual. The time for tapping trees varied with the years andthe localities ; sap flow might be affected by an early spring, by near-ness to Lake Superior, or by latitude. Informants were certain thatat the present time tapping is never begun before March 25. Theseason ends by April 30.Maple groves were not claimed by any particular family, but it waswell understood that no one tapped trees that were customarily tappedeach season by the same family. Should a family neglect to tap itstrees for a season, another family might then do so the followingseason, making certain, however, that the first family did not intend todo so. Often, too, a family, knowing that it was unable to tap treesbecause of sickness or taboos related to death, invited another to tapits trees. Wigwams were erected in sugar bushes, each family usuallyhaving three?one for a family dwelling, one for making sugar (thisone might be shared), and one for storage of utensils. Frameworkswere permanent and at times coverings also (p. 138)
.
Maple trees were tapped ; sap was collected, boiled, evaporated, andrefined. (Cf. also Densmore, 1928, pp. 308-313; Winchell, 1911, p.595 ; Warren, 1885, vol. 5, pp. 186, 263 ; GilfiUan, 1901, vol. 9, pp. 70-71
;
and Chamberlain, 1891, vol. 4, pp. 381-384.) "The sap must be closelywatched while boiling," said a White Earth sugar maker. "Just assoon as it begins to make eyes, it is taken off the fire and worked with asmall paddle that looks like a canoe paddle. When we were childrenwe used to watch for this stage in the boiling, beg for a little sap on apiece of birchbark, drop it into the snow?if there was still snow onthe ground?and let it turn to gum." An old Vermilion woman fol-lowed the custom of placing a little pinch of tobacco in the fire beforeeating the first maple sugar : "I do the same before eating the first wildrice or the first fish in spring. 1 ask Manito to grant success on allwe do." After all families in a group had completed the first boilingof the sap, a feast was held in which all participated; maple sugarformed the chief food.When I was still a child, our family moved into the woods every spring in orderto make maple sugar [remarked a Lac Courte Orielle woman]. "Here
Hit-GER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 147we lived in wigwams. The first year we lived on this reservation, I was about10 years old then, we tapped 800 trees. When the season was ended, we had 10makok' of maple sugar so heavy that I was not able to carry even the smallest one.They varied in size ; the largest one was about 3 feet high and a foot in diameter.The sirup never fermented in these birchbark containers, and tasted good inthe following spring. Some people made taffy (bagoo'elgons) for childrenfrom maple sirup. It tasted very good. One seldom sees it today.Wild rice, one of the staple foods of the early Chippewa, wasgathered by the women in late August or early September just beforeit matured.*'^ If gathered when ripe much is lost, for it drops readilythen. As the season approached, families migrated in groups to lakesand streams producing it. It grows in mud bottoms short distancesfrom shores of lakes or slow-moving streams.Wild rice is an annual plant, growing from seed each year. If notdestructively gathered by man or wild fowl or, as has been recentlydone, completely drowned out by backwaters of dams, it is perpetualonce established in favorable environment.Patches of wild rice were considered common property in the earlydays, but it was the custom for families to return to the same growthyear after year, and others respected their rights to gather it. If fam-ilies planted wild rice, which was done occasionally, others ceded theirexclusive rights to it. An interpreter's mother on the La Pointe Res-ervation sowed wild rice every fall shortly after gathering it. It wassowed in rather shallow water. "No one has ever gone to gather ricethere," she remarked. "Such patches have always been claimed by thepeople who sowed them, and by their descendants." A Lac CourteOrielle man remarked : "Sections of wild rice on this reservation areclaimed by some because their fathers and grandfathers planted them.""At the present time (1935) on this reservation (Lac du Flambeau)people scatter rice on lake shores a few darys after they have gatheredit but lay no claim of ownership to these patches. They sow the riceso that Chippewa in the future?maybe relatives?will have wild rice.It must be sowed in shallow muddy water, in either spring-fed orrunning water like at the outlet of a lake."The kernels of wild rice grow at the tip of a stem that at times is 15to 20 feet long. The color is dark slate ; the shape, cylindrical. Ker-nels differ in size and taste with localities. A Lac Courte Orielleinformant gathered her rice in Aitkin County, Minn., in the fall of1934 "for kernels there are small and better tasting than the onesaround here." Kernels on the La Pointe Reservation "are finer thanthe ones at Red Lake."In the middle of summer women tie the rice into bunches. When
? For detailed description of wild rice gathering, see Winchell (1911, pp. 592-594);Densmore (192S, pp. 313-317) ; Jenks (1900 b, pp. 1013-1137) ; Skinner (1921 b, pp.101-102, 142-152) ; HUger (1939, pp. 186-187) ; Tyrrell (1916, p. 275) ; and Carlson (1934,pp. 16-23, and Charabliss, 1940).
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOIX)GY [Bull. 146
collecting it bunches are held over a canoe or boat and knocked with apaddlelike stick causing the kernels to drop.In the early days rice was either dried on birchbark in the sun or onflat rocks heated over slow fire. After contact with Europeans it wasparched in kettles, husks loosened by being pounded, and then win-nowed in the wind."*^ (Cf. winnowing trays, nockanicigon, pi. 24,1, S c.) It was then stored in bags made by women of cedarbark."Parched wild rice was cooked like Chinese rice is today with strips ofmeat, or boiled in soups." Children often popped it on hot stones.The meat of deer, moose, bear, and buffalo (buffalo by those livingnear the prairie areas) was eaten both fresh or dried and smoked.Fresh meat was cooked with either green vegetables, dried berries,dried chokecherries, or wild rice. Meat that was not needed for imme-diate use was cut into strips "as thick as my thumb" and dried over aslow fire on racks or tripods used for cooking, on slanting sticks stuckinto the ground, or, if a large amount was on hand, on specially erectedframes (pi. 31, 1, 2). In old days racks were sometimes 30 feetlong, 3 feet wide, and 3 feet high. On the White Earth Reservation(1938) a 32-year-old informant was drying venison on a rack made byresting the corners of a lattice framework, made of split branches, inthe crotches of four saplings; it stood about 2 feet from the ground."Any green wood may be used in making the frame," she remarked
;
"but green wood is best because it resists the heat and will not catchfire."Fish of various kinds were also eaten fresh ; but only pike, crappies,and whitefish were smoked. Fish were split down the back, the frame-work of bones and entrails removed, and with belly up were placedastride on rods over a slow fire. Heads were not severed. Anotherway, but one in which fish needed turning, was to rest them sidewiseon racks over fire?in more recent times on screens. Racks were sim-ilar to the one used by the White Earth informant, referred to above,in drying venison. On the Red Lake Reservation a piece of windowscreening (4 by 4 feet) rested on boxes about 1 foot above the ground.Underneath it, in a pit about one-half foot deep, a slow fire was main-tained. An interpreter had smoked all the crappies she could obtainduring the summer (1933) on window screening over an aspen fire.The last ones of those she stored were eaten at Christmas time.Oak, ash, maple, or any hardwood was used for smoking purposes.These gave both meat and fish a good taste and a "nice brown color."Jack pine was not used; it left a "dirty color." Smoking fish for 8hours over a slow fire dried and smoked them sufficiently for storage.
?Cf. Densmore (1919, vol. 70, p. 96) for photographs of poling boat through rice fieldand of parching wild rice.
HiLGEK] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 149The meat of the wolf was not eaten. That of the turtle was eatenonly by men, never by women. Porcupines, skunks, rabbits, ducks,geese, and pigeons were all eaten fresh. After the quills had beenremoved from the back of a porcupine, "it was cleaned like a chicken
:
boiling water poured over it, the shorter quills plucked, and the hairsinged." The meat-of pups was eaten in very early days. Althoughmany informants had heard this repeatedly and must have eaten it atthe Mide'wiwin feast, they seemed to revolt at the idea.Turtle eggs were considered a delicacy, and were eaten in season;no way of preserving them was known. They were boiled for 20minutes, cooled, the shell punctured with a finger, and contents sucked.An old Lac Courte Orielle informant and several of her aged friendshad walked nearly 5 miles (1935) to find a sandy lake shore, "the placewhere the turtles lay their eggs." Upon arrival they searched aroundin the sand "for little raised places, little bumps," into which theypoked sticks. By the sensation, "the place will feel soft", they wereable to tell whether or not eggs were present. (They found a nestwith sixty.) This method of searching was necessary because of arecent rain. "It's easy to find them before a rain for one can followthe turtle's trail then ; the dragging of his tail makes a line which in-variably passes between his four steps. The time for hunting turtleeggs is when the first wild roses are in full bloom."Food supplies that were not needed during a season were usuallystored in caches (asan'sigowin) built near the home wigwams. Storedfood might be braided corn ; maple sugar and dried berries in birch-bark containers; wild rice in cedar-bark bags; dried meat or fishwrapped in birchbark; and dried vegetables. "In former days ourIndians dug pits after the rice season and stored in them their rice andcorn and vegetables from their gardens," said a Lac Courte Oriellewoman. "Then everyone went down the Yellow River to ChippewaFalls, Wis., in canoes in order to hunt. Meat was dried and smokedthere, and hides were tanned ; moccasins and snowshoes were made,and then all returned home."The writer witnessed the opening of a cache by an 82-year-old RedLake informant on August 1, 1933. An Indian wished to buy somepotatoes from the informant's garden. Since these were not yet full-grown, she was willing to sell him some stored ones. She proceededto a grove of maple trees nearby and from a place in it removed somesaplings which she had felled and placed there the previous fall. Shenext removed several armfuls of cornstalks and then some dead leaves.
"All of this," she remarked, "was needed to 'fool' the deer ! Deer won'twalk on dead trees for their feet catch in them. Without these treesthey could have found the cache by the feel of their feet. Any softspot raises their suspicions." She next removed hay to about the
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146depth of a foot, lifted out several rutabagas, and finally good-sizedfine healthy-looking potatoes. The cache, 6 feet deep and nearly 3feet square, was lined with hay to about the depth of 8 inches. "Ihad three of these filled with vegetables from my gardens last fall."In a new cache she was at that time storing Mason fruit jars ofcanned blueberries and gooseberries of the summer's growth. Eachjar was so placed that it could be surrounded with hay. "I have storedmy canned things that way ever since we learnt to put things up inglass jars, and I have never had any of them freeze. The food I needfor winter, I keep in my house," she said. "Whatever I put in thecaches stays there until the snow melts. That's the hardest time ofall the year. Indians that don't provide for themselves in the falloften nearly starve in the late winter. I belong to the Pembina band,and it was seldom heard, when we still lived the Indian way, that anyof us were starving." A third cache in which she had depositedcanned raspberries' and Juneberries of the season?8 pints of theformer and 9% quarts of the latter?was 22 inches in diameter and12 inches deep. "When I have all my canning done, I'll tuck hay allaround the jars and plenty of it on top, and then I'll cover bothcaches with earth, making a heap at least so high (18 inches) abovethe level of the ground."Another cache on the Red Lake Reservation was 3 feet 7 inches long,3 feet 5 inches wide, and 4 feet 2 inches deep. Potatoes had beenstored in it to about 1 foot from the top in the fall of 1932. Theremainder had been filled with hay which was weighted down withpieces of heavy timber. Dirt was then thrown over all to the heightof 18 inches above the ground.In a cache (4 feet square and 6 feet deep) on the Lac Courte OrielleReservation potatoes, dried corn, maple sugar in makok', and wild ricehad been stored in the winter of 1934-1935. The cache was lined withhay and the food covered with mats and rugs overlaid with hay anddirt to a depth of 2 feet. Some informants had lined pits with hay,held in place by bent saplings'."At the end of Lake Pokegema," said a Lac du Flambeau interpre-ter, "the people buried about two hundred pounds of wild rice lastfall (1934). It was put in sacks and buried in a pit and left thereuntil the snow was gone."
BANi)S, CHIEFS, AND COUNCILSThe political unit among the Chippewa was the band. A band com-prised from 5 to 50 or more families and was headed by a chief whowas assisted by subchiefs. Informants were agreed that both chiefsand subchiefs received their positions normally through inheritance
;
this information corroborates that given by Warren and Copway,
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 151both natives (Warren, 1885, vol. 5, p. 135; Copway, 1847, p. 137; cf.also Gilfillan, 1901, vol. 9, p. 75, and Densmore, 1929, p. 131) . It wasnot unusual, however, that men of good repute became chiefs becauseof merit. Informants' knew of men who had been rewarded withchieftainship by the tribe for unusual courage in time of widespreadillness, such as smallpox epidemics. Several additional men bore thetitle chief, and were considered such, because a President of the UnitedStates had awarded them with medals during visits' to the WhiteHouse. The power and prestige of the chief's position, however,depended upon the individual who held it.All bands considered themselves as affiliated with either the LakeSuperior Bands or the Mississippi Bands'. Copway called them theLake Bands and the Interior Bands (Copway, 1847, p. 52). A bandtoday may be scattered over a large area. The L'Anse Band, forexample, comprises all the Indians of the L'Anse Reservation, plusgroups living in Michigan, near or at Marquette, Sault Ste. Marie,and Es'canaba, and groups living in Wisconsin at Land O'Lakes andat Lac Vieux Desert. Lac Vieux Desert comprises 16 fullbloodedfamilies, all members of the Mide'wiwin. About 75 years ago theirleader, a subchief, called Chief Silver Scott, purchased a small pieceof land at Lac Vieux Desert and settled there with his group.An informant on the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation related thefollowing
:
In old days the Lac Courte Orielle band had a head chief. He had two names,Bagowas, which means "patch," like patch on a pants, and Aquewanse, whichmeans "old man." When Bagowas died, his son, Gengwawa, became chief. AfterGengwawa died, his sister's child, Peter Wolf, became chief. A son of PeterWolf, Mike Wolf, is now the recognized chief. Since Mike is not on this reserva-tion?he is in the Indian service in one of the Dakotas?one of the 'subchiefs,Anaquat, of the Chief Lake group, is acting as h^d chief. His duty is to repre-sent the Lac Courte Orielle Chippewa if anything tribal turns up. If any suchbusiness turns up, a meeting is held to which aU are invited, and whatever isdecided upon there, Peter Anaquat will present to the agent or whoever is con-cerned. The tribe will uphold him in these decisions.Subchieftainship is also inherited. There are three subchiefs on the Reserva-tion today. Peter Anaquat is subchief of Paquawang, which includes ChiefLake on the Chippewa River. Mose Bluesky, Oshawashgogesik, is subchief of theCouderay band that lives on the Chippewa River, now called New Post. JoeWhite, Ashquagabow, is the subchief at Reserve. His grandfather is one of thechiefs who signed the Treaty of September 30, 1854, at La Pointe.All the Indians on this Reservation belong to the Lac Courte Orielle Band.The Indians at Odanah, in Ashland County, are of the Chippewa tribe, but of adifferent band. The Chippewa at RedclifE are called the RedclifE Band or JohnBuffalo's Band. John Buffalo is now dead. Another band of Chippewa live atLac du Flambeau. [Hilger, 1936, pp. 41-42.]The Treaty of September 30, 1854, was made at La Pointe, Wis.,between the seven bands of the Lake Superior Bands and the Missis-
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNCLOGT [Bull. 146
sippi Bands, on one side, and the United States Government on tlieother. The signers of the Lake Superior Bands are grouped underthe following bands : La Pointe, L'Anse, Grand Portage, Fond du Lac,Lac Courte Orielle, Lac du Flambeau, and Bois Forte. Of these bands12 first chiefs, 24 second chiefs, and 34 headmen signed the treaty.Signers of the Mississippi Bands were one head chief, one first chief,eight second chiefs, and five headmen (Kappler, 1904, pp. 648-652).The origin of the Lac Courte Orielle Band was described (1935) bythe 91-year-old wife of a descendant of the founder as follows:An old man who lived on the Point tells this story : One time an old womanwas going to the Point and a little boy followed her. He fell into the water(Little Lake Couderay) and was spirited away through a hole in the bank; thespirit who did this came from the West. They consulted the medicine manregarding the lost boy. They even held a Medicine Dance during which theythrew into the water traps, maple sugar, utensils, pots, quilts, in fact the bestof everything. The medicine man told them that the boy would be deliveredthe next day, and the next day the boy popped out of the water ! It is believedthat all our people and our chiefs came from this boy. After the boy grewolder, he became a medicine man. He prophesied what would happen to thesepeople?that there would be priests and a church here. This happened sixgenerations before any white man came. This boy's name was Omagan'dip,which means, "scabby head," and from him all the Couderay Band of Indianscame. When the great-grandson of Omagan'dip, named Ba'giios, died, his sonGeorge became chief; upon the latter's death, his small son became chief. Dueto his minority, two men were appointed to act as guardians of the band. Theboy died; after this, one of the guardians was looked up to as chief.No extraordinary respects were paid to a chief. Nor was his songiven any preparation for the office : he was treated like other childrenand was expected to grow up to be a man of good character and goodsense. If he lacked these qualities, he might not be greatly esteemedby the people but he would not thereby lose his position. A chief'smain duties were to preside at council meetings (councils consistingof all men and women past puberty) ; of making decisions regardingthe general welfare of the tribe, such as petitioning the United StatesGovernment for favors or redress ; of settling small disputes among hispeople ; of representing the band at annuity payments, at signing oftreaties, and at large gatherings of many tribes. The chief's responsi-bility is exemplified in a "Petition of the head chiefs of the ChippewaTribe of Indians on Lake Superior," dated February 7, 1849. It readsas follows
:
That our people, to-wit, sixteen bands, desire a donation of twenty-four sectionsof land, covering the graves of our fathers, our sugar orchards, and our ricelakes and rivers, at seven different places now occupied by us as villages, viz.
:
At View Desert, or Old Garden, three sections ; at Trout Lake, four sections ; atLake Coter6, four sections ; at La Pointe, four sections ; at Ontonagon, threesections ; at La Ance, three sections ; and at Pah-po-goh-mony, three sections.
HiLGKR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 153That we desire tliese lands for the purpose specified. [Jenks, 1900 b, pt. 2,p. 1097.]No informants had ever heard of women chiefs among their people.That women, however, acted as chiefs and were permitted to signtreaties, is a matter of record
:
The head chief of the Pillagers, Flatmouth, has for several years resided IdCanada. His sister, Euth Flatmouth, is iu her brother's absence the acknowledgedQueen, or leader of the Pillagers ; two other women of hereditary right acted asleaders of their respective bands, and at the request of the chiefs were permittedto sign the agreements. [U. S. House Exec. Doc, 18S9-90, p. 26.]Women not only expressed their opinions at comicil meetings, butwere often called upon for information.MAPvRIAGE CUSTOMSGENTESWarren, a native Chippewa, wrote that the Algies of which hispeople formed one of the principal branches were as a body dividedinto several large families, each of which was known and perpetuatedby a symbol of some bird, animal, fish, or reptile, and called by themtotem or do'dam. He notes that the descent was invariably along themale line ; and that intermarriage never took place between persons ofthe same symbol or family, "even, should they belong td different anddistinct tribes, as they consider one another related by the closest tiesof blood and call one another by the nearest terms of consanguinity"(Warren, 1885, vol. 5, p. 34). Informants on all reservations wereagreed that the do'dam was patrilinear. Such remarks as the follow-ing were typical: "The do'dam is invariably inherited from thefather." "Children belong to the do'damfof their father ; never to thatof their mother." "I have five boys and five girls and all belong to thewolf do'dam, their father's do'dam." "You are always a member ofyour fathers do'dam ; never of your mother's."Traditions of the Mide'wiwin teach that originally there were fivedo'dams among the Chippewa. Today the Chippewa recognize manymore. Warren lists 21 by name (Warren, 1885, vol. 5, pp. 44-45).Mooney and Thomas record that among some of the Chippewa thegentes were associated in five phratries {in Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 279)
.
Jones notes that there "was a large number of clans, and some of themseemed to have been grouped under a feeble form of phratry (Jones,1906, p. 136). Informants, both men and women, who contributed tothis work belonged to the following gentes : wild cat, bear, eagle, mar-tin, bullhead, kingfisher, crane, loon, wabica'cina (unidentified four-footed animal), wolf, fish, sturgeon, lynx, pickerel, caribou, lion, and
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 146bird. Warren lists, in addition, catfish, reindeer, merman, pike, rattle-snake, moose, black duck or cormorant, goose, sucker, whitefish, beaver,gull, hawk.*^Since white fathers held no membership in any gentes, their childrenwere said to belong to the eagle do'dam, the eagle having been assignedto them, it was thought, because it symbolized the United States, andwhite men were associated with the United States. It may have beena mere coincidence that all informants and interpreters who weremembers of the eagle gentes had white feathers, or it may indicate thevalidity of the eagle gentes.Each gentes, as noted before, is designated and perpetuated by thesymbol of some animal. Animals so symbolized are treated withfriendliness but are not considered sacred, nor are any taboos asso-ciated with them. "They are killed, skinned, and eaten like otheranimals."A L'Anse informant found inspiration in his do'damic symbol."The children take their do'dam from the father," he said. "I tookmine from my father ; he took it from his father, and so on, three orfour generations back. My do'dam is the deer. The deer is smart andquick. When a deer wants to drink, he goes up the river a little wayfrom where he crossed, because he won't drink the water that haswashed his traces. The deer is my companion ; I follow his life. Inever need a compass to go through the woods, for I am able to findmy way just like the deer."A Red Lake interpreter said
:
I can't be a member of a do'dam, I am told, because I have too much whiteblood ; my father's father was a white man. Last year there was a wake 5 milesfrom here and my neighbor and I attended it. While there she said to me, "Let'sgo and see my clan." ( She belongs to the bear clan ; these people had caughtthree bear cubs somewhere last winter, and had kept one.) She said to thewoman who had the wake, and the cub, "I want to see my clan ; where is it?"The woman also belongs to the bear clan. The cub was resting on an army cot,and looked well cared for ; it was being fed canned milk from a bottle with nipple.My neighbor talked to the cub in a very friendly way and said that had she knownhe was there she would have brought him some maple sugar. Many of those whobelonged to the bear clan had brought maple sugar ; they consider their clananimal something very special. I sat on the bed too and began to pet the cub,but he scratched me and bit my arm. The woman said to me, "You're not ofhis clan ; that's why he is ugly to you." They had no mercurochrome, so I rubbedmy arm with kerosene from the lamp.All informants were emphatic in stating that the gentes were exoga-mous: intermarriage was never permitted between members of thesame gentes, whether of their own tribe or band or those of another
? Warren (1885, vol. 5, pp. 44-45) ; cf. also Winchell (1911, pp. 602-606. For namesof sibs of the Ojibway of the Lake of the Woods, see Cooper (1936, p. 4). These sibs, toowere patrUlneal and exogamous.
