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SMITHSOMAX IXSTITLTIONUNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM
BULLLllX 253WASHINGTON. DC.1968

^^hc (ailrunil HistorN
of MarlborouLih, Mrsiinia
An Archeological aiul Historical Investigationof thePort Town for Staffonl Count\ aiul thePhmtation of John Mercer, Including DataSupplied by Frank M. Setzler and Oscar H. Darter
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Piibluulivns of the United States Mitia/tal Museum
The scholarly and scientific publications of the L'nited States National Museuminclude two series, J'roteedings of the United Slates Niitioiiat Museum and United StatesXational Museum Bulletin.In these series, the Museum publishes urininal articles and monographs dealingwith the collections and work of its constituent museums?The Museum of NaturalHistory and the Museimi of History and Technolog)?setting forth newly accjuiredfacts in the fields of anthropology, biology, history, geology, and technology. Copiesof each publication are distributed to libraries, to cultiu-al and scientific organizations,and to specialists and others interested in the different subjects.
1 he Proceedings, begiui in 1878, are intended for the publication, in separate form,of shorter jjapers from the Museum of Natural History. These are gathered in volumes,octavo in size, with the publication date of each paper recorded in the table of contentsof the volume.In the Bulletin series, the first of which was i.ssued in 1875, appear longer, separatepublications consisting of monographs (occasionally in several parts) and volumes inwhich are collected works on related subjects. Bulletins are either octavo or quarto in
size, depending on the needs of the presentation. Since 1902 papers relating to thebotanical collections of the .Museum of Natural History have been published in theBulletin series under the heading Contributions from the L'nited States .Xational Herbarium.and since 1959, in Bulletins titled "Contributions from the Museum of History andTechnology," have been gathered shorter ])apers relating to the collections andresearch of that Museum.This work forms volume 253 of the Bulletin series. Frank A. TaylorDirector. United States .Xational Museum
Tor sale by the SiiperintomJcnt of Dccuments, U.S. Government Printing OfficeWashington, D C'. JU-in^ - Price $3.75
(>()nrcnts
I'mtPreface yWHrSTORY
I. < )tlicial port towns in \'irginia and origins (if Marll)ori)ii?liII. Iiihii Mcro'r's occii(>ation of Marlhoroneh, 1726 173(1 I;")III. MiTci-r's consolidation of Marll)oroiii'li, 1730 1710 21I\'. Marlborough at its ascendancy, 1741 1750 27\'. Mercer and Mnrll)oroiu;h, from zenith to decline, i/ji i /'jO 49\'I. Dis.soliition of Marll)orotii;h 61Archkih.ckjv .\Nn Arciiitecture . 65\'II The site, its problem, and preliniinar)- tests . 67\111 .\rcheolos;ical techniques . . 701\ Wall system 71\. Mansion foundation (Structure B) . 85XI. Kitchen foundation (Structure E) 101XII. Suppo.sed smokehouse foundation (.Structure I 107XI 11 I'its and other structures IllXI\. Staff.-'i '???' I' ??!' P"' ^r Tr-.l 115ARTiKAcrrs 123X\' CWamic- 125X\ 1 r.lass M'W 1 1 < )l>iects of person.il no- I > >X\ 111 Metalwork . I VXIX. ('.(inclusion . I IS(?t\l-RM, C'?\C:l.fSIONs I7">XX. .Suniman.- of findini!* '"Ap|x*ndixe- 181
.?\. InxentoiN ol licuiiic .\ikIh,\%>, ' >ii.iiii.n \ Kccpei 183B. Inventory of Peter Be.uh . 184(;. Charges to account of Mosley Haltalrv I.'!''
I). "Domestick Vs ? 1 72.'i IH?iE. John Mercer'^ 1726 MM 141F. Credit side of John Mercrr's account with Nathaniel l^hapmi: ! ' >f; (>\rr\vli.uton P.u i>li account I'M
II. (Ailonisls idriitilird li\ John Mrrcri accordini; to occupation
I. Materials listed in accounts with Hunter and Dick, Frrdrrickslvnt;J. C'tcortje MeiTcr's exjJensM while atlrndinj; collrtrrK. John Mercer's library
I.. Botanical record and prevailing teniix-raturr*, I 7i>7M. Inventory of Marlboroni^h, 1771Index
I ,

Preface
A luiiiibcr of people participated in the preparationof tliis study. The inspiration for the archeolos;ical
.nut historical in\(-stii;.itions came from F'rofcssor
( )scar H. Dartrr. wlio initil 1960 was chairman ofthe Department of Historical and Social Sciences atMary Washinijton C'oUeijf, the women's branch ofthe L'niversity of X'irijinia. The actual excavationswere made under the direction of Frank M. Setzler,formerly the head curator of anthropoloijy at theSniithsunian Institution. None of the investigationwould ha\e been fxissible hiid not the owners of thepro|H'rty permitted the excavations to be made,
.?itjmrtimcs at considerable inconvenience to them-
s<-l\rs. I am indebted to W. Biscoc, Ralph W'hitticar.[r.. and Thomas .Ashby, all of whom owned the ex-cavated areas at Marlborough; and T. Ben Williams,whose cornfield includes the site of the 18th-centuryStafford County courthouse, south of Potomac Clreek.For many years Or. Darter has been a resident ofFredericksburg and, in the summers, of MarlboroughPoint on the Potomac River. During these years,he has devoted himself to the history of the .StaffordCounty area which lies between these two locationsin northeastern Virginia. Marllwrough Point hasinterested Dr. Darter especially since it is the site ofone of the \'iri;inia colonial port towns designatedby .-Xct of Ancinbly in 1691. During the town'sbrief existence, it was the location of the StaffordCV>imty courthouse and the place where the colonialplanter and lawyer John Mercer established hishome in 1 726. Tangible evidence of colonial
activities at MarllN)i(iugh Point in the form ofbrickbats and jxjLshertls .itill can be .seen aft'-'each plowinn. while John Mercer's "Land Bimkexamined anew by Dr. Darter, has revealed the on
rial survey plats of the port town.In this same period and as early as 1938, Dr. T.Dale Stewart (then curator of phvsieal anlhropolo
at tin- Smithsonian Institution) had commencedexcavations at the Indian village site of Patawomeckr,a few hundred yards west of the Marl' T
site. The aliorigiiial backgrounds of I'ing Marlborough Point already had ijeen investigated.As the result of his historical researchthis project, Dr. Stewart has cotitribmtally to the present undertaking by foreseeing theexcavations of .\larll)orough Town as a logical stepIx'yond his own investigation.Motivated by this combination of interests, circum-stances, and historical clues. Dr. Darter invit..' ?'Smithsonian Institution to participate in an .nlogical investigation of Marllwrough. Prrliminan-tcsts made in .August 1954 wn ?' iitly rrw.T '?to justify such a project. Cc ;lv, an a| ,tion for funds was prepared jomtly and was subnutledby Dr. Darter through the l'niversity of \'irgir- 'the .American Philosophical .Society. In I'1956 grant number 1.59, Johnson FundSI 500 was assigned to the program. In aiiSmith.sonian In^iiiuiion contribiitetl the pservices nri field research and dire^-irti thepurchase oi ...i. .....iius and photostats, the drawingof maps and illustrations, and the preparation andpublication of this report. Dr. Darterprovided the use of his Marllxirou^h Po;during the peritxl of excavation, and Marv W.i-ton College administered the ifranl. Frank ^directed the excavations duri"" ? -.ix-^w.-l i*.-April and May 19.56, while imaterial and the searches of !
'I were carnetl out by V.. M.i.\t the commenccnicnl of a;prctetl that (r.ices of the
I ! ntury town would l>e fo?ithe foundatioits of the rouril
IS rtot realized, altlKNigh wUm \\.i>. '.Knaid tr>
Mciccr period piovi-d to l)i- of greater importance.After completion, a report was made in the 1956Tear Book of the American Philosophical Society(pp. 304-308).After ilic 1956 excavations, the question remainedwhether the principal foundation (Structure B) mightnot have been that of the courthouse. Therefore, inAugust 1957 a week-long effort was made to findcomparative evidence by digging the site of thesucceeding 18th-contury Stafford Count)' courthouse-at the head of Potomac Creek. This disclosed afoundation suHiciently different from Structure B to
rule out any analogy between the two.It should be made clear that -because of the limited
size of the grant?the archeological phase of the in-vestigation was necessarily a limited survey. Only themore obvious features could be examined within themeans at the project's disposal. No final conclusions
relative to Structure B, for example, are warranteduntil the section of foundation beneath the highwaywhich crosses it can be excavated. Further excava-tions need to be made south and southeast of StructureB and elsewhere in search of outbuildings and cxidenceof 17th-century occupancy.Des|)ite such limitations, this study is a detailedexamination of a segment of colonial Virginia'splantation culture. It has been prepared with thehope that it will provide Dr. Darter with es.sentialmaterial for his area studies and, also, with the w4derobjective of increasing the knowledge of thematerial culture of colonial America. Appropriateto the function of a museum such as the Smitlisonian,this study is concerned principally with what isconcrete?objects and artifacts and the meaningsthat arc to be derived from them. It has relied uponthe mutually dependent techniques of archeologistand cultural historian and will serve, it is hoped, asa guide to further investigations of this sort by his-torical museums and organizations.Among the many individuals contributing to thisstudy, I am especially indebted to Dr. Darter; to themembers of the American Philosophical Society whomade the excavations possible; to Dr. Stewart, whoreviewed the archeological sections at each step asthey were written; to Mrs. Sigrid Hull who drew theline-and-stipplc illustrations which embellish the
report; Edward G. Schumacher ol the Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology, who made the archeologicalmaps and drawings; Jack Scott of the Smithsonianphotographic laboratory, who photographed the arti-facts; and George Harrison Sanford King of Fred-ericksburg, from whom the necessary documentationfor the 18th-century courthouse site was obtained.
I am grateful also to Dr. Anthony .\. B. Garvan,professor of American civilization at the Universityof Pennsylvania and former head curator of theSmithsonian Institution's department of civil history,for invaluable encouragement and advice; and toWorth Bailey formerly with the Historic AmericanBuildings Survey, for many ideas, suggestions, and im-portant identifications of craftsmen listed in Mercer'sledgers.
I am equally indebted to Ivor Noel Hume, directorof archeology at Colonial Williamsburg and anhonorary research associate of the .Smithsonian Insti-tution, for his assistance in the identification of
artifacts; to Mrs. Mabel Niemeyer, librarian of theBucks County Historical Society, for her cooperationin making the Mercer ledgers available for this re-port; to Donald E. Roy, librarian of the DarlingtonLibrary, Unixersity of Pittsburgh, for providing thein\aluable clue that directed me to the ledgers; tothe staffs of the \'irginia State Library and the Alex-andria Library for repeated courtesies and coopera-tion; and to Miss Rodris Roth, associate curator ofcultural history at the Smithsonian, for detectingThomas Oliver's inventory of Marlborough in a leastsuspected source.
I greatly appreciate receiving generous permissionsfrom the L^niversity of Pittsbiu'gh Press to quote ex-tensively from the George Mercer Papers Relating lothe Ohio Company of I'irginia, and from Russell &Russell to copy Thomas Oliver's inventory otMarlborough.To all of these people and to the countless otherswho contributed in one way or another to thecompletion of this study, I offer my grateful thanks.
C. M.\LCOLM \V.\TKI.NS
Washington, D.C.1967
The Cultural Historx'ofMarlborough, \^irL;inia
Ilk'urc I.?John Mercer's bookplate.
HISTORY

I(Jffiiiii/ Port Towns in P^irgiiiid
On\(^iiis of M(ir/horoii(^li
ESTABLISHING THE PORT TOWNSThe dependence of 17th-century Virginia uponthe sini?le crop?tobacco?was a chronic problem.A bad crop year or a depressed Enghsh market couldplunge the whole colony into debt, creating a chainreaction of o\ erexlended credits and failures to njeetobligations. Tobacco exhausted the soil, and soilexhaustion led to an ever-widening search for newland. This in turn brought alxiut populationdispersal and extreme decenlrali/ation.
.After the Restoration in iWiO the X'irginia colonialgovernment was faced not only with these economichazards but also with the resulting administrativedilliculties. It was awkward to govern a scatteredpopulation and almost impossible to collect customsduties on imports landed at the planters' own wharves
.ilong hundreds of miles of inland watenvays. Theloyal governors and responsible pei-sons in theAssembly reacted therefore with a succession ofplans to estalilish towns that would be the soleports of entry for the areas they ser%'ed, thus makingtheoretically simple the task of securing customsrevenues. The towns also would Ih" centers of busi-ness and manufacture, di\eniifying the colony'seconomic supports and lessening its dependence ontolNicco. To men of English orii;in this eslablishmrniof port coinniiiiiilirs Miiist Imvc srrmrd n.itm.il .indlonic.il.The lirst sucli propos.il (>ccame l.iw in lt>?>2,
est.il)li.>liiin; a port town for eacli ol tlic m.ijiu ii\ervalleys and for the Eastern .Shore. But the law'ssponsors were doomed to disappointment, for thetowns were not built.' After a <a new act was passixl in 1680, thi-mentcd and further reaching. It provided for a porttown in each county, where ships were to delivertheir goods and pick up tobacco and other exportsfrom town warehouses for their return voyiOne of its most influential supporters was Wiiii.unI'il/hui;!) of .Si.ilTord County, a wealliiy planter anddistinguished leader in the colony.' "Wc have nowresolved a cessation of making Tob" next vhe wrote to his London agent, C'-aplain Part.MJtK). "We are also going to make Towns, if youcan meet with anv tradesmen that will come and live
' \\ II I I VM U M I I H IICollnhtm o/ All ihf A^it 'pp. 17;; 176.
? Ihid.. vol. 3. pp 471 -TH
?William Ifainily ihAt I-County rinirl. huntrja, inrnh.tnirpitoini/rd (he l.imlrd .iri?i.? i ii n
"l^llrn of Willi.iin Fit.-/Jiofra^Ar (RichnK"-
'
ivitrd I7/.W\ nml/>.-', />(/?. rdil Ki.
I 1 .? I 'ilv of North < '-.It'
.Soticty. 1963).
York, 11
-~-J . ,.^, ?7V>*?,<' "?/ '^'Yr^?^'fr? A ,..,^.1,. ^...;.V I. ,A,,, ? ft til. .f. %l if fl
at tlu" Town, thcv inav li.u'c privilcirrs and im-iiiunitys." 'Soiiu" of tlu-SL- l;n\ as actiuilly witc laid uul, racli ona SO-aciv tract of lialt-aciv lots, hut only 9 tracts werel>uilt upon. The Act soon lagged and collapsed. Itwas unpopular with the colonist.s, who were ol)lii;e(lto tran.sport their tobacco to distant warehouses andto pay storage fees; it was ignored by shipmasters,who were in the habit of dealing directly with planters
at their wharves and who were not interested inmaking it any easier for His Majesty's customs
collectors.''Nevertheless, efforts to come up with a third acthesj.in in I hi!)!.'' William Fitzhugh, especially, wasarticulate in his alarm over N'irginia's one-cropeconomy, the effects of which the towns were sup-posed to mitigate. At this time he referred to tobaccoas "our most despicable commodity." .A year later,he remarked, "it is more uncertain for a Planter toget money by consigned Tob" then to get a prize in alottery, there being twenty chances for one chance." 'In April 1691 the .?^ct for Ports was passed, theHouse, significantly, recording only one dissenting
vote.** L'nlike its predecessor, which encouragedtrades and crafts, this Act was justified purely on thebasis of overcoming the "great opportunity . . . givento such as attempt to import or export goods andmerchandises, without entering or paying the dutiesand customs due thereupon, much practised by
< VHM. op. cit., p. :?0.
' RoBKRT Hk\-erlf.\-, //// Hiilory and Prrsrnt Stale of Virnima.edit. Louis B. Wriijht I Chaprl Hill; The University of NorthCarolina Press. Ht47), p. HH; Philip .Alexandkr Bruce, /iro-nomu History of I'irginia. 2nd ed. (New York: P. Smith. M>:?.i).vol. '2, pp. .').5;l-.554.
'Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia (hereinafterdesiRnated JHB) 1659/60-1693, edit. H. R. Mcllwaine (Rich-mond, Virginia: Virginia State Library', 1114). pp. :<():?, ;!0.i,;<0H, :U.5.
?"Letters of William KitzhuRh." 17/1/ i Richmond, 1895),
vol. 2, pp. 374 175.
> JHfi 1659/60-1693, op. cit. (footnote 6), p, 351.
Figure 2.?Survey plats of M.irlborough as copied in|ohn Mercer's I^nd Book showing at bolloin. John
.Savage's. 1731; and lop. Williani Buckner's andThcodorick Bland's, 1691, (The courthoiuc prol>ablv stood in the vicinity of lot 21.)
greedy and co\etous prrs i _ idrd th.it allexports and iiDpuiLs should Ix* taken u\at the specilii'd purts and i ' ls?-, uiiilii p- ;i.ilii,of forfeiting ship, gear, ai .ind that the l.i?should l)ecoiiie efTectiNr < )ctoljer I, 1692. The townsagain were to be suiAc-yed aiul I.itracts. FeofTees, to Im- appnintrd.acre lots on a pro rata first-cost basis. Graii'' ? ^
"shall within the space of foiiisuch grant begin and without n iand finish on each half acre one gcKxl house, to con-taine twenty f(K)t scpiare at the least, wherein if 'i'fails to performe them such grant to Ix" \oid in i.i>\.and the lands therein granted l\ablc to the choyccand purchase of any other person." Justices of thecounty courts were to fill vacancies among the feof-fees and to appoint customs collectors."
THE PORT TOWN FOR STAFFORD COU.NTYThe dilliculties confronting the central '.governing bodies in putting the .Acts into 'illustrated by the attempts to establish a port townfor Stafford County. Under the act of 1680 a townwas to be built at "Peace Point, " where the Catholicrefugee Giles Brent had settled nearly forr>- yearsbefore, but there is no evidence that even so iimchas a suiA-ey was made there. The 1691 Act forPorts located the town at Potomac Neck, where
.\ccokeek Creek and Potomac CVeek convei ' <Potomac River. .Situated about three mii ^sthe previously designated site, it was again on Brentproperty, lying within a tract leased for :Malachi Peale. former high sheriff ol - >October 9. 1691. the Stafford Court "ordered thatMr. William Buckner deputy Sur\e\ or of tl \
shall on Thursday next . . . repair to th< '
.
Peale neck being the place allotted by act of assemblyfor this Town and Port of this County .. ' ' " thenand there SuiAey and Lay Out the s v orPort ... to the Interest that all the gentlemen ofand all other of the Inh ' take up ?ichLot and Lots as be and . " (^n thesame day John Withers and Matthew Thompson,both justices of the peace, were a| ' "Feoffersin Trust." Young CJiles Bient. ! heir otC\k-s Brent Gent, late of this county dec"' " ai>d notvet 21, selected Francis Hammersli'- ' ' '
I If KINO, op. cit. (fooiiioie 1 >. \-ol. .1, pp. .'>V?i*?.
Hamincrsley in this capacity became the adminis-trator ol' Brent's affairs, and accordingly it was agreedthat 13,000 pounds of tobacco should be paid to himin exchange for the 50 acres of town land owned byBrent.'"Actually, 52 acres were surveyed, "two of the saidacres being the Land belonging to and laid out forthe Court House according to a former Act of As-sembly and the other fifty acres pursuant to the lateAct for Ports." The "former Act of Assembly"which had been pas.scd in 1667 had stipulated theallotment of two-acre tracts for churches and court-houses, which in case the lots "be deserted y'' landshall revert to y" 1st proprietor . . . ." " For theextra two acres Hammersley was given 800 pounds oftobacco in addition. Of the total of 13,800 pounds,3450 were set aside to compensate Malachi Pcalc forthe loss of his leasehold.The order for the survey to be made was a formality,since the plat had actually been drawn ahead oftime by Biickner on .-Vugust 16, nearly two monthsbefore; clearly the Staffordians were eager to begintheir town. Buckner's plat was copied by his superior,Theodorick Bland, and entered in the now-missingStafford Survey Book. John Savage, a later sur-veyor, in 1 731 provided John Mercer with a duplicateof Bland's copy, which has survived in John Meiccr'sLand Book (fig. 2).'^On February 11, 1692, the feoffees granted 27 lotsto 15 applicants. John Mercer's later review of tlictown's history in this period states that "many" of thelots were "built on and improved." '?' Two ordinarieswere licensed, one in 1691 and one in 1693, but nobusiness activity other than the Potomac Creek ferryseems to have been conducted." Any future thetown might have had was erased by the same adversereactions that had killed the previous port acts. Themerchants and shippers used their negative influenceand on March 22, 1693, a "bill for suspension ofy'^ act for Ports &c till their Maj" pleasure shall beknown therein or till y" next assembly" passed thehouse. In due course the act was reviewed and re-turned unsigned for further consideration. William
I" Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694 (MS bound withorder book for 1664-1688, but paginated separately), pp. 17"),177, 180, 189.
II "Mills," F//.V/ (Richmond, 1903), vol. 10, pp. 147-148.
"John Mercer's Land Book (MS., Virginia State Library).
" J//B, 1742-1747; 1748-1749 (Richmond, 1909). pp. 285-
?im.
" Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, pp. 184, Vjl.
Fitzhugh, on October 17, 1693, dutifully read thereconmiendation of the Committee of Grievances andProperties "That the appointment of Ports & in-joyneing the Landing and Shipping of all goodsimported or to be exported at & from the same will(considering the present circumstances of the Country)be very injurious & burthensome to the Lihabitantsthereof and traders thereunto." ''' Doubtless dictatedIjy the Board of Trade in London, the recommendationwas a defeat for those who, like Fitzhugh. sought bytiie establishment of towns to break tobacco's strangle-liold on \'irginia.
THE ACT FOR PORTS OF 1705AND THE NAMING OF MARLBOROUGH
Nevertheless, the town idea was hard to kill.In 1705 Stafford's port town, along wath those inthe other counties, was given a new lease on lifewhen still another Act for Ports, introduced byRobert Be\erley, was passed. This Act repeatedin substance the provisions of its immediate fore-runner, but provided in addition extravagant in-ducements to settlement. Those who inhabitedthe towns were exempted from three-quarters of thecustoms duties paid by others; they were freed ofpoll taxes for 15 years; they were relieved from militarymustering outside the towns and from marchingoutside, excepting the "exigency" of war (and thenonly for a distance of no more than 50 miles). Goodsand "dead provision" were not to be sold outsidewithin a 5-mile radius, and ordinaries (other thanthose within the towns) were not permitted closerthan 10 miles to the towns" boundaries, except atcourthouses and ferry landings. Each town was tobe a free "burgh," and, when it had grown to 30families "besides ordinary keepers," "eight principalinhabitants" were to be chosen by vote of the "free-holders and inhabitants of the town of twent\-oneyears of age and upwards, not being servants orapprentices," to be called "benchers of the guild-hall." These eight "benchers" would govern thetown for life or until removal, selecting a "director"from among themselves. When 60 families had
settled, "brethren assistants of the guild hall"' wereto be elected similarly to serve as a common council.Each town was to have two market da\s a week andan annual five-day fair. The towns listed underthe Act were virtually the same as before, but this
" Hening, op. oil. (footnole 1), vol. 3, \>p. 108-109
time each was given an otlicial iiainc, tlu- liiilicitoanonymous town for StafToid Ijciiii; callrd Mail-IxDrough in honor of tlic hero of thr rccrnt vitiui\at Blenheim.'"The elaljoiatc vision ol ilie Act's sponsors neverwas realized in liie newly christened town, but therewas in due course a slight resumption of actisity in
it. George Mason and William Fitzhugh, Jr. (theson of William Fitzhugh of .Stafford County) wereappointed feofTees in 1707, and a new survey wasmade l)\ Thomas Gregg. The following year sevenmore lots were granted, and for an interval of twoyears Marlborough functioned technically as an
otlicial port.'"Inevitably, perhaps, histoiy repeated itself. In 1710the Act for Ports, like its predecessors, was rescinded.The reasons given in London were brief and straight-forward; the Act, it was explained, was "designed toEncourage by great Priviledges the settling in Town-ships." These settlements would encourage manu-factures, which, in turn, would promote "furtherImprovement of the said manufactures. And takethem olT from the Planting of Tobacco, which wouldbe of \'ery 111 consequence," thus lessening thecolony's dependence on the Kingdom, affecting theimport of tobacco, and prejudicing shipping.'"Clearly, the Crown did not want the towns to succeed,nor would it tolerate anything which might stimulatecolonial self-dependence. The X'irginia colonists'dream of corporate communities was not to berealized.Most of the towns either died entirely or struggledon as crossroads villages. A meager few have sur-vived to the present, notably Norfolk, Hampton.Yorktown, and Tappahannock. Marlborough lastedas a town until about 1720, but in about 1718 thecourthouse and several dwellings were destroyed byfire and "A new Coui t House being built at anotheiPlace, all or most of the Houses that had been builtin the said Town, were either burnt or suffered to goto ruin." "The towns were artificial entities, created by acts
'? Ibid., pp. 40-t tl'i.
""Petition of John Mercer" (I7'J8). (Ludwrll p.iprrs, \'ir-Rini.i llistoric.il Society), I7/.W ( Kiclunond, I8'J8), x-ol. 5,pp. l:?7-l:JH.
" CaUndar of Vii/^mia Slalf Poprri ami i^lhrt Manuuripts, 165^-1781. edit. \Villi.ini P. Palmer. .M.U. (Richmond, 1875), vol. I,pp. l:J7-l;18.
^*JHIi. nn 1747: 1748-1749 (Richmond, l-KHt). pp. 28^-286.
of assembly, not by economic or social necevsity.In the few places where they filled a need, notablyin the populous areas of the lower James and YorkRivers, they flouiished without regard to ofiicialstatus. In other places, by contrast, no law or edictsufliced to make them live when conditions did notwarrant them. In sparsely s<-ttled .StafTi. illythere was little to nurture a town. It w.i ... .indperhaps more exciting, to grow tobacco and gambleon a successful crop, to go in debt when tliinys wrrrbad oi' lend to the less fortunate when things werebetter. In the latter case land became an acceptablemedium for the payment of debts. Land was wealthand power, its enlargement the means of greaterpioduction of tobacco -tobacco again the greatgamble by which one would always hope to ri.se andnot to fall. When one could own an empire. \nIi\should one worry about a town?
ESTABLISHING COURTHOUSESThe administrati\e problems that contributed tothe establishment of the port towns also called for theerection of courthouses. .Xs early as 11)24 lower courtshad been authorized for Charles C'ity and Elizal)ethCity in recognition of the colony's expansion, and tenyears later the colony had been divided into eightcoimties, with a monthly court established in each.By the Restoration the county courts [losscssed broadlyexpanded powers and were the administrative as wellas the judicial sources of local government. In prac-tice they were largely self-appointive and were respon-
sible for filling most local oflices. Simwere the \ehicles of royal authority, it Uthe physical symbols of this authority should beemphasized by building proper housi r-m.
.\t Jamestown oixlei-s were gi\en in .il astatehouse in lieu of the alehouses and ordinarieswhere laws had been made prrviouslv.^In the s;nne year, four conrthou.ses annually wereordered for the counties, the burgesses having beenempowered to "make and Sign' w" anythat will undrrt.ike them to l>< to gi\egood C'-aution for the efTecting thereof with good
suflicient bricks. Lime, and Timber, .i: ' ' thesame l)c well wrought and after they ai. ; tobee approved by an able surveyor, before order begiven them for their pay." ?' Such buildings were to
- 1 li sisii. ii^> , i[ I footnote I
" J/m. Ifi.n til) IH'tl'. ?p ir
take the place of private dwellings and ordinaries inthe same way as did the statehouse at Jamestown.It was no accident that legislation lor houses olgovern]iient coincided with that for establisliing porttowns. Each reflected the need for administering thefar-flung reaches of the colony and for maintainingorder and respect for the crown in remoic j^iaces.THE COURTHOUSE IN THE PORT TOWNFOR STAFFORD COUNTY
Staffoid Comity, which had Ijeen set off fioniWestmoreland in 1664, was provided with a coiut-hoiise within a year of its estaiilishment. RalphHappel in Stafford and h'ing George Courthouses and theFate of Marlborough, Port of Entry, has gi\en us adetailed chronicle of the Stafford courthou.ses, sliow-ing that the first structure was situated south ofPotomac Creek until 1690. when it presumalilyburned."" The court, in any c\ent, began to meetin a private hou.se on November 12, 1690, while onNoN'ember 14 one Sampson Darrcll was appointedchief imdertaker and Ambrose Bayley builder of anew courthouse. A contract was signed between themand the justices of the court to finish the building byJune 10, 1692, at a cost of 40,000 pounds of tobaccoand cash, half to be paid in 169! and the remainderupon completion."''With William Fitzhngh the presiding magistrateof the Stafford County court as well as cosponsor ofthe Act for Ports, it was foreordained that the new-courthouse should be tied in with plans for the porttown. The Act for Ports, however, was still in themaking, and it was not possible to begin the court-house until after its passage in the spring. OnJune 10, 1691, it was "Ordered by this Court thatCapt. George Mason and Mr. Blande the Surxeyorshall immediately goe and run over the groimd wherethe Town is to Stand and that they shall then adviseand direct W Samson Darrell the Cheife undertakerof the Court house for this County where he shallErect and build the same."-'The court's order was followed by a hectic sequencethat reflects, in general, the irresponsibilities, thelack of respect for law and order, and the frontier
weaknesses which made it necessary to strengthenauthority. It begins with Samp.son Darrell himself.whose moi-.il shorlconiings seem to have been legion(hog-stealing, cheating a widow, and refusing to gi\eindentured .servants their freedom after they hadearned it, to name a few). Darrell undoubtedlyhad the fastidious Fitzhugh's confidence, for certainlywithout that he would not have been appointedutidertaker at all. In his po.sition in the court,Fitzhugh would ha\e been instrumental in selectingboth architect and architecture for the courthouse,and Darrell seems to have met his requiremertts.Fitzhugh, in fact, had sufficient confidence in Darrellto entrust him with personal business in London in1688."Although several months elapsed before a site waschosen, enough of the new building was erected byOctober to shelter the court for its monthly assembly.In the course of this session, there occurred a "mostmischievous and dangerous Riot,"-" which ratherviolently inaugurated the new building. During thisdisturbance, the pastor of Potomac Parish, ParsonJohn Waugh,""^ upbraided the court while it was
"seated" and took occasion to call Fitzhugh a Papist.The court, taking cognizance of "disorders, misrulesand Riots" and "the Fatal consequences of suchunhappy malignant and Tumultuous proceeding,"thereupon restricted the sale of liquor on court days(thus revealing what was at least accessory to thedisturbance).-* Fitzhugh's letter to the court con-cerning this episode mentions the "Court House" andthe "Court house yard," adding to Happel's ample
" Ralph II.\ppel, "Stafford and King George Courthousesand the Fate of Marlborough, Port of Entry." ]'H\I ( Richmond,l'l")8), vol. 66, pp. 183-194.
' SiafTord County Order Book, li>8<>-l(,')4. p. 187.Ibid.. I, 122.
?^ William Filz/mgh and His Chesapeake World (1676-1701),op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 241.
-? Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694. p. 194.
-' Ibid., p. 182.
'-'' In Virginia recurrent English fears of Catholic dominationwere reflected at this time in hysterical rumors that the RomanCatholics of Maryland were plotting to stir up the Indiansagainst Virginia. In .Stafford County these suspicions wereinflamed by the harangues of Parson John Waugh, ministerof .Stafford Parish church and Chotank church. Waugh, whoseems to have been a rabble rouser, appealed to the same smalllandholders and malcontents as those who, a generationearlier, had followed Nathaniel Bacon's leadership. So seri-ously did the authorities at Jamestown regard the disturbanceat Stafford courthouse that they sent three councillors toinvestigate. Sec "Notes," William & Mary College QuarterlyHistorical Magazine (Richmond, 1907), 1st ser.. vol. 15, pp.189-190 (hereinafter designated If.V/Q (l|: and Rirh.irtIBeale Davis' introduction to William Fitzhugh and His Chesa-peake World, op. cit. (footnote 3), pp. 35-39, and p. 251.
(iiKuiiicniatiuii ili;il tlic new huildiiiR was by now in c|,il)oiatc as to have cost more than 40,000 pfjunds
Duriiit; tlu- November session, James Musscn wasordrrcci into custody lor haviiii; "danijcrously woundedM'. Sampson Darrell." ?'" This suc;gests that thesequence of disturbances may have been associated
witli the unlinished state of the courtlioiise, which,like the town, synibohzed the purposes of I'itzliugliand the property-owning aristocracy. Certain it isthat Oarrell, pulilicly identilied with Fit/hugh, wasviolently assaulted and that "a complaint was madeto this Court that Sampson Darrcll the chief under-taker of the building and Erecting of a Court house forthis county had not performed the same according toarticles of agreement." He and Bayley accordinglywere put under bond to finish the building by Juni'10, I6'J2. By February Ba\ley was complaining thathe had not been paid for his work, "notwithstandingyour pet' as is well known to the whole County hathdone all the carpenters work thereof and is ready toperform what is yet wanting." On May 12, less thana month from the deadline for completion, Darrcllwas ordered to pay Bayley the money owing, andBayley was instructed to go on with the work. Nearly
six months later, on .November 10, Darrcll again wasdirected to pay Bayley the full balance of his wages,but only "after the said Ambrose Bayley shall havefinished and C^ompleatly ended the C'ourt house." ^"No description of the courthouse has been found.The Act of 1663 seems to have required a brickbuilding, although its wording is ambiguous. Evenif it did stipulate brick, the law was 28 years old in1691, and its requirements probably were ignored.Although Bayley, the builder, was a carpenter, thiswould not preclude the possibility that he supcr\iscdbricklayers and other artisans. Brick courthouseswere not unknown: one was standing in Warwickwhen the Act for I'orts was pas.sed in Iti^.M. Vet, theYork courthouse, built in 1692, was a simple building,probably of wood." In any ca.se, the .StafTord court-house was a structure large enough to have rec|uiredmore than a vear and a half to build, but not so
? .StiilTord County Ordrr Book, I68'?-It>'>t, p. |ti7." Ibid., pp. \'H, 2h7. MX
" Kkmno. op. cit. (footnoir 1), vol. 3, p. lit); Edward M.RiLEV. "The CkiloninI Courthoiisci of York County, VirRiiii.i,"William li? .\tary Collfgf Quarlnh Hulorual Mafa.;inr (Williniiia-burK. l'H2), 2nd srr.. vol. T2. pp. i?'*'* 40I ( hcrrin.iftrr driii;-ii.ilcd ir.t/Q |2|).
.1" I.. I.
LOC.MIU.N or THE STAFFORD COURTHOUSEThe location of the building is indicated by anotation on Buckner's plat of the port town: "Thefourth course (runs) down along by the Gutt betweenGeo: Andrew's & the Court house to HotoniackCreek." A glance at the plat (fig. 2) will disclosethat the longitudinal boundaries of all the lots southof a line between George .Xndrews' "Gutt" runparallel to this fourth course. Plainly, the courthou.sewas situated near the head of the gutt, where thewesterly boundary course changed, near the end of
"The Broad .Street Across the Town." It may besignificant that the foundation (Structure B) onwhich John Mercer's mansion was later built islocated in this \icinity.In or about the year 17IK the courthouse "burntDown," '^^ while it was reported as "being becomeruinous" in 1720, with its ".Situation ver>' inconven-ient for the greater part of the Inhabitants." It wasthen agreed to build a new courthouse "at the headof CJcqua Creek." " Aquia Creek was probablymeant, but this must have been an error and the "headof Potomac Creek" intended instead. Happel showsthat it was built on the south side of Potomac C'reck.Thus, the burning of the Marllx>rough courthousein 1718 merely speeded up the forces that led to theciu! (if tlir tu\\ n's c'.iricr.