HiLGBR] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 155Chippewa tribe or band. All members of the same gentes, no matterwhere found, were considered related by the closest ties and calledthemselves brothers and sisters.My father was a white man and therefore did not belong to any clan. Clanmembers are as brothers and sisters. Long ago all clans must have been bloodrelatives and, therefore, all clan members must have blood relationship today.Any member of the Wolf Clan, for instance, in any one of the bands today, mustbe related to all members of the Wolf Clan in all the Chippewa tribe. Todaywhen two meet, and they discover that they are members of the same clan, theygrab each other by the arm and say, "Oh ! you are my relative." Animals rep-resented in these totems or clans, such as the Bear Clan, Wolf Clan, etc., are notconsidered sacred. They are killed and eaten as are other animals.^"
"You can marry a member of your mother's do'dam, but never ofyour father's," said a Red Lake informant. "You are brother or sis-ter to all of your father's do'dam. This is distinct from blood relation-ship." The oldest Nett Lake informant was a member of the cariboudo'dam : "So was my father," she added. "My husband was a bull-head." When asked what might have happened had she married acaribou, she hesitated a few moments appearing to be thinking thematter through and finally answered, "I wouldn't have been so foolishas to marry a caribou, a man of my own do'dam !" The oldest MilleLacs informant remarked : "A member of the Wolf Clan on the CassLake Reservation would be like brother and sister to members of theWolf Clan on this reservation."Some children were told early in life of their do'damic membership
;
some learnt it only upon inquiry. "When I began to understand, Iwas told I had a do'dam." "I must have been about 3 years old whenI was told I belonged to my father's clan?at least I was very, verylittle." "My daughter, who is 16 now, asked me the other day of whatdo'dam she was a member ; the man who has asked to marry her wantedto know." Most informants could not recall when they first learnt oftheir membership, "but it was long before marriage entered my head,and I knew always that I couldn't marry a loon." "I was small whenI was told about my do'dam. We were out fishing and somebody heldup a bullhead and said to me, 'This is your do'dam.' We have greatrespect for our do'dam, but we eat them ; I have often eaten bullhead."Jenness recorded regarding the Ojibway of Parry Island : "Marriagebetween parallel cousins was disallowed because they belonged to thesame clan, and the clan was an exogamous unit ; but cross-cousin mar-riage, i. e., the union of the children of a brother and sister, was bothpermissible and common" (Jenness, 1935, p. 98). Landes speaks ofcross-cousin marriages among the Ojibwa of western Ontario. Shenotes that the custom of arrangement of marriage by parents "is per-
"OHilger (1936, p. 41). Cf. Bushnell (1905, pp. 69-73), for ceremonial and socialgathering of the Kingfisher clan.
156 BUREAU OF AMERIGAjST ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146haps most common among those Ojibwa who prefer the cross-cousinform of marriage, when a brother and sister agree to propose themarriage of their respective children" (Landes, 1938 b, pp. 51-52).Hallowell writes : ". . . we have two positive statements that amongthe more remote Ojibwa, at least, cross-cousin marriage was actually-practiced in certain bands as late as the first half of the nineteenthcentury." ^^Cross-cousin marriage was not found among the Chippewa includedin this study. Informants were emphatic in their denial of such acustom. An old Lac Courte Orielle man, the officiating minister of theMide'wiwin ceremonials, remarked: "In the olden days, that wasstrictly against the customs of the Chippewa of the Great Lakes re-gion ; never was it heard that the children of a sister married the chil-dren of her brother." Another man informant on the same reserva-tion added : "The children of one of my sisters could not have marriedthe children of another sister; the same applies to my children andthose of my brother. They were considered brothers and sisters.However, the children of a man and his sister were considered a littledifferent : they were considered related in the same way as such chil-dren are today?they were first cousins. But neither were suchchildren allowed to marry each other. A Red Lake informant, a veryold woman, said with much emphasis that "the relationship betweena brother's children and the children of his sister was a sacred relation-ship, and never would they have been allowed to marry."COURTINGMen were of marriageable age as soon as they were able to supplyfood for a family. "A boy had to be a good hunter and a good workerto get married; he was that usually at about 20." "If a man hadshown that he was a good hunter and a good trapper, well thenhe was considered ready to marry a girl ; he might then be given one.""A girl admired a boy more for his successes in hunting than foranything else."A girl was of marriageable age as soon after puberty as she wasable to do all the work expected of a housewife, such as building wig-wams, gathering wood, tanning hides, drying meat and fish, and cook-ing food. Some informants were married as early as 14 years, know-ing at that age how to do all the work of an adult woman. Pierzwrote in 1855 : "Girls marry early, most of them being married at 14or 15 years of age" (Pierz, 1855, p. 24?writer's translation). An
?Cf. Hallowell (1928, p. 522) for quotation from Dnncan Cameron found In L. R.Masson, Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Quest (circa) vol. 2, p. 247, and one fromH. T. Hind, Explorations In the Interior of Labrador Peninsula, London, 1863. Hallowellnotes that Hind had previously explored in the Red River and published Narrative of theCanadian Red River Exporing Expedition, etc., 1860.
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 1578T-year-old Ked Lake man said : "I was 25 when I was married thefirst time ; my wife was 30. She died after 12 years, and the next oneI married was 14." The girl that was admired most by the men wasone that was "quiet, didn't run around, and was a good worker ; 'goodworker' was the virtue most sought by men."Courting if defined as an endeavor to gain the affections of a personby wooing can hardly be said to have existed among the Chippewa.Informants agreed that formerly girls past puberty had to remamcontinuously in their mother's presence or in that of some older woman.Pierz made a similar observation : "I saw, too, among the pagans themost praiseworthy care and watchfulness extended to the morals ofthe girls. Girls are constantly with their mothers who warn themearly of the possibility of being led astray" (Pierz, 1855, p. 22) , Anold Red Lake woman collaborated when saying : "In old days a boy anda girl never walked together. If a man liked a girl he went to see herin the presence of her parents and then only in daytime, never atnight." "You never saw a man and a girl alone by themselves. Itwas awful to see a boy and a girl walk together." "There wasn't anycourting in the old days; at sundown everybody was in the tent."On the Lac Courte Orielle Reservation (1935) a young mother was
"keeping an eye" on her oldest daughter, a 16-year-old girl. Theirhome was a 2-room house. The daughter had been told that she andher boy friend might sit in the bedroom while the mother stayed inthe kitchen. They were not to get out of sight, however, but were tostay in line with the open doorway. The mother continued : "Her boyfriend is 25. He just never sees the girl unless I'm around : I watchher all the time. When they are together, they sit around and readthe papers like you saw them do today. He asked my husband lastspring to marry her, but was told she was too young. When she is alittle older my husband and I will talk it over with his parents. Heis her lover all right because she gets clothes and things from him. Hehas to go to CCC soon."Densmore's informants, too, noted that girls were closely observed.She wrote
:
The young maidens of the Chippewa were closely guarded and were modest intheir behavior toward the young men of the tribe. If a young man wished tocall upon a young woman he talked first with the older people who lived next tothe door of the lodge. He might then proceed to the middle of the lodge, wherethe young woman lived, and talk with the girl in a low tone, but she was notallowed to leave the lodge with him. If a young man came to call rather latein the evening when the fire had burned low, the mother or grandmother wouldrise and stir up the fire so that it burned brightly, then fill her pipe and sit upand smoke. The young man could continue his call, but was conscious of beingwatched. The young man played the "courting flute" in the evenings, but it wasnever permitted that a young girl leave the lodge in response to the flute.If a young man's intentions were serious, he killed a deer or some otheranimal and brought it to the girl's parents. This was to indicate his ability and
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146intention to provide well for his family. If the parents approved of the youngman, they asked him to stay and share the feast. This was understood as anacceptance of his wish to marry their daughter, and he was allowed to comeand go with more freedom than formerly, [Densmore, 1929, p. 72.]Two informants (Red Lake and Lac Courte Orielle Reservations)had heard that long ago, "long before our time," the pretty tunes ofthe flute were used by young men to make girls aware of their presence.Flutes were made of cedar twigs or sumach stalks. Thomas L. Mc-Kenney, when en route with Governor Lewis Cass in 1826, heard sucha flute and wrote
:
Nothing can be more mournful in its tones. It was night, and a calm restedon everything ; and it was moonlight, all of which added to its effect. We sawthe Indian who was playing it, sitting on a rock. . , . We afterwards learnedthat this Indian was in love, and that he would sit there all night indulging inthis sentimental method of softening the heart of his mistress, whose lodge hetook care should be opposite his place of melody, and within reach of his monoto-nous but pensive strains. [Winchell, 1911, p. 602.]If a young man was serious in his intentions, he killed a deer orsome other animal and brought it to the lodge of the girl's parents.This signified his intention of providing well for his family. Arm-strong wrote in 1.892
:
Leaving it outside, he enters the wigwam, saying nothing, but lights his pipeand makes himself at home. Should there be more than one girl in the lodgeat the time, he has a sign by which his choice is made known. If the girl doesnot like his appearance she remains where she is, but if he is agreeable to herfancy she takes a knife and proceeds to skin the animal and take charge of themeat, after which the suitor takes his leave. The parents of the girl, being ad-vised of what is going by the presence of the meat not of their killing, commencesystematic proceedings to ascertain the young man's habits, his ability as ahunter, warrior, etc., and if satisfied with them they proceed to the young man'sparents, who are now for the first time aware of the youth's aspirations andthey in turn make inquiry as to the character, etc., of their prospective daughter-in-law. K all is satisfactory the young man is given permission by the girl'sparents to visit her, but all he or she has to say must be said in the commonwigwam and before all who happen to be present. [Armstrong, 1892, pp.103-104.] MARRIAGEMany old informants had been told by grandmothers that a girlin their day did not know the man she married until the day of mar-riage. Often she had not even seen him ; parents made all arrange-ments. The girl's wishes regarding a man were usually taken intoconsideration, however, although some informants related forced mar-riages. "That seems to have been the Indian way of long ago ; that'sthe way I was married. He asked my parents for me before I had everseen him ; I didn't want to marry him ; he was sickly then already. Mymother made me marry him. We lived with her 3 years, when hedied. He was a good man; he never became angry. But he was
HiLGEE] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE. 159
sickly. I had one child by my first husband." "I got my old manbecause my parents made me take him. He brought many things tomy parents, including food. There was no marriage ceremony norany other celebration ; they just made me live with him."A medicine man on the Lac Courte Orielle Eeservation told of hissecond marriage: "My first wife died. She was a good woman; Iadmired her. I went to her uncle (her parents were dead) and askedfor her sister. I gave many things to her uncle : quilts that I had re-ceived at dances, as well as food. The girl's brother asked her nicelyto marry me, and so she did. There was no marriage ceremony."A Red Lake informant was married at 20. He said
:
I found out that her parents approved of me and so I went to her place andstayed there. And that was the marriage?nothing like now. Here is the wayit started : I went out hunting and brought home much meat, for I had killeda buffalo. The mother of the girl came to our lodge to visit about that timeand my mother gave her all the meat she could carry on her back. That's whyshe approved of me when I came. But I was not well acquainted with thegirl, although I knew who she was, for we were neighbors. I used to meet hergoing places but would always pass her by. She was much younger than I.We were not related: her do'dam was the wabica'cina (a small animal) ; mine,the loon. You couldn't marry into your do'dam. Years ago no one carried oncourtship for years like they do now.The Chippewa had no marriage ceremony. Marriage consisted ofeating together and of sharing the fur robe used as bedding. Wlienparents had settled upon the marriage or when the man had receivedthe consent of the girl's parents, he went to the latter's wigwam withall his belongings "and that was all." The couple usually shared thewigwam of the girl's parents for a year. If all was satisfactory, theybuilt a wigwam for themselves after that. Moving into their ownwigwam was called bakanii'kwe, meaning "being separated from thehome wigwam." >The following two accounts were related by Red Lake informants
:
Marriage depended on old folks. I wasn't my own boss; I didn't choose tomarry my old man. When my mother told me "You have to marry; I havechosen your man for you, and he is a good man, for I saw how he treated hisfirst wife," I broke down and cried for days. I cried for days ! I cried everytime they mentioned him ! In those days we didn't answer back or refuse ; soI cried. He was a widower with a child, and I didn't want him. My unclesand aunts tried to persuade me to marry him. My uncle from Pembina Reser-vation [Canada] came to visit just then, and they must have asked him, with-out my knowledge, to talk to me about this man. He took me aside, and talkedto me. He said, "You're growing up to be a big girl now and you ought to getmarried. He is a good man; you couldn't do any better." (Good husbandmeant that he had taken good care of his wife and that he was a good hunter.)Then I said to him, "All right." This was 2 years after I had become an oldwoman, and I think I began to be that way at 14. After I gave my consent myman brought a blanket filled with clothes?all he could carry. Among them
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
I remember were two shawls and some tanned deer hides that his mother hadtanned, (We wore dresses made of buckskin then ; no one wore calico dresses.)But I didn't like him ; I never spoke to him. My mother cooked for him ; andI didn't even eat when he did. I must have been foolish ! I never suffered somuch. I would sit up most of the night and did not want to sleep with him;but they made me. [The interpreter inserted that she had felt the same wayabout her own marriage]. When fall came, he went hunting for furs. Mymother said to me, "You, go along?" I said, "Let him go!" He prepared togo and took his boy. My mother said, "You have to go with him ! Pack yourthings !" I cried, but followed him. We camped, and the first night he broughtin a black bear. In all he killed three bears on this trip. From that time onI liked him ; I helped him skin his game. He never said an impatient word tome, and I was therefore good to his son. The boy didn't live very long. Therewas never any wedding ceremony in those old days, and seldom did a man leavehis wife, or a wife leave her husband. I always thought only death should sep-arate married people.My man came to my parents' house and asked my folks to marry me. But myfolks didn't like me to marry him because he was a Red Laker, they wanted toreturn to Pembina [Canada], and take me back with them. After he left, mynose began to bleed. It bled for 2 days and 2 nights. This man was a "grandmedicine" man. My parents called in another "grand medicine" man, an oldone, to find out what this one had done to me. This man said that the first
"grand medicine" man had been displeased and had caused my nose to bleed
;
that he had in mind to kill me that way; that the first one would have tocome back and fumigate me. My mother called the first one and had him fumi-gate me with Indian medicine. He heated two big stones, placed some herbson these, and covered my head with a blanket in such a way as to enclose thestones. After that my mother gave me to him. And now you know how I gotmy old man. LOVE CHARMSLove charms (kacibi'djigans or masinakd'djigans) were boughtfrom medicine men or medicine women who were gifted with the powerto make them. The charm, or talisman, was carried on the person ofthe one wishing to influence another, and contained besides love
"medicine," hair, fingernail parings, or bits of clothing of the personto be charmed.When I was young, some old men had charms for sale [said a Lac CourteOreille informant]. A love charm consisted of a small piece of wood about aninch long shaped like a person, and either a hair of the persoa to be charmedor a piece of his clothing. AJl was tied into a small piece of buckskin. Bothmen and women who wished to charm another person carried these near theirown person. For example, if some woman here at New Post had such a charm?one containing hair or a small piece of clothing of a man at Reserve
?
the first thoughts of the man over there on awakening would be of her. Hewould also dream of her and want to be with her so badly that he might comeover here in his stocking feet forgetting to put on his shoes
!