.M.VRLbUROL Ull I'KUl'LKIY OW.NliRb
.Not only was Marlborough foredixmied by externaldecrees and adverse otiicial decisions, but much of itsfailure was i-ooted in the local elements by which
it was constituted. The great nuijority of lot holderswere the "gentlemen" who were so carefully dis-tinguished from "all other of the Inhabitants" in theorder to sunry the town in 1691. Most were 'pei-sonages in .Stafford, and we may as.sume ti:purchases of lots were made in the interests of in-vestment gains, not in establishiiv
< )nly three or four yeonjen .ind 'to have setded in the town.Sampson Darirll. for example, held i\su lot-s, but he
" Petition of John Mcrtrr. loc, cil. (foMlnotr 17-
?? r. ' Ommtil ?/ Ctlmi^ I'ufmM (Kkh-Ml ml
It
lived at Aquia Crcck.'^^ Francis Hainnicrslcy was aplanter who married Giles Brent's widow and livedat "The Retirement,'" one of tiu- Brent estates.'*'^Geori^e Brent, nephew of the oiiginal (iiles Brent, waslaw partner of William Fitzhus^h, and had beenappointed Receiver General of tiu- Xorthcrn Xeek in
I()9t). His l:)rother Robert also was a lot holder.Both li\ed at Woodstock, and presumably they didnot maintain residences at the port town."' Otiierleading citizens were Robert Alexander, Samuel Hay-ward, and Martin Scarlett, but again there is littlelikelihood that they were ever residents of the town.John W'augh, the uproarious pastor of PotomacParish, also was a lot holder, but he lived on the southside of Potomac Creek in a house whieii belonged toMrs. .Anne Meese of London. His failure to pay forthat house after 1 1 years' occupancy of it, which ledto a suit in which l-'itzhugh was the prosecutor, doesnot suggest that he ever arri\ed ,it building n housein the port town.^"Captain George Mason was a distinguished in-dividual who lived at "Accokeek," about a mile anda half hom Marlborough. He certainly built in thetown, for in 1691 he petitioned for a license to "keepan ordinary at the Town or Port for this county."The petition was granted on condition that he "finda good and Sufficient maintenance and receptionboth for man and horse." Captain Mason wasgrandfather of George Mason of Gunston Hall,author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and was, at onetime or another, sheriff, lieutenant colonel andconunander in chief of the Stafford Rangers, and aburgess. He participated in putting dcjwn the up-
rising of Nanticoke Indians in 1692, bringing incaptives for trial at the unfinished courthouse inMarch of that year.^* Despite his interest in llietown, however, it is unlikely that he ever lived there.Another lot owner was Captain Malachi Peale,whose lease of the town land from the Brents hadbeen purchased when the site was selected. lie also
" Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 25\.
''John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12); WilliamFil^ugli and His Chesapeake World, op. cit. (footnote 3), p. 209.
'? Ibid., pp. 76, 95, 162, 367.
"Stafford County Order Book, 1689-1694, p. 203; WilliamFilzhugh and His Chesapeake World, op. cit. (footnote 3), pp.2(?9, 211.
'* Ibid., pp. 184, 230; John Mercer's Land Book, op. cit.
'footnote 12); William Fitzhugh and His ('hesapeake World, op.
'?It. 'footnote 3), p. 38.
was an important figure, having been sheriff. Hemay well have lived on one of his three lots, sincehe was a resident of the Neck to begin with. JohnWithers, one of the first feoffees and a justice of thepeace, was a lot holder also. George Andrews andPeter Beach, somewhat less distinguished, were per-haps the only full-time residents from among thefirst grantees. After 1708 Thomas Ballard andpossibly William Barber were also householders.Thus, few of the ingredients of an active communitywere to be found at Marlborough, the skilled crafts-men or ship's chandlers or merchants who mighthave provided the vitality of commerce and tradenot having at any time been present.HOUSING
It is likely that most of the houses in the town con-formed to the minimum requirements of 20 by 20feet. They were probably all of wood, a story and ahalf high with a chimney built against one end.Forman describes a 20-foot-square house foundation
at Jamestown, known as the "House on Isaac Watson'sLand." This had a brick floor and a fireplace largeenough to take an 8-foot log as well as a setting for abrew copper. The ground floor consisted of one room,and there was probably a loft overhead providing
e.xtra sleeping and storage space.^^ The originalportion of the Digges house at Yorktown, built follow-ing the Port Act of 1705 and still standing, is a brickhouse, also 20 feet square and a story and a half high.Yet, brick houses certainly were not the rule. Inremote Stafford County, shortly before the port townwas built, the houses of even well-placed indixidualswere sometimes extremely primitive. William Fitz-hugh wrote in 1687 to his lawyer and merchantfriend Nicholas Hayward in London, "Your brotherJoseph's building that Shell, of a house withoutChimney or partition, & not one tittle of workman-ship about it more than a Tobacco house work,carry'd him into those .Arrears with yovu' self & hisother Employees, as you found by his Accots. at hisdeath." '"' Ancient English puncheon-type con-struction, with studs and posts set three feet into theground, was still in u.se at Marlborough in 1691, aswe know from the contract for building a prison
2' Henry Cii.\ndlee Form.\n, Jamestown and Si. Ataiy's(Baltimore, 1938), pp. 13.i-137.
*" William Filrjiugh and His Chesapeake World, op. cit. (footnote3), p. 203.
quoted l)\ ll^ippcl." .No doul)t tlic houses theirvaried in quahty, hut we may i)e sure that most werecrude, inexpertly built, of frame or punchcon-typcconstruction, and subject to deterioration t)y nn andinsects.
ri'RNISIIlN'OS or 1 wo SI.VRLnOROLCiIl HOUSES
Liive Cieorne .Mason, Cieorge .Andrews ran an ordi-nary at tiie port town, haxiiig been licensed in Iti'JIi,and he also kept the ferry across Potomac Creek. *?He died in 1698, leavint; the property to his grandsonJohn C;a\e. From the inventory of his estate recordedin tiie StafToid County records (Appendix A) weoi)tain a picture not only of the furnishings of a hou.sein the port town, but also of what constituted anordinary." We arc left with no doubt that as ahostelry Andrews' house left much to be desired.There were no bedsteads, although six small featherbeds with bolsters and one old and small flock bedare listed. (Flock consisted of tufted and fragmentarypieces of wool and cotton, while "Bed" referred notto a bedframe or bedstead but to the tick or mattress.)There were two pairs of curtains and valances.In the 17th century a \alance was ".A border ofdrapery hanging around the canopy of a bed." "Curtains customarily were suspended from withinthe valance from bone or brass curtain rings on arod or wire, and were drawn around the bed forprivacy or warmth. Where high post bedsteadswere used, the curtains and valances were supportedon the rectangular frame of the canopy or tester.
.Since George .Andrews did not list any bedsteads, itis possible that his curtains and valances were hungfrom bracketed frames aboN'c low wooden frames thatheld the bedding. .Six of his beds were covered with
"rugs." one of which was "Turkey work."' Thereis no indication of sheets or other refinements forsleeping.Andrews' furniture was old, but apparently of goodquality. Four "old" cane chairs, which may havedated back as far as 16ti0, were probably English,of carved walnut. The "old" table may have had
.1 inined or a joined frame, or possibly may have
" Happei,, op. ci?. (footnolr 22), p. 186; .StafTord CountyCVdrr B<M.k. lt)?'l |i>'M. pp. 210 ?.'II.
'?' .Si.ilTord County Ordrr Book, I(rf?'>-I6^, p. la").
?* St-ifTord Ckiunly Will Book, l-ibcr /.. pp. lt>8 U>'t.
** .i .Wif Engluh Dullonar\ un /lulmitnl Ptirult:!f\ iflvfiilil.1!?28), vol. 10, pt. 2, p. IK
been a homemade trestle tabic. An elegant touchwas the "carpet," which undoubtedly covered it.Chests of drawers were rare in the 1 7th century, soit is surprising to find one desrrilK-d here as "old."
.?\ "Clipboard " was probably a press or court cupix>ardfor the display of plates and dishes and perhaps thepair of "Tankards" listed in the inventory. Thelatter may have been pewter or German stonewarewith pewter mounts. The "couch" was a combina-tion bed and settee. As in every house there were
chest.s, but of what sort or quality we can onbsurmise. A "great trunk" provided storag<'
.Andrews' hospitalit>- as host is symlx)lized l)\ hi.'.lignum iitae punchbowl. Punch itself was somethingof an innovation and had first made its apf)earancc inEngland aboard ships arriving from India early inthe IbUO's. It remained a sailor's drink throughoutmost of the centuiy, but had begun to gain in generalpopularity before 1700 in the colonies. \Vhat is moreremarkable here, however, is the container. EklwardM. Pinto states that such lignum vitae "wassail" bowlswere sometimes large enough to hold five galloivs ofpunch and were kept in one place on the table, where
all present took part in the mixing. They were lathe-turned and usually stood on pedestals.'^ GeorgeAndrews' nutmeg graters, silver spoons, and silverdram cup for tasting the spirits that were jxiured intothe punch were all elegant accessories.Another resident whose estate was inventoried wasPeter Beach." One of his executors was DanielBeach, who was paid 300 pounds of tobacco annuallyfrom 1700 to 1703 for "sweeping" and "cleaning" thecourthouse (Appendix B). Beach's furnishings werescarcely more elaborate than .Andrews'. L'nlikeAndrews, he owned four bedstead.s. which with their
curtaiiis and tittings (here called "furniture") variedin worth from l(K) to l,")00 pounds of tobacco. Hereagain was a cuplx>ard, while there were nine chairswith "flag" seats and "boarded" backs (rush-seatedchairs, probably of the "slat-back" or "ladder-back"
variety). Eight more chaii-s and five stools were notdescribed. A "parcel of old tables" was listed, butonly one table ap|>ears to have Ijeen in use. Therewere pewter and earthenware, but a relatively fovcooking utensils. .An "old" pewter tankaixi wa*probably the most elegant drinking vessel, while one
" KowARD II. I'isro. Tim. or Small 1
1
Ihr Ages (lx}i)don, I'M't). p 20.
'? .S?,,(Tord CV>unty Will Book. Uber Z. pp. I58-I5^>.
13
candlestick was a srudgiiig concession to the need lor
artificial light. The only books were two Bibles;the list mentions a single indentured seixant.
THE GREGG SURVEY
lii 1707, after the rexival of the I'oil Act, the newcounty surveyor, Thomas Gregg, made another s\irveyof the town. This was done apparently without regardto Buckner's original sur\ey. Since Gregg adoptedan entirely new system of nuinbeiing, and since hissur\ey was lost at an early date, it is impcssible tolocate by their description the sites of the lots grantedin 1708 and after.Forty years later John Mercer wrote
:
It is certain that 'I'homas (Jregg (being the .Surveyorof Stafford County) did Sep 2'' 1707 make a new Surveyof the Town. ... it is as certain that (iregg had noregard either to the l)ouncls or numbers of the formerSurvey since he begins his Numbers the reverse waymaking his number 1 in the corner at Buckner's 19 &as his Survey is not to be found its impossible to tellhow he continued his Numbeis. No scheme I ha\ctried will answer, & the Records differ as much, the
streets according t(j Buckner's Siuvcy running thro theHouse I lived in built by Ballard tho his whole lot wasditched in according to the Boiuids made by Gregg.*"Whatever the intent may have been in laying outformal street and lot plans, Marlborough was essen-tially a rustic village. If Gregg's plat ran streetsthrough the positions of houses on the Buckncrsur\cy, and \'icc versa, it is clear that not nnuhattention was paid to theoretical property lines oistreets. Ballard apparently dug a boundary ditcliaround his lot, according to Virginia practice in the17ih century, but the fact that this nmst have en-croached on property assigned to somebody else on
the basis ol the Bucknei- sui\ey seems not to havebeen noted at the time. Rude houses placed in-formally and connected by lanes and footpaths, thecourthouse attempting to dominate them like a
village schoolmaster in a class of country bumpkins,a few outbuildings, a boat landing or two, someculti\'ated land, and a road leading away horn thecourthouse to the north with another running in theopposite direction to the creek?this is the wayMarlborough nuist ha\-e looked even in its best daysin 1708.
THE DEATH OF MARLBOROUGH AS A TOWNCould this poor \ illage ha\e survived had thecourthouse not learned? It was an imhapp)- contrastto the vision of a town governed by "benchers of theguild hall," bustling with mercantile activity, swarm-ing on busy market days with ordinaries filled withpeople. This fantasy may have pulsated brieflythrough the minds of a few. But, after the abrogationof the Port Act in 171U, there was little left to justifythe town's existence other than the courthouse. Solong as court kept, there was need for ordinaries andferries and for independent jacks-of-all-trades likeAndrews. But with neither courthouse nor portactivity nor manufacture, the town became a paradoxin an economy and society of planters.Remote and inaccessible, uninhabited by individualswhose skills could have given it N'igor, Marlboroughno longer had any reason for being. It lingered onfor a short time, but when John Mercer came totransform the abandoned \illage into a flourishingplantation, ''Most of the other Buildings were sufferedto go to Ruin, so that in the year 1726, when yourPetitioner [i.e., Mercer] went to live there, but oneHouse twenty-feet square was standing." "
"John Mcr<xr'.s Land Hook, loc. cit. (footnote 12). Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17).
II
JoilII Mercer s Ocriipiifioiiof Alcir/borough, 11lb- 17M)
MERCER S ARRIVAL IN STAFFORD COUNTYBy 1723 Marlboroueli lay al)aiicloncd. GcortjoMason (III), son of ilic lalo slicrifTand ordinary keeperin the port town, held the now-empty title of feoffee,together with Rice Hooc. In that year Mason andHooc petitioned the General Court "that Lea\e maybe given to bring in a Bill to enable them to sell thesaid Land [of the town] the same not being builtupon or Inhabited." The petition was put aside for
"consideration," but within a week- on May 21,
1 723 ?it was '"oidered That Rice Hooe & GeorgeMason be at liberty to withdraw their petition . . .and that the Committee to whom it was referred bedischarged from proceeding thereon." **This curious sec|uencc remains unexplained. Hadthe committee informally advised the feofTees thattheir cause would be rejected, sucijestini;, therefore,that they withdiaw their petition.' ( )r had somethingunexpected occurred to provide an alternativesolution to the problem of Marlborough?Possibly it was the latter, and the unexpected oc-currence may have been the arrival in Stafford Countyof young John Mercer. There is no direct evidenceih.il Meicer was in the vicinity as early as 1723; butwe know that he appeared before 1725, that he hadby then Ijecome well .icquainted with Georue Mason,and that he .settled in Marlborough in 172t).
7??. /7/:?-/72S( Richmond. I')I2), pp. tJb. 37t.
Mercers remarkable career began with his ariivalin \'irginia at the age of lb. Born in Dublin in 1704,the son of a Church Street merchant of Englishdescent also named John M' <\ of GraceFenton Mercer, John was <> at TrinityCollege, and then sailed for the New World in 1 720.**How Mercer arrived in N'irginia or what means hebrought with him are lost to the record. From hisown words written toward the end of his life weknow that he was not overburdened witli wealth:
"Except my education 1 never not a shilling of myfathers or any otlier relations estate, cverN- [x-nny I everi;ot has been by my ow : ii. with as much fatigueas most people have in "From his second ledger (the first, covering theyears 1720-1724, having been lost) we learn that hewas engaged in miscellaneous tradin:: ' ; :inddown the rivers in his sloop and c
\
<;dsalong the way. Where his home was m these earlyyears we do not know, but it would appear that hehad been active in the Stafford County le^ion forsome time, judging from the fact that by 1 723 he hadaccumulated ?322 4s. 5Sd. worth of tolwcco in .i
'" "Juuin.iU 111 ihr II7:i7-I7M." 17/U iK
*' (irat^f .\trt(fr I'afromp, and rdil. I>y IrillilnirKh Prr?. I9.VI). p. /m.
13
warehouse at the falls of the Rappahannock."- i Iccertainly had encountered George Mason beforethen, and probably Mason's uncles, John, David, andJames Wausth, the sons of Parson John Waugh, allof whom owned idle Marlborough properties.Mercer's friendship with the Masons was .sufKcientlywell established by 1725 that on June 10 of that yearhe married George's sister C'atherinc. This mai-
riage, most advantageous to an aspiring young man,was celebrated at Mrs. Ann Fitzhugh's in King GeorgeCounty with the Reverend Alexander Scott ofOvcrwharton Parish in Stafford County ofliciating.'*''Thus, allied to an established family that was "old"by standards of the time and sponsored socially by arepresentative of the Fitzhughs, Mercer was admittedat the age of 21 to Virginia's growing aristocracy.In this animated and energetic youth, the Masonsand Waughs probably saw the means of bringingMarlborough back to life. Mercer, for his part, nodoubt recognized the advantages that Marlboroughoffered, with its sheltered harbor and landing, itsfertile, flat fields, and airy situation. That it couldbe acquired piecemeal at a minimum of investmentthrough the provisions of the .Act for Ports was anadded inducement.JOHN MERCER AS A TRADERDuring 1725 Mercer pressed ahead with his tradingenterprises. From his ledger we learn that he .soldRichard Ambler of Yorktown 710 pounds of "rawDeerskins" for ?35 10s. and bought ?200 worth of
"sundry goods" from him. Between October 1725and February 1726 he sold a variety of furnishingsand equipment to Richard Johnson, ranging from a
"horsewhip" and a "silk Rugg" to "'/. doz. Shoe-maker's knives" and an "Ivory Comb." In returnhe received two hogsheads of tobacco, "a Gallon ofsyder Laceground," and raw and dressed deerskins.
"John Mercer's Ledger B is the principal source of informa-tion for this chapter. It was begun in 1725 and ended in 1732.The original copy is in the library of the Bucks County His-torical Society, Doylestown, Pennsylvania, a photostatic copybeing in the Virginia State Library. Further footnoted refer-ences to the ledger are omitted, since the source in each caseis recognizable.
"James Mercer Garnet, "James Mercer," IVMCl t'l(Richmond, 1009), vol. 17, pp. 8.i-'JH. Mm. Ann Fitzhughw.ts the widosv of William Fitzhugh IIL who died in 1713/14.She was the daughter of Richard I,ee and lived at "Eagle'sN' '." in King George County Csee "The Fitzhugh Family,"V KM T'tirhmond, 190t)l. vol. 7, pp. ',17-318).
Figure 3.?FoRXRArr or John Mercer, artist un-known. ,\bout 1 75 ). {Courtesy of Mrs. ThomasB. Payne.)
He maintained a similar long account with MosleyBattaley (Battaille) (Appendi.x C). From WilliamRogers of Yorktown''^ he bought ?12 3s. 6d. worthof earthenware, presumably for resale. The tobaccowhich he had accumulated at the falls of the Rappa-hannock he sold for cash to the Gloucester firm ofWhiting & Montague, paying Peter Kemp twopounds "for the extiaordinary trouble of y'' comingup so far for it."His sloop was the principal means by which Mercerconducted his business. Occasionally he rented itfor hire, once sharing the proceeds of a load of oyster-shells with George Mason and one Edgeley, who hadsailed the sloop to obtain the shells. Only one itemshows that Mercer extended his mercantile activitiesto slaves: on Februarv 18, 1720, he sold a mulatto
''* William Rogers, who died in 1739. made earthenware andstoneware at Yorktown after 1711. See C. Malcolm Watkinsand Ivor NoicL Hume, "The 'Poor Potter' of Yorktown"(paper 54 in Contributions from the .Museum of History and Tech-nology, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 249, by various authors;Washington: Smithsonian Institution), 1967.
woman named Saiah ti) I'liilcmon C!avanaiit;li "to l)cpaid in lu-av y tobacco each lilid to weigh 3(((J Neat."That Mercer was turning in the direction of a legalcareer is revealed in liis fiist account of "DomestickExpenses" for the fall of 1 72') (Appendix I)). We lindthat he was attending court sessions far and wide:
"C^ash for Exp' at Stafford & Spotsylvania," "Cashfor Exp' Irhanna," the same for "Court Ferrageat Keys." He already was reading in the law, andlent "March's Actions of Slander." "W'ashington'sAl)ridt;in' of y'' Statutes," and "an Exposition of theLaw Terms" to Mosley Battaley.SETTING UP HOUSEKEEPING
Mercer's domestic-expense account is full of evi-dence that he was preparing to set up housekeeping.He bought "I China punch bowl," 10s.; "6 glasses,"3s.; "1 bo.\ Iron & heaters," 2s. 6d.; "1 p'' fineblankets," Is. 13d.; "Earthenware," I Os.; "5 Candle-sticks," 17s. 6d.; "I Bed Cord," 2s.; "3 maple knives& forks," 2s.; "I yew haft knife & fork & 1 p^ Stilds[steelyards?]," Is. lU'.jd.: "1 p'' Salisbury Scissors,"2s. 6d.; and "1 speckled knife & fork," 5d.In addition, he accepted as payment for variouscloth and materials sold to Mrs. Elizabeth Russell thefollowing furniture and furnishings:

Figxiic 4?TnK NKir.iiBORHOOD OF JOHN Mfhcer. Driail from |. Dalnni|>lc? revision (I75.iiof ihc map of \ ir^inia by j.?c,.h \xs and Pn- Marlborough U inrorrrr.lNdcsici ' '' Vt .?l-l--" " (.<l,<^(ll.,I,f'- rf,.)
19
The new house was thus brought to completionearly in 1731. That it was a plain and simple house
is apparent from the small amount of labor and the
relatively few quantities of material. It appears toha\e had two fireplaces only and one chinmey.Although the house was wooden, there is no e\idencethat it had any paint whatsocser. inside or out.FURNISHING THE HOUSEOther than a child's chair and a bedstead costing10 shillings, purchased from Enoch Innes in 1729,little furniture was acquired before 1730. Listed in
"Domestick Expenses" for 1729-1730 are minoraccessories for the new house, such as H L hinges,
closet locks, a "scimmer," a pair of brass candlesticks,milk pans, pestle and mortar, '?> doz plates,"' a
"Cullender," a candlebox, earthenware, and apepperbox, together with sexeral hand tools.MERCERS VARIED .ACTIVITIES AND INTERESTSThe agricultural aspects of a plantation wereincreasingly in evidence. In 1729 Rawlcigh Chinnwas paid for "helping to kill the Hogs," "pasturageof my cattle," and "making a gate." Edward Floydwas credited with ?4 6s. 7'2d. for "Wintering Cattle,taking care of my horse & .Sheep to Aug. 1729."John Chinn seems to have been Mercer's jockey, foras early as 1729 he was entering the races whichabounded in Virginia, and "went on y"" race w"' C^olt1729."In this early period we find considerable evidenceof a typical young Virginian's fondness for gamingand sport. One finds scattered through Mercer'saccount with Robert .Spotswood such items as "Towon at the Race . . . 8.9" and "To won at Liew atCol" Mason's . . . 7.3." (Loo was an elegant18th-century game played with Chinese-carvedmother-of-pearl counters.) Mercer participated inseveral sporting events at .Stafford courthouse, for
court sessions continued, as in the previous century,to be social as well as legal and political occasions.This is illustrated in a credit to Joseph W'augh:
"By won at a horse race at Stafford Court andAttorney's fee . . . ?1."; on the debit side ofEnoch Innes's account: "To won at (luoits &running with you . . . 1/3"; and in ThomasHudson's account, where four shillings were markedup "To won pitching at Stafford Court."Mercer's diversions were few enough, nevertheless,and it is apparent that he devoted more time to read-ing than to gaming. In 1726 he borrowed from JohnGraham (or Graeme) a library of 56 volumes belong-ing to the "Hon ''" Col" Spotswood" 59 (Appendix E).Ranging from the Greek classics to English history,and including Milton, Congreve, Dryden, Cole'sDictionary, "Williams' Mathematical Works,"" and
"Present State of Russia,"" they were the basis for asolid education. That the\' included no lawbooksat a time when Mercer was preparing for the lawis an indication of his Jjroad taste for literature andlearning.Marlborough, we can see, was occupied bv a \oungman of talent, energy, and creativity. He alone, ofthe many men who had envisioned a center ofenterprise on Potomac Neck, was possessed of thedrive and the simple directness to make it succeed.For George Mason and the \Vaughs, Mercer was theideal solution for their Marlborousfh difficulties.
''-' Clol. .\k-.\ander Spotswood, Governor of Virginia and aresident of Spotsylvania County, was at this time living inLondon. He authorized John Graham (or Graeme) of St.James, Clcrkenwell, Middlesex, to "take possession of his ironworks in Virginia, with plantations, negroes, stocks, andmanage the same." By 1732 Spotswood regretted that he had
"committed his affairs to the care of a mathematician, whosethoughts were always among the stars." In 1737 Grahambecame professor of natural philosophy and mathematics inthe College of William and Mary. See "Historical & Gene-alogical Notes," ir.l/(2 [1] (Richmond, 1909), vol. 17, p. 301(quoting B.'kssET, Writings of li'tlliam Byrtl. p. 378).
JII
Mercer s Coiiso/idiifioiiof Miir/horoiigli^ 1730 -17M)
MERCER THE YOUNG LAWYERThe 1730"s opened a golden age in the \ irginiacolony. There was an interval of peace in whichtrade might flourish ; there were new laws whichfavored the tobacco planter and led to the buildingof resplendent mansions along \'irginia"s shores.John Mercer wasted no time in grasping the oppor-tunities that lay about him. With shrewd foresightlie made law his major objective, thus raising him-
self alxjve most of his contemporaries. At the sametime he began an extensive purchasing of property,so that within a decade he was to become one of themajor landed proprietors in the colony. Planting andlenal practice each augmented the other in Mercer'sprosperity, which was assured by a classic combina-tion of energy, ability, and outgoing personality. Aswith many succes-sful men, Mercer had an eye formeticulous detail; the documents he left behind werea treasury of methodically kept records.His Ledger B reveals that as early as 1730 \\\-, i'i;.iicareer was becoming firmly established. It recordsfee accounts, charges for drawing deeds, writingbonds, and representing clients in various courts.In that \ear he sub.scrii)ed to Laws of \ irginia"through William Parks, the Williainsl)urg printer and
>tationer. and began to build up a .substantial lawlibrary, which was augn\ented by the purchase ofMl lawlxraks from Robert Beverley.
DIFFICULTIES IN ACQUIRING MARLBOROUGHOn October 13, 1730, .Mercer obtained title fromDavid Waugh to the Ballard house and lots on thebasis of the "Statute for transforming uses intopossessions." At the same time he acquired the threelots originally granted to John Waugh, while ninemonths later he was given the release of the threelots inherited by George Ma.son from his father.""Mercer's foothold in Marlborough was now secure.Following these developments, he "employed theCounty .Sur\eyor to lay ofT the ?several Lots he hadpurchased." which led to the disco\er>- of the pre-viously mentioned disparities and coiiflicts betweenthe Buckner survey of l(>9l and the mi.ssinc Greggsur\Ty of I 707. For some rea.son the town now lackedfeoffees, so Mercer "applied to the County C?urt of
.Stafford on the tenth day of June one thousand sevenhundred and thin-one and the s.iid C^ourt then
.ippointed Henn,' Fit/hugh F-squire and JamnMarkham Gent. Feofees of the said Town." Merrrrstated that he "projxjsed making gre.ii Improve-ments . . . and wanted to take up several other Lotsto build on." The court thereupon ordered John
.Savage, the county surveyor, to m.ike a new .viir\ey,
"having regard to the Buildings and Impro>en?ents
'John Mrrcrr'* I..and Bosk. lor. rit. (fcHiln-jlr I.'
21
then standing"?a significant instruction, intended nodoubt to permit the reconciling of conflicting titles withrespect to what actually was built.''The new survey was laid out July 23, 1731. "in thepresence of the said Feoffees," and drawn w'nh thesame plan and numbering as Buckner's, except thatan additional row of lots was applied along the westernborder of the town, compressing slightly the formerlots as planned by Buckner and pushing them east-ward (fig. 2). This extra row, we ha\e reason tobelieve, was added with "regard to the Buildings andImprovements then standing."At the time of the survey, the feoffees told Mercer
"that he might proceed in his Buildings and Improve-ments on any the s.-iid Lots not before granted,"promising that they would at any time make him
"any Title they could lawfully pass." A proposal i)vFitzhugh to give title to any lots already purchased orany which Mercer might take up under terms of thePort Act of 1 705 was discouraged by Mercer's lawyer,Mr. Hopkins, who took the view that, since the threesurveys conflicted, the deeds would not be good.Accordingly, Fitzhugh and Mercer applied for an
"amicatjle Bill," or suit in chancery, in the GeneralCourt, in order "to have Savage's or any particularSurvey established." The request was shelved,however, and still was unanswered in 1 748.The extra row of lots and the court's instructions toSavage to make his survey with "Regard to theBuildings and Improvements then Standing" seemto be correlated. Savage made a significant notationon his survey plat: "The lots marked 16, 17, 18, 19,20, & 21 joining to the Creek are in possession ofMr. John Mercer who claims them under Robinson,Berryman, Pope & Parry, & under Ballard & underJohn Waugh dec""', all w'" he says have been builton and saved." On the Buckner plat the lots bearingthese numbers comprise a block of six in the south-west corner of the town, extending up from thecreek in two 3-tiered rows (fig. 2). The plat includedthe lots near the head of the "gutt" where thecourthouse appears to have stood, as well as the landon which Structure B (the foundation of Mercer'smansion) was excavated. The lots appear in thesame relationship on Savage's survey, except tiiat thenew row bounds them on the west.We know that the Robinson-Berryman-l'opr-l'arrvlot was the same lot originally granted to Robert
.Alexander in Ib'Jl, numbered 19 on Buckner's plat.It was granted to its later owners according to theGregg survey in 1707, and was then described as
"being the first Lott known in the Survey Piatt bynumber 1." From Mercer we have learned alreadythat Gregg made "his number 1 in the corner atBuckner's 19.'' The other five lots were claimedunder Ballard and John Waugh. Waugh wasgranted one lot in 1691?Buckner's number 20?andacquired two more in 1 707. All three appear to havebeen in the corner i)lock of six lots. In any case,these six lots equal the number of lots known to havebeen granted the above-listed lot holders. Both ofBallard's lots were granted in 1707. His lot number19 (Gregg survey), where Mercer first lived, isdescribed as "bounding Easterly with a lott surveyedfor Mr. John Waugh Westerly with a Narrow streetNortherly with a lott not yet surveyed, Southerlvwith the first main Street which is parallel withPotomac Creek." We do not know which of Waugh'slots is meant, nor do we know Gregg's street jilan,except that it was at odds with Buckner's. But it isprobable that Ballard's lot (Gregg's number 19) wasthe same as Buckner's number 21, that the crosstown
street on Gregg's plat lay to the south of the lotrather than to the north of it, as on Buckner's plat,and that one of Waugh's lots lay to the east of it."-Assuming that the two acres for the courthousewere located near the head of the "gutt" and thatBallard's lot 19 was approximately the same asBuckner's 21, it is apparent that Ballard's lot musthave overlapped the courthouse lots in the confusionbetween the two surveys. Since Mercer was livingon Ballard's lot, he probably infringed on the court-house property. Even though the courthouse hadbeen burned and abandoned, the two acres assignedto it were required to revert to the original owner,as provided in the Act of 1667, concerning church andcourthouse lands. In this case, the courthouse land,having been "deserted," had reverted to the heirof Giles Brent.Mercer's embarrassment at this state of affairsmust have been great. However, the addition bySavage of a whole new rcjw of lots along the westerlyborder of the town created new acreage, sufiicientijoth to reconcile the conflict and to provide com-]3ensatory land to satisfy the Brents. Unfortunalelv
,
the .Savage survey, as we have noted, was not ni:i(le
' '* tM'.oi of John Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17). 02 Stafford County Will Book. I.iber Z. pp. 41)7. 4;11, 4'17.
Figure 5.
?
Kino Wii.i.iam coi'rthouse, about 1725. Mercer often pleaded cases here. U'roma Civil War (x-riod negative. {Courltsy of Historic American Buildings Survey, Library oj
orticial, and Mercer was forced to continue hisquestionatilc occupancy of properties whose titleswere in doubt.What is most significant to us in all this is theinft'ience that the courthouse, the Ballard housewhich Mercer occupied, and tlie .Sti-ucture B founda-tion were all in close proximity.
LARGU PROPKRTY ACQUISITIONS
Mercer's ne.xt purchase of Marllioroutih piopcrt)was on .July 28, 1737, when he iHsught the three lots
,'r lilted in !<>'.? 1 to Georue .Andrews from Andrews'i^randson, John Oavr. Meanwhile, he began large-scale acquisitions of lands elsewhere. By 1733 hehad .icquired an aggregate of H09(> acres in PrinceWilliam County. In addition, he obtained a "Leasefor three Lives" on three large tracts belonging toWilliam Brent, idjoining Marllmrough, .so that liecontrolled virtually all of Potomac .Neck."Thus, after 1730 we find Mercer's fortune already
" Jolni .Vtcrcrr's l-nnd Book, lor. ril. (ftmlnoir \'2).
well established and increasing. No longer a youth-ful trader plying the Potomac in his sloop, he wasnow a gentleman planter and influential lawver.He li\ed in a new house, owned some parts ofMarlborough, and was building "' is"on others. .Mmost o\ernit;ht he alanded proprietor.
SUCCESS AT LAW AND CONFLICTS WITH LAWYERSThe source of Mercer's newly made wealth is easilydiscovered. F^is ledger shows an income from legalfees in 1730 amounting to ?291 lOs. lO'.d. In 1731the figure climbed to ?643 IHs. 2d., then le\-elcd offto ?639 lis. 2':d. the ! ? For a youngman still in his t\%enti< ~ uied in the law,this was a remarkable achievement. His succcstperhaps is altriliuiable !?from youthful brashno^I'.arly in 1 730, in a daring gcstuir on l>ehalf of projvi isowners and taxpavei-s, hr pi. tsgranted in an act p.i.>i.sed U\ x. \ 'u?year "for encouraging Adventurers in Iron Work-v"Presented in the form of a proposition, the protest >va$
23
read before the StafTord court by Peter Hedgman.The reaction to it in Williamsburg, once it hadreached the ears of the Assembly, was immediate andangry. The House of Burgesses
Resolv'd 'Ihat the Proposition from Slajjord Count\-
ill relation to the Act past in the last Session of thisAsscmbh' for cncoma^ing Adventurers in Iron Works isa scandalous and Seditious Libel Containing false andscandalous Reflections upon the Legislature and theJustices of the General Court and other Courts of thisColony.Resolv'd That John Mercer the Author and Writer ofthat paper and Peter Hedgman one of the Subscribers whopresented the same to the Court of Stafford County to be
certified to the General Assembly are guilty of a highMisdemeanour.Ordefd That the said John Mercer and Peter Hedgmanbe sent for in Custody of the Serjeant at Arms attendingthis House to answer their said Offence at the Bar ofthis House."Mercer and Hedgman made their apologies to theHouse, received their reprimands, and paid theirfines. But this protest, so ofTensive to the dignity ofthe lawmakers, had its efTect in forcing amendmentsto the act, particularly in removing the requirementfor building public roads leading from the ironworksto the ore supplies and shipping points. To thoseliving in Stafford, particularly in the neighborhoodof the proposed Accokeek Ironworks, near Marl-borough, this concession must have elevated Mercerto the lc\el of a hcro.^^Mercer's frank disposition led him into other diffi-culties during the first years of his practice. Hisinsistence on the prompt payirient of debts and hisopposition to stays of execution following suits hadwon him enemies at Prince William court. Chargesof improper legal activities were brought against him;these were investigated at Williamsburg, with theresult that on Jinie 13, 1734, he was suspended frompracticing law in Virginia for a period of six months.^"TEMPORARY RETIREMENT, THE ABRIDGMENT,AND GUARDIANSHIP OF GEORGE MASONDeprived temporarily of his principal li\elihood,Mercer set out to write an Abridgment of the Laws of
f'irginlci. The task conipleted, he petitioned theGeneral Court on April 23, 1735, for "leave to Printan Abridgment compil'd by him of all the Laws ofthis Colony & to have the benefit of the Sale thereof."On the same day he petitioned for a renewal of hislicense, which was granted with the exception of theright to practice in Prince William, where he was toremain persona non grata generally thereafter."'Soon after these events his brother-in-law and oldacquaintance, George Mason, drowned. Mercer wasdesignated co-guardian of 10-year-old George MasonIV, who came to live at Marlborough. Young Georgelater grew up to be the master of Gunston Hall and,as the author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, to standamong the intellectuals whose ideas influenced theRevolution and the framing of the Constitution. Inthese formative years, young George Mason smcK-must have been affected by the strong legal mind andcultivated tastes of his uncle.""*On October 14, 1737, the Mrginia Gazette carried thefollowing advertisement:
This Day is PubliihedAn Exact .Abridgment of the Laws of VIRGINIA,in Force and L'se, to this present time. ByJohn Mercer.
.At long last, after innumerable delays, the Abridg-ment was in print. From a financial point of view itwas a conspicuous failure. Too few Virginians,apparently, were sufliciently interested to buy it.
DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS AND SERVANTS
During this eventful decade of the 1 730"s Merceracquired the things needed for the proper maintenanceof his house and properties. One requisite was Negroservants. From Pat Reyant he bought "a Girlnamed Margaret" for 43 pounds of tobacco in 1730.In 1731 he bought Deborah, Phillis, Peter, Nan, andBob. The following year he obtained Lucy, Will, andGeorge, and, in 1733, Nero. His purchases increasedas his landholdings increased. In 1736 he boughtfive slaves, three of whom he aptly named Dublin,Marlborough, and Stafford.To help feed his sla\es during this early period.
'*JHB, 1727-1734; J736I7J0 (Richmond, 1910), p. 66.
"^ Ibid., p. .\xi.
*" Executive Journals of the CouncU of Colonial Virginia (Rich-inomj, Virginia: D. Bottom, superintendent of public print-iiir. 1 02.5), vol. 4, p. .328.
?' Ibid., p. 348.