"My husband, when still young and a pagan (Mide'), worked at alumber camp where my parents had a lodge," said a Lac du Flambeauinterpreter. "I had noticed that in the pocket of his jacket he carried
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 161
a little cloth bag. So one day when he wasn't around, I pulled it outand upon examining it found a piece of my shawl about half the sizeof my thumbnail in it. I knew then that he was charming me, andthat's how I began to like him. There must have been something inme too that charmed him !" POLYGAMYPolyandry was not found among the Chippewa; polygyny, how-ever, was an established custom but practiced only by men who wereable to support several families. Such men might be chiefs, headmen,medicine men, and those who by reason of their hunting and trappingabilities could easily support more than one family. Informants onevery reservation gave names of old men who had had two simul-taneous wives; and several that had had three or four. A Lac duFlambeau informant had married his second wife 10 years after themarriage to his first wife, both wives living in the same wigwam andeach rearing a family. "When one would go away berry-picking,the other would nurse the babies of both. One did the cooking ; theother the sewing, generally. The oldest wife finally left him."One Red Lake man had four simultaneous wives, living two in awigwam. Densmore visited a wigwam housing two wives and wrote
:
A man might have two or three wives and all lived in the same lodge, eachhaving her appointed part of the lodge. The writer witnessed a ceremony inthe house of a Chippewa at Grand Portage who had two wives. Two of hissons lived with him and the family seemed to be living harmoniously. A Cana-dian Chippewa said that many Indians had two wives, adding that "the man satbetween them." He said that in old times some men had five wives, and thatone was the "head wife" and the only one who had children. [Densmore,1929, p. 73.]Gilfillan (1901, vol. 9, p. 84) notes that sometimes the wives weresisters, and that usually the man had two separate homes or wigwamsfor his two families : sometimes they lived in one dwelling.SUCCESSIVE MARRIAGESMost informants had been married several times. Some had de-serted their partners or had been deserted by them ; others had losta partner by death. Widows were expected to obtain permission toremarry. The following relates to the custom of being released fromwidowhood
:
If a husband dies, his wife must stay single for a year and continue living inher home as if her husband were still living there. At the end of the year, thewoman is dressed up and painted. The medicine man comes and so do the deadhusband's parents and relatives. One of two conditions will be placed before thewoman : First, her husband's parents, or, if these are dead, his nearest relativesmay accept the presents the woman offers them. If they accept them, she is^884216?51 12
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146
released and is free to marry anyone of her own choice. Or, secondly, theparents or relatives may present her with a husband right there, and she mustaccept him. Her husband's relatives have that right. Should the widow marrybefore this ceremony, or be seen with a man, her relatives will violently upbraidher. A certain woman here had one braid cut on one side to remind her thatshe had done something wrong. One woman had a gash cut in her throat.A-uother had a gash cut in her face. Men fall under the same restrictions laiddown for women. [Hilger, 1936, pp. 47-48.]SEPARATIONSSeparations between husbands and wives were part of the Chippewaculture pattern. Either partner could leave and return to the parentalhome, or could marry another person. Warren (1885, vol. 5, pp.253-254) relates that a certain chief who had married for the firsttime at 30, marrying a widow by whom he had one son, left her after2 years and married a girl 14 by whom he had a family of 6 children.Gilfillan writes
:
It is quite common for a husband, after having lived with a woman for a longtime and raised quite a family, to abandon her and his children without anycause, and to take another woman and begin to rear a new family. A man, forinstance, will abandon his wife and children at Leech Lake, and go to RedLake, 75 miles distant, and take a new wife there. Or he may do so in the samevillage. In such circumstances he never does anything to support the wife andchildren he has abandoned. I have never known a man in such a case to do theslightest thing for the children. [Gilfillan, 1901, vol. 9, p. 85.]INFIDELITyInfidelity on the part of the wife was punishable, even with death
;
generally either the wife or the paramour was killed. The motherof a Vermilion Lake informant had told her daughter a story inorder to teach her to be faithful to her husband : "Young Chippewabraves went to war to fight the Sioux. When they came back, onefound his wife married to another brave. So he said to him, 'We'lleach have half of her.' They took her to the woods and cut herright down the middle and each one took one-half." The husbandof an unfaithful wife usually disfigured the woman's face so no manwould desire her. Informants knew of men who had cut gashes withflint stones in the cheeks of their unfaithful wives and pressed outthe flesh in order to cause permanent scars. "That's what they didto women; but it was quite all right for men to have two wives!"remarked a Nett Lake interpreter,SUMMARYChild life among primitive Chippewa began with birth and endedwith puberty. Although approximately 280 secondary sources con-
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 163tain information related to Chippewa culture, only very scanty andscattered material is found in them regarding child life. Exceptionsare Densmore's Chippewa Customs (1929), Jenness' The OjibwayIndians of Parry Island (1935), and Landes' The Ojibwa Woman(1938 b ) . These contain some information. The following summaryis based on data which the writer collected at intervals from 1932-40during interviews with 96 Chippewa informants on 9 Chippewa reser-vations: 5 in Minnesota (Red Lake, White Earth, Nett Lake, Ver-milion Lake, and Mille Lacs) ; 3 in Wisconsin (Lac Courte Orielle,La Pointe, and Lac du Flambeau) ; and 1 in Michigan (L'Anse).Prenatal period.?Childless couples were not well thought of. Thecause of inherent sterility was not known; herbal decoctions takenorally might produce it artificially. Fertility also could be producedby drinking a potion. On the Mille Lacs Reservation both husbandand wife drank it; on other reservations only women. Artificiallimitation of families was not known ; but abstinence was practiced.Some informants believed the child a human being from the momentof conception ; others, not until the fetus gave signs of life ; still othershad never heard anyone tell. No methods were known by which sexcould be produced either at conception or during pregnancy. Sex,it was thought, could be predicted from the contour of the pregnantmother's body, the location and the movements of the fetus, and by atype of affinity. Parents had no preference regarding sex of children
;
mothers hoped that some would be girls since daughters more oftenthan sons cared for aged parents. Children born with certain physi-cal traits, such as a patch of gray hair or a birthmark, were con-sidered reincarnated.Except on the Mille Lacs Reservation the husband of a pregnantwoman was not hampered by food taboos or prescriptions, and onlyon the Lac Courte Orielle were restraints placed on his conduct. Thepregnant woman, on the contrary, was circumscribed by numerousrestraints in both food and conduct.Although methods for induced abortions were known, they wereseldom resorted to; they were viewed with great disfavor. Old in-formants today speak of them in whispers. An induced aborted fetuswas not given burial rites; a spontaneously aborted one was givenburial the same as an adult person. When a spontaneous abortion wasfeared, the mother submitted to fumigation as a preventive.Birth.?A birth in the late fall or winter took place in the homewigwam. If, however, there were preadolescent children in the home,the mother retired to a small wigwam built for this purpose somedistance from home. If birth occurred in the spring or summer orwhen en route, the mother retired to a place in the open where privacywas assured. Midwives or the woman's mother or sisters attended
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOIX)GY [B0Ll. 146the birth. Certain midwives were also capable of delivering still-births.The husband was present at birth only when no women were avail-able or when some strong person's assistance was needed ; other malepersons were never present. The husband could in no magical wayassist at birth. Shamans, either men or women, were summoned iflabor was unusually difficult.Women worked until the onset of labor. When labor began herbalmedication was administered orally. The child was delivered whilethe mother knelt on a thin layer of grass or hay spread either on theground or on a bulrush mat. She either pulled on a rope or bracedherself on a horizontally elevated sapling. Most mothers returned tojwork within a day after birth.The navel cord was sewed into a beaded buckskin bag. Beadworkwas of no particular design nor were bags of a prescribed shape.Girls' bags differed in no way from boys'. The bag was hung on theibow of the cradleboard along with toys. Later it was either given tolthe child or disposed of by the. father if a boy's, or the mother if agirl's, in order to bring magical favors of occupational dexterity uponthe child.No meaning was attached to the caul on Vermilion Lake, Nett Lake,and White Earth Reservations ; on L'Anse, Eed Lake, and Lac CourteOrielle, a child so born was considered favored with good luck.Neither significance nor treatment was accorded the fontanels. Theplacenta was hung in the crotch of a tree; never buried or burnt.A baby's first bath, administered on the day of birth, was given in anherbal decoction contained in a nonleakable birchbark receptacle.Since this type of bath was thought to promote a strong constitution,the mother gave it repeatedly during babyhood.Neither mother nor baby was subjected to purification ceremonials.The day following birth, or very soon after, parents invited gueststo a meal to celebrate the baby's arrival.Postnatal interests.?In the very early day nose rings and earringswere worn by both sexes ; more recently only earrings. Many infor-mants had holes pierced in lobes and along edges of ears. Ears werepierced unceremonially on day of birth or at any time.Babies were tied to cradleboards to develop erect posture, to permitmothers to transport them on backs when traveling, and to keep themsafely in place while mothers worked. When older they were tightlyand snugly wrapped in buckskin and laid in hammocks or swings.When old enough to stand the strain, a baby was carried on its moth-er's back seated in its mother's blanket or shawl. Eabbitskins, swampmoss, or down of cattail served as diallers. To prevent chafing thebaby was powdered with ashes of cedar bark, charcoal of cedar crushed
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFEi 165to powder, or finely ground decayed root or wood of cedar or Norwaypine. Lullabies were conventional songs of nonsense syllables.A child's first clothes were the rabbit and weasel skins in whichit was wrapped when in its cradleboard. When old enough to creepit wore a slip of softly tanned deer hide, or preferably fawn hide. Inwarm weather it wore no clothing at all. It was given its first moc-casins when about able to walk. A hole, about the size of a blueberry,was cut into the soles of these. Neglecting the hole might cause thechild to grow up to be lazy, "so lazy that it would not even wear outthe soles of its moccasins". At night babies were wrapped in rabbit-skin blankets.Clenching fists during first days of life was not significant; butallowing an infant to touch fingers of one hand with those of theother \> as like counting the days it had still to live. This was to beguarded against. No significance was attached to either the advent orthe loss of a first tooth, nor to a child's first word. Since, however,a child that talked early was considered intelligent, it might be fedraw brains of any small bird, the belief being that this developedearly speech. Not a child's first steps but its first walk, at least halfthe length of the wigwam, was celebrated. If this happened at home,the parents gave a feast; if it walked to neighbors, the neighborsgave it. On Nett Lake and Vermilion Lake Reservations a child's firstportage on foot was celebrated with a feast.Nursing and weaning.?Babies were nursed immediately after birth.If the mother died or her condition did not pennit nursing, the childsucked porridge from a small hole punched in the bladder of an animal.The porridge was made by boiling wild rice or corn meal in fish ormeat broth. Babies were nursed whenever they cried, and- not at setintervals. Commonly children were nursed for 2 years ; some nursed4 or 5 or more years, two at times nursing together. Never were anynursed while the mother was pregnant. Babies nursed while in theirmothers' arms or in cradleboards ; older children stood while nursing.A child was usually weaned by being separated from its mother; attimes, by being frightened by nipples blackened with charcoal.Atypical conditions.?Twins as well as their families were respectedin the community. Twins were thought to be related to the spiritworld ; but no supernatural powers were ascribed to them. One caseof quadruplets was known ; supernatural powers had been ascribed tothese.Sick or weak babies were bathed in a herbal decoction or given apurgative potion. Nursing mothers also chewed a purgative root,passing it, through milk secretion, to the child. The purgative valuesof the same root, when heated and placed on the child's abdomen, werethought to penetrate the intestines. Furthermore, a sickly child or
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146one that cried a great deal might be given a dream-name by an old andhealthy person?all children, irrespective of health, were given adream name shortly after birth. If the child continued to ail, it mightbe given a third and a fourth name, but no namer might do so twice.If all remedies failed the child was admitted to the Mide'wiwin, thenative religion. Two ailing children, 4 and 5 years of age, were ad-mitted on the White Earth Keservation in June 1938; a 1-year-oldchild, on Nett Lake Reservation in August 1939.The Chippewa practiced neither head nor body deformation. If achild was born deformed it was said that the mother had been fright-ened while carrying the child. Incest was decidedly an unusual event.Illegitimacy was rare. A child born out of wedlock was called "astolen child" or "a child conceived in sneaky ways." Although parentsof both the paramour and his partner felt disgraced, the unmarriedmother was allowed to care for the child in her parental home. In- ]fanticide was not conventional.At no time did the Chippewa enslave people or treat them as ser-vants. Adoption of children prevailed even though both parents ofthe child were living. Adults, too, were adopted. In the case of smallchildren the parents' consent was necessary. A dying mother mightarrange for the adoption of her children. There were no adoptionceremonials.Naming a child.?Chippewa names originated in dreams. Theywere given to children ceremonially by a person of either sex. Eachchild was named shortly after birth. Ailing children might be givenseveral additional names successively. An unfailing rule was thatthe namer had to be a person grown old in continuous good health.Names of informants were Coming-over-the-hill, Morning-at-dawn,Ice-feathered-woman, One-that-can-walk, Round-old-woman, andOne-that-can-climb. Many children were given a pet name. Nonames were given at puberty.Prepuherty fasts.?Both boys and girls spent some days in silentcommune with the spirit world while abstaining from food and drink.A child at about the age of reason abstained wandering about thewoods from sunrise to sunset for one day. A child from about 7 to 9years spent from 1 to 4 successive days thus ; those from 10 to 12 years,from 4 to 10 days. A 10-day fast was participated in more often byboys than by girls. The reward was usually supernatural or shaman-istic powers. Parents often chose the occasion for fasting for youngerchildren, the determinant being a dream of the previous night. A 10-day fast was an entirely voluntary affair.All fasters had cheeks blackened with charcoal, but without design.Older boys usually fasted on platforms or in nests in trees at some dis-tance from home. Girls and younger boys walked about the woods.
HiLGBK] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 167Upon the faster's return the mother?or if she were dead, the grand-mother or aunts?prepared a feast and invited guests. Nearly allinformants were emphatic in saying that eligibility for fasting endedwith a girl's first menses and a boy's change of voice.Fasting in early childhood provided contact with the spiritualworld; when a little older, a medium in a guardian spirit who usuallytook the form of a person, an animal, an inanimate object, or anactivity of nature. If a faster was not thus favored, power could beprocured only by joining the Mide'wiwin. The guardian's preroga-tives were to give advice, knowledge, and power. Powers were ofvarious kinds: the producing of rains or winds; success in war;knowledge of medicinal properties of plants; prediction of futureevents or discovering causes for past ones; and the uses of magic.After a successful fast the faster kept his power, as directed by hisvision or dream, in a "medicine bundle." This bundle was an integralpart of the faster's spiritual life and could be used for his personalbenefit.Puberty custoins.?Although well defined customs ushered a girlinto her maturity, few girls received previous instructions regardingthe occurrence or the significance of it. During her first menses, butnot during any succeeding ones, a girl's cheeks and forehead wereblackened with charcoal, but without design. Her hair was tied backor completely covered. She was thus isolated in a small wigwam builteither by herself or her mother, or by both of them, at a little distancefrom home. A small stick was given her with which to relieve anyitching feeling. She cooked her own food, but under no circumstanceswas she allowed to eat food in season. Doing so would destroy thegrowth or production of it. She was kept busy with beadwork andsewing. Her mother and older women instructed her regarding thepotentialities of motherhood as well as proper conduct and responsi-bilities in her newly acquired membership among "old women."During all succeeding menses she was not to touch plants since itwithered them; nor babies, nor clothes belonging to her father orbrothers, since it crippled them. She was not to cross the path ofanyone, since it paralyzed him. Puberty of informants, interpreters,and their daughters had occurred between the ages of 12 and 15.After isolation the girl bathed herself?not even hands or face hadbeen washed during isolation?washed her clothes, and walked to thehome wigwam over a path of cedar boughs or bark to a feast-day mealprepared by her mother. The old women who had acted as instructorsduring her isolation were guests. After the feast she was free tomingle with the people, but was not yet permitted to gather or preparefood in season. This taboo was removed if she was fed a small quan-tity of the food by some one else. After puberty a girl was not per-
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146mitted out of sight of her mother or an older woman designated bythe mother.There was no puberty fast or rite for boys. Boys might be inspiredto a prolonged fast at puberty, but it was merely incidental ; it wasnot conventional to do so.With the change of voice a boy's boyhood ended. With a girl'spuberty isolation, her girlliood ended. Childhood had ended for both.Both must now learn the techniques of adult occupations. The boymust learn to make bows and arrows, learn to hunt large game, to buildcanoes. He must participate in government. The girl must learn toweave mats, tan hides, make birchbark receptacles, design beadwork,build wigwams, make snowshoes, harvest wild rice, make maple sugar,and dry meat, fish, berries, and fruit. |Training children.?Chippewa children learned conformity to con-ventional tribal standards, the mental content of the tribal culture ipattern and the customs and beliefs regarding religion, health, politics,economics, and social life. They were lectured to, counseled, presentedwith ideals, and allowed to listen in when elders conversed. Theyimitated their elders in play, participated with them according totheir capacities in serious work, and were nonparticipant observersat ceremonials.Parents, but more especially grandparents and older persons, werethe chief instructors. Instructions were usually given when an oc-casion presented itself; sometimes it was a planned affair.Although praise, reward, punishment, scolding, and frighteningplayed a part in the training of the child, no great emphasis waslaid upon them. Children were not ridiculed for failures. A childthat walked away from a group that was being instructed gave evi-dence thereby that it would not lead a good life. If parents discerneda child as one of promise, it was sent to bed without food some evening.Upon rising in the morning it was handed both charcoal and food.If it chose charcoal, parents felt encouraged ; if bread, they knew theyhad been mistaken.Training in religion and supernatural power.?The child was taughtthe belief in a Supreme Being called Ki'ce Man'ito, the Great Spirit.The Great Spirit was meditated upon and addressed formally in prayerduring the Mide'wiwin ceremonial. Help was sought more generallyfrom minor deities of lesser powers that dwelt in nature and fromindividual guardian spirits. Tobacco was the usual ceremonial offer-ing for minor deities ; it was seldom offered to the Great Spirit.The Mide'wiwin of the Chippewa was their "mode of worshipingthe Great Spirit, and securing life in this and a future world, andof conciliating the lesser spirits, who in their belief, people earth,sky, and waters."
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 169Any person, including children and infants, could be admitted atany celebration. Children are admited only to the first of the fouror more degrees. This degree did not carry with it magical powerknown as "grand medicine." Celebrations were always held in falland spring and could in addition be held at any time of the year asa thanksgiving offering or as a petition for the restoration of health.Belief in life after death.?Chippewa traditions taught that thespirits of their children and adults after death went westward. Bothburial and mourning customs evidenced a belief in life after death.Spontaneously aborted fetuses, stillbirths, and children were givenburials in the same manner as adults. Parents offered food at thegrave of a child and kept fire burning there for several nights fol-lowing burial, in the same manner as was done for adults. Thecustoms of mourning for a departed child, too, did not differ fromthose for a mature person.Training in health measures.?Shamanistic powers were always ex-ercised when sickness was ascribed to evil powers ; in all other cases,only when natural remedies, such as potions of herbs, roots, andbarks, bloodletting, sweating, and tattooing, failed.Children were never taught the secrets of the curative powersof the shaman. They might be eyewitnesses to cures ascribed toshamanistic procedures, however. They might, too, be witnesses inthe collection and preparations of herbalists, bloodletters, and tattoo-ers. But knowledge of the ingredients used by them was not sharedwith children. Children might obtain knowledge of medicinal valuesof herbs, roots, and barks in prepuberty dreams, but such knowledgewas not exercised until adulthood was reached. Children partici-pated in sweat baths with adults.Baths in herbal and root decoctions were given to" babies tostrengthen them physically. As they grew older, they were givencharcoal to eat for the same purpose. The Chippewa had no meansof establishing immunity to disease.Moral training.?Emphasis was placed upon children being kindand respectful to older people. They were instructed and trainedto share the superfluous. A child was not only taught honesty for-mally but was made to return articles not belonging to it. 'A. lyingchild was told it was making a wrong beginning in life ; a boastingor a tale-bearing one was not listened to. Quarrels between childrenof the same family were ignored ; but children quarreling with neigh-boring children were forbidden to play with them again. Mosthurting denunciations were "you dog" or "you ghost."Mental training.?The native language was learnt by imitation or byhearing elders speak it. The sign language was not taught to children.Only a few adults in each band learnt it so that the band might com-
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOI^OGY [Bull. 146municate with Plains area tribes. Neither were children taught theideograms or pictographs which their elders used in sending mes-sages, recording events, and making maps designed for travel.Diversions.?Chippewa children were given much freedom. Theytherefore spent much time in play. Their developmental age was notunlike that of white children : when small each played with toys as anindividual; when a little older, boys and girls played together ingames and in imitation of elders ; when older still, sexes excluded eachother in play; when approaching puberty both boys and girls hadchums.Children did not participate in social dances of elders but werenonparticipant observers and readily imitated them. A favorite di-version of elders was visiting, children sitting by and listening in.Topics of conversation might be gossip, legends, historic events,travels, or visits of other tribes.Vocational training.?Birchbark canoes of various sizes were used'for travel during the summer and whenever the rivers and lakes werefree of ice; for fishing, hunting, berrying, and wild-rice gathering;and for moving household goods and families. Canoe making wasa man's job; women, however, often assisted. Boys past pubertywere expected to help and to learn thereby.Winter travel was done by both men and women on snowshoes.Toboggans were used by trappers and hunters to haul game and furs.Hunting provided both food and clothing. It was the man's chiefoccupation throughout the year, but especially in winter when thefurs were heavier and the animals were not bearing young. A boy'sfirst successful hunt in killing an animal used as food, probably somefowl or small fur-bearing animal, was celebrated by the parents witha feast to which all the village was invited. The game was servedas part of the main dish.Foetal inclusions were used as hunting charms. Hunters who hadtutelary powers related to hunting exercised them in their own favor.Meeting an owl when hunting was a bad omen.Deer were shot, impounded, or snared. At night they were enticedby torchlight ; in the daytime, by the "deer call." Artificial saltlicksbrought them into open spaces. Bears were caught in deadfalls.Wolves, foxes, and rabbits were snared. Wolves were also trapped.Beavers were speared.Fish, both fresh and smoked, were important foods. In the fall,groups of families moved to lake shores to fish for winter storage.Nets, fishhooks, spearheads, and traps were used in fishing. Womenusually used nets which they made of inner bark of basswood or ofnettles.
HiLGBB] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 171Adult clothing was made from finely tanned hides of deer, moose,elk, or bear, and of dressed skins of rabbit, beaver, and other smallfur-bearing animals. Children's clothing was made of delicatelytanned hides of fawn and of skins of beaver, squirrel, and rabbit.Dressing skins and tanning hides was a woman's work, with girlspast puberty assisting. Blankets worn by adults and used as bedcoverings were of rabbitskins.Women made receptacles, both leakable and nonleakable, of birch-bark. These were used as work baskets, storage containers, winnow-ing trays, and buckets for carrying water, collecting sap, and gather-ing berries. Women made mats of bulrushes to be used as wigwamcoverings, floor mats upon which to squat, and "tables" off whichto eat.The type of dwelling most generally used by the Chippewa wasthe wigwam. It was a circular or elongated framework of saplingscovered with bark or with bark and bulrush mats. Other types ofdwellings, but less frequently used, were the bark house, the peakedlodge, and, occasionally, the tipi.Wood was the only fuel used. Women gathered it daily and packedit on their backs in carrying straps. Fire was made by striking twostones or by rotating a wooden fire drill. Punk served as tinder.Cooking was done over an open fireplace, either in or outside thewigwam. In winter the fireplace gave also heat and light to thewigwam. If additional light was needed, torches were used.Gardening consisted of cultivating corn, squash, pumpkins, andbeans in small plots scattered haphazardly in tall grass and in openspaces in the woods.Chief foods were meat, fish, wild rice, berries, maple .sugar, cul-tivated vegetables, and corn. Food not needed for immediate use wasoften stored in caches.Every Chippewa was a member of a band, a political unit of 5 to50 families. A band was headed by a chief who was assisted by sub-chiefs. Generally chiefs and subchiefs inherited their positions. Thetitle could, however, be bestowed on any man of good repute, becauseof merit. All bands were affiliated with either the Lake SuperiorBands or the Mississippi Bands. No unusual deference was showna chief. Sons of chiefs were not given any preparation for the office.They were expected to grow up to be men of good character and goodsense ; lacking these they would not be respected by the people. Theywould not thereby, however, lose their rights to their inheritance ofthe chieftainship.A chief's main duties were to preside at council meetings, to makedecisions regarding the general welfare of the tribe, to settle disputes
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. I4uamong his people, and to represent his band at annuity payments,signing of treaties, and at large gatherings of many tribes. Womenprobably acted as chiefs on occasions. They did express their opin-ions at council meetings and were often called upon for information.Council meetings consisted of all men and women past puberty.Marriage.?The gentes of the Chippewa were exogamic. Thisexogamy extended to all members of one's gens in any Chippewa tribeanywhere. Cross-cousin marriages were not permitted, according toinformants of the present study; Jenness and Landes found themamong the Canadian Ojibwa.A man was of marriageable age as soon as he was able to supplyby hunting enough food to support a family ; a girl, as soon afterpuberty as she was able to do all the work expected of a housewife.Courting was not institutional; girls were closely guarded afterpuberty. A lover, however, might make his presence known by play-ing a flute near the home of the girl. If he had serious intentions,he might bring a deer or some other large animal that he had killedwhile hunting to the home of the girl's parents, signifying therebythat he had in mind to provide well for his family. Love charms werecarried by men and women who wished to draw upon themselves theaffections of another.A girl was usually not acquainted with the man whom she married,but her wishes regarding him were generally taken into consideration..Sometimes a girl was forced into marriage. There was no marriageceremony. Eating together and sharing the fur robe used as beddingsignified that the couple was married. During the first year of marriedlife the couple usually shared the wigwam of the girl's parents. Ifat the end of the year all was satisfactory, the couple built its ownwigwam.Polyandry did not exist among the Chippewa ; polygyny was insti-tutional, the number of wives depending on the ability of the manto support the families. None were known to informants to havemore than four wives ; many had two. Densmore was told of one manwho had five. Successive marriages were general, owing to death ordesertion. Widows were expected to obtain permission to remarry.Separations were institutional, either party leaving the other andeither returning to the parental home or marrying another person.Punishing the unfaithful wife was conventional. Generally eitherthe wife or her paramour was killed. If the wife was not killed, herhusband disfigured her face so badly that he felt certain no other manwould again desire her.
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 173SOME PLANTS USED BY THE CHIPPEWAAlder (Alnus iticana [L.] Moench)Artichoke (Helianthus tuterosus L.)Ash (Fraxinus quadrangulata Michx.)Aspen (Populus grandidentata Michx.)Balsam {Abies balsamea [L.] Mill.)Basswood (Tilia americana L.)Beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.)Birch (Betula alba L. and Bctulapapyrifera Marsh.)Blackberry {Rubus cubatus Focke)Black raspberry (Rubus occidentaUsL.)Bloodroot (Sanguinaria canadensis L.)Blueberry {Vaccinium vacillans Kalm)Boneset {Eupatorium perfoUatum L.)Bulrush (Scirpus validus Vahl.)Butternut (Juglans cinerea L.)Carrot (Daucus carota L.)Catnip (Nepeta cataria L.)Cattail (Typha latifoUa L.)Cedar (Juniperus virginiana L.)Chokecherry (Prunus virginiana L.)Corn (Zea mays L.)Dogwood, red (Cornus stoloniferaMichx.
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Elder (Sambucus canadensis L.)Elm (Ulnius americana L.)False solomon's-seal (Smilacina stel-lata Li.)Fern (Phegopteris hexagonopteraMichx.)Gooseberry (Ribes oxyacanthoides L.)Hazelnut (Corylus americana Walt.)Hemlock (Tsuga canadensis [L.] Carr.)Indian turnip (Arisaema triphyllum[L.] Schott)Ironwood {Carpinus caroliniana Walt.)Jack pine (Pinus banksiana Lamb.)Juneberry (Amelanchier canadensis[L.1 Medic.)
Lettuce (Lactuca sativa L.)Maidenhair (Adiantum pedatum L.)Maple (Acer saccharum Marsh.
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Milkweed (Asclepias syriacali.)Nettle (XJrtica gracilis Ait.)Norway or red pine (Pinus resinosaAit.)Oak (Quercus bicolor Willd. and Q.stellata Wang.)Onion (Allium cepa L.)Peas (Pisum sativum L.)Poison ivy (Rhus toxicodendron L.)Potato (Solanum tuberosum L.)Pumpkins (Cucurbita pepo L.)Radishes (Raphanus sativus L.)Raspberry (Rubus idaeus L.)Rutabaga (Brassica campestris L.)Sarsaparilla (Aralia nudicouUs L.)Slippery elm ( Ulmus fulva Michx.
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Snake root (Aristolochia serpentariaL.)Spruce (Picea rubra [DuRoi] Dietr.)Squash (Cucurbita maxima Duchesne)Sumac (Rhus typhina L.)Tamarack (Larix laricina [DuRoi]Koch)Tomato (Lycopersicum esculentumMiU.)White pine (Pinus strobus L.)Wild currant (Ribes floridum L'Her.)Wild po'tato (Glycine apios L.)Wild rice (Zizania aquatica L.)Wild rose (Rosa pratincola Greene)Wild strawberry (Fragaria VirginiaDuchesne)Wintergreen ( Gaultheria procumbensL.)BIBLIOGRAPHYAemsteong, Benjamine G.1892. Early life among the Indians. Ashland, Wis.Aknold, John B.1923. A story of Grand Portage and vicinity. Minneapolis.Babbitt, Miss Fbanc E.1888. Illustrative notes concerning the Minnesota Ojibwas.Adv. Sci. Proc, vol. 36, pp. 303-307. Amer. Assoc.
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNO'LOGT [Bull. 146Bakaga, Frederic.1917. A lecture delivered in 1863. Acta et Dicta, vol. 5, July.1878. A dictionary of the Ojibvra languages. Montreal.Barrett, Samuel Alfred.1911. The dream dance of the Chippewa and Menominee Indians of NorthernWisconsin. Bull. Public Mus. City of Milwaukee, vol. 1, pp. 251-406.Beltrami, J. C.1828. Pilgrimage in Europe and America leading to the discovery of thesources of the Mississippi and Bloody River ; with a description ofthe whole course of the former and of the Ohio. Vol. 2. London.Bernard, M.1929. Religion and magic among the Cass Lake Ojibwa. Primitive Man, vol.2, pp. 52-55.Blackbird, Andrew J.1887. History of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michigan. A grammarof their language, and personal and family history of the author,Andrew J. Blackbird, late United States interpreter. Ypsilanti,Mich.Blackwood, Beatrice.1929. Tales of the Chippewa Indians. Folk-lore, vol. 40, pp. 315-344.London.Blair, Emma Helen, Editor.1911-12. The Indian tribes of the upper Mississippi Valley and region of theGreat Lakes, as described by Nicolas Perrot, French commandantin the Northwest ; Bacqueville de la Potherie, French Royal Com-mander to Canada; Morrell Marston, American Army officer;and Thomas Forsyth, United States Indian Agent at Fort Arm-strong. 2 vols. Cleveland.Blakeslee, Allen D.1890. The religious customs of the Ojibway Indians. (From the dictatedaccount of Rev. S. G. Wright.) Hayward, Wis.Boas, Franz.1911. Handbook of American Indian languages. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull.40, pt. 1.Bond, J. Wesley.1856. Minnesota and its resources. Philadelphia.BoTTiNEAtr, Jean Baptiste. See In Memoriam.Breck, James Lloyd.1910. Chippeway pictures from the territory of Minnesota, 1857. Hartford.Brown, T. T.1930. Plant games and toys of Chippewa children. Wisconsin Archeologist,n. s., vol. 9, pp. 185-186.Burden, Harold Nelson.1895. Manitoulin ; or church work among the Ojibway Indians and lumber-men, resident upon the Island or its vicinity. London.Burton, Frederick R.1909. American primitive music with especial attention to the songs of theOjibways. New York.BusHNELL, Davtd I., Jr.1905. An Ojibway ceremony. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 7, pp. 69-73.1919 a. Ojibway habitations and other structures. Ann. Rep. SmithsonianInst, for 1917.
HiLGEK] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 175BusHNELL, David I., Jr.?Continued1919 b. Native villages and village sites east of the Mississippi, Bur. Amer.Ethnol. BuU. 69.1922. Villages of the Algouquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 77.1927. Burials of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 83.Calkins, Hibam.1855. Indian nomenclature of northern Wisconsin, with a sketch of themanners and customs of the Chippewas. Wisconsin State Hist, Soc.Ann. Rep. and Coll., 1854. Vol. 1, pp. 119-126.Campbell, Geobge M.1940. Original Indian dictionary of the Ojibway or Chippewa language.Cappel, Jeanne L'Steanqe.1930. Chippewa tales, retold by Wa-be-no 0-pee-chee. Los Angeles.Caelson, B. J.1934. Indian rice camps, White Earth Reservation. Indians at Work, vol. 2,No. 7, pp. 16-23.Carver, Jonathan.1779 a. Travels through the interior parts of North America, in the years1766, 1767, and 1768. London.1779 b. Travels through the interior parts of North America, 1779. Dublin.Castile, Henry A.1915. Minnesota, its story and biography. Vol. 1. Chicago.Catlin, George.1852 a. Adventures of Ojibbeway and loway Indians in England, France,and Belgium. London.1852 b. Adventures of the Ojibway and loway Indians in England, France,and Belgium ; being notes of eight years' travels and residence inEurope with his North American Indian collection. 2 vols.1926. North American Indians, being letters and notes on their manners,customs, and conditions, written during eight years' travel amongstthe wildest tribes of Indians in North America, 1832-1839. 2 vols.Chamberlain, Alexander Francis.1888. Notes on the history, customs, and beliefs of the Mississaugas. Journ.Amer. Folklore. July.1889. Tales of the Mississaugas. Journ. Amer. Folklore, vol. 2, pp. 141-147.1891. Maple sugar and the Indians. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 4, pp. 381-384.Chambliss, Charles E.1940. The botany and history of Zizania aquatica L. ("wild rice"). Journ.Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 30, pp. 185-205, illus. (Reprinted InSmithsonian Ann. Rep. for 1940, pp. 369-382.
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Charlevoix, Pierre Francois Xavier de.1763. Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres ; giving an account of a voyageto Canada, and travels through that vast country, and Louisiana,to the Gulf of Mexico. London.1766. A voyage to North America : Undertaken by command of the presentKing of France. Containing the geographical description and na-tural history of Canada and Louisiana. With customs, manners,trade and religion of the inhabitants. Dublin.1923. Journal of a voyage to North America. Chicago. (Original edition:London, 1761.)
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHN(XLOGY [Bdll. 146Chippewa Indians in Minnesota, message from the President of the UnitedStates, transmitting a communication from the Secretary of the Interiorrelative to the Chippewa Indians in the State of Minnesota, March 6, 1890.U. S. House Ex. Doc. No. 247, 51st Congress, 1st Sess.Coleman, Sister Beenabd.1937. The religion of the Ojibwa of Northern Minnesota. Primitive Man,vol. 10, pp. 33-57.1929. Religion and magic among the Cass Lake Ojibwa. Primitive Man,vol. 2, pp. 52-53.1947. Decorative designs of the Ojibwa of northern Minnesota. Cath. Univ.Amer.Constitution and By-laws of the Minnesota Chippewa. 1936. Washington.Cooper, John Montgomery.1936. Notes on the ethnology of the Otchipwe of Lake of the Woods andRainy Lake. Catholic Univ. Amer., Anthrop. Ser. No. 3.Cope, Leona.1919. Calendars of the Indians north of Mexico. Univ. Calif. Publ. AmerJArchaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 119-176.CopwAY, Geobge.1874. The life, history, and travels of Kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh (George Copway)a young Indian chief of the Ojibwa nation, a convert to the Christianfaith, Albany.1851. The traditional history and characteristic sketches of the Ojibwaynation. Boston.1860. Indian life and Indian history. Boston.Cokpoeate Chaetee of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe of the ConsolidatedChippewa Agency. Washington. 1938.Ct7LiN, Stewart.1907. Games of the North American Indians. 24th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer,Ethnol., 1902-3.CuLKiN, William.1915. Tribal dance of the Ojibway Indians. Minnesota Hist. Bull., vol. 1,pp. 83-93.Curtis, Edward S.1907-30. The North American Indian, being a series of volumes picturingand describing the Indians of the United States and Alaska.(Ed. by Frederick Webb Hodge.) Cambridge.Dally, Nathan.1931. Tracks and trails; or incidents in the life of a Minnesota territorialpioneer. Walker, Minn.Davidson, J. A.1945, Ojibwa songs. Jour. Amer. Folklore, vol. 58, pp. 303-305.Davidson, J. N.1895. In unnamed Wisconsin studies in the history of the region between LakeMichigan and the Mississippi. To which is appended a memoirof Mrs. Harriet Wheeler. Milwaukee.Densmoee, Frances.1907. An Ojibwa prayer ceremony. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 9, pp. 443-444.1910. Chippewa music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 45.1913. Chippewa music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bui. 53.1918. Study of Chippewa material culture. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol68, pp. 95-100.
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 177Densmobe, Frances?Continued1919. Material culture among the Chippewa. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol.70, pp. 114-118.1920. Material culture of the Chippewa of Canada. Explorations and FieldWork of the Smithsonian Inst, in 1919.1928. Uses of plants by the Chippewa Indians. 44th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.Ethnol., 1926-27, pp. 275-397.1929. Chippewa customs. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bui. 86.1941. Native art of the Chippewa. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 43, pp. 678-681.DUCATEL, I. I.1877. A fortnight among the Chippewas of Lake Superior. Ed. by W. W.Beach. Indian Miscellany, pp. 361-378. Albany. (Reprinted fromN. S. Catholic Magazine, January and February 1846.)Eastman, A. C.1911. Life and handicrafts of the Northern Ojibways. Southern Workman,vol. 40, pp. 273-278.Engelhaedt, Zephyrin.1901. Anishinabe Negamod. A collection of hymns in Ottawa and Chippewalanguages. Harbor Springs, Mich.Elliott, Richard R.1896. The Chippewas of Lake Superior. Amer. Catholic Quart. Rev., vol. 21,pp. 354-373.1897. The Chippewas and Ottawas. Amer. Catholic Quart. Rev., vol. 22, pp.18-46.EwiNG, Charles.1873. Petition of the Catholic Church for the agency of the Chippewas ofLake Superior. Washington.Flannery, Regina.1940. The cultural position of the Spanish River Indians. Primitive Man,vol. 13, pp. 1-25.FoLWELL, William Watts.1921-26. A history of Minnesota. 4 vols.Friedl, E.1944. Note on birchbark transparencies. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 46, pp. 149-150(bibliog.). ,General Index, Annual Reports of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Vol-umes 1-48 (1879 to 1933), compiled by Biren Bonnerjea. 48th Ann. Rep. Bur.Amer. Ethnol., 1930-31, pp. 25-1221. 1933.GiLFiLLAN, Joseph A.1901. The Ojibways in Minnesota. Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc, vol. 9.1902. Ojibwa characteristics. Southern Workman, vol. 31, pp. 260-262.1904. The Ojibway, a novel of Indian life of the period of the early advanceof civilization in the great Northwest. New York and Washington.GiLLIN, J.1942. Acquired drives in culture contact; Flambeau band of Chippewa In-dians. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 44, pp. 545-554 (bibliog.).GiLLiN, J., and Raimy, V.1940. Acculturation and personality; field work with the Lac du Flambeauband of Chippewa in northern Wisconsin. Amer. Sociological Rev.,vol. 5, pp. 371-380 (bibliog.).GiLMORE, MeLVIN RANDOLPH.1933. Some Chippewa uses of plants. Mich. Acad. Sci., Art, and Lit. Pap.,vol. 17, pp. 119-143.884216?51 13
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146Glazieb, Willabd.1891. Down the great river; embracing an account of the discovery of the truesource of the Mississippi, together with views, descriptive and pic-torial, of the cities, towns, and villages and scenery on the banks:of the river, as seen during a canoe voyage of over three thousandmiles from its head waters to the Gulf of Mexico. Philadelphia.QoDSELL, p. H.1932. The Ojibwa Indian. Canadian Geol. Journ., vol. 4, pp. 51-66.Grant, John Chables Bodeau.1929. Anthropometry of the Cree and Saulteaux Indians in northeaster!Manitoba. Canadian Geol. Surv. Bull. 59, Anthrop. Ser. No. 13.Half-beeed Scbip of Chippewas of Lake Supebiob.1874. Washington.Haixoweix, a. Ibvinq.1928. Was cross-cousin marriage practiced by the North-Central AlgonkianProc. 23rd Int. Congr. Amer., pp. 519-544. Philadelphia.1934 a. Some empirical aspects of Northern Saulteaux religion. AmerAnthrop., vol. 36.1934 b. Culture and mental disorder. Journ. Abnormal and Social Psychology, vol. 29, pp. 1-9.1936 a. Psychic stresses and culture patterns. Amer. Journ. Psychiatryvol. 92, pp. 1291-1310.1936 b. The passing of the Midewiwin in the Lake Winnipeg region. Amer,Anthrop., n. s., vol. 38, pp. 32-51.1937 a. Temporal orientation In western civilization and in a preliteratcsociety. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 39. pp. 647-670.1937 b. Cross-cousin marriage in the Lake Winnipeg area. 25th AnniversaryStudies: Philadelphia Anthrop. Soc, pp. 95-110. (Edited by D. S.Davidson.
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1938 a. Fear and anxiety as cultural and individual variables in a primitivesociety. Journ. Soc. Psychology, vol. 9, pp. 25-47.1938 b. Shabwan: A dissocial Indian girl. Amer. Journ. Orthopsychiatryvol. 8, pp. 329-340.1938 c. The incidence, character and decline of polygyny among the Lak?Winnipeg Cree and Saulteaux. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 40, pp. 235-256.1938 d. Notes on the material culture of the Island Lake Saulteaux. JournSoc. Am6r., n. s., Paris, vol. 30, pp. 129-140.1939. Sin, sex, and sickness in Saulteaux belief. Brit. Journ. Med. Psychology,vol. 18, pp. 191-197.1940 a. Aggression in Saulteaux society. Psychiatry, vol. 3, pp. 395-407.1940 b. The spirits of the dead in Saulteaux life and thought. Journ. Roy.Anthrop. Inst., vol. 70, pp. 29-51.1941. The social function of anxiety in a primitive society. Amer. SociologicalRev., vol. 4, pp. 869-881.1942 a. Some psychological aspects of measurement among the Saulteaux.Amer. Anthrop., vol. 44, pp. 62-77.1942 b. The role of conjuring in Saulteaux society. Philadelphia.1946. Concordance of Ojibwa narratives in the published works of HenryR. Schoolcraft. Vol. 59, pp. 136-153 (bibliog.).Hammond, J. H.1904. The Ojibway of Lakes Huron and Sinicoe. Ann. Archeol. Rep. Min-ister Ed. Ontario, pp. 71-73.
HILGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 179Habt, Ibving Haelow.1928. The story of Beengwa, daughter of a Chippewa warrior. MinnesotaHistory, vol. 9, pp. 319-330.Hasketh, John.1923. History of the Turtle Mountain Chippewa. North Dakota State Hist.Soc. Coll., vol. 5, pp. 85-124.Heabd, Isaac V. D.1865. History of the Sioux war and massacres of 1862 and 1863. New York.Henry, Alexander.1921. Travels and adventures in Canada. Edited by M. M. Quaife. Chicago.Hilgeb, Sister M. Inez.1935 a. Indian women preparing bulrush mats. Indians at Work, vol. 2,No. 2, p. 41. July 1.1935 b. Indian women making birch-bark receptacles. Indians at Work, vol.3, No. 3, pp. 19-21. September 15.1935 c. A "Peace and Friendship" medal. Minnesota History, vol. 16, pp.321-323. September.1936 a. Chippewa customs. Primitive Man, vol. 9, pp. 17-24. April.1936 b. Chippewa hunting and fishing customs. Minnesota Conservationist,pp. 2-3, 17-19. April.1936 c. In the early days of Wisconsin, an amalgamation of Chippewa andEuropean cultures. Wisconsin Archeologist, vol. 16, pp. 32-49, n. s.,June.1936 d. Chippewa pre-natal food and conduct taboos. Primitive Man, vol.9, pp. 46-48. July.1936 e. Letters and documents of Bishop Baraga extant in the Chippewacountry. Records Amer. Catholic Hist. Soc, vol. 47, pp. 292-302.1937 a. Chippewa interpretation of natural phenomena. Scientific Monthly,vol. 45, pp. 178-179.1937 b. Some phases of Chippewa material culture. Anthropos, vol. 32,pp. 780-782.1939. Social survey of one hundred and fifty Chippewa Indian families on theWhite Earth Reservation of Minnesota. Washington.Hodge, Frederick Webb, Editor.1907, 1910. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 30, pts. 1 and 2'Hoffman, W. J.1891. The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa. 7th Ann.Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1885-1886.1888. Pictography and shamanistic rites of the Ojibwas. Amer. Anthrop.,vol. 1, pp. 209-229.1889. Notes on Ojibwa folk-lore. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 2, pp. 215-223.1890. Remarks on Ojibwa ball play. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 3, pp. 133-135.Houghton, Douglas.1928. Michigan Historical Society Geological Reports, 1837-1845.Hrdli6ka, Ale?.1916. Anthropology of the Chippewa. In Holmes Anniversary Volume, pp.198-227. (Edited by F. W. Hodge; printed by the G. W. BryanPress. Washington.
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180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 146HuLBERT, Thomas.1846. Hymns in the Chippewa and Ottawa language to which is appended ashort summary of Christian doctrine.In Memokiam, Jean Baptiste Bottineau.1912. Obit. Dec. 1st, 1911. Washington.Jenks, Albert Ernest.1900 a. The childhood of Ji-shib. Chicago.1900 b. The wild-rice gatherers of the upper lakes. 19th Ann. Rep. Bur.Amer. Ethnol., 1897-1898, pt. 2, pp. 1013-1137.1902. The bear-maiden. An Ojibway follj-tale from Lac Courte OrielleReservation, Wisconsin. Amer. Folklore Assoc. Journ. vol. 15,pp. 33-35.Jenness, Diamond.1932. The Indians of Canada. Nat. Mus. Canada Bull. 65.1935. The Ojibway Indians of Parry Island, their social and religious life.Nat. Mus. Canada BuU. 78, Anthrop. Ser. No. 17.Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents.1897. Vols. 1 and 12. Cleveland.Johnson, Frederick.1929. Notes on the Ojibwa and Potawatomi of the Parry Island Reserva-tion, Ontario. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation, Notes and Mono-graphs, vol. 6, pp. 193-215. New York.Jones, Peter.1860. Life and journal of Kah-ke-wa-quo-na-by (Rev. Peter Jones), WesleyanMissionary. Toronto.[186?] History of the Ojibway Indians. London. 2d issue (First published
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in 1861. Cf. Sabin).Jones, Volney H.1934. A Chippewa method of manufacturing wooden brooms. Mich. AcadSci. Papers, vol. 20, pp. 23-30.1935. Some Chippewa and Ottawa uses of sweet grass. Mich Acad. Sci.Papers, vol. 21, pp. 21-31.1936. Notes on the preparation and uses of basswood fiber by the Indians ofthe Great Lakes region. Mich. Acad. Sci. Papers, vol. 22, pp. 1-14.Jones, William.1906. Central Algonkin. Annual Archeological Report, 1905, in Appendixto the Rep. Minister Ed. Ontario, pp. 136-146. Toronto.1919. Ojibway texts. (Edited by Truman Michelson.) Amer. Ethnol. Soc.Publ., 1915, vol. 7.JossELiN de Jong, J. P. B.1913. Original Odzibwe texts with English translations, notes and vocab-ulary. In Baessler-archivische Beiheft 5. Leipzig.Kappler, Charles, Editor.1903-29. Indian affairs : laws and treaties. 4 vols.Kaepeinski, Louis C.1931. Map and bibliography of Michigan and Great Lakes region, 1804-1880.Keating, William Hypolitus.1825. Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter's River, LakeWinnepeck, Lake of the Woods, etc., performed in the year 1823.London.Kellogg, Louise Phelps, Editor.1917. Early narrative of the Northwest, 1634-1699. New York.