"* Katf, M.\son Rowlanu, 'I tie Life of George Mason (New
^.l.k .Hid London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1892), vol. 1, p. 49.
Mercer appairntly depended in part upon SiafTord'swealth of natural resources. At least we find arecord of wild ijanie entered on the same page andunder the same heading as his "Negroes" accountin the ledger. There it is noted that he purchased12 ducks from .Natt Hedgman on .\o\ember 19, 1730,and 20 ducks from Rawleigh Chinn the same day,paying for them in powder and shot. Two swans anda goose, as well as venison, appear on the list. Pay-ment for these was made in powder, shot, and wool.He continued, meanwhile, to equip his house.From John Foward (or Foard), a London merchant,he bought a "frying pan" and "2 doz. bottles,"
"1 tomahawk," "2 stocklocks," "1 padlock," "2 bestpadlocks," "1 drawingknife," "9 p' hinges," "3 claspknives," and "I gall. Madcras." In .\pril 1731, hebought from Captain Foward: f - d.
1 bdlmctlK- skillet V^- at 2/ 9
I copper .Sausepan 7
1 Small D" 5 4
I iiiintlni; \vlii|) 5
I hallclu-ck bridle 7
I fine hat 12
1 wig Comb 6Also in 1731 he bought "6 rush bottom Ohairs"for 17 shillings and a spinning wheel for 10 shillingsfrom William Hamitt. The "writing desk" whichhe had bought in 1725 apparently needed extensiveand expensive repairs, for in March 1731 there
.ippeai-s an item under "Domestick Expenses," "ToW '" Walker for mending Scoutore ?1." (Scoutorewas one of many corrupt spellings of escritoire, aslant-top desk.) William Walker was a StaffordCounty cabinetmaker and builder, about whom wc
shall hear much more.One of the most active accounts was that of Na-thaniel C:hapman,"'' who directed the newly estab-lished Accokeek Ironworks. In 1731 he sold Mercerseveral hundred nails of diflerent descriptions, a
" Nnih.uiirl C:ti.ipin,iii hc.idrd thr ,\crokrrk Ironworks,rrfcrrrd to by Mercer in Ix-dijcr G .is "C'.hapin.ur? Work.* .ilMead of Bay." .MiIioukH Mcrrcr had oppowd tlir art. whichgave privileges to the ironworks, he w.is a lifelong friend ofChapin.in. who testilied in his behalf in I7.H and ?er\ed withhim on the Ohio Company Comniitlee in the I7.VV$ and 17l>0's.Chapm.in w.is executor for the est.ites of Lawrence and .Nugiis-line W.ishington.
\ariety of hoes, plouglis, wedges, door latches, aiKiheaters for smoothing iroiw. One item Ls "By puttinga leg in an old Iron Pott"; another is "By Ckj| Mavinp'' for mending a snufT Ixjx. 2.6" (Appendix F)In 1732 he paid Thomas Staines ?1 for "a CV.kih-.
"two Bedsteads," and "a weekes work " FniMi [ohnBlane, during the same year, he pure!penny nails and the same quantity m < iv;iiijK-iiii>
nails. He also bought from Blane 4 "basons," aporringer, 100 needles, 2 penknives, a gross of "threadbuttons," and a pair of large "Scissars." .Again, in1732 he obtained from William Nisbctt a quantityof miscellaneous goods, including 10 parcels of earth-enware and a pewter dLsh weighing 4 to 5 ounces.He also settled with .Samuel .Stevens for "your sharein making a C'anoe."TOBACCO WAREHOUSESThe Tobacco .\ct of 1730 provided for the erectionof public tobacco warehouses, and Marllxjrough w??sselected as one of the sites.'" In 1731 Mercer'saccount with John Waugh included "Timber for 2500boards t' 25 .?3.2.6" and "PasLs & Cleils for twoWarehouses, 12 shillings." In .April 1732 he settledaccounts with Captain Hcnr>' Fitzhugh for "buildinga Warehouse & Wharf & 6 prizes" at 3(KX) pounds oftobacco, or ?I5. The prizes probably were "in-centive awards" for the workmen. Included in Fitz-hugh"s account were "3 days work of Caesar & Will."ten shillings, and "4319 very bad C^lapboards at ,'.'' y'board." On March 25 he paid Anthony Linton for1820 clapboards, allowing him eijjht shillings for
"sawing of Boards." The warehouses were in opera-tion in 1732, as wc learn from Mercer's "Account ofInspectors," but they suffered the fate of ilenterprises at Marllx)rough, for in 1734 <?were put down, as being found ver>- inconvenient." ^The actual date of their termination was Novemlx-r 16,
1 735, when a new warehouse was scheduled for com-pletion at the mouth of Aquia Creek.*' The expres-sion "put down" does not seem to mean that thewarehouses were torn down, but that the)' wcit
officially discontinued. He apparently. howr\er, con-tinued to u.se them for his own purposes.
"? HcMNO, op. cii. (footnote I), wi. 4. p -'???.
' Petition of John Mercer, loc. cit. (fo>' ?- ' " '
'^JHH, 17.'7 I7.i4: ITHiUHi.op ck i?>. p. 202.
PERSONAL ACTIVITIES
During the 1 730"s Mercer recorded a iiiiniiiuiin ofrecreational activities. Those that he did list arerepresentative of the society of which he was a part.Making wagers was a favorite anmscnient. Forexample, he was owed ?7 16s. by "Cbl" GeorgeBraxton To a Wager you laid n\c at Cap' Rob'Brooke's house before M' James Rcid, Will"' Brooke&c Six Guineas to one that Col" Spotswood wouldnot during the Reign of K. George that now is,procure a Commission as Chief or Lieu' Ciov' of\'irginia." In 1731 he paid William Brent "By apistole won of me about Hedgman's wrestling withand throwing Fra*' Dade. ?1.1.12.'" He also paid?2 10s. to James Markham "By [my] part on theRace on Stotham's horse." There aic other scatteredreferences to wagers on horseraces.Mercer had become a vestryman in Ovei-whartonParish as early as 1730, and appears to have beenmade responsible for all legal matters pertaining tothat church. His account, shown in detail in Appen-dix G, is of interest in showing that violations of morallaw were held accountable to the church and thatfines for convictions were paid to the church. Mercer,representing the parish, collected a portion of eachfine as his fee.Most of his energies now seem to have been dividedbetween the law and the substantial responsibilitiesfor managing his plantations. The increasing extentof tobacco cultivation is revealed in the tobaccoaccount with ''M'' Jonathan Foward, Merchant inLondon" (presumably John Foward, mentioned
earlier), extending from 1733 to 1743. This accountlists shipments of 129 hogsheads of tobacco, totaling?643 Is. lid. (if we include a few extraneous items,such as "To an over charge in Lemons" and "To aStill charg'd never sent"). Several similar accountsinvolve proceeds from tobacco. In 1734 and 1738,for example, he shipped 54 hogsheads to \VilIiamStevenson, another London merchant, for ?207 7d.on the ships Triton, Snake, Brooks, and Elizabeth.Marlborough's full transition to a seat of tobacco-
Figure 6. M(1THER-0F-1'KARI COl NTKRS. Or
"fish," used in playing 18th-century games,including Loo, at which Mercer once won7s. 3d. from Col. George Mason (III). Theseexamples, collected in Massachusetts, are prob-ably late 18th century. (USNM 61.399.)
planting empire is now clearly discernible. In sobecoming, it was typical of the consolidation ofwealth, property, and power in \irginia as themid-century approached. Land had become botha substitute for tobacco in lean years and the meansfor paying ofT debts. The same land in betteryears yielded crops to its new owners, so that arelatively few dynamic men were able to amassgreat wealth and form a ruling aristocracy. The
varieties of talents in men like Mercer?who, besidesbeing a planter, was an accomplished lawyer andable administrator?placed them in the ascendancyover their less able fellows. The vigor and abilitywith which such men were endowed fostered theremarkable class of leaders of the succeeding genera-tion, who had so much to do with founding the nation.
n
Min'/horoii(rJi ^// its Ascend(iiic]\1741-1750
TRAVEL
( )n April 12, 1741, Mercer was adiiiittecl to practice
at the General Court in Willianusbur^.^ His tripthere on that occasion was typical of the journcy-swhich took him at least twice yearly to the capital.On the first day of this Willianisburj? trip he rode
"To CxA" Taliaferro's," a distance of 19 miles.The following day "To Caroline C^ourt" (18 mili-s),the next "To M' Hubbard's" (30 miles), then as far
as "M' J"" Powers" (24 miles), and finally "ToFurneas & Williamsburg" (30 miles). The routewas usually to West Point, or Brick House on theopp>ositc shore in New Kent County, and thenceeither directly to Williamsburg, or by way of NewKent courthouse. Stopovei-s were made either atordinaries or at the houses of friends.'*Mercer's travels, summarized in the joiirii.il ih.it
?? John Mercer's journal, kept in the back of \jr<.\f,ct B.
'? Col. John T.ili.ifrrro w.is .i justice of Spotsylvania Ckiunlycourt and one of the orixinal trustees of Frederirk!ibun{. lielived at the "Manor Pl.intatioii," Snow Oeek, SpotsylvaniaCounty, and died in 1744 ("V'irRinia C^Hincil Journ.ils. I7i!t>175;1," VHM (Richmond. I>W71, vol. .?.i, p. 4IM Benjaminlliilili.ird lived in f-iroline Cuunlv ("The Lovel.ice Family andlU c:onnections.' I7/.V/ [Richmond, I'r.'l], vol. :"?, p ;?.7);John Powers w.is apparently a resident of Kinij William Omrity
I Ida J. I.ee. ".\hstr.icts from KinR William CVmnty Recorils,"WMQ [i\ [WilliamsburR, I'C'o!, vol. ti. p. 7'.'); "Furnea's"seems to have been an ordinary l>etweeii Willianubum aixlNew Kent.
he kept in the back of Ledger B from 1730 until hisdeath in 1768, were prodigious. In 1735, for ex-ample, he journeyed a total of 4202 miles and washome only 119 days. This pace had >?! '.l.-"''!considerably in the period we air now c<>:but, nevertheless, he was not at home more than JUtdays out of any one year of the decade 1741-1750.This energetic and restless moving about was commonamong the leading planters, but in Mercer's ca.se itseems to have reached its ultimate. Practicing law,playing politics, acquiring property, and becomingacquainted with people led him all over \'ii-ginia.
.?\ representative .sample ivx)i\\ the journal covers tlieperiod of .Septeinl>er and October 1745. It will Ix-noted that the days of the week an* indicated alpha-lietically, a through g, as in the calendar of the Bookof Common Prayer. The mileage traveled each dayis entered at the right.
1
6
?^ I <^ M ) Hi,/ M ji inIt t-/4i HiA 8715 1219 it 10 lo9(7 ) -V.?? 6c14 11:19 "*' '*'?'' *'??* ^ 45.3
a
, i<) 105/ yio i< /) , ./V.4CC109 2027
It lon 707 11
M
' ^tAT 60 186?y # ' ? A.
<??.?? J Cm k ?ac. [l>.^F ??JO. ) A'.^ J 5" 1700
()OSO
C.^*^ I^M i<5 1007 914 9?7ij 11)7 1033 io4i<?>?J4 1 179 1074 105>jj jjisi n7 96 vk.,^.^41 97< 164 107 <vi....??<39 1070 v7o 'ocij^ J60 <i?9 1076 /or*"*^*6t I04J. 947- 9<'{ak
X<<, Jt.rt.*..^-^ .< *a'^? ina*r?^.. IvM .'/ loai 9.^.N V'lw.j . .J3 lo5o 94J t07) '^jb ioJA 9J6 g^^*"^^J7 l<'?9 9?6 <?3 ?*?
f
M M2I 1009 nY^?>.nr' -^"^ <-???9 4.817
Oi.?,..^ I'M I IS^O Ut4 ?l^''1 034 on ?33i3 i<6i I t4J ii6|4 II7J .io?i.
. S i324 ito66 mat H727 1135 t03*f 036 f33< nj^ .A^.4r- Sll 02764u?<,^.6^wk WD 4 MJ4 IOJ6 9J^.~^A.?C ^ 4 0J6
>??LmaGM I i*44 ?!?>& 9I)
a. it6t H74 t7
)
.?-. n7 ^'^'.
?^f' ! ill piiiii . Vi 4iU>^?Vt?.'
HOC f???.?oa) 1/ 4^<X>
.'?I' ' j''ii^ Ml Ki kr's t<>iiaci:(>-<:ask svMmiis, iiKrv>M m iii~ I r.ij;,.; i, 1 iv h.ir,.plantation" (Marlboroiii?h) Li ?yml?ili/rcl In thr initi.il C:. |m)txiblv in honor of hi% wifeCathcrinr. Sumnrr\ ciii.irlrrs at V.< ?. i? indiralrd b>- S, and Bull Run qiuirtrrtb\- B. (Couffcd "/ flii. < > ( i.M'i/i //i./ I 29
in Septeniher 1744, a significant step in cinulatinsrthe manners and ways of Virginia's established
aristocrats. Three years later he purchased "a Settof Chaisewheels" from Francis Hogans, a CarolineCounty wheelwright, and in June 1748 he discountedas an overcharge the cost of "a Chaise worth nothing"in his account with the English mercantile firm ofSydenham & Hodgson/'' A "chaise"" could havebeen one of several types of vehicles, but it wasprobably ""a carriage for traveling, haxing a closedbody and seated for one to three persons,"" accordingto Murra\'"s A J^'eiv Oxford Dictionary.In 1749 Mercer bought a "'chariot" from JamesMills of Tappahannock for ?80. Doubtless anelegant piece of equipage, this was, we learn fromMurray, "a light four-wheeled carriage with onlyback seats, and differing from the post-chaise inhaving a coach-box." In No\ember 1750 he paidJohn Simpson, a Fredericksburg wheelwright, 10shillings for "wedging & hooping the Chariotwheels"'and 9 shillings for "mending 3 fillys & 3 Spokes inD"."" '*At the same time he bought a "p'' C'artwheels" for?2 and a "Tumbling Cart" for ?1 6s. from Simpson.Murray tells us that a "tumble cart" or a "tumbrilcart" was a dung cart, designed to dump the load.
TOB-\CCO CASK BRANDS
Hogsheads and casks of tobacco were branded withthe symbols or initials of the original owners. Many ofthe brands are recorded explicitly in the ledger.Mercer, at the beginning of his career, used a symbolM. As his plantations multiplied, however, threesymbols were adopted, based on his own two initials.Tobacco casks from Bull Run were marked i"m.Those from Sumner's Quarters bore the brand r'^M,while the "Home Plantation" at Marlborough hadcasks marked i*?'m (fig. 8).The interpretation of these symbols warrants some
*? Sydenham & Hodgson was a London mercantile firm,represented in Virginia by Jonathan Sydenham. Merceridentified the firm in Ledger G as "Mercliants King George"and noted in his journal on January 20, 1745, that he visited at
"Mr. Sydenham's." In 17.57 the two men were referred toelsewhere as "Messrs. Sydenham & Hodgson of London."Sec "Proceedings of the Virginia Coinmittcc of Correspondence,17.59-07," VHM (Richmond, I'JOj), vol. 12, pp. 2-4.
?' Extensive research has been conducted by Colonial Wil-liamsburg, Inc., on the fonns of vehicles used by such Virginians
::; Mr-rccr and his contemporaries.
digression. In the 17th century, and indeed in the18th century also, the triangular cipher to indicatethe initials of man and wife was commonly used tomark silver, pewter, china, delftware, linens, and otherobjects needing owners" identifications. The commonsurname initial was placed at the top, the husband"sfirst-name initial at the lower left, and the wife"s atthe lower right. This arrangement was used con-sistently in the 17th century. In the 18th century,however, \ariations began to appear in the colonies,although not, apparently, in England. .Siher madein New York and Philadelphia during the 1 700'spresents the initials reading from left to right, withthe husband"s at the lower left, the wife's at topcenter, and the surname initial at the lower right.The large keystone of the Carlyle house in Alexandria,built in 1751, bears a triangular arrangement of Johnand Sarah Carlyle"s initials: J?c.**Like Carlyle, Mercer used initials in this fashion,but also, as we have seen, in two other combinationsin which "J. M." remains constant, the upper centerinitial having a subordinate significance. "S" signi-fies .Sumner"s Quarters, and ""B,"' Bull Run Quarters.
"C" on seals and brands having to do with Marl-borough apparently refers to Catherine, honoring heras Mercer's wife and mistress of the home plantation.The possibility that "C" stands for Cave's warehousemay be dismissed as being inconsistent with the othertwo marks, the tobacco from Sumner's Quartershaxing also been shipped through Cave's, and thatfrom Bull Run Quarters having been stored at theQccaquan warehouse.*-'John Withers also u.sed the left-to-right arrange-ment, i?w, although Henry Tyler, a planter whoseaccount is mentioned in Mercer's Ledger, used theconventional three-letter cipher, hTm. These marksoccurred on casks transmitted to Mercer as payments,and are recorded in Ledger G (fig. 7).TOBACCO EXCHANGETobacco, before being transferred to another owner,was examined by official inspectors. Mercer kept aspecial "Inspector's Notes" account where he kepttrack of fees due the in.spectors. Direct payments oftobacco were made in transactions with William
*' Gay Montaguk Moore, Seaport in Virginia (Richmond,1949), p. 62.
*" C. Malcolm VVatkins, "The Three-initial Cipher:Exceptions to the Rule," Antiques (June 1958), vol. 73, no.6, pp. 564-565.
Iliiiitcr and Cliailcs Dick, thr I"icdfiick.sljuii? mer-chants from whom Mercer bought most of his goodsand suppUcs. To others, however, payments weremade in a complexity of tobacco notes, legal-feepayments, and plain bartei'. Tobacco shipped over-seas was usually handled 1)\' Sydenham & Hodgson.Also involved with tobacco transactions in Englandwere two X'irginia merchants. Major John Champe,a distinguished resident of King George Countywho lived at Lamb's Creek plantation, and WilliamJordan, of Richmond County, both of whom ar-ranged for purchases of books, furniture, and otheiEnglish imports for Mercer.The following arc excerpts from Sydenham &Hodgson's accomu in Ledger G:
1743June
NovciiiIk'
I74?j
.May
Iel>
1747St-pieinb'
1748June
1749Scptcinb'
To 8 hhds. tob" con-signed you by thePri[n]cc of DenmarkTo 6 hhds by the
I larrington
To 5 hhds by Cap"Lee LOSTTo 10 hhds by Cap'Pcrr>'
1.) 10 hhds by Cap?Pcrryinan
lo 10 hhds by Cap"Dunaldson Losr
63
29
51
35
IT)
14
162 17 14lo 24 hhds tob" soldMr. JordanRevealed in this account are the hazards of shippinggoods ovci-scas in the 18th century. .A partnershipapparently figured in the second loss at sea. however,as the following entrv in Ledger G shows:June 1747 By Profit & Loss for the half ?75.l5.3?iof 20 hhds by Donald.soriin llic Cumberland & LostBy William Jordan for dieother half,lirtween 1747 and 1750 Mercer lost a total of 107hogsheads of tobacco. Over and above this, however,he shipped overseas tobacco to the amount of?31t."i lis. 7d.. diiriiic the same periixl.CLIEMS
.Mei-cer's success was gaiticd despite the failuresof a great many persons to pay the fees they owed
riijure 8.