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HiLOER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 181KiNiETz, W. Vernon.1940. The Indian tribes of the western Great Lakes, 1615-1760. OccasionalContrib. from Museum Anthrop. Univ. Mich., No. 10, pp. xiv-427.KiNiETz, W. Vebnon, and Jones, Volney H.1942. Notes on the manufacture of rush mats among the Chippewa.Papers, Mich. Acad. Sci., Arts, and Letters, 1941, vol. 27.Kinney, Jay P.1937. A continent lost?a civilization won : Indian land tenure in America.Baltimore.Kohl, Johann G.1859. Kitschi-Gami ; order Erziihlungen vom Obern-See. Ein Bietrag zurCharakteristik der Amerikanischen Indianer. (Wraxall trans.)Bremen.Laexeub, L. J.1940. On the Hide' of the Ojibway. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 42, pp. 706-708.Laidlaw, G. E.1915-22. Ojibway myths and tales. Ann. Archeol. Rep., App. Rep. MinisterEd. Ontario. 1915, pp. 71-90 ; 1920, pp. 66-85 ; 1921-22, pp. 84-99.Toronto.1922. Ojibway myths and tales. Wisconsin Archeologist, n. s., vol. 1, pp.2&-38.Landes, Ruth.1937 a. Ojibwa sociology. New York.1937 b. The personality of the Ojibwa. Character and Personality, vol. 6,pp. 51-60.1937 c. The Ojibwa of Canada. In Cooperation and competition amongprimitive peoples, ed. by Margaret Mead. pp. 87-126.1938 a. The abnormal among the Ojibwa Indians. Journ. Abnormal andSocial Psychology, vol. 33, pp. 14-33.1938 b. The Ojibwa woman. New York.Latheop, Stanley Edwards.1905. A historical sketch of the Old Mission, and its missionaries to theOjibway Indians on Madeline Island, Lake Superior, Wisconsin.Ashland, Wis.LiNDEKMAN, FBANK BiKD.1915. Indian why stories ; sparks from War Eagles' lodge fire. New York.1920. Indian old-man stories; more sparks from War Eagles' lodge fire.New York.Leps, J. E.1937. Notes on some Ojibway traps. Ethnos, vol. 2, pp. 354-360.Lists showing the degree of Indian blood of certain persons holding landtrpON THE White Earth Reservation in Minnesota and a list showingthe date of certain persons who held land upon SUCH reservation.Washington. 1911.Long, John.1904. Journal, 1768-1782. Cleveland.1791. Voyages and travels of an Indian interpreter and trader describingthe manner and customs of the North American Indians. London.Lowie, Robert H.1917. Ojibwa. In Hastings' Encyclopedia on Religion and Ethics, vol. 9,pp. 454-458. Edinburgh.
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll.Ltford, Careie a,1943. The crafts of the Ojibwa. Office of Indian Afeairs. Indian Handcrafts, 5.Mason, Otis Tufton.1896, Primitive travel and transportation. In Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus for1894.Maun-gwa-dans.1848. An account of the Chippewa Indians who have been travelling amongthe Whites, in the United States, England, Ireland, Scotland, Franceand Belgium. Boston.McClinchey, Florence.1929. Joe Pete, a story of Indian life in northern Michigan. New YorkMcGee, W J1898. Ojibwa feather symbolism. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 11, pp. 177-180.McKenney, Thomas Loeaine.1827. Sketches of a tour to the lakes, of the character and customs of theChippeway Indians, and of incidents connected with the treaty ofFond du Lac. Baltimore.1846. Memories, official and personal: With sketches of travels amongnorthern and southern Indians; embracing a war excursion anddescriptions of scenes along the western borders. New YorkMcKiNSEY, ShirleyMS. Report of 1937-1938 based on a survey of the six Chippewa reservationsunder the Consolidated Chippewa Agency. Duluth. 1938.Means, Philip Ainsworth,1917. Preliminary survey of the remains of the Chippewa settlements onthe La Pointe Island, Wisconsin. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol.66, No. 14.Medicinal Plant Resoxirces of Minnesota.1942. St. Paul.Memorial of the Chippeway, Pottawatomy, and Ottawa Indians of WalpoleIsland.1869. Ontario.Michelson, Truman.1912. Preliminary report on the linguistic classification of the Algonquiantribes. 28th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 1906-07, pp. 221-290.1926. Studies of the Fox and Ojibwa Indians. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol.78, No. 1, pp. 111-113.1934. Maiden sacrifice among the Ojibwa. Amer. Anthrop., vol 36 pp628-629.Miles, Nelson Appleton.1896. Personal recollections and observations. Chicago.Minnesota in Three Centuries, 1655-1908.1908. 2 vols. Minneapolis.MoNCKTON, Elizabeth.1904. The white canoe and other legends of the Ojibways. New York.MooNEY, James, and Thomas, Cyrus.1907. Article on Chippewa. In Handbook of American Indians North ofMexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 1, pp. 277-281.Morse, Richard E.1857. The Chippewas of Lake Superior. In Wisconsin State Hist. Soc. Ann.Rep. and Coll., 1856, vol. 3, pp. 338-369.
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 183Neill, Edwaud Duffield.1885. History of the Ojibways and their connection with fur traders, basedupon official and other documents. In Minnesota Hist. Soc. Coll.,1885, vol. 5, pp. 395-510.1887. The last French post in the valley of the upper Mississippi nearFrontenac, Minnesota. St. Paul.O'Brien, FBank G.1904. Minnesota pioneer sketches, from personal recollections and observa-tions of a pioneer resident. Minneapolis.Ojibway and English Easy Reader.1906. Toronto.Olephant, Laukence.1885. Minnesota and the far West. Edinburgh and London.Orb, R. B.1915. The Mississauges. Ann. Archeol. Rep. Minister Ed. Ontario, pp. 7-18.1918. The Chippewa Indians. Ann. Archeol. Rep. Minister Ed. Ontario, pp.9-23.1920. Snowshoes. Ann. Archeol. Rep. Minister Ed. Ontario. Toronto.OSBORN, E. B.1900. Greater Canada. New York.Parkman, Feancis,1908. The Jesuits in North America in the seventeenth century. Boston.Pebbot, Nicolas. See Hodge, F. W., 1907.Phillips, Richard.1807. A collection of modern and contemporary voyages and travels. Vol.6, No. 4. London.Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages.1916. Report of Committee of American Anthropological Association.Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 66, No. 6.Piebz, Fbanz.1855. Die Indianer in Nord-Amerika, Hire Lehensweise, Sitten, Gebrauche,etc. St. Louis.Pilling, James Constantine.1891. Bibliography of the Algonquian languages. Bur." Amer. Ethnol.Bull. 13.PiTEZEiL, John H.1860. Lights and shades of missionary life. Cincinnati.Pbud'homme, L. A.1916. Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, Sieur de la Verendrye, Captain of Ma-rines, Chevalier of the Military Order of St. Louis, Discoverer ofthe North-West 1685-1749. Bull. Hist. Soc. St. Boniface, Manitoba,vol. 5, pt. 2.Radin, Paul.1914 a. An introductive enquiry in the study of Ojibwa religion. Pap. andRec. Ontario Hist. Soc, vol. 12, pp. 210-218.1914 b. Some aspects of puberty fasting among the Ojibwa. CanadianDept. Mines, Geol. Surv. Mus. Bull. No. 2, Anthrop. Ser. No. 2,1914 c. Some myths and tales of the Ojibwa of southeastern Ontario. An-throp. Ser. Dept. Mines of Canada, Mem. 48, No. 2.1924. Ojibwa ethnological chit-chat. Amer. Anthrop. n. s., vol. 26, pp.491-530.
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNCXLOGT [Bull. 146Radin, Path:,, and Reagan, Albeet B. ^1928, Ojibwa myths and tales. Journ. Amer. Folklore, vol. 41, pp. 61-146.1936. Ojibwa and Ottawa puberty dreams. In Essays in Anthropology Pre-sented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 233-264.Reagan, Albert B.1919. Some games of the Bois Fort Ojibwa. Amer. Anthrop. n. s., vol. 21,pp. 264-278.1921 a. Wild or Indian rice. Proc. Indiana Acad. Sci., 1919, pp. 241-242.1921 b. Some Chippewa medicinal receipts. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 23,pp. 246-249.1922. Medicine songs of George Farmer. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 24, pp. 332-369.1923. Rainy Lakes Indians. Wisconsin Archeologist, vol. 2, pp. 140-147.1924. The Bois Fort Chippewa. Wisconsin Archeologist, n. s., vol. 3, pp.101-132.1927. Picture writings of the Chippewa Indians. Wisconsin Archeologist,vol. 6, pp. 80-83.1928. Plants used by the Bois Fort Chippewa Indians of Minnesota. Wis-consin Archeologist, vol. 7, pp. 230-248.1934. The 0-ge-che-dah or Head-men dance of the Bois Fort Indians. Ameri-cana, vol. 28, pp. 302-306. (Amer. Hist. Soc.)Reid, a. p.1873. Religious beliefs of the Ojibois or Sauteux Indians. Journ. Roy.Anthrop. Inst., vol. 3, pp. 106-113.Repplier, Agnes.1929. Pere Marquette. New York.Richardson, John.1924. Tecumseh and Richardson ; the story of a trip to Walpole Island andFort Sarnia. Toronto.EiGGS, Stephen R.1887. Protestant missions in the Northwest. Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc,vol. 6, pt. 1, pp. 117-188.RrrZENTHAl-EB, R.1943. Impact of war on an Indian community. Amer. Anthrop., voL 45,pp. 325-326.1945 a. Acquisition of surnames by the Chippewa Indians. Amer. Anthrop.,vol. 47, pp. 175-177.1945 b. Totemic insult among the Wisconsin Chippewa. Amer. Anthrop.,vol. 47, pp. 322-324.1945. c. Ceremonial destruction of sickness by the Wisconsin Chippewa.Amer. Anthrop., vol. 47, pp. 320-322.Rogers, Robert.1765. A concise account of North America . . . Also of the interior of west-erly parts of the country, upon the rivers of St. Lawrence, theMississippi, Charistino, and Great Lakes. London.1918. Journal (Ed. Wm. L. Clements) Worcester. {Reprinted from Proc.Amer. Antiq. Soc. for Oct. 1918.)Saqatoo, Mary A.1897. Wah Sash Kah Moqua ; or thirty-three years among the Indians.Boston.
HiLGER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 185Schoolcraft, Henry Rowe.1834. Narrative of an expedition through the upper Mississippi to ItascaLake, the actual source of the river ; embracing an exploratory tripthrough the St. Croix and Burntwood (or Broule) Rivers: in 1832.New York.1855. Summary narrative of an exploratory expedition to the source of theMississippi River, in 1820. Philadelphia.Schmidt, Wilhelm. "1934. Der Ursprung der Gottesidee. II Teil, V Band, pp. 555-564. Muenster.Short history and description of the Ojibbeway Indians now on a visit toEngland . , .1844. London.Skinner, Alanson.1908-10. Ojibway and Cree of Central Canada. Amer. Mus. Journ., vol. 10,pp. 9-18.1911. Notes on the Eastern Cree and the Northern Saulteaux. Amer. Mus.Nat. Hist. Anthrop. Pap., vol. 9, pt. 1.1914 a. Political organization, cults and ceremonies of the Plains Ojibwayand Plains Cree Indians. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. Anthrop. Pap.,vol. 11, pt. 4.1914 b. The cultural position of the Plains Ojibway. Amer. Anthrop., vol.16, pp. 314-318.1919. Plains Ojibway tales. Journ. Amer. Folklore, vol. 32, pp. 208-305.1920. Medicine ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, Whapeton Dakota, withnotes on the ceremony among the Ponco, Bungi Ojibwa and Pota-watomi. Mus. Amer. Ind. Heye Found. Notes and Monographs,vol. 4. New York.1921 a. The sun dance of the Plains Ojibway. Amer. Mus. Nat Hist.Anthrop. Pap., vol. 16, pp. 311-315.1921. b. Material culture of the Menomini. Mus. Amer, Ind. Heye Found.,Notes and Monographs, Misc. Publ. No. 20. New York.Smith, Harlan Ingersoll.1906. Some Ojibwa myths and traditions. Journ. Amer.^ Folklore, vol. 19,pp. 215-230.Smith, Httron Herbert. '1932. Ethnobotany of the Ojibwa Indians. Bull. Public Mus, City of Mil-waukee, vol. 4, No. 3.Smith, William Rxjdolph.1927. Incidents of a journey from Pennsylvania to Wisconsin Territory, in1837. Chicago.Snelling, William Joseph.1830. Tales of the Northwest ; or sketches of Indian life and character, bya resident beyond the frontier. Boston.1868. Early days at Prairie du Chien and the Winnebago outbreak of 1827.Wisconsin State Hist. Soc. Rep. and Coll., 1867-1869.Social and economic survey of 1934 op the Consolidated Chippewa Agency.Ms. United States Bureau of Indian Affairs.Some Ojibway Buffalo Robes. Univ. Pa. Mus. Journ., vol. 7, pp. 93-96. 1916.Speck, Frank C.1915. Family hunting territories and social life of various Algonkian bandsof the Ottawa valley. Includes myths and folklore of the Timiskam-ing Algonquin and Timagami Ojibwa. Canadian Geol. Surv. Mem.70-71, Anthrop. Ser., Nos. 8 and 9.
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 146Stickney, J. D.1914. The Warren family history and genealogy as compiled by Mr. J. D.Stickney, Paris, France. St. Paul.Sweet, Geoege W.1894. Incidents of the threatened outbreak of Hole-in-the-Day and otherOJibways at time of Sioux massacre of 1862. Minn. Hist. Soc. Coll.,vol. 6, pp. 401-408.Tanneb, John.1830. Narrative of the captivity and adventures of John Tanner (U. S. in-terpreter at the Sault de Ste. Marie) during thirty years residenceamong the Indians in the interior of North America. Edited byEdwin James. New York.Thomas, Cybus. See Mooney, James.TOMKINS, WlIXIAM.1926. Universal Indian sign language of the Plains Indians of North America,together with a dictionary of synonyms covering the basic wordsrepresented also by a codification of pictographic word symbols ofthe Ojibway and Sioux nations. San Diego.Tybeell, J. B.1916. David Thompson's narrative of his explorations in western America.Toronto.United States Congeess. Senate Committee on Indian Affaiks.1934. Survey of conditions of the Indians of the United States ; hearings . . .73d Congress, 1933.United States Congressional House Committee on expendituees in the In-TEEioE Department.1913. Report in the matter of the investigation of the White Earth Reserva-tion . . . Minnesota . . . from July 25, 1911, to March 28,1912.Unitejd States House executive documents No. 247. 51st Congress, 1st Ses-sion. Vol. 32.1889-90.United States Office of Indian Affaibs.1940. Annual report. Statistical suppl. Washington.United States statutes at large. Vol. 43, Chapter 233 ; vol 48, Chaptee 147.Van Cleve, Cjeearlotte Ouisconsin.1888. Three score years and ten, life-long memories of Fort Snelling, Min-nesota, and other parts of the West. Minneapolis.Van Dusen, C.1867. The Indian chief: An account of the labors, loses, sufferings, and op-pression of Ke-zig-ko-e-ne-ne (David Sawyer) a chief of the Ojibbe-way Indians in Canada west. London.Veewyst, Cheysostomus.1886. Missionary labors of Father Marquette, Menard, and Allouez in theLake Superior region. Chicago.1900. Life and labors of Rt. Rev. Frederic Baraga, First Bishop of Marquette,Michigan. Milwaukee.1901. Chippewa exercises, being a practical introduction into the study ofthe Chippewa language. Harbor Springs.Waeeen, William.1885. History of the Ojibways. Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc, vol. 5.Watrin, Benno, Editor.1930. The Ponsfordian, 1880-1930. A collection of historical data dealingespecially with pioneer days of Ponsford, Becker County, Minn.Park Rapids.
HiLoER] CHIPPEWA CHILD LIFE 187Whipple, Henry Benjamin.1901. Civilization and Christianization of the Ojibways of Minnesota. CoU.Minnesota Hist. Soc, vol. 9.WiNCHEXL, N. H., Editor.1911. The aborigines of Minnesota, a report based on the collection of JacobV. Brower, and on the field surveys and notes of Alfred J. Hill andTheodore H. Lewis. St. Paul.Wilson, Edward Francis.1886. Missionary work among the Ojibway Indians. London and New York.WissLER, Clark.1922. The American Indian, an introduction to the anthropology of the NewWorld. New York.Young, Egerton Rteeson.1890. By canoe and dog-train among the Cree and Saulteaux Indians.Toronto.1897. On the Indian trail; stories of missionary work among the Cree andSaulteaux Indians. New York.ZscHOKKE, Herman.1881 a. Ein Besuch bei den Chippewas-Indianern in der Reservation WhiteEarth in Nordamerika. Berichte der Leopoldinenstiftung inKaiserthume Oesterreich. LI. Heft.1881 b. Nach Nordamerika und Canada, Schilderungen von Land und Leuten.Wiirzburg.

Informants. Red Lake Reservation. 1933,/, lohn Baptist 1'hunder and daughter, Jane Bonga. 2, Charley Johnson.i, Angelina Highlanding. 4, Ella Badboy.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 6
MiDE'wiwiN CELEBRATION, White Earth Reservation. 1938./, Man and woman dancing; man in white shirt beating drum. Notice two poles nearman beating drum; upon each pole rests a bird carved of wood. 2, Old people restingbetween dances. Young mother holding her child, one of two for whom Mlde'wiwinwas being celebrated. Pails and calico cloth on rod are offerings.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 7
CHIPPEWA BURIALS./, Burials near home, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 2, M de'wiwin cemetery, White EarthReservation, 1938. 3, Mlde'wlwin cemeterj^, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 11
POW-WOW PARTICIPANTS. RED LAKE RESERVATION. 1933./, Wife of Amos Big Bird. 2, Amos Big Bird.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 12
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 13
MAKING BIRCHBARK CANOE, MILLE LACS RESERVATION, 1940./ Boiling spruce resin for mending cracks in birchbark. 2, Fo;ing boiled spruce res.nmix?d with charcoa) in grease. 3, Split roots of spruce used in sewing. 4, Preparingground by leveling it.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 15
Making Birchbark Canoe, mille lacs Reservation, 1940
?
continued./, Framework for either bow or stern. 2, Binding edges with split roots of spruce.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 17
Making birchbark Canoe, Mille lacs Reservation, 1940
?
continued./, Canoe ready for use. 2, Transporting canoe. 3, Canoe on exhibition at Mille LacsIndian Trading Post, Onamia, Minn.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE M1
Mans Snowshoes Collected on lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
....r:,x..ir--^-
BUULETIN 146 PLATE 19
COD FIBER, RED LAKE
/ Rolling strands of basswood fiber. 2, Softening strands by moistening.JOSEPHINE GURNEAU MAKING CORD OF BASSWRESERVATION, 1933
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 20
Fishing/, Fish nets being hung to dry, Red Lake Reservation, 1933. 2, Shuttle and sample offish net made on Red Lake Reservation, 1933.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 21
/, A haul of fish, Red Lake Reserxation, 1932. 2, Fish nets drving, L'Anse Reservation,1935.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 22
Emma Martin Tanning Deer Hide, Lac Courte Orielle Reservation, 1935./, W'ringing hide after soaking. 2, Last wringing of hide. 5, Second scraping of hide.4, Stretching hide.

1BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 24
BIRCHBARK RECEPTACLES.Anna Knott making wild-rice winnowing trays and teaching daughter to make them,Vermilion Lake Reservation, 1939. 2, Nonleakable birchbark receptacles, Red LakeReservation, August 1933. 3, a. Work basket; b, makok'; c, winnowing basket: RedLake Reservation, 1933.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 25
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MARY GURNEAU MAKING NONLEAKABLE BIRCHBARK RECEPTACLE, RED LAKERESERVATION. AUGUST 1932./, Holding bark over fire. -?, Fastening folded end. 3, Folding opposite end.4, Completed receptacle.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 26
Wigwams./, Alishiman and wife and their wigwam covered with birchbarl: and buh-iisii mats, LacCouite Orielle Reservation, 1935. 2, Wig^vam entirely covered with bark, Red LaiveReservation, 1932.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 27
Wigwams./, White Earth Reservation, 1938. 2, Lac du Flambeau Reservation, 1935. 5, Lac duFlambeau Reservation, 1922.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 29
Tipi, Women Packing Wood, Red Lake Reservation./, Tipi covered with birchbark?entrance view, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940. 2, Same as/; rear view. 3, Nancy Cain, 1939. 4, Mrs. Peter Everywind, 1932.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 146 PLATE 31
FIREPLACES./ and 2, Lac du Flambeau Reservation, 1935 and 1934. 3, Mille Lacs Reservation, 1940.

INDEXAbies balsamea L-.'OG, 173Abnaki, 1Abortions, 5, 10-11incUiced, 10, 11. 163spontaneous, 11, 81, 163Abstinence, practice of, 3, 4, 163Acer sacchuriim Marsh., 173Achipoes (Chippewa), 2Acorns, eaten, 144, 145Adhtniiim pedatum L., 91, 173Adoption. .33-35, 68, 93, 166Adults, adoption of, 34, 166clothing, 129Afterbirth, see placenta, 17, 18Ages, not recorded, 103Aitkin County, Minnesota, 147Alder (AJnits ineana [L.] Moonch), 173Alder bark, dye from, 136, 137Alder wood, hanger, used in cooking,142, 143preferred as fuel, 142Algonkin, 1Algonquian family group, 1Allium ecpa L.. 144, 173Allouez, Father, 1Alnuft iiieana [L.] JMoench, 178Alum, 92Ainelanchier canadensis [L.] Medic,145, 150. 173Amulets, 120, 121Anaquat, Chippewa suhchief, 151Anderson, Susan, Informant, xiiiAnimal bones, use as toys, 23use of, 119Animal claws, use as toys, 110Animl'kT. Thunder bird, 106Apples, 87Aquewause, see Bagowas, Chippewachief, 151Aralia ntidicaulis L., 94, 173Arapaho, 1Arbucle, Ptlrs^. George, informant, xivArdeshaw, Grandma, informant, xivArisaema triphi/Uiim [L.] Sehott, 173Aristolochia serpoifaria L., 173Armstrong, Benjamine G., 158Arrowheads, 104, 118, 119Arrows, 56, 107, 119, 122blunt, 119, 125poisoned, 119Arrows and bows, 104, 118, 119, 125, 127Arrow shaft, 104, 118, 119feathering, 119Artichoke (Helianthus fiiberosus L.),144, 173SS421G?.51- -16
AscJcpias si/riaca L., 146, 173Ash (Fraxinus qUadranffUlata Michx.),173bark, 138, 139black, 138, 139slabs, use of, 108Aspen (Popnlus grandidentata Michx.),173Aspen wood, 148Aunt, 34, 38, 43, 82Automobiles, 83, 84tires, use of. 127Awl, bone, 117, 128, 135metal, 117, 135Axes, 141Baby, atypical, 165birth celebration, 19, 164deformed, beliefs regarding, 32, 166first bath, 18, 96, 104, 164, 169first tooth, 165Illegitimate, 32, .33, 166killing of, 30, 33, 166naming of, 31, 32, 35, 166nursing, 28, 29, 165sick, 31, 32, 166toys, 23transportation of, 24, 25, 164weaning, 165Baby swings, 24Backache, treatment for, 93Bad Boy, Ella, informant, xiiiBad River, 70 >Bag, basswood-flber, 135beaded buckskin, 16, 113, 164bearskin, 73buckskin, 17, 31, 45, 67burial, 81cedar-bark, 149"medicine," 42, 45, 65navel cord, IR. 23, 104, 164red flannel, 67pipe, 67Bagowas, Chippewa chief, 151, 152Bait, used in trapping, 123Bfi'kak, skeletal being, 114Ball bearings, used in game, 111, 112Balsam {Abies balsanica L.), 96, 173Bambilian buds, 91Baud, political unit, 150, 171Baouichtigouin, old name for Chij)-l>ewa, 1Baptism, 38Baraga, Frederic, 108Barber Town people, 70 189
190 INDEX T?Bark, covering for houses, 137medicinal, 88, 90, 169Barrett, Tom, informant, xniBaskets, sewing, 134storage, 171winnowing, 25, 134, 171work, 134, 136, 171Bass, large-mouttied black, 127rock, 129Basswood {Tilia americana L.), 173bark of, 15, 135use of, 21, 24, 66, 91, 96, 125, 126,128, 131, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138,139, 170Basswood fiber, making of, 135Bath, after puberty isolation, 52baby's first, 18, 96, 164medicinal, 169sweat, 88, 96, 169Bathtub, baby's, 18, 104, 164Beads, 82, 133Beadwork, 52, 55, 56, 70, 133, 167, 168Beans {Phaseolus vulgaris L.) , 144, 171,173Bear clan, 154, 155Bear degree, 68Bear grave marker, 83Bears, 16, 120, 121, 123, 124black, 160foot, uses of, 64, 65grease, use of, 96, 143hunting method, 124, 170meat, 148skins, tanning of, 132uses of, 65, 129, 132, 171Beaver grave marker, 83Beavers, 124, 170skin, use of, 69, 129, 171skulls, used as charms, 121Bed coverings, bear-skin, 132rabbit-skin, 133, 171sharing of, 172Bedbugs, 140Beds, platform, 139Beef, 67Behavior, taught by parents, 56Belcourt, Father, 101Belt, sent as a symbol, 108, 109Beltrami, J. C, 46Benay, informant, xiiiBerens River, Manitoba, 76Berries, 8, 51, 52, 53, 80, 87, 134, 144, 171dried, 55, 144, 148, 149, 168Berry patches, 144Berry picking, 12, 24, 51, 52, 109, 115,161, 170Betula alba L., 173Betula papyrifera Marsh., 173Beverages, 146Bibliography, 173-187Big Bear, informant, xmBig Bird, Amos, informant, xrnBig Couderay, 123Birchbark bathtub, baby's, 104, 164
Birchbark, building materials of, 50, 56,140canoe, 115, 116, 117"casket," 80, 81, 82cups, 52, 54gathering, 133, 134grave coverings of, 83, 85receptacles of, 18, 21, 55, 133-136,144, 147, 149, 168, 171uses, 104, 105, 108, 116, 117, 122, 123,128, 132, 134, 137, 138, 139, 143, 149wrappings of, used for dead, 85Birch {Betula alba L.), 173Birch {Betula papyrifera Marsh.) , 173Birch trees, 42, 133Birch wood, 112Bird brains, fed to children, 27, 165Bird carving, use in lodge, 66Bird grave marker, 83Birds, 56nests of, 56taboos regarding, 7Birth, 12-20, 163, 164aids, 15-16, 18, 164assistance at, 12-13, 163, 164celebration of, 19, 20, 164place of, 12, 163, 164position of mother, 13-14, 164time required, 6, 164Birthmarks, 4, 7Black art, 9, 71, 73Blackberry {Rubus euhatus Focke), 173taboos regarding, 7Blackfoot, 1Blackjack, Cecilis, informant, xmBlackwood, Beatrice, 114Bladders, animal, use as baby bottle, 28Blankets, 22, 24, 25, 67, 68, 74, 76, 77, 86,91, 93, 96, 112, 139, 140, 171cotton, 68rabbit-skin, 26, 27, 133, 165, 171weaving, method of, 26, 27wrapping for dead, 85Blood sucking, 95Bloodletting, curing process, 88, 90, 95,96, 169method, 95Bloodroot {Sanguinaria canadensis L.),173dye from, 136, 137Blue, Solomon, informant, xinBlueberries, 53, 103, 129, 138, 145canned, 150dried, 145patches of, 138, 139picking of, 45, 53taboos regarding, 7Blueberry {Vaccinium vacillans Kalm),173Bluesky, Mose, subchief, 151Boasting, 99, 169Boats, 148Body decorations, 68, 85Body mutilation, mourning custom, 79
INDEX 191Boise Forte band, 152Boneset {Eupatorium pei'foUatum L.),92, 173Bonga, Jane, informant, xuiBonnet, feather, 78Boshey, Jennie, informant, xniBows, 118construction of, 119fire, 142Bows and arrows, 56, 58, 110, 118, 119,120, 168Bow strings, 118, 119Box, deposit, 82, 85Boys, first killing of game, 120, 170preadolescent, 109prepuberty fasts, 39-44, 166, 167puberty customs, 49, 168toys, 110training of, 56, 120, 168voice change of, 168Bracelets, leather, 130Brains, used in tanning, 130, 132Brassica campestris L., 144, 150, 173Bread, 29, 41, 42, 47, 54buried with the dead, 78, 80Indian, 145Broiling methods, 143Brown, T. T., 110Brun, Mary L., informant, xmBuckets, 134, 171berry-picking, 134, 171sap, 171Buckskin, beaded, 56clothes of, 56, 118, 160use of, 21, 22, 51, 68, 71, 91, 104,105, 127, 128, 145, 164Buffalo, John, chief, 151Buffalo meat, 148Bullets, 111Bullhead grave marker, 83Bulrush (Scirpus validus Vahl.), 173mats of, 136, 137, 138Burfield, Sister Corda, xnBurial customs, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85Burial, fetus, 5, 11, 81flexed position for, 80, 82mound, 85, 86scaffold, 85tree, 85Burials, 84r-86Burton, Frederick R., 26Bushnell, David I., Jr., 137, 155Butternut {Juglans cinerea L.), 173bark, dye from, 137tree, 91Buttons, used on wicks, 143, 144Cache, storage, 149, 150, 171Cain, Nancy, informant, xniCakes, 39, 82Canadian Indians, 93Cannibalism, 73, 74, 101.
Canoes, 93, 112, 122, 127, 148birchbark, 115-117, 170construction of, 115-117, 148, 168,170dugout, 116miniature, used as offerings, 62Caribou clan, 155Caribou teeth, use as toys, 23Garpinus caroUniana Walt., 91, 119, 128,131, 137, 140, 173Carrot (Daucus carota L.), 144, 173Casket, birchbark, 80wooden, 80Cass, Governor Lewis, 158Cass Lake Reservation, Minnesota, ix,155Catfish, taboos regarding, 6, 7Cathartic, herbs as, 92Catlin, George, quoted, 113, 116Catnip {Nepeta cataria L.), 18, 31, 92,173Cats, 107"Cat's eye," roots, 92Cattail {Typha latifolia L.), 173down, use as diapers, 25, 164mats, 137Caul, 4, 17, 164beliefs regarding, 17, 164Cedar bark, ashes of used as "talcumpowder," 25, 96, 164mats of, 137uses of, 132, 139, 140, 148Cedar boughs, decoction from, 31use as preventive measure, 97use in isolation rites, 52, 53, 54, 167Cedar (Juniperus virginiana L.). 173boughs, decoction from, 31use as preventive against dis-ease, 97use in isolation rites, 52, 53,54, 167saplings, canoes made of, 116
' wigwams of, 66smudge, use of for fumigation, 97trees, dugouts, 116wood, uses of, 21, 23, 25, 65, 83, 108,111, 117, 126, 138Cedarroot, Martha, informant, xivCelebrations, birth, 19-20, 164first step, 27, 165MIde'wiwin, 60, 66, 67, 138Celery, wild, 92Cemeteries 80, 84, 85, 86MIde'wiwin, 83Central tribes, 1Ceremonial, birth, 19, 164dances, 69healing, 67naming, 38, 39Chamberlain, Alexander Francis, 114,146Charcoal, uses of, 25, 28, 29, 40, 49, 51,53, 54, 59, 79, 86, 96, 108, 116, 164, 165,166, 167, 168, 169
192 INDEXCharms, carrying of, 120, 121, 160, 161,172hunting, 120, 121, 170love, 160, 161, 172Chepeways (Chippewa), 2Cherry trees, 91Chewing, diversion, 109Cheyenne, 1Chief Lake group, 70Chief Lals:e, Wisconsin. 62. 151Chiefs, 82, 150, 151, 161, 171, 172duties of, 152, 171, 172hereditary, 150, 171Chief Silver Scott, Chippewa chief, 151Chieftainship, awarded for merit, 151,171hereditary, 150, 171Childbirth, see Birth.Childhood, ix, 162Childless couples, 3, 163Children, 91atvpical conditions, 30-33, 185burial of, 169clothing, 129diversions, 109, 170education, 55-58first actions, 27, 165first clothes, :.:6, 27. 165first portage, 27, 165first step, 27, 165first tooth, 27, 28, 165first word, 27, 165mental training. 102-109, 169, 170moral training, 97-101, 169nursing, 28, 29, 165play of, 109, 110reward and punishment of, 58, 59,168righteous, discovery of, 59, 60, 168still-born, 12-13. 15, 81, 164training of, 55-60. 97-101, 168, 169weaning, 28, 29, 165Chippeways (Chippewa), 116Chippewa, 1, 49, 56, 58, 60, 63, 68, 70, 71,77, 79, SO, 90, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105,107, 109, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 119,121, 125, 129, 130, 133, 134, 137, 140,141, 144, 147, 150, 156, 157, 161, 162,163, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173dialects of, 108language, 69, 78, 100, 107-109names for months, 103 (list)reservations of, 2treaties and negotiations with, 2,151various names for, 2See also Achipoes, Chepways, De-wakanha, Dshipewehaga, Nin-niwas, Ob.iibway, Odjibwag,0.iibwa, Ojibways, Saulteaux,Salteur, and Uchipgouin.Chippewa Falls, Wisconsin, 140, 149Chipi)ewa River. Wisconsin, 151Chisel, 127
Chokecherry {Pfuntts virginiana L.),29, 135, 173dried, 145, 148Chosa, Anna, informant, xiiiChristianson, Margaret, informant, xivChum, close friend, 48, 54, 109, 170Ciscos, 127Clay, used for red paint, 68Cloth, 91calico, 68, 91, 139, 160cotton, 82use for babv wrapping, 24Clothing, 119, 129-133, 171buckskin, 56, 78, 106, 133, 171buried with dead, 81man's suit, 77offerings of, 70, 83, 84Cloud, Peter, informant, xiiiClubs, use in fishing, 127Coffee, 39Cofiins, home-made, 85Colds, treatment for, 92Coleman. Sister Bernard, 16, 60Collegeville, Minnesota, xiComets, beliefs regarding, 107"Coming-over-the-hill, informant, 37, 166Conception, 4, 5, 163Conduct taboos, expectant mother's, 8-9Cones, birchbark, use of, 23Consanguineous groups, 109Containers, birchbark. 18, 21, 55, 133-136. 144, 147, 149. 168, 171trapezoid-shaped, 134, 136, 150Conversation, form of diversion, 114.170Cookies, 39Cooking, 161arrangements, 128, 142, 143, 171utensils, offered to dead, 85Cooper, Dr. John M., xi, 23, 71, 154Cope, Leona, 103Copper, use of, 119, 124, 125, 127Copper Harbor. Michigan, 90, 107Copper River, Michigan, 136, 137Copway, George, 1, 58. 110, 112. 150, 151Corbine, Louis and wife, informants, xiiiCords, 119, 143basswood, 125Corn (Zea mays L.), 144, 171, 173dried, 145, 149, 150preparation of, 145Corn meal, 145Corn-meal porridge, 29fed to babies. 28, 165Corn soup, 29, 145Connis stolon ifera Michx., dogwood,173"red willow." 63Coniliis americana Walt., 173Cotton cloth, use of. 24, 82Couderay Band, 151, 152Couderay RiA^er, 83Council meetings, 1, 152, 154, 172Counting, nuir;bers. 105time, method of. 102, 103Courting, 156-158, 159, 172
INDEX 193Cousins, cross, 155parallel, 155Cow sinew, use of, 118Cowhide, uses of, 118Cradleboard, child's, 16, 21, 22, 23, 26,29, 63, 129, 130, 164, 165construction of, 21, 22, 23preparation of, 22, 24purpose ofr 23, 164Cradles, 21, 25, 129, 164, 165Crane, 89Crappies, 129smoked, 148Crawley, Mary, informant, xiiiCree-Montagnais, 1Creeping, 26, 165Cross Lake, Minnesota, 46Cuciirhita maxima Duchesne, 144, 171,173pepo L., 144, 171. 173Cups, birchliark, 52, 54Curing procedures, 87, 88Currant, wild (Ribes fforidum L'Her.),91, 173Curtis, Dan, informant, xivDaisy, Mabel, informant, xiiiDakota. 34, 113Dance, bear, 113beggar's, 113buffalo, 113ceremonial, 69, 70, 81corn, 113deer, 113eagle, 113feather, 113fish, 113forty-nine, 113horse, 113mourning, 82of the braves, 113outfits for, of leather, 130rabbit, 110, 114side, 114snake, 113social, 70, 101, 112, 113, 114squaw, 110, 113, 114War, 70woman's, 113Dancers, ceremonial, 69Dancing, 67, 109, 110Dates, lack of, 103Daucus oarota L., 144, 173Daughter, 80Dawasa'gon, see Odawa, 85Dawn, informant, 37Days, counting of, 102De Brot, William, informant, xiiiDeadfalls, use of, 123, 170Dead, offering.s to, 82, 83, 84, 169Death, 8, 10, 33, 34, 78-80
Decoctions, 91abortions, induced by, 10, 11, 163flower, 56herb, 15, 16, 31, 90, 96, 163, 164medicinal, 29, 56, 91use in baby's bath, 18, 31, 96Decorations, 68, 78, 79Deer, 48, 120, 121, 122, 124, 149, 157, 158,171brains, used in tanning, 130, 132fat, use of, 25gift, significance of, 157, 158, 172hunting, methods of, 122, 123, 170meat, 148sinew, use of, 118tallow, used in lamps, 143"Deer call," used in hunting, 123, 170Deerhide, 128, 129, 130, 136, 141, 160drums of, 88slips, worn by children, 26, 165snowshoes of, 118use in cradles, 21Deformation, not practiced, 166Deities, minor, 60, 61, 168Delaware, 1Delivery, position of mother, 13-14Densmore, Frances, ix, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21,23, 24, 28, 29, 31, 49, 51, 56, 57, 63, 67,88, 90, 97, 99, 108. 110, 111, 113, 114,115, 119, 131, 133, 134, 137, 140, 144,146, 147, 148, 151, 157, 158, 161, 163,172Designs, beadwork, 133, 164facial, 166, 167tattooing, 93, 95Devil, belief in. 61Dewakanha (Chippewa), 2Diapers, 15, 22, 25, 164Directions, finding of, 105Dishes, 53, 54, 83, 89, 128birchbark, 43, 48, 49, 54, 55, 94, 104,13C 135
,, cooking, 68gray enameled, 67mourning, 86tin, 86Diversions, 109-115, 170Divination, 46, 75-78Do'dam. 153, 154, 155, 159emblem, 83See also Totems.Do'diimic groups, 109Dog meat, served at celebrations, 67, 149Dogs, 59, 67, 107, 124sacrifice of, 62Dogwood (Corniis stolonlfera Michx.),173Dogwood, red, use as tobacco, 63mixed with tobacco, 63Dolls, 103, 110clothing of, made by child, 56grass, 58magic, 71rag, 110Doughnuts, 82
194 INDEXDreams, 32, 49, 54-55, 61, 70, 166-169bad, 36, 40good, 36, 40personal accounts of, 47, 48, 54, 55prepuberty, 88, 167, 169reticence regarding, 36, 55significant, 40, 61Drummer, 111, 112Drums, 76, 77, 88, 89, 109, 110, 111"big," 70buckskin, 77game. 111, 112Mide'wiwin, 22, 67, 69, 70, 73, 88, 138sacred, 70Drumsticks, 69, 71, 88, 110Dshipewehaga (Chippewa), 2Duck craniums, use as toys, 23Ducks, eaten, 149Dugouts, 116Dwellings, 137-141Dye, black, 136, 137blue, 137brown-orange, 137green, 137mahogany, 136, 137purple, 136red, 136, 137yellow, 136Eagle bills, use on belts, 108Eagle grave marker, 83Earache, treatment for 93Earrings, 20, 21, 164Ears, piercing of, 4, 20, 21, 164Eastern-Central tribes, 1Eastern tribes, 1Eclipse, beliefs regarding, 107Education, children, 55-60Eggs, use in tanning, 130Elbow Lake, Minnesota, 64, 65Elder tree {Sarnbucus canadensis L.),96, 173Elder wood, uses of, 118Elk, 120Elk hide, use of, 129, 171Elk grave marker, 83Elm bark, uses of, 138Elm saplings, use of, 140Elm, slippery ( Ulmus fulva Michx.) , 15,16, 91, 173Elm (Ulmus americana L.), 173Emishewag, informant, xniEpidemics, 97Escanaba, Michigan, 151Etiquette, 97Eupatorium perfoliatum L., 173Everywind, Mrs. Peter, informant, xrn,139Exogamous sibs, 154Exogamy, 172Eye drops, 92Eyes, treatment for weak, 92Faces, blackened, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 51,54, 79, 80, 166, 167