?
WlNt-Boiiii - >i ..n .-mi. .%,...!. . .i.Marlboroui;h. with same arrauKement of initialsused ill the .Marlborough tobacco seal.
him. In 1745 he listed 303 "Insolvents, bad &doubtful debts." That matters were no worse maybe attributed to a high average of responsible clients.
.?Xmong them were such well-known \'ii-ginians asDaniel Dulaney, William and Henry Fitzhugh.William Randolph, .Augustine, John, and I^wrcnccWashington, Cierard Fowke, Richard Taliaferro,John and Daniel Farkc Custis, .Andrew and ThomasMonroe, George Tayloe, George Lcc, George W- ?''.and William Ramsay.
CI.OTIII.N'GBy the early 1 740's Mercer was in a position tosurround hinwelf with symlxjis of wealth and prestige.C;lothes, a traditional measure of alTluence. were no\sa growing concern for himself and his family. Between1741 and 1744, the ledger rc>cals, he purchasedfrom William Hunter a greatcoat, women's stockings,women's calf shoes, morocco pumps, a "fine hat."three felt hats, two dozen "plaid hose," two pairs ofmen's shoes, one pair of "Women's Spanish Shoes,"and "2 p' Calf D". " In 1744 and 1745 he Ijoughifrom Charles Dick two pairs of "women's coll"''lamb glo\'es," two pairs of silk stcKkinus, "1 \rl\eilaced hood," a "laced hat," a "C^istor" ^i.e., br.ivn ihat, "fine thread stockiiigs," silk handkerchiefs, a
"flower'd |iettycoai." worsietlskin gloves. From Hugh Mtailor, he obtained a suit in 1745The rise in Mercer's wxalth and piotigc is icilccicu
31
in his patronizing Williamsburg tailors, beginningin 1745 when he settled with George Charleston fora tailor's bill of ?6 10s. In 1748 he paid Charlestonfour shillings for "'Collar lining a Velvet Waistcoat."In 1749 he purchased a "full trimni'd velvet Suit"fiom Charles Jones, the work and materials totaling?7 7s. 4j:d., while in 1750 he spent ?11 2s. \%d.on unitemized purchases from the same tailor.In that year he bought also from Robert Crichton, aWilliamsburg merchant, "a flower'd \'elvet Waist-coat, ?5." As the decade advanced, Mercer playedwith increasing consciousness the role of wealthygentleman, as his choice of tailors shows.MATERIALS
Textile materials, as seen under "General Ex-penses" and in the accounts of Hunter and Dick,ran the gamut of the usual imported fabrics, as well
as rare, expensive elegancies. An alphabetical listof the materials mentioned in these accounts, withdefinitions, is given in Appendix I.From this list we gain an impression of greatdiversity and refinement in the materials used forclothing and interior decoration, as well as of atremendous amount of sewing, embroidering, andmaking of clothes at home, probably typical of mostof the great plantations in the middle of the century.WEAVING
In addition to fine imported materials, there wereneeded blankets, work clothes for slaves, and fabricsfor other practical purposes. To these ends Merceremployed several weavers in various parts of Virginia.In 1747 William Threlkeld wove 109 yards of woolencloth at fourpence a yard. During that year and thenext, John Booth of King George County wove anindeterminate amount for a total of ?2 4d. In 1748John Fitzpatrick wove 480 yards of cotton at four-pence a yard, and William Mills wove 30 yards of
"cloath." Much of the work appears to have beendone in payment for legal services.Weaving and spinning cvidendy were done atMarlborough, as they were at most plantations. In1744 Mercer recorded under "General Charges" thathe had sold a loom to Joseph Foxhall. In 1746 hebought a spinning wheel from Captain Wilson ofWhitehaven, England, purchasing three more fromhim in 1 748. Wool cards also appear in the accounts.In January 1748 Mercer charged William Mills with
"3 months Hire of Thuanus the Weaver, ?3," which
suggests that Thuanus was an indentured whiteservant (his name does not occur on the list of slaves)employed at Marlborough and hiied out to Mills, aStafford County weaver.PERSONAL ACCESSORIES
In contrast to the elegancies of dress materials andclothing, Mercer left little evidence of jewelry, toilet
articles, or other personal objects. In Ledger G wefind "2 horn combs" bought for fivepence, an ivorycomb for tenpence, two razors, two strops, snufif-boxes, bottles of snuff, "a smelling bottle," and "buck-handled" and silver-handled penknives. From JohnHyndman, a Williamsburg merchant, Mercer acquireda set of silver buckles for ?1 10s., and from WilliamWoodford he bought "a gold watch. Chain & Swivel"for the not-trifling sum of ?64 6s. 3d.Like most successful men, Mercer had his portraitpainted. During the General Court sessions heldin the spring and fall of 1748 in Williamsburg, helodged with W'illiam Dering, the dancing master andportrait painter. Dering lived in the house stillstanding on the capitol green, now known as theBrush-Everard house. In Dering's account we find:
"by drawing my picture, ?9.2.9." ""FOOD AND DRINKGood food and drink played an important part inMercer's life, as it did in the lives of most Virginiaplanters, hi the ledger accounts are found bothdouble-refined and single-refined sugar, bohea tea,coffee, nutmegs, cinnamon, mace, and chocolate.Most meats were provided by the plantation andthus are not mentioned, while fish were caught fromthe plantation sloop or by fixed nets. However,Thomas Tyler of the Eastern Shore sold Mercer abarrel of drumfish and four and one-half bushels ofoysters, while Thomas Jones, also of the Eastern Shore,provided a barrel of pork for 47s. 6d. in 1 749. Earlierthere appeared a ledger item under "GeneralCharges" for 1775 pounds of pork.Molasses was an important staple, and Mercerbought a 31 -gallon barrel of it from one "CaptainFitz of the Eastern Shore of Maryland" in 1746 and30 gallons the next year, charging both purchases to
'"Sec J. Hall Pleasant.s, '"William Dering. a mid-cight-eenth-century Williamsburg Portrait Painter," VH.M (Rich-mond, 19.'J2), vol. 60, pp. 53-63.
I'igure 9.
?
Frknch horn dated 1 7jy. Mcrci-r pur-chased a "frcnch horn" like this from Charles Dickin 1743. (LSNM 95.269.)
his wife. In 1750 he received 88 gallons of molassesand 255 pounds of "niuscovy sugar" from RobertTodd. Musco\y sugar was the same as "muscavado"sugar, the unrefined brown sugar of the West Indies,known in Spanish as mascahado.Beverages and the fruits to go with them w-crcboucht in astonishing quantities between 1744 and1750. Major Robert Tucker, a Norfolk merchant,exchanged a "Pipe of Wine" worth ?26 and a I07)j-gallon hogshead of ruin \alued at ?22 in return forMercer's legal ser\'ices. Again as a legal fee, Mercerreceived 55 gallons of ".Syder" from Janet Holbrookof Stafford and bought 1 1 limes from John Mitchelsonof \ovV. for 12 shillings. From Willi;im Black hepurchased "11 dozen and II bottles of Ale" at 13
shillinus, and from John Harsxy "5'i; dozen ofCMaret" for ?11 6d. "Mark Talbott of the Kingdomof Ireland E"^" sold Mercer a pipe of wine for ?3 3s.
LIFE OF THE CHILDREN
During the 1 74U"s Mercer's first four survivint;children, George, John Fenton, James, and SarahAnn Mason Mercer,"' were growing up, and theaccounts are scattered through with items pertainint;to their care and upbringing. There arc delightfullittle hints of Mercer's role as the afTectionate father.On May 17, 1743, "By Sundiy Toys" ajipeais inHunter's account: ait item of"! horses I**" in Dick's
.iccount for 1745 was undoubtedly a tov. Most
?' Born 1733. 1735. 173ti. .ind 17 18. rrsprciivcly.
Figure lu.? .Mlrclr i-iiim .\ iuirnb(x>k in hisGeneral .Account in 1743. It protxibly rrscmblcdthb typical hornbook in the collection ofNf'-' \rthur M. Greenwood.
charming of all the entries in the latter account is
"I Coach in a box 6". 4 To\-s. B"*, 2 Singing birds"The birds may have occupied a birdcage and st.indbought from George Rock, the account for whichwas settled a year later.
"I frcnch horn" and "3 trumpets" air listed in theDick account. The horn was pmbably used inhunting; the three trumpets were lx>ught p-for the three lx)>-s. Mercer's libr.irv- coniainci. ?lx)ok of iinLsic entitled I hr Stusual Attu/Uawi, \?hlcl>may have furnishetl the scores for a boyish trm oftrumpets. Music and dancing were a part ?'' ??"?life at Marlborough, and in 1745 an entr>'
"General Gharges" reads "To DcKeyscr for a >cj?i>
33
dancins; four children ?16," while in the followingyear nincpcncc was paid William Allan "for hisFidler." In 1 747 "Fiddle strings" were bought fromFielding Lewis in Fredericksburg for 2s. 4).>d.From the ledger we also learn much about thechildren's clothing: child's mittens and child's shoes,boy's pumps, boy's shoes, girl's shoes, boy's collaredlamb gloves, two pairs of "girl's clock'd Stocking,"
"2 p' large boys Shoes 6' 2 p'' smaller 5/ . . . 1 p'girls 22", 1 p'" smaller 20"," boy's gloves, and "Makinga vest and breeches for George" in October 1745.In 1748 Captain Wil.son brought hom England "aWig for George," worth 12 shillings. George thenhad reached the age of 15 and young manhood.Hugh MacLane, the Stafford tailor, was employed tomake clothes for the three boys?a suit for George,and a suit, vest, coat, and breeches each for James andJohn.That the children were educated according to time-honored methods is revealed in the "General E.x-penses" account for May 1743, w'hcre "1 hornbook3"" is entered. The hornbook was an ancient instruc-tional device consisting of a paddle-shaped piece ofwood witii the al[)hai.)et and the Lord's Prayer printedor otherwi.se lettered on paper that was glued to thewood and covered for protection with thin sheets oftranspaieiit horn. Elaborate examples sometimeswere covered with tooled leather, or were made ofivory, silver, or pewter. The mention of hornbooksin colonial records is a great rarity, although theywere conunonplace in England until about 1800.The Mercer children were taught by private tutors.One, evidently engaged in England, was the Rev-erend John Phipps, who was paid a salary of ?100annually and, presumaiily, his board and lodging.Mercer noted in his journal on November 18, 1746,that "Mr Phipps came to Virginia." That Mr.Phipps left something to be desired was revealedyears later in the letter written in 1768 by John toGeorge Mercer, who was then in England, askinghim to find a tutor for his younger children: ". . .the person you engage may not pretend, as M"^Phipps did that tho' he undertook to instruct mychildren he intended boys only, & I or my wifemight teach the girls. As I have mentioned M"'Phipps, it must remind you that a tutor's good nature& agreeable temper arc absolutely necessary bothfor his own ease & that of the whole family.'"'^
C-nr^r Mercer Papers, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 202.
In 1750 George entered the College of Williamand Mary. He had a room at William Dering'shouse, and liu- accoimt of "Son's Maintenance atWilliamsburg" provides an interesting picture of awell-to-do college-boy's expen.ses, chargeable to hisfather. Such items as "To Cash p" for LotteryTickets'' (?7 10s. 6d.), "To Covington the DancingMaster . . . 2.3," "To W? Thomson for Taylor'swork" (?1 9s. 6d.), "To p" for Washing" (?1 ' Is.),and "To Books for sundrys" (?22 4s. 7;^d.) show avariety of obligations comparable to those sometimesencountered on a modern campus. The entireaccount appears in Appendix J.BUILDING THE MANOR HOUSEAs early as 1 742 the ledger shows that Mercerwas building steadily, although the nature of whathe built is rarely indicated. Hunter's account for1742 lists 2500 tenpenny nails and 1000 twenty-penny nails, while in the following year the same ac-count shows a total of 4200 eightpenny nails, 5000 ten-penny, 2000 fourpcnny, and 1000 threepenny nails.The following tools were bought from Hunter in1744: paring chisel, l)4-inch auger, f^-inch auger,socket gouge, broad axe, adze, drawing knife, mortice
chisel, a "square Rabbit plane," and "ploughIron & plains." In Charles Dick's account we findpurchases in 1745 of 16,000 flooring brads, 4000twenty-penny nails, 2000 each of fourpenny, sixpenny,eightpenny, and tenpenny brads, and 60,000 four-penny nails.Beginning in 1 744 Mercer made great purcha.ses oflumber. Thomas Tylei- of the Eastern Shore .sold him2463 feet of plank in that year, and in 1 745 madeseveral transactions totaling 5598 feet of 1-, 1)2-,and 2-inch plank, as well as 23,170 shingles. In 1746Charles Waller of Stafford sold Mercer 5193 feet of1-, 1)4-, and IJo-inch plank. In the same year JamesWaughhop of Maryland provided "4000 foot of Plankof different thicknesses for ?12," and in May 1749,
"2300 foot of 1 'o Inch Plank at 7 ." Mercer madeseveral similar purchases, including 14,700 shingles,from Robert Taylor of the Eastern Shore.Where all these materials were used is a matter forconjecture. We know that Mercer made "Improve-ments" to the extent of "saving" 40 lots under theterms of the .^ct for Ports and Towns, and that agreat deal of construction work, therefore, was goingon. One building was probably a replacement for awarehouse, for a laconic enti"y in his journal on New
'Vear's day of 1 746 notes that "My warehouses burnt."
Tlu-sf wfic cluulxlfss ihf l}uiiclini;s ciccti-d in 1 732
;iikI odicially vacated in 173J. That at least oneeventually was rebuilt for Mercer's own use is knownfrom an overseer's report of 1771 (Appendix M).
riu" windmill, the foundations of which still remainin part near the Potomac shore, was probably built in
I 74t). Mercer's cash account for that year includesan item of 2s. 6d. for "Settinij up Mill," whichapparently meant adjusting the millstones for properoperation. In August he paid Nathaniel C'hapman?22 lys. 8',d."in full for Smith's work." .\ windmill,with its bearings, levers, lifts, and shafts, would .seemto ha\e been the only structure requiring such a costlyamount of ironwork.The most elaborate project of all, however, is clearlydiscernible in the ledijer. In 1 74t) Thomas Ander-
son,'** in consideration of cash and legal services,charged for "making & burning 40"" Stock bricks" at4 pounds t) pence per 1 000. In the same year DavidMinitree, described i)y Mercer as a "Bricklayer,"came to Marlborough from Williamsburg. Minitreewas more than an ordinary bricklayer, however, forhe had worked on the Mattaponi church, and later,between I 750 and 1 753, was to build Carter's Grovefor C:arter Burwell.**The credit side of Minitree's account in Ledtjer Gis as follows: ? s. d.1746Deccmb' 5 By making & burning 9 5 7^tl.2'.". Bm. k^ .ir i/r.
1747Scplenib'
" Prob.ibly the same Thomas Anderson whose appoinlinrnt
.u lob.icco insprrtor .it Pane's w.irchouse, Hanover County,was unsticressfully protested on the h.isis that the job required
"a person skilled in writinK and expert in accounts" (CaltnJar
of yirginia Slalf /'afirri, op. cit. (footnote 18). vol. I. pp. 23.1-234). A letter to Thom.is Anderson of Hanover County w.islisted as uncalled for at ll.e Willianubun; Post OfRce in .SukusI,1752 (Virginia GaiflU: all references to the Gaz'tlfs result from
use of Ijster J. Cappon and Stklla F. IXtf, I'lrginia CoiflttImitx I73f>-I730 fWilli.imsbunj. I'>.t<)]. and niicrotilni pub-lished by The Institute of n.irlv .\Mirrir.in lli<tnr\ ukI fiilttirrWillianisburR, 1950]).
?? See Thomas Tii.rsTON W Mm VI Ns. i "- 'i'iihhm. ./ . i-]....,,.,1706-1776 (C:hapel Ilill: 1 he L'niversity of North Cjirolina
1'rcs.s, l'M6). pp. 18:^-184, and Marci-s Wliirrr.s. ththiblie Duitdingi of tt'illiamihurf (Williaiu'lmri;. Vinjinia:Colonial WillianisburK. Inc., 19.'>8). pp. 84
By stai kini; & burning11,20() ir at 1/6Bv makinc St. humini; 14
11 1000 D" ..By short paid m iijnOrder on Maj'Cham|K-By l)uildini( part oftny House
16
2
4
10
r,
Ui>.