Facial decorations, 68Fainting, treatment for, 92Family, abandonment of by father, 162limitation of size, 3-4, 163Family groups, 109Family life, description of, 127-129Fasters, feast for, 43, 45, 48Fasting, 67, 168manner of, 40-43, 48prepuberty, 39-44, 166, 167puberty, 49purpose of, 44-46, 49Father, 59instructor of sons, 57role during birth of child, 13, 19unmarried, 33Fawn hides, 129, 171Feast, 45, 48, 52, 67birth celebration, 19, 20, 164burial, 81, 82child's first portage, 27, 165first killing of game, 120, 170first step celebration, 27, 165hunting, 124, 170mourning, 86, 87naming of child, 36, 37, 38, 39prepuberty, 43, 167puberty, 52, 53Fenton, Dr. William N., xnFern {PhegopteHs hexagonopteraMichx.), 173Fern tips, eaten, 146Fertility, medicine to produce, 3, 163Fetus, aborted, 10, 11, 81, 163, 169burial of, 5, 11, 81, 163, 169finding of, 121position of, 5Fever, treatment for, 92Fibers, use In tying, 14, 135vegetable, 125Figurines, bulrush, 90wood, 73Fire, built at grave, 78, 81, 83, 84, 169methods of making, 142, 171"Fireball," magic, 71, 72Firecrackers, offered to dead, 84Fire drill, 171Fire pits, located in wigwams, 143, 171Fireplaces, open, 142, 171Fish, 53, 87, 120, 123, 144, 146, 148, 170,171broth, 29dried, 55, 128, 149, 168glue, 118oil, used in lamps, 143IMJrridge, 29smoked, 125, 128, 148, 170spirits, of, 61taboos regarding, 7, 51Fishhooks, 125, 127, 170bone, 127wood, 127Fishing, 7, 12, 51, 53, 75, 87, 104, 109,110, 115, 125-129, 170
INDEX 195Fish nets, 119, 125, 126, 127, 129, 135,170"Fish trains," 129Fish traps, 125, 170Flag, sweet, 92Flambeau, Wisconsin, 145Flannery, Dr. Regina, 28, 77.Flashlights, use of, 123Flatmouth, Pillager chief, 153Flatmouth, Ruth, chief's sister, 153Fleming, George and wife, informants,XIIIFlesher, moose bone, 128, 132Flint, use of, 119, 142Floaters, cedar-wood, 126, 127, 135Flood-of-light-pouring-from-the-sky, in-formant, 37Flower designs, bead work, 133Flute, courting, 157, 158, 172Foetal inclusion, use as charm, 120, 121,170Fond du Lac Band, 152Fontanels, 18, 164Food, baby's 28, 165buried with dead, 80, 81nursing mother's, 29offered to the dead, 82, 83, 84, 85, 169preparation and storage, 144-150,171sacrifices of, 8taboos, 6-8, 51, 52, 53Forks, 82Fowl, 144use of leg bones, 88, 89use of skeletal heads, 110use of skin, 65Fox [tribe], 1, 2Foxes, 121, 124, 170Fox grave marker, 83Fox skin, uses of, 65Fragaria Virginia Duchesne, 53, 92, 173Fraxinus quadrangulata Michx., 173Frogs, 106Fruit designs, beadwork, 133Fruits, dried, 52, 55, 168wild, 29, 53Frying pan, 80Fuel, wood, 141, 142, 171Fumigation, medical use of, 163musk used in, 97treatment for nosebleed, 74"Furniture," toy, 110
"Ga," reproachful expression, 100Gambling, 109, 110, 111, 112shoe, 110, 111stakes wagered, 112Games, 110-112awl, 110blindfold, 110bone, 110bimch of grass, 110butterfly, 110cannibal, 110children's, 110
Games?Continuedcoasting erect, 110counters used. 111, 112deer sticks, 110diversions, 109, 110hand, 110hide-and-seek, 110lacrosse, 110, 112marbles, 110moccasin, 110, 111, 112of chance, 110of dexterity, 110plate, 110playing camps, 110snake, 110snow snake, 110spinning stone, 110stick, 110windego, 110woman's, 110Gangwawa, Chippewa chief, 151Gardening, 144, 171OauUheria procumbens L., 146, 173Gauthier, Ben and wife, informant, xivGauthier, Louis, informant, xrvGeese, eaten, 149supernatural, 44taboos regarding, 7Gens, 19, 83, 109, 153-155, 172Gentes, 153-156, 172list of, 153, 154Gestation, 4-6Gifts, mourning, 86Gilflllan, Joseph A., 23, 28, 36, 37, 98,101, 141, 146, 151, 161, 162Gimiwananakwod (Rain Cloud), in-formant, xinGirls, first menstrual isolation, 43, 50,51 54 55first menstruation, 35, 43, 48, 50, 167hairdressing, 51, 167life after puberty, 55, 157
, marriageable age of, 156, 172preadolescent, 109prepuberty fasts, 39^4, 166, 167puberty rites, 50-55, 167, 168tasks of, 129toys, 110training of, 55, 56, 168Glasby, Mrs., informant, xiiiGloves, 130Glycine apios, L., 173Gockey, Ellen, informant, xinGod, belief in, 60Goggleye, Sophie, informant, xinGoiter, treatment for, 93Gooseberry {Rihes oxyacanthoides L.),173canned, 150Goose grease, medicinal use of, 31Goose, wild, 89, 120Government, tribal, 150-153Gowboy, James, informant, xniGrandchild, 67, 91, 131
196 INDEXGrandfathers, 39, 57, 76, 77, 107, 123,124, 140"Grand Medicine," power of MIde'wiwinsociety, 71, 73, 74, 101, 160, 169"Grand Medicine Society of the Ojib-vvay," 41, 42Grandmothers. 24, 26, 30, 34. 38, 42, 43,50, 53, 54, 57. 59, 67, 100. 118, 140, 158Grandparents, 33. 56, 57, 90, 140, 168respect shown to, 57Grand Portage Band, 152Granduncle, 38, 75, 76Granville, 74Grave covers, 82, S3Grave markers, 83Graves, 82, 83Grease, used in lamps, 143Great-Grandmother, 38. 125Great Lakes region, 156Great Spirit, supernatural being, 45, 60,63. 70, 81, 168Greeley, Margaret, informant, xivGroceries, olferings of, 68Guardian spirits, 41, 44, 60, 61, 62, 122,167, 168Gunfire, anouncement of birth by, 19announcement of death by, 79Guns, 19, 79, 107, 112, 123, 124'Gurneau, Josephine, informant, xiiiGurneau, Mary, informant, xiiiHairdressing, 51Hall, Alice, informant, xiiiHallowell, Dr. A. Irving, xii, 4, 31, 71,76, 80, 84, 156H.immocks, baby's, 24, 110, 128, 164construction of, 24Hancock, Michigan, 127"Happy Hunting Ground," Indian hea-ven, 85Hatchets, 91Hats, 78Hawk degree, 68Hawk skin, uses of, 65Hazelnut (Coryhis ameneava Walt.),373dye from, 130trees, 91, 94, 96, 111Headaches, treatment for, 95Headbands, leather, 130, 141, 142Headmen, 161Health measures, 31, 32, 63, 88, 89, 92,166, 169Heart trouble, treatment for, 02Ilelianthus tvberosns L., 173Hell-divers, taboos regarding. 7Hemlock bark, dye from. 136. 137Hemlock (Tsugn canatlcn.^is [L.].Carr. ) , 173Herbs, decoctions of, 15, 16. 31, 90. 164.165medicinal, xi. 3. 15, 10, 18, 29, 74,88, 90-93, 169roots, bark, 90-93
Hides, tanned, 55, 68, 112, 149use of, 24. 68, 130, 132, 133, 137, 138Hilger, Sister M. Inez, 40, 60, 61, 72, 73,74. 76, 80, 86, 87, 89, 90, 95, 102, 106,107, 108, 119, 124, 125, 140, 143, 151,155, 162Hill, Mildred, informant, xiiiHodge, Frederick Webb, 101Hoffman. W. J., 41, 42, 63. 107, 110Highlanding, Ansel ine, informant, xiiiHilser, Sister Marie, xiiHomesky, Susie, informant, xiiiHominy, 29Honesty, training in, 98, 169Horn, animal, use in bloodletting, 95Horse sinew, use of, 118Horsehide, uses of, 118Houghton, Michigan, 127Houses, bark, 137, 140, 171grave-covering, 82, 83"Houses," toy, 110Hudson's Bay, 2Humming bird;?, 125Hunters, 120, 123, 124. 170Hunting. 12, 87, 109, 110, 115, 118, 119,119-125, 168, 170prescriptions on, 8Hurley, Wisconsin, 145Husband, 80, 84, 164Husband-wife relations, 8Ice-feathered-woman, informant, 37, 166Ideographs, 108, 170Illegitimacy, 32, 33, 166Implements, buried with dead, 80Incest. 82. 166Incisions, method of, 95Indian Reservations (map) , facing, 1Indian Village, 70Infanticide, rare, 33, 166Infidelity, 162punishment of, 162, 172Informants and interpreters, list of,xiir-xivInformants, information from, 4, 5, 6,10, 11. 14, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24, 25, 27,28, 29. 30, 31, 33, 34. 35, 36, 38, 40, 42,43, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 58, 60, 61,62, 63. 64, 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76,77, 78, 79. 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87, 88,89, 90. 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100,101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109,112, 113, 114. 116, 117, 118, 119, 121,123, 125, 127. 130, 131, 132, 133, 134,135, 1,30. 137. 140. 141, 142, 143, 144,145, 146, 149. 154, 155, 156, 157, 158,159, 161, 162. 167, 172Inhalations, medicinal use of, 74, 93Insanity, beliefs lesarding, 73, 95Instructions, time of, 57, 58Instructors, 56, 57Intercou!-se, abstinence from, 3-4Interior Bands, 151Intermarriage, restrictions on, 153, 154Interment, 80-82
INDEX 197
Interpreters, iuformauts and, list, xiii-XIVIntoxicants, 101Iron, 119, 124, 125Iron Mountain, 74Ironwood (Carpimis caroUniana Walt.),91. 119, 128, 131, 137, 140, 173Iroquois, 2Isham, Mary, infwrniant, xiiiIsolation of girls at puberty, 50, 51, 54,167, 168Ivv, poison {Rhus toxicodendron L.),97. 173lyubidud, Mary, informant, xiiiJackets, buckskin, 104, 130Jacknife, 81
.Jenks, Albert Ernest, 147, 153
.Tenness, Diamond, ix, 39, 49, 81, 155, 163,172Jesuit relations, 1Jogues. Father Isaac, 1Johnson, Charley, informant, xiiiJohston, Ana, informant, xivJoints, treatment for dislocated, 93Jones, Mrs. Vivian, informant, xiiiJones, Volney H., 135Jones, William, 36, 37, 153Juglans, cinerca L., 173Ju!i!p River, Wisconsin, 140Juneberry {AmelancMer canadensis[L.l. Medic), 173canned, 150dried, 145Juneberry tree, 92, 142Jiiniperus virginiana L., 173See also Cedar.Kah gay se goke, informant, xiiiKaliher. Sister Deodata, xivKappler, Charles, 152Kerosene, use of, 127Kettles, 85. 91, 128, 143sap. 91Keweenaw Bay, 73, 125, 127Keweenaw I'oint. Lake Superior, 68. 107Kice'Man'itr) (Supreme Being), 38, 60,62, 63, 68, IGSKickapoo, 1Kindness, training in. 97, 98Kingfisher clan, 155Kingfisher. John, interpreter, xi, xiiiKinnikinnick, dogwood and tobacco mix-ture, 63, 115Klt'ci'man'ito. spirits, 60Knives, 82, 95bone, 20butcher, 16, 130, 131stone, 16Knott, Anna, informant, xiiiKohl, Johann G., 49, 63Krokodak, Mary, xiii
Lac Courte Orielle Band, origin of, 152Lac Courte Orielle Reservation. Wiscon-sin. IX, x. XI, XIII. 3, 8. 9, 16, 17, 20, 28,29, 32, 34, 36. 40, 44, 47, 52, 58, 60, 62,63, 64, 65, 66. 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79,SO. 83. 84, 85. 86, 87. 89, 90, 91. 94, lOl,102, 112, 113, 114. 115, 116, 118, 119,l'?0 122, 123, 124. 127, 130, 133, 134,137! 138, 140, 142, 143, 146, 147. 149.1.50, 151, 156, 157, 158, 1-59, 160, 163,164Lac du Flambeau Band, 152Lac du Flambeau Reservation, Wiscon-sin, X. XIV. 40. 4'i, 65, 75, 77. 78. 80,86. 93, 106, 115, 121, 144, 147, 150, 151,160, 161, 163Lactiica sativa L., 144, 173Lac Vieux Desert celebration, 63Lac Vieux Desert, Wisconsin, 74, 151Lafleur, L. J., 63Laidlaw, G. E.. 114Lake bands, 151Lake Erie, 2Lake Huron, 2Lake of the Hurons, 1Lake of the Woods Ojibway, 23, 71, 154Lake Pokegema, Wisconsin, 150Lake Superior, 1, 68, 125, 146Lake Superior I'.and. 151, 152, 171Lake Tracy, 1Lamps, construction of, 143, 144Land O'Lakes, Wisconsin, 151 ?Landes, Ruth, ix, 49. 156, 163, 172Language, 107-109, 169native. 107-109, 169sign, 169written, 108, 170L'Anse Band, 151. 152L'Ansp Reservation. Michigan, x, xiv,14, 17, 21, 37, 40. 53, 60, 61, 63, 66, 68,69, 70, 73. 74. 75. 76. 79, 82, 87. 89, 90,95, 106, 107, 121, 125, 126. 127, 129,1S3, 136, 137. 138. 143, 145, 151, 154, 164Lanterns, use of. 122, 123La Pointe Band, 152La Pointe, Mrs. Joseph, informant, xivfva Pointe Reservation, Wisconsin, x,xvi, 17. 25, 30, 36, 45, 70. 75, 79, 91. 95,106, 113, 122, 123, 132, 136, 142, 144,147, 151, 163Ldri-r loricivn [DuRoi] Koch, 173La Rush, Henry, informant, xiiiLa Rush. Sister Syrilla. informant, xiiiLa Vieux Desert Reservation, 63, 74, 151Leaf designs, l)ead work, 133Leech Lake, ^Minnesota. 79, 162Leech Lake Reservation, Minnesota, ix,XI. 79Legends, amusing, 58historical, 58moral, 58purpose of, 57, 58Leggings, buckskin, 118Lelonek, Mrs. Peter, xiiLettuce {Lactucu sativri L.), 144, 173
198 INDEXLife after death, belief in, 78-87, 169Lighting methods, 141, 142, 143, 171Lightning, spirit of, 61, 62Lips, J. E., 124Little Lake Couderay, 152Lizards, 8whistling, 106Lodges, bark, 140, 141MIde'wiwin, 138, 141peaked, 137, 140, 141, 171sweat, 96Long Lake, 89Love charms, 160, 161Lullabies, 25, 26, 110, 165Lung trouble, treatment for, 91Lures, use in hunting, 120Lycopersicum esculentum Mill., 173Lyford, Carrie A., 133Lying, training against, 99Lynx, taboos regarding, 7Magic, 9, 120Maidenhair {Adiantum pedatum L.),173root, 91Makok', storage container, 134, 136, 150Man'ido, guardian spirit, 42Manito, celestial being, 146Manitou Rapids Reserve, Ontario, rsMaple (Acer saccharum Marsh.), 16,173sap, 104, 134, 144, 146, 147sugar, 23, 31, 51, 52, 54, 56, 58, 77, 84,87, 91, 123, 134, 144, 146, 147, 149,150, 171cakes, medicinal, 31making of, 12, 51, 52, 54, 56, 72,109, 140, 168roots, dye from, 137taffy, 147tree groves, 144, 146, 149Marquette, Michigan, 45, 151Marriage, 158-160, 172ceremony, lack of, 159, 160, 172cross-cousin, 155, 156, 172customs, 153-162, 172forced, 158, 172separations, 162, 172successive, 161, 162, 172Martin, Emma Demare, informant, xniMartin, Peter, informant, xniMartin group, 70Martin skin, use of, 69Martins, 125Mats, 55, 91bear-skin, 132bulrush, 13, 72, 80, 82, 89, 104, 135,136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 171cattail, 137, 139cedar-bark, 137floor, 136, 137, 171making of, 168Mattresses, bear-skin, 132McKenney, Thomas L., 158
mMeasles, 97Measurements, 116, 117linear, 91, 103, 104Meat, 39, 144, 148, 171broth, 29dried, 8, 52, 55, 80, 148, 149, 168preparation of, 148smoked, 149Medals, 82copi>er, 70silver, 82Medicinal knowledge, 91, 92"Medicine," 75, 120, 160bad, 9, 71, 72, 74, 75, 121good, 9receiving of, 41"Medicine bag," 42, 45, 65, 68, 69"Medicine bundle," 45, 65, 167See also "Medicine bag."Medicine men, 3, 9, 12, 13, 60, 63, 69, 71,72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 88, 89, 95,121, 138, 159, 160, 161, 164, 169Medicine women, 13, 42, 71, 75, 160Men, marriageable age of, 156, 172ornaments worn by, 20tasks of, 115, 116, 120, 138, 170Menomonie, 1Menstruation, decoctions for, 92first, 35, 43, 48, 50, 167missed, 4, 5, 57taboos regarding, 51, 52, 87, 167Mental training, 102-109, 169, 170Mermaids, water spirits, 73Michelson, Dr. Truman, xn, 1Micmac, 1Mide', see MIde'wiwin.MIde'wiwin (native religious society),XI, 2, 3, 9, 22, 32, 42, 44, 47, 60, 63-71,73, 77, 78, 80, 108, 139, 140, 151, 153,156, 166, 167, 168celebration, decorations for, 68invitation to, 67cemetery, 83degrees listed, 65drum, 70, 78construction of, 69, 88feast, 149Initiation into, 63, 64, 168, 169lodge, 138construction of, 66members of, 42, 71, 78, 86, 160offerings, 68Midwives, duties of, 12-13, 163, 164Milk secretion, method of increasing, 29Milkweed (Asclepias syriaca L.), 173shoots, eaten, 146Mille Lacs Lake, 85Mille Lacs Reservation, Minnesota, ix,X, XI xni, 3, 6, 22, 24, 27, 28, 31, 32,36, 39, 40, 43, 49, 54, 55, 59, 62, 64, 65,66, 68, 70, 75, 77, 81, S3, 84, 85, 86, 101,116, 120, 137, 138, 139, 155, 163Mille Lacs Trading Post, Minnesota, 116,139
INDEX 199Mink degree, 68Mink hide, uses of, 65Minnesota River, 2Mirrors, 82Mishiman and wife, informants, xinMississippi Band, 151, 152, 171Mississippi River, 2Mnemonic records, 108Moccasins, 26, 78,^86, 104, 118, 128, 130,133, 149, 165beliefs regarding, 26, 165pattern of, 104"Moccasins," used in games, 111, 112Modjigekwe', female god, 106Money bags, skin, 130Moon, beliefs about, 107eclipse of, 107list of monthly names for, 103used as time count, 4, 5, 102weather predictions by the, 106Moose, 28, 48, 120, 122, 171bone, use of, 117, 128, 132hide, tanning of, 132use of, 119, 128, 129, 130, 141,171meat, 148sinew, use of, 118Moral training, 97-101, 169Morning-at-dawn, informant, 37, 166Mortar and pestle, wooden, 63, 145Mortars, 145Mosquito netting, 50Moss, 122used for diapers, 15, 21, 25, 164Mothers, 43, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57, 100expectant, 8-9imitation of by girls, 56instruction of girls by, 57method of increasing milk secre-tion, 29purification of, 19taboos for expectant, 8-9, 15unmarried, 33, 53willing of children by, 34Mountain, Eva, informant, xiiiMourning, bundle, 86customs, 79, 86, 87, 169period, 86Muck, dye from, 136, 137Murder, revenge for, 101Murray Beach, Minnesota, 49Muskrat hides, use of, 29Mutilation, mourning custom, 79punishment for infidelity, 162, 172Myths, 114, 152Names, American, 35, 37dream, 32, 35, 36, 39, 166origin of, 35-37personal, 4, 31, 35-39, 55, 87, 166pet, 35, 166Namesake, 55selection of, 37, 38, 39Naming, 31, 32, 35, 38, 39Natick, 1
Natural, phenomena, interpretations of,102, 106, 107Navel cord, 6, 9, 16-17, 164bag, 16, 17, 23, 104, 109, 164belief regarding, 7, 164disposal of, 16, 164Naytahwahcinegoke, informant, xniNeedles, tatooing, 94Nelles, Father Felix, Benedictine priest,XINepeta cataria L., 18, 31, 92, 173"Nests," sleeping, 42, 49Net makers, 125, 126Nets 55drying methods, 127, 128factory-made, 126fish, 75, 125, 126, 127, 129, 135, 170setting of, 129use as charms, 23Nett Lake Reservation, Minnesota, x,xn, xni, 6, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 32,64, 67, 68, 75, 120, 141, 155, 162, 163,164, 165, 166Nettle (Urtica gracilis Ait.), 173twine of, uses, 118, 119, 125, 170New Post Village, Wisconsin, 70, 119,120, 151, 160Niagara River, 2Nicknames, 35, 36Ninniwas (Chippewa), 2Noonday, Mrs. John, informant, xniNorth Star, 102directions reckoned by, 105Northern Lights, interpretations of, 106Nose, piercing of, 20rings for, 20, 164Nursing and weaning, 165Oak, 16, 119, 148red, 145white, 42, 145Oak {Quercus Ucolor Willd.), 173Oak {Quercus stellata Wang.), 173Objlbway, see Ojibways.Odanah, Wisconsin, 79, 95, 151Odawa', 85Odjibwag (Chippewa), 2Offerings, sacrificial, 67Oil, used in lamps, 143Oilcloth, 82Ojibwa (Chippewa), 108, 154, 155, 156,163, 172Ojibwa-speaking people, 76Ojibways (Chippewa), 1, 2, 23, 34, 36,37, 41, 45, 46, 49, 71, 113Older people, respect shown to, 97, 98treatment of, 98Old Indian Village, Wisconsin, 46, 70Old Post Village, 70, 85, 86O'Leary, Mary, informant, xmOlson, Nellie, informant, xiiiOmagan'dip, Chippewa chief, 152Omens, 36, 40, 41, 71, 72, 80, 97, 106, 121,170One-that-can-climb, informant, 37, 166One-that-can-walk, informant, 37, 166Onion {Allium cepa L.), 144, 173
200 INDEXOttawa, 1, 36, 45Otter skin, uses of, 65, 69 .Owl, 58, 121, 170skin, uses of, 65stories about, 58, 121Owl degree, 68"Owl root," dye from, 136Ownership, 81, 82, 121, 125, 147Paddles, 148construction of, 117Pails, 82, 128, 131, 132tin water, 68Paint, blue, 68brown, 68red, 68use on the dead, 78vermilion, 68white, 68yellow, 68Pappin, Charles and wife, informants,XIVPaquawang, on Chippewa River, 151Parental factors, prenatal, 2-4Parents, 90instructors of children, 57. 58, 59.99. 168Pan-y Island, ix, 155Parry Islanders, 49, 141Patrilineal sibs, 154Peas {Pisum sativum L.), 144, 173Pembina Rand. Chinnewa Indians. 150Peml)ina Reservation, Canada, 159, 160Peoria, 1Pequaminar. 73Perch, 126, 129Perrot, Nicolas, 1Personal belongings, disposal of afterdeath, 81, 82Pestles, 145Pete, Mrs. Howard, informant, xiitPete, Mrs. .Toe, informant, xiiiPeterson, Grandma, informant, xiiiPeter Wolf, Chippewa chief, 151Phascohis viilgaris L., 144, 171. 173Phefjopteris lic.ragono])tera Michx., 173Physician, American, 88Picea rubra (DuRoi) Dietr., 173Pickerel, 129Pictogranhs, somrs recorded in, 67Pictography, 107, 108. 170Pierz, Father Franz, 19, 36, 156, 157Pi'-'eons. as food, 149Pike, 126, 129smoked, 148Pillagers, Chipi^ewa Band, 153Pillow cases, 91Pine, 91Pine cones, used in tanning, 132Pine, Jack (Pinus banksiana Lamb )132, 148, 173Pine knots, medicinal use of, 92, 93Pine, Norway or red (Pinus resinosaAit.), 122, 127, 1.32, 138, 139, 140, 165.173Pine pxmk, used in tanning, 1.32
Pine, white (Pinus strobus L.), 86, 122132, 173 'Pine wood, decayed, use of, 25 .1Pins, safety, 24 fPinus banksiana Lamb., 132, 148, 173Pinus resinosa Ait., 122, 127, 132 138139, 140, Ifio, 173Pinus sirobus L.. 86, 122, 132. 173Pipes, 19, 45, 47, 63, 67, 76, 82, 90, 112.115red clay, 68Pisum sativinn L., 144, 173Pits, storage, 149Placenta, 9. 15, 18disposal of, 18, 164Plains Indians, 59Plank, use in burial custom, SOPlants, medicinal, 31Platform beds, 139Play life, 55, 109-111, 170Pleurisy, 91Poisoned arrows, making of, 119Polyandry, 161, 172Polygamy, 161, 172Polygyny, 161, 172Ponemah, Minnesota, 34, 43, 46, 57, 65Ponies, 77, 113Ponsford, Minnesota, xi, 64, 139, 140Ponsford celebration, 32, 64, 65Poplar bark, dye from, 137Population, 2Populus grandidentata Michx., 173Porcupines, 48, 149quills, used for decoration, 133, 1.36,149taboos regarding, 7Portage Lake, 45Portaging, methods of, 116Postnatal interests, 20-35, 164, 165Potato (Soiannm tuberosum L.), 173Potato, wild (Glycine apios L.), 173Potatoes, 29, 54, 144. 149, 150medicinal use of, 93sturgeon, 92Potawatomi, 1Potions, use in childbirth, 18"Power," exercise of, 69"Power," 71See also "Grand Medicine."Pow-wows, Indian meetings, 133, 141Pregnancy, 5, 6-9, 15. 28, 30, 57, 163, 165effect on youngest child, 6taboos connected with, 6, 7Prenatal period, 2-20, 163Prepuberty fasts, 39-44, 166, 167i'reventive measures against disease,96, 97Prunus virginiano L., 29, 135, 145, 148,173I'uberty customs^ ix, 443, 49-55, 167, 168I'umpkin blossoms, soup of, 146Pumpkins (Cucurbita pepo L.),, 144, 171,173dried, 144Punishments of children, 58, 59Punk, use in making fire, 142, 171
INDEX 201
Purjratives, use of, 31, 165Purification, mother's IS, 164Quadruplets, 31, 165Quagon, Mitchell, informant, xiiiQuarreling, 99, 100, 169Qiicrcus hicolor Willcl., 173Querciis steJUita Wang., 173Quillwork, 133, 136Quilts, 86, 91, 159Rabbit meat, eaten, 149used for bait, 125Rabbits, 26, 2S. 120, 121, 124, 170taboos regarding, 7Rabbit, Sadie, informant, xinRabbit's Bay, 76Rabbitskin blankets, construction of, 26Rabbitskins, predicitions regarding, 106tanning process, 133use of, 21, 25, 26, 129, 133, 164, 165,171Raccoons, 61Racks, cooking, 142, 143, 148drying, 148Radishes (Raphauiis sativus L.), 144,173Rainbow, interpretation of, 106Rainy Lake, Ojibway, 23, 71Rapliamis sativus L., 144, 173Raspberries, 53, 146canned, 150roots, decoction of. 20taboos regarding, 7Raspberry, black {Riihus occklentalisL.), 173Raspberry (Riidus idaeiis L.), 173Rattlesnake poison, use of, 119Ravnibault, Father Charles, 1Reagan, Albert B., 90, 107, 110, 113Receptacles, leakable, 134, 171unleakable. 134, 171RedelifC Band, 151Red Cliff Reservation, Wisconsin, 30,151Red Lake Fishers' Association, coopera-tive, 129Red Lake, Minnesota, 43, 46, 72, 73, 82,93, 127, 129, 160, 162Red LalvC Reservation, Minnesota, ix,X, XI, XIII. 3, 9, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 29,30, 32, 34, 36, 40, 42, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54,57, 61, 62, 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 79,80, 82, 83, 85, 88, 89, 91, 03, 94, 96, 101,102, 104, 108, 109, 111, 114. 116, 118,120, 121, 123, 125, 126, 129. 131, 132.134, 135, 139, 141. 142. 147, 148, 149.150, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161,163, 164Red River, 156Redby, Minnesota, 46, 72, 82Reeds, dying of, 137Reincarnation, beliefs on, 4, 163Religion and supernatural powers, 60-78, 168
Reserve, Wisconsin, 34, 62, 70, 101, 151,160Resin,, uses of, 122, 135Revenge, 101Rheumatism, treatment for, 93, 96Rhus to-rwodni(lro)i L., 97, 173RhKS typhhin L., 136. 137, 173Ribcs floridiiin L'Her., 91, 173Ribes oxjiacanthoicles L., 150, 173Rice, wild {Zizania aquatica L. ), 8, 24,28, 29, 38, 39, 51, 52. 67, 68, 80, 81, 84,87, 109, 134, 138, 140, 144, 145, 146,147, 148, 149, 150, 165, 171, 173dried, 148gathering, 12, 56, 89, 109, 115, 117,147, 148, 168, 170parched, 148porridge, fed to babies, 165taboos regarding, 7Rites, puberty, 50-55Robe, braided rabbitskin, 133Robin, guardian spirit, 45, 46Robin's song, meaning of, 97Robinson, Mary, informant, xiiiRoeder. Sister Immacula, xiiRoots, medicinal, 31, 88, 90, 92, 169Rosa praiincola Greene, 92, 149, 173Hose, wild (Rosa pratincola Greene),92, 149, 173Round Lake group, 70Round-old-woman, informant, 37, 166Rowing, 115Riihiis ciibafus Focke, 7, 173Rttbus idaeus L., 173Riibus occiden talis L., 173Rugs, braided, 24Rutabaga (Brassica campestris L.),144, 150, 173Sacks, birchbark, 15Sacrifices, food, 8St. Anthony Falls, 1St. Claire, Carrie, informant, xiiiSt. Germaine, Mrs. informant, xrvSt. John's Abbey, Minnesota, xiSalt, 59, 123, 133Salt licks, artificial, 123, 170Sant'bueus canadensis L., 96, 118, 173Sandpaper, use of, 119, 127Sandy Lake, 85Sonyuinaria canadensis L., 136, 137, 173Sarsaparllla {Aralia nudicaulis L.), 173roots, 94Sauk, 1Saulteaux (Chippewa), 2, 4, 31, 71, 76.80, 84Saulteur (Chippewa), 2Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan, 151Sayers, Frances, interpreter, xi, xiiiScarlet fever, 97Scirpus validus Vahl., 173Scissors, 14, 16Scott, Frank, informant, xivScouts, 108Scrapers, steel, 131stone, 119
202 INDEXScratching stick, 51, 53, 167Sea gull eggs, taboos regarding, 6, 7Seasons, names for, 103Servants, 33, 166Setter, Frank, informant, xniSewing, 52, 161, 167Sex, 5, 163prediction of, 5, 163preference regarding, 6, 163Shamans, 13, 60, 75powers of, 87, 88-90, 169Sharing, teaching of, 98, 129, 169Sharlifoe, Mrs. Peter, informant, xivShawls, 25, 77, 160Shawnee, 1Shells, use as toys, 23Shirts, buckskin, 118Shoes, 78Shogey, Mrs. John, informant, xraShogytown, 48Shosa, Lucy, informant, xivShuttles, 126basswood, 126Siace, Gabriel, informant, xmSiblings, 32, 35Sibs, patrilineal, 154Sickness, 67, 71, 76, 77, 88-96, 151preventive measures, 23, 96-97Sign language, 107, 108Sinew, preparation of, 118, 119use of, 128Sinkers, 127, 135lead, 126stone, 126Singing, 67Sioux, 2, 34, 45, 48, 49, 58, 70, 101, 103,108, 141, 162 . . .Sisters, 33, 34, 55Skeleton animal heads, used as toys, 110Skin eruptions, treatment for, 92Skinner, Alanson, 147Skulls, animal, 121Skunks, as food, 149musk from, 97, 124Slaves, 33, 166Slips, deer-hide, 26, 165Slippery elm, see Elm, slippery.Smallpox, 54, 93, 140epidemics, 93, 151Smilacina stellata L., 173StiUbirths, 169Smith, Huron Herbert, 90, 125, 137Smoke signals, 105Smoking, 67, 90, 109, 115, 121, 124done by children, 115Smudge pot, used in tanning, 131, 132Snake root (Aristolochia serpentariaL.), 173Snake skin, uses of, 65"Snapping eyes," reproachful gesture,Snares, 122, 124, 170Snow, spirits of, 60
Snowshoes, 116, 117, 118, 124, 130, 148168, 170 ^construction of, 118Snuff, use of, 115Snuffing, diversion, 109Soap, use of, 133Social restraints, girls, 53, 54, 168Social Science Research Council, xivSoda, use in tanning, 132, 133Solatium tuberosum L., 173Solomon's-seal, false (Smilacina stel-lata L.), 92, 173Songs, 91Songs, Mide'wiwin, 67, 88Sorcery, 81Sore throat, treatment for, 92Soups, 29Spearhead, copper, 124, 125, 127 170Spearing, fish, 124, 170Spirit, guardian, 44, 60, 61, 63, 167, 168Spoons, 82, 86Sprains, treatment for, 95Sprinkler, 96Spruce (Picea rubra (DuRoi) Dietr )91, 173boughs, 18resin, preparation of, 135used for canoes, 116, 117roots, used for canoes, 116, 117Squash {OucurUta maxima Duchesne)144, 171, 173 '*dried, 144Squirrel skins, use of, 21, 129, 171Starvation, 101Stateler, George, informant, xniStealing, 98, 99, 122Step-grandmother, 86Sterility, causes of, 2-3, 163Stillbirths, delivery of, 12-13 15 164Stirling, Dr. Matthew W., xn ' 'Stones, spirits of, 61, 62Storage, 144, 149, 150, 171Storms, spirits of, 60, 61, 62Story telling, diversion, 109Strap, carrying, 141, 142packing, 141, 142Strawberry, wild (Fragaria VirginiaDuchesne), 53, 173roots, 92Sturgeon glue, use of, 119Subchiefs, 150, 171Subchieftainship, inherited, 151 171Suckers, 126, 129Sucking, curing process, 88Sugar bush, 138, 140, 146Suicide, 101Sumac {Rhus typhina L.), 173dye from, 136, 137Summary, 162-172Sumner, Mary, informant, xmSun, directions reckoned by, 105eclipse of, 107Sundials, 102Sundogs, interpretation of, 106
INDEX 203Supernatural powers, xi, 17, 31, 37, 44See also Religion.Supreme Being, 60Sweat baths, 88, 96Sweat lodges, 96Sweating, medicinal, 88, 96, 169treatment for, 92Sweetgrass, 15, 135Swings, baby, 24^ 164
"Tables," mat, 171Taboos, conduct, 8-9, 52, 163, 167food, 6-8, 51, 52, 53, 163, 167menstruation, 51, 52, 87, 167mourning, 87name of deceased, 87removal of, 52, 53"Talcum powder," substitutes for, 25,164Talebearing, 99, 169Tamarack {Larix laricina [DuRoi]Koch., 173bark, uses of, 138, 140roots, used in canoe making, 116Tanner, John, 45Tanning, 55, 129, 130, 168, 171method of, 130, 131, 132Tanning frame, 130, 131Tar paper, 82, 139Tattooers, 94kit of, contents, 94Tattooing, medicinal, 88, 90, 93-95, 169method of, 93Taylor, Mrs. Otis, informant, xinTea, 56, 91offering of, 97See also Decoctions.Teakettle, 79Teeth, 4, 27, 28, 163, 165Thayer, Frank, informant, xiuThayer, John, informant, xivThunderbird, supernatural, 40, 44, 45,46, 106Thunder, John Baptiste, informant, xinThunder, supernatural being, 47, 60, 61,62Tilia americana L., 173Time, measuring, 4, 5, 102, 103Tin, 82Tipi, 76, 77, 128, 137, 139, 141, 171canvas-covered, 128, 141construction of, 141
"Tipi shaker," 88
"Tipi shaking," 75-78Toads, beliefs regarding, 57Tobacco, 38, 39, 46, 57, 67, 72, 73, 91,112buried with the dead, 78ceremonial offering of, 62, 63, 66,168chewing, 38, 90, 115medicinal use of, 93, 95offerings of, 61, 62, 70, 72, 76, 77,90, 91, 92, 97, 124, 146, 168
Tobacco?Continuedsmoking of, 62, 63, 76substitute for, 63use by children, 115Tobacco pouches, 130Toboggans, use of, 117, 118, 170Tomahawks, 82Tomato {Lycopersicum esculentumMill.), 173Tomkins, WilUam, 107Tool kits, leather, 130Tools, 130Tomatoes, 144Torches, 122, 123, 127, 143, 171Torchlight, lure for fish, 127Totems, family symbols, 153Toys, baby's, 23carved wood, 58children's, 109Trail marking, methods, 105Training, religious and supernatural,168, 169Trapping, 12, 124Traps, 124, 125, 135, 170steel, 112Traveling, 105, 170Trays, birchbark, 24, 134winnowing, 148Treaties, United States Government, 2,151Trees, spirits of, 60Tree toads, 106Tribes, 1, 2, 33, 36, 45, 114Triplets, 30Tripods, use of, 135, 142, 148Trophies, buried with the dead, 78Trout, lake, 127Trout skulls, used as charms, 121Tsuga canadensis [L.], Carr., 173Tuberculosis, 140treatment for, 91, 92, 93Tubes, hollow bone, 88Tubs, wash, 140Turnip, Indian {Arisaema triphyllum[L.] Schott), 145, 173Turtle Mountains, 2Turtles, bones, use as toys, 23eaten by men only, 149eggs, eaten, 149taboos regarding, 7spirits of, 61taboos regarding, 6, 7Twine, quilling, used for nets, 126Twins, beliefs regarding, 4, 20, 30, 165predicted, 6, 30names for, 35Twobirds, Mary, informant, xivTypha latifolia L., 173Tyrell, J. B., 147Uchipgouin (Chippewa), 2Ulmus americana L., 173Vlmus fulva Michx., 15, 16, 91, 173Umbilical cord, beliefs regarding, 7, 9Uncle, 69
204 INDEXUnited States Bureau of Indian Affairs,X, XII, 33, 34, 70, 93, 144, 152United States House Executive Docu-ments, 153United States Indian Agency, 35United States Indian Service, 144, 151llrtica gmciJis Ait., 173Utensils, buried vidth dead, SO, 85cooking, 128Vaccinium vacillans Kalm., 173Vanoss, Andrew, informant, xiiiVases, S3Vashow, Mrs. Ed., informant, xivVegetables, 146 >'>::. ,;dried, 149 .J.garden, 87, 171 ftVenison, 8, 29, 38, 87, 14|, 148Vermilion Lake K^serVaMoftv Minnesota,X, xn, xiii, 16, 17, 22, 21), 24, 25, 26, 27,30, 32, 38, 53, 59, 60, 69, 75, 82, 97, 106,111, 112, 113, 116, 117, 120, 121, 133,134, 146, 162, 1Q3, 1^4^ 165Visiting, form of dCv^rsion, 114, 115,170Vocational training and domestic econ-omy, 115-153, 170-172Wallis, Dr. Wilson D., xiiWar dance, 70Warren, William, 63, 101, 115, 146, 150,151, 153, 154, 162Waterbuckets, birchbark, 171Water gods, 43, 62, 107Watei'snieet, ' 74Watrin, Benno, Befiiedictine priest, xi,101Waukon, 62Weaning, 29, 165Weasel degree, 68Weasel grave marker, 83Weasels, 124skin, use of, 21,''S6, 65, 68, 69, 165Weather predictions,' 106Weaving, blanket, 26, 27mat, 136Weeping, restraint of, 79Wein, Sarah, informant, xiiiWeinzierl, Mrs. Emily, xiiWhip, 113Whipping, rare, 99White Earth reservation, Minnesota, ix,X, XI, xiii, 3, 17, 21, 24, 32, 36, 64, 65,66, 67, 68, 69, 75, 77, 85, 96, 101, 110,114, 115, 122, 139, 140, 146, 148, 163,164, 166Whitefish, 8, 50, 75, 101, 128, 129oil, used in lamps, 143smoked, 148Whiteflsh people, 70White, Joe, subchief, 151Widowers, restrictions of. 162
Widowhood, release from, 161, 162Widows, regulations for, 161, 162, 172Wife, 83Wigwam, 50, 56, 58, 76, 77, 78, 128, 137,138, 139, 142, 143, 146, 147, 149, 158,159, 168, 171, 172birchbark, 128, 138, 140, 171ceremonial, 66, 67, 09circular, 138, 171construction of, 137, 138, 139divination, 75, 76, 77dome-shaped, 75, 88, 96elongated, 139, 171family, 19, 26, 50, 52, 54, 56, 123,138, 161, 163, 172menstrual, 50, 52, 53, 54, 129, 167Mide'wiwin, 66. 67, 84, 138Shaman's, 76, 77sweating, 96temporary, for use at birth, 12, 163Wilcox, Roy P., xii
"Will-o'-the-wisp,"' magic use of, 71Williams, Mr. and Mrs. Pat, informants,xiv"Willow, red" (Conius stolonifera) , 63See also Dogwood, red.Willow switch, 112Wilson, Mr., informant, xiiiWilson, Mrs., informant, xiiiWinchell, X. H., 158Winde'go, mythical being, 114Winds, spirits of, 60, 61Winnebago, .33, 77, 113, 114Wintergreen (GatMheria procuntbensL.), 173tea from, 146Wives, multiple, 161Wolf, 101, 149Wolf, Angeline, informant, xiiiWolf clan, 155Wolf, guardian spirit, 45, 46Wolf, Mike, Chippewa chief, 151Wolf, Peter, Chippewa chief, 151Wolves, 124, 170Women chiefs, 1.53, 172Women, ornaments worn by, 20, 21pregnant, 28, 165punishment of. 162tasks of. 52. 55. 115. 116, 129, 130,137, 138, 141, 147, 156, 170, 171work during pregnancy, 9, 164Wood carriers, leather, 1,30, 140, 141, 171Vv^oodchuck, taboos regarding, 7Wood, fuel, 141, 142, 171Work, 109, 116, 120, 168, 170caught by parents, 56, 57Writing, picture, 108Yellow River, Wisconsin, 149Zea mays L., 144, 145, 149, 1.50, 171, 173Zizania aquatica L., 173o
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