The last item, in particular, is clear itidication thaian architectural project of importance was un<!-and that .Mercer had set about to make Marlbu: ,..the equal of N'irginia's great plantations. OiJy "partof my house" was built by Minitree, yet his bill wasmore than five times the total cost of Mrii<i"sprevious house, completed in 1730!Since it was customaiy in X'iitjinia to i- kson the site of a new house, utilizing the u ;gclay excavated from the foundation, Minitree, as wellas Anderson, made his bricks at Marllxjri" eusing them. Mortar for laying bricks w.i- oflime from oystershclls. In 1747 and 1748, wc learnfrom the ledger, 61 '4 hogsheads of oyster >'l)ought from .\braham Basnett, an "()>-payment having been made in cash, ineat, andbrandy. "Flagstones &c" were obtainetl in 1747through Major John Champc at a cost of ?3t< 4s. fid.These may have Ijeen the same stones brought up as
"a load of stone" by "Boaf.swain H.ivis" nf THole in Pa-sapatanzy in October 1747 for ?4Early in 1748 a new sot of developments coiKcrningthe house took place. Major William ^'
.StafTord, revealed in the journal and tluan old acquaintance of Mercer's, then became the
"undertaker." or contractor, for the hou<ic. Walkerwas a talented man who had started out as a cabinet-maker, a craft in which his brother RolxTt stillcontinued. Whiflfen (TV /^i' ' " ' ? " ' ?hurg) shows that he l)oth dr- fhouse for St. Paul's Parish. Hanover C4)unt\. -.i;1739-1740. and the steeple for St. Prt 'New Kent the latter year. .\lso in Ibridge acrass the Pamunkey for H . .\ithe same time that he w.i< ? ...-.?-mansion, he undertook in Mburned capitol at Williantsburg. He died 1 1 months
later before bringing cither of these major projectsto completion."''Walker's carpenter was William Monday. Mercer
settled with Monday in March 1748 for a total billof ?126 16s. 2}^d., but with a protest addressedto himself in the ledger: ''By work done aijout myHouse which is not near the \alue as by Maj Walker'sEstimate below, yet to avoid l)is])utes & as he isworth nothing I give him CIredit to make a fullBallance."Meanwhile, William Bromley, a joiner, had goneto work on the interior finish. Like Minitree andWalker, Bromley represented the highest caliber ofartisanship in the colony. Eighteen years laterMercer referred to Bromley, "who," he said, "Ibelieve was the best architect that ever was inAmerica." '" Bromley employed several appi entices,among them an Irishman named Patterson.'" Forthe interval from July 9, 1748, to December 25,1750, Bromley was paid ?140 Is. Wd., almostentirely for wages. The payment included "3 p''hollows & rounds / 6 plane irons / 1 gallon Brandy."For the same period Andrew Beaty, also a joiner,received ?113 5s. 1 'i'd. On June 19, 1749, Mercernoted in his journal, "Beaty's apprentice came towork." These men were specialists in framingwoodwork and in making paneling, doors, wainscot-ing, and e.xterior architectural elements of wood.The opulence of the building's finish is indicatedby a charge on Walker's account for "his Carver'swork 69 days at 5/, ?17. 15 . . . ." Previously,while Minitree was still working on the house, anitem had been entered in August 1747, "To Cashpaid for cutting the Chimneypiece . . . 6.3." Achimneypiece was usually the ornamental trim orfacing around a fireplace opening, although in thisinstance the overpanel may have been meant.Jacob Williams, a plasterer, worked 142}^ daysfor a total of ?22 4s. 4d., while his helper JosephSurges was employed 43 days for ?5 7s. 6d.Walker charged ?3 8s. lid. for "his Painters work
" WniFFEN, ibid., pp. 134-137, 217; JHB, 1742-1747;1748-1749 op. cit. (footnote 6), p. 312; JHB, 1752-1755;/755-775? (Richmond, 1909), p. 28.
?? Purdi<- & Dixon's Virginia Cazelte, September 26, 1 7t)(i.Mercer spelled the name Brownley in Ledger G, but in theGazette article it is printed consistently as Bromley. As publishedin the Geome Mercer Papers it is spelled, and perhaps miscopied,BramUy. We have chosen Bromley as the most likely spelling,in the absence of other references to him.
'" Gemge Mercer Papers, op. cit. (footnote .'il ). p. 204.
about my house," and a purchase of "42 gallons ofLinseed Oyl" was recorded in the general chargesaccount. Three books of goldleaf, which Mercerhad obtained from George Gilmer, the Williamsburgapothecary, were charged, together with paint, toWalker.In May 1750, a charge by George Elliot, "Turner,Stafford," was recorded, "By turning 162 Ballusters
at 6'', ?4.1 . . . ." Another item, for supplying
"341}.^ feet Walnut Plank at 2''," settled in (October,may have been for the wood of which the balusterswere made.Thomas Barry, "Bricklayer," carried on the workthat Minitree had not completed. His account for1749 follows: ? s. d.By Building the Addition to my House 2622 Arches at 6/ 6 1
2
900 Coins & Returns at 6/ 2 14A Frontispiece 3 10Underpinning & altering the Cellar 2
raising a Chimney I 5building an Oven 15building a Kiln 1building a Kitchen 9 103 Arches at 6/ 182 Plain D? at 2/6 5500 Coins & returns at 6/ 1 10
55 19Expensive stone was imported for the house byCaptain Roger Lyndon, master of the Marigold.,whose account occurs in the ledger: ? s. d.1749 April By 630 Bricks at 20/ p' 10m.Dec"^ By Gen'l Charges forhewn Stone from MNicholson ^ 65 16 4
1 750 June B\ Cien'l Charges foi-sundrys by the Mari-goldBy Do for freight ofStones to my House 5
It is interesting to note that bricks, probably carriedfrom England as ballast, were brought by CaptainLyndon.Not all the hewn stone was fashioned in England.
"' Captain Timothy Nicholson was a London merchant andshipmaster engaged in the Virginia trade with whom Mercerarranged several transactions.
?r 'W
ih)
1
Figure 11.?Fireplace mantels illustrated in William Salmon's Palladia(Courtesy of the Lihrary of Congrtss.) Londonfiiis.
William C^opcin, a Prince William County mason,and Job Wigley were employed together in 1749to the amount of ?2 8s. In 1750 Copein was paidIjy Mercer for 64 days of work at 3s. Id. per day,totaling ?9 17s. 4d. Copein was another accom-plished craftsman, the marks of whose skill still arcto be seen in the carved stone doorways of AquiaChurch in Stafford County and in the baptismal fontat Pohick C^hurch in Fairfax.The design of the house will be considered in moredetail later in the light of both archcological anddocumentary evidence. It is already quite clear,however, that the new maiuion was remarkably
clalxjrate, reflecting the workmaiuhip of some of\irginia's best craftsmen. The most significant cluesto its inspiration are found in the titles of four Ixxjkswhich Mercer purcha.scd in 1747. These arc luted
in the inventor>' of his books in Ledger G as follo\%:s:
"Hoppnc's Architecture." ThU was probably I Ik OfHlt-mans ami '' ''D/sigm A'B. ( usrjui ana trtjuiiitrfity Edward Hoppus -.-the Corporation of the Lxindon Awnrnncredited Salmon's P-i''on arc hilr( iiirr n.n.mistake.
!? I
apiicinrd in .il Ic.m twn r?iiihad a prufound inllurncc onthe colonin during the mid-ceniui-^
u nler
'1
from Christopher Wren down to Robert .\dain. Lndcr
A JluiHck PaUadio.
Figure 12.
?
Door\va%-s illustrated in William Salmon's Paitadio Lum/onensis (the LondonArt of Building), one of the books used by William Biomlcy, the chief joiner who workedon Mercer's mansion. {Courtesy of the Library of Congress.)
lilt' |i.iiri)iMi{(- uf Lord Builint'lon. this book \va.s bruui(lituut in London in an En^lish translation by GiacoiimLconi under the title I lit Arihtlfiluir nf A. Pallailio; in FourBooks. It had appeared in three editions prior to thisinventor>', in 1715, 1 72 1 , and 1 742, according to FiskeKimball {.Domestic Architfilure of the Amrritan Coloniesand uj the luirly Re/iuhlie; New York: Charles Scribncr'sSons, 1924, p. 58). Mercer probably owned one of these.I.angley's City & Country Builder." City and Countryliuilder's and Workman's Ireasury of Design by BattcyLanglcv', 1 "40, 1 743. 'I'hi.s was anijther copybook muchused by builders and provincial architects.All four of these books were listed in succession inthe ledger and bracketed together. Next to thebracket are the initials "WB," to indicate that theIxKjks had been lent to someone who bore thoseinitials. In this case it is virtually certain that theinitials are those of William Bromley, to whom thelx)oks would have lx*en of utmost importance indesigning the woodwork of the house.Door hardware was purchased from William Jordanin June 1749, according to an item for '"Locks &Hinges" that amounted to the large sum of ?13 8s. 8d.
DOMESTIC FURNISHINGS
As the mansion progressed, so did the acquisition offurnishings suitable to its elegance. As early as 1742,doubtless in anticipation of the new house, Mercerhad bought from Hunter a "lanthorn." three por-
ringers, two cotton counterpanes at 27s., a platewarmer for 7s. 6d., a half-dozen plates for 3s. bd., ahalf-dozen deep plates for 6s., a dozen "Stone CofTcecups" for 18d., a dozen knives and forks for 3s., twotin saucepans at 4d. each, and "4 Dishes, 19^ lib."(obviously large pewter chargers). In 1743 hebought "3 gallon Basoas 4 7" and "2 pottle Basons at2 4" (for toilet use), "1 Soop .Spoon 1," and "1Copper Chocolate pot 7/6 & mull Stick ffi," "2 blewiV W' Jugs 2 " (probably Westerwald stoneware),and "I Flanders Bed Bunt. 2')" frnli.rcfl lotiun orlinen used for Ix-dcovcrs).In 1744 Mercer acquired hum Ciliailcs Dick 4candlesticks for a penny each, 2 pairs of large hing<-s,a "hair sifter," "2 kitchen buck hand knives," 12 cupsand saucers for 2s., "I milkmaid 2"'" (probably ashoulder yoke), and "1 bucket 12*'." In 174.') a5-gallon "Stone Ixjttlc" for 3s. 6d., "1 doz. butcherknives," a hrarthbrcx>m, six spoons for a shilling, apair i>f scissors. "H ( 'h.irnlirrdiMir Links w"" brass
knobs ?2," and "I .Sett hncsl (Jhiiia i5, , 2 punchIxjwls . . . 2.7" were purchased.The following year Mercer paid a total of ?23 for a
silvei- sugar dish, \\' '; oz., 5 dwt.
;
teaspoons and tray, ? ist.; a teapot26 oz., 8 dwt. This lot uf silver probably was Imughiat second hand, having Ix-cn irfi-rrrd toPlate p" Edw" Wright as by Kic' ' H< _Coke, a Williamsburg silversmith, ?1 (is. for ??ing and cleaning it. In the meanwhile, ii ' ,.had sold Cloke ?tj worth of old silver. He .?quantity of "old Plate" for ?15 17s. 3d. to RichardLangton in England through Sydenham <t HtxJgson.In 1747 he made an large purchase of silver from thesilversmith William King** of Williamsburg:
dwt.May 1747
Mcamvhile, William \V"alkcr"s brother Robert made14 chairs for Mercer, on which VViliiain's carver spent54 days. The total cost was ?30 8s. The quality ofMercer's furniture is illustrated further by a pur-chase in 1750 from Lyonel Lydc,'"" a London mer-chant, of ?43 13s. worth of -'Cabinet Ware fromBelchier." Belchier was a leading London furnituremaker, whose shop in 1750 was located on the -'southside of St. Paul's, right against the clock." SirAmbrose Heal, in The London Furniture Makers, illus-trates a superb japanned writing cabinet in green andgold chinoLscrie made by Belchier in 1 730.'"' Belchieralso supplied Shalstonc Manor, the Buckinghamshireestate of Heniy Purcfoy, with a table-desk in 1 749(fig. 13).'"-The ledger notes other occasional purchases offurniture during this period. In 1746 Mercer paidcash "for oysters & a bedsteed," in the amount of10s. 6d. In September 1748, he bought "an Escri-toue" from tutor John Phipps, for which he paid ?5.LIGHTING DEVICES
Artificial lighting for the manor house receivessparse mention. 'J'he four candlesticks bought in 1 744for a penny each wcie probablv of iron or tin forkitchen use. Candlesticks purchased earlier probablvremained m use, sufficing for most illumination. I'tIS a modern misconception that colonial houses wereablaze at night with lamplight and candlelightCandles were expensive to buy and time-consumingto make, while lamps rarely were used before theend of the century in the more refined areas ofhouseholds. The principal use of candles was inguiding one's way to bed or in providing the minimumnecessary light to carry on an evening's conversation
The V,rg,ma C.a~elU on January 27, 1738, announced thatMajor Cornd.us Lydo, "Son of Mr. Uon.1 Lyde, an en.in.nmerchant in Bristol, died at his Mouse in A7?? WuLn Cou y ''
headed '^r Ly??,, i^yde, Mcrch' in London." Lyde died...1749 before Mercer settled his account. Elsewhere n heLyde"7r~' "'? i'^r" ''??P"' '^^^^""'?y- I'"-'- &hi >^Q- T r'' ^y'''- ^"?'^" I-y?"<-' Lyde, who
S'-* Amf.ro.se Meal, TA, London FurnUur. Makers from the
"^Z.V'l,^^'"" '""'-"" "-''"- ^-^^-^'
-ck& Jackson, Ltd., ,931), vol. I, pp. ,8, ,07. 11,, ,77. and
Hi
Figure 1.3.? I ABLE-DESK made in 1749 for HenryPurefoy of .Shalstonc ^fanor in Buckinghamshire byJohn Belchier of London. In the following year,
.John Mercer received f43 13s. worth of "CabinetWare" from that noted cabinetmaker. (Reproduce,!from Purefoy Letters. 1735-1753, 6'. B/and, ed..Sidgwick and Jackson, Ltd.. Ij)ndon. 1931. by courteouspermission of the publisher.
)
Diiiiiic; cold weather, fireplaces were a satisfactorysupplement. In Rcneral, early to bed and early to
rise was the rule, as William Byrd has shown us, and
artificial lii^ht was only a minor necessity.Nevertheless, some illumination was needed in thehalls and great rooms uf colonial plantation houses,especially when guests were present? as they usuallywere. The three sconce glasses which Captain Lyn-don delivered to Mercer in 1 748 were doubtlesselegant answers to this requirement. These glasseswere mirrors with one or more candle branches,arranged so that the light would be reflected andmultiplied. On special occasions, these, and perhapssome candelabra and a scattering of candlesticks tosupplement them, provided concentrations of light;for such affairs the use of ordinary tallow candles,with their drippings and smoke, was out of thequestion. A pleasant alternative is indicated by thepurchase in April 1749 of "11|: lib. Myrtle Wax
atl 5d . . . 14.4!;;" and "4 lib Beeswax 6/" fromThomas Jones of the Eastern Shore. Similar pur-chases also are recorded. Myrtle wax came fromwhat the \'irginians called the myrtle bush, betterknown today as the bayberr)- bush. Its gray berriesyielded a fragrant aromatic wax much favored in thecolonies. In making candles it was usually mixedwith beeswax, as was evidently the case here. Aclean-burning, superior light source, it was nonethe-less an expensive one. Burning in the brackets of thesconce glasses at Marlborough, heightening theshadows of the Palladian woodwork and, whensnufTed, emitting its faint but delicious fragrance,it must have been a delight to the c>es and the
nostrils alike.
NEGROESNegroes played an increasingly important part inthe life of Marlborough, particularly after the manorhouse was built. Between 1731 and 1750 Mercerpurchased 89 Negroes. Most of these arc listed byname in the ledger accounts. Forty-six died in thisperiod, while 2.'> were l)orn, leaving a total (if fi*')Negroes on his staff in 1750. In I 74t) he Ixjught ?>men and 14 women at ?21 10s. from Manner &King in Williamsburg. The new house and theexpanded needs for s?-i-\-ice were perhaps the re.isonsfor this largest single purchase of slaves.There is no indication that Mercer treated hisslaves other than well, or that they caused him anyserious difliculties. On the other hand, his frequent
reference to them by name, the recording of theirchildren's names and birth dates in his ledger, andthe mention in his journal of new births among hisslave population all attest to an essentially paternalisticattitude that was characteristic of most N'irginiaplanters during the 18th century. fJood phv^iralcare of the Negroes was motivated p'by self-interest in protecting an in\?-iin. m ..> ,>humane considerations, but, nonethelevs, we find suchitems in the ledger as "To Cash p"* Doctor Lynn fordelivering Deborah."That discipline served for the Negroes as it usuallydid for all colonials, whether the lawbreaker wereslave, bondsman, or free citizen, is indicated by anentry in the Dick account: "2 thongs w"" Silk lashes1,3." One must Ijear in mind that corporal punish-ment was accepted universally in the 18th ccnturv-.Its application to slaves, however, usually was left tothe discretion of the slave owner, so that the restraintwith which it was administered depended largelyupon the humanity and wisdom of the master.The u-sc of the lash was more often than notdelegated to the overseer, who was hired to run, orhelp run, the plantation. It was the overseer whohad a direct interest in eliciting production from thefield hands; a sadistic overseer, therefore, mightcreate a hell for the slaves under him. It is clearfrom Mercer's records that some of his overseerscaused problems for him and that at least one wasa brutal man. For October 1747 a chilling cntr>-appears in the account of William G\ i over-seer at Bull Run (,)uariei-s: "To .Negi' .w youmade hang himself. ?35." Entered in the ?'Negroes"account, it reappears, somewli ' ToWilliam Graham for Frank (,H.! m.?50. 15." This is one of several instances on recordof Negroes driven to suicide as ' seto enduring cruelties.'"" In thi- .isfined 50 shillings and 1293 pounds of tobacco.We do not know, of couitic. whether other Nrvrorslisted as dead in .Mercer's account died of naturalcauses or whether cruel treatment contributed totheir deaths. In the ca.se of a homesick .\' 'd)oe, who r.in away for the thiul time in 1 <rseems reluctantly to have resorted to an oHer ufreward and an ap|>eal to the law. Even h>, he
;.,, 107 i(ie; I 1
pp. 271,272. 381
declined to place all the blame on Joe. Joe hadbeen '"Coachnian to Mr. Belfiekl ol RichmondCount) and in the reward offer Mercer states thatJoe
. . . was for some time after he first ran away lurkingabout the Widow Belfield's Plantation .... He is a
short, well-set Fellow, about 26 Years of .Age, and tookwith him several cloaths, among the rest a Suit of Blue,lined and faced with Red, with White Metal Buttons,Whoever will secure and bring home the said Negroe,
shall receive Two Pistoles Reward, besides what theLaw allows: And as I have a great Reason to believe,that he is privately encouraged to rim away, and thenharboured and concealed, so that the Person or Persons soharbouring him may be thereof convicted, I will pay tosuch Discoverer Ten Pistoles upon Conviction. Thisbeing the third I ri|i he has made since I bought him inJanuary last, I desire he may receive such Correction inhis Way home as the Law directs, when apprehended.""Whether Joe received the harsh punishment hisoffense called for is not recorded. However, in 1748Mercer accounted for cash paid for "Joe's Lodging &burial ?3. 10.," suggesting that Joe enjoyed death-bed care and a decent burial, even though he mayhave succumbed to "such correction ... as the lawdirects."As has already been suggested, his o\'erseers seemto have given Mercer more trouble than his slaves.One was Booth Jones of Stafford, about whom Mercerconfided in his ledger, "By allowed him as Overseertho he ran away about 5 weeks before his time wasout by w'''' 1 suffered more damage than his wholewages. ?3. II." Meanwhile, in 1746 WilliamWheeland, an overseer at Bull Run Quarters,
"imbezilled" 40 barrels of corn.James Savage was one of the principal overseersand seems to have been in charge first at Sumner'sQuarters and then at Bull Run Quarters. JohnFerguson succeeded him at the former place. WilliamTorbutt was also at Bull Run, while Mark Cantonand Nicholas Seward were overseers at Marlborough.The outfitting of slaves with proper clothes, blankets,and coats was an important matter. It called for suchpurchases as 121 ells of "ozenbrigs" from Hunter in
1 742. "Ozenbrigs" was a coarse cloth of a type madeoriginally in Oznabruck, Germany,'"' and was tradi-
"" Virginia Gazelle, September 12, 174,").
"* George Francis Dow, Everyday Life in the MassachusettsBay Colony (Boston: The Society for the Preservation of Newr i,.l .,1(1 Antiquities, 1935), p. 78.
tionally the .\egro field hand's raiment. Manypurchases of indigo point to the dying of "Virginia"
cloth, woven either on the plantation or by theweavers mentioned earlier. Presumably, shoes forthe Negroes were made at Marlborough, judging froma purchase from Dick of S}^ pounds of shoe thread.The domestic servants were liveried, at least after themansion was occupied. William Thomson, a Fred-ericksburg tailor, made "a Coat & Breeches [for]Bob, 11." Bob was apparently Mercer's personalmanservant, who had served him since 1732. Thom-son also was paid ?4 16s. 2d. for "Making Liveries."The listing of such materials as "scarlet duffel" and
"scarlet buttons" points to colorful outfitting ofslaves.
SAILING, FISHING, HUNTINGWater transportation was essential to all theplanters, most of whom owned sloops. We have seenthat Mercer used a sloop for his earliest trading
activities before he settled at Marlborough, and it isapparent that in the 1 740's either this same sloop oranother which may have replaced it still was operatedby him. Hauling tobacco to Cave's warehouse,picking up a barrel of rum in Norfolk or a load oflumber on the Eastern Shore were vital to the successof the plantation. To equip the sloop, 14 yards oftopsail, ship's twine, and a barrel of tar were pur-chased in 1747. Mercer had two Negroes named
"Captain" and "Boatswain," and we may supposethat they had charge of the vessel. Such an arrange-ment would not have been unique, for many yearsafter this, in 1 768, Mercer wrote that "a sloop ofM'' Ritchie's that came around from Rapp" for aload of tobacco stopped at my landing; his negroskipper brought me a letter from M'' Mills . . . ." '"^That there was considerable hunting at Marl-borough is borne out by repeated references topowder, shot, gunpowder, atid gunflints. Fishingmay have been carried on from the sloop and also intrap-nets of the same sort still used in Potomac Creekoff the Marlborough Point shore. In 1742 purchaseswere made of a 40-fathom seine and 3 perch lines,and in 1744 of 75 fishhooks and 2 drumlines.BOOKS
In Ledger G, Mercer listed all the books of hislibrarv before 1746. He then listed additions as thev
' George Menei Pafieis. op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 208.
occuiTccI tliioue;li 1750 (Appendix K). '1 Ins iisiomsli-
iiii? catalog, clisclusiiis; one of llu- lanjcst lihiaiii-s inX'irginia at that time, reveals the catholicity ofMercer's tastes and the inqiiirint; mind that laybehind them. Included in the catalog are the titlesof perhaps the most important law lil)rar>- in thecolony.The names of all sorts of hooLs on husbandly andagriculture arc to he found in the list: "Practice offarmini;," "Houghton's Husbandly." "Monarchy ofthe Bees," "Flax," "Gras,s," and Evelyn's "A Dis-course of Sallcts." Mercer's interest in brewing,which later was to launch a full-scale, if alxjrtive,commercial enterprise is reflected in "LondonBrewer." ".Scott's Distilling and Fermentation,"
"Hops," and the "Hop Gardin," while "The Crafts-man," "Woollen Manufacture," and "New Improve-ments" indicate his concern with the efficiency ofother plantation activities.He displayed an interest in nature and scienceispical of an ISth-century man: "Bacon's Natural
I liston'," "Gordon's Cosmography," "Gordon's Geog-r.iphy." ".Atkinson's Epitome of Navigation," "Oza-mun's Mathematical Recreations," "Kciirs Astron-omy," and ".Newton's Opticks." Two others were
"Baker's Microscope" and "Description of theMicrixscopc &c." It may be significant that in 1747Mercer bought three microscopes from one "Doctor
.Spencer" of Fredericksburg, the books on the subjectand the instruments themselves possibly having beenintended for the education of the three boys.
"I.')U Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis" appears, inaddition to "Ovid's Metamorphosis and 25 Sins," forwhich Mercer paid ?8 6s. to William Parks in 1746.
"C^atalog of Plants" and "Merian of Insects" areother titles related to natural scienceMany IxKjks on histoiy and biograpli\ .m- listedfor example, "Life of Oliver CTomwell," "Lives ofthe Popes," "Life of the Duke of .Xrgyle," "HughesHistoiy of Barbadoes," "Catholick Histoiy," "Historyof \irginia," "Dr. Holde's History of Clhina, " "TheI'.nglish .Acquisitions in Guinea," "Purchas's Pil-grimage."There arc 25 titles under "Physick & Surgery,"
reflecting the planter's need to know the rudiments ofmedical care for his slaves and family. .Art, architec-tuie. and tra\el interested him also, and we find suchtitles as "Noblemen's .Seats by Kip," "Willis's Sur\e^'of the Cathedrals," "8 \iews of .Scotland," "Perrier'sStatues," "Pozzo's Perspective," "UH) N'iews ofMrabant & Flanders." "HistorN of .Amphitheatres."
1 here was but oni- title on music " I lie .MMiscellany," mentioned previously. "ReportSilver Coins" was probably an English report on theexchange rate of silver coinage in the various Britishcolonies.Mercer kept abreast of English literature of his ownand preceding generations: "Swift's
".Spectator" and the "Tatler," "I
"Turkish Spy," "Tom Brown's Letters from theDead to the Living," "Pamela," "D.uid Sj
"Joseph .Andrews," ".Shakesjx-are's I'lavs,' i.Jon-son's Works, " "Wychcrlcy's Plays," "Prior'sWorks," "Savage's Poems," "Cbwley's Wj>rks,"and ".Select I'lays" (in 16 volumes), to mention buta few. The classics arc well represented? "Lauder-dale's Virgil," "Ovid's Art of Love," "Martial" (inGreek), as well as a Greek grammar and a Greektestament. There were the usual sermons and reli-gious books, along with such diverse subjects as
"Alian's Tacticks of War," "Weston's Treatise ofShorthand" and "Weston's Shorthand Copylxx)k,"and "Greave's Origin of Weights, &c." He sul)-scribed to the London Magazine and the Grnllrman iMagazine^ and received regularly the Virginia Gczrtlr.While most of Mercer's l>ooks were for intellectualedification or factual reference, a few must haveserved the purpose of sheer visual pleasure. Suchwas Merian's magnificent quarto volume of hand-colored engraved plati"s of Surinam iiwects, withdescriptive texts in Dutch. The 18th-century gentle-man's taste for the elegant, the "curious," and theaesthetically delightful were all satisfied in thisluxurious l)ook, which would have Ixrn placedappropriately on a table for the plea.sure of Mercer'sguests.'""
I hi; ptrmoN
.Although overseeing the construction of hi.-> ni.m^uMi.buying the furniture for it, and assembling a splendidlibrary would have lieen suflicient to keep lesser menbusy, Mercer was al>sorbed in other activities as well.On May 10. 1748. for example, he recorded in hisJournal that he went "to Raceground by JamesTaylor's & Wid" Taliaferro's." "" traveling 50 milesto do so. On December 13, 1748, he went "to
'? Mahia Smvij-* Mkiii\-'
it;
i.ifmxi" w.-u probably Nir?. John 1 oluucrro vt i>po?>ylvaiua.
43
Figure 14.
?
Archeologicai. survey plan superimposed over detail of 1691 plat, showingsouthwest corner of town developed by Mercer. It can be seen that the mansion founda-tion was in the area near the change of course "by the Gutt between Geo. Andrew's &the Court house," hence in the vicinity of the courthouse site.
StafTord Court & home. Swore to the Commissionof the Peace," thus becoming a justice of the peacefor Stafford County.In the meanwhile, years had gone by, and no actionhad been taken on the suit in chancery brought inthe 1 730's to establish Savage's survey of Marlboroughas the ofTicial one. During this time, Mercer hadcontinued to build on various lots other than thosehe owned, "relying on the Lease and Consent of
[the feoffees], at the Expense of above Fifteen Hun-dred Pounds, which Improvements would have savedforty lots." Finally, "judging the only effectual wayto secure his Title would be to procure an Act ofGeneral Assembly for that purpose," '"' Mercerapplied to the Stafford court to purchase the count>''sinterest in the town, to which the court agreed onAugust 11, 1747, the price to be 10,000 pounds of
108 Petition ofJohn Mercer, loc. cit. (footnote 17).
11
lohacro. Since this transaction required lei;isl.iii\<-
;i()|)iu\al, Mercer filed with the House of Burgessesthe petition vvliich has served so often in these pages(I) tell the histoiy of Marlljoroutjh.Mercer argued in the petition that the county hadnothini; to lose?that it "had received satisfaction"for at least 30 lots, some of which he niii^ht be obligedto buy over again; that, considering the history of thetown, no one but himself would be likely to take upany other lots, the last having been subscribed to in1708: and that his purchase of the town would be notto the county's disadvantage but rather to his owngreat expense. He was willing to accept an appraisalfrom "any one impartial person of Credit" whowould say the town was worth more, and to pay
"any C^onsideration this worshipful House shall thinkjust."He pointed out that the two acres set aside for thecourthouse were excluded and that they "must revertto the Heir of the former Proprietor, (who is now anInfant)." He did not indicate in the petition thathe himself was the guardian of William Brent, infantheir to the courthouse property. It is most significant,therefore, that in asking for favorable action he added,
"except the two acres thereof, which were taken infor a Court-house, as aforesaid and which he iswilling to lay of as this worshipful House may thinkmost for the Benefit of Mr. William Brent, the Infant,to whom the same belongs, or to pay him double ortreble the worth of the said two acres, if the same is also
vested in your Petitioner."' (Italics supplied.) Plainly,Mercer had much at stake in obtaining title to thecourthou.se land. This supports the hypothesis thatthe Gregg sunxy of 1707 infringed on the courthouseland, that Ballard's lot 19 on the Gregg sur\-ey over-lapped it. and that Mercer's first two houses, and nowhis mansion, were partly on land that rightfullybelonged to his ward, William Brent. Mercer
.ipparently had so built over all the lower part of
.Mailborough without regard to title of ownership,and had so committed him.self to occupancy of thecourthouse site, that he was now in the cml)arra.ssingposition of having to look after William Brent'sinterests when they were in conflict with his own.Likely it is that he had depended too much on accept-ance of the still-unauthorized .Savage suney to correctthe previous discrepancies by means of its extra rowof lots.Still further indication that the courthou.se landwas at issue is found in the proceedings that followedthe petition. In these, there are repeated references
to Menci s haMMi; been called u[>oii to l<^^ll\ .isthe Guardian of William Brent." C;learly, tlielegislators were concerned with the effect the accept-ance of the petition would have on Brcttt's interest*.If Mercer, as seems likfK. was building hi.* mansionon the courthouse land, the l)urges!?es had rcajK>n toquestion him. In any case, the H' .vaflirmative "That the said Petii.This setback was only temporary, however. Thewider problems of Marlborough had at lea.st beenbrought to light, so that by the time the next fallsession was held Mercer's 18-year-old .suit to haveSavage's designated the official sur\'ey finally wasacted upon:
"At a General Court held at the Court House inWilliamsburg the 12th October 1749" the John
.Savage sur\'cy of 1731 was "Decreed & Ordered"to be "the only Sur\'ey" of Marllxirough. Theproblem of overlapping boundaries occasioned by theconflicts between the first two surveys was solved
neatly. Mercer agreed to accept lots 1 through 9,22 and 25, and 33, 34. 42, and 43, "instead of the
s** 17 lots so purchased." The new lots extended upthe Potomac River shore, while the "s"* 17 lots" werethose which he had originally purchased and hadbuilt upon. Since he had "saved" these 17 lots bybuilding on them, according to the old laws for thetown, "it is further decreed & ordered that the saidTown of Marllx)rough grant & conve\- unto the s**John Mercer in fee such & so many other Lotts in thesaid Town as shall include the Houses & Iinprovm"made by the said John Mercer according to the Rateof 400 square feet of Housing for each Lot sa as theLots to be granted for any House of greater Dimen-sions be contiguous & arc not separated from thesaid House by any of the Streets of the said Town." '"'Thus, Mercer's original titles to 17 lots were madesecure by substituting new lots for the disputed oneshe had occupied. This device enabled the feoflTee* to
sell back the original lots at ?182 per lot withnew deeds drawn on the basis of the Sax'age sur\'e>'.The final provision that lots Ik" i* when ahouse larger than the minimum 1' , ? '' l<"et w.isbuilt on them, and that the house and lots shouldnot be .separated by streets fiDm eachteed the mlrfiil\ iif the in.iDMOii .itkI .'
"' ////', / ' ?'. pp. ril. .iixiii.nr II', pp.
'?'John Mcrici'. UikJ Uouk, loe. oil. (footnote IJl
land. No mention was made here, or in subsequenttransfers, of the courthouse land. Presumably it wasconveniendy forgotten, Mercer perhaps having dulyrecompensed his ward.HEALTH AND MEDICINEThree weeks before his petition was read in theHouse, Mercer became ill. On October 26, 1 748, henoted in his journal, "Very ill obliged to keep mybed." This was almost his first sickness after yearsof apparently robust health. Such indispositions ashe occasionally suffered had occurred, like this one, atWilliamsburg, where conviviality and rich food causedmany another colonial worthy to founder. In thiscase, anxiety over the outcome of his petition mayhave brought on or aggravated his ailment. Inany event, he stayed throughout the court session atthe home of Dr. Kenneth McKenzie, who treatedhim. On November 3 he noted that he was '"OnRecovery," and two days later "went out to take the
air." The following appears in his account withDr. McKenzie:October 1748: By Medicines & Attendancemyself & Ice ?7.19,11By Lodging &c 7 weeks 6. 6. 7From William Parks, on another occasion, hebought "Rattlesnake root," which was promotedin 18th-century Virginia as a .specific against thegout, smallpox, and "Pleuritick and PeripneumonicFevers." "- Twice he bought "British oyl," afavorite popular nostrum sold in tall, square bottles,and on another occasion "2 bottlesof Daffy"s Elixir." "'
"- Ten ye;irs earlier a vogue for rattlesnake root had beenestablished, apparently by those interested in promoting it.On June 16, 1738, Benjamin Waller wrote to the editor of theVirgiri'a Gazelle extolling the virtues of rattlesnake root in ate.stinioni;>l. He claimed it cured him quickly of the gout, and,he wrote, "I am also fully convinced this Medicine has savedthe Lives of many of my Negroes, and others in that Disease,which rages here, and is by many called a Pleurisy; And that it isa sure Cure in a Quartan .-\gue." Two weeks later the Gazettecarried "Proposals for Printing by Subscription a Treatise on theDISL.\SES of Virginia and the Neighbouring Colonies . . .To which is annexed, .\n Appendi.x, showing the strongestReiisons, a priori, that the .Seneca Rattle-Snake Root must be ofmore use than any Medicine in the Materia Medico."
'" Sec George B. Griffenhagkn and James Harvey Young,
"Old English Patent Medicines in .Vmerica," (paper 10 inContrihutions from the Museum of History and Technology: PapersJ -11, U.S. National Museum Bulletin 218, by various authors;
'V !<:bii!i,'ton: .Smithsonian Institution, l").")'>).
In 1749 he settled his account with George Gilmer,apothecary of Williamsburg, for such things as oilof cinnatnon, Holloways' Citrate, "Aqua Linnaean,"rhubarb, sago, ".Sal. Volat.," spirits of lavender,and gum fragac. The final item in the account wasfor April 22, 1750, for "a Vomit." The induced\omit, usually by a tartar emetic, was an acceptedcure for overindulgence and a host of supposedailments. That inveterate valetudinarian and ama-teur physician, W'illiam Byrd, was in the habit of
"giving" vomits to his sick slaves."''In November and December 1749 Mercer sus-tained his first long illness, during which he wasattended by "Doctor Amson." "Taken sick" athome on No\ember 13, he e\idently did not begin torecover until December 1 1 . Whatever improvementhe may have made must have received a setback onthe last day of the year, when he recorded in hisjournal : "Took about 60 grains of Opium & 60grains of Euphorbium by mistake instead of a dose ofrhubarb."
RELIGION AND CHARITIESMercer's religious observances were irregulai',although usually when he was home he attendedPotomac Church. At the same time he continued asa vestryman in Overvvharton Parish (which includedPotomac and Aquia churches). On September 28,
1 745, the vestry met to decide whether to build anew Aquia church or to repair the old one. They
"then proceeded to agree with one William ]\'alker,an Lhidertaker to build a new brick Church, SixtyFeet Square in the Cllear, for One Hundred andFifty Three Thousand Nine Hundred and TwentyPounds of Transfer Tobacco.""^ In October Mercerentered in Ledger G, under the Overwharton Parishaccount, "To drawing articles with Walker." InDecember he charged the parish with "2 bottlesclaret" and "To Robert Jackson for mending theChurch Plate." Jackson was a Fredericksburgsilversmith.'"'The following March, the proprietors of the
"' the Secret Diary of WUliam Byrd of Westover, 1709-1712,edit. Louis B. Wright and Marian Tingling. (Richmond,Virginia: The Dietz Press, 1941), p. 188 (for example).
"= Op. cit. (footnote 19), p. 203.n? Virginia Gazelle, October 20, 1752; Ralph Barton Cutten,The Silversmiths of Virginia (Richmond, 1953), pp. 39 40.
Accokfck Ironworks pt'titioncd tli<- t innniitii i iml'ro|K)sitions ;)ikI CJricvanccs with an objection to thevcstn's decision to rebuild, claiming that "as thesaid Iron-Works lie in the Parish aforesaid, and em-ploy many Tilhahles in carryinj; on the same, they
will labour under great Hardships thereby. . . ." "'rhe petition was rejected, but nothing seems to havebeen done on the new church until three monthsliter Walker's death in February 1750, when Mourn-mt; Richards was appointed undertaker.""Mercer's charities in this decade form a short list.Mis only outright gift was his '"Subscription toProtestant workincf-Schools in Ireland. To myannual .Subscription for .Sterling ?5.5." In 1749 hedid ?12 3s. worth of legal work for the College ofWilliam and Maiy, which he converted into "Sub-scriptions to Schools" of equal value; in other words,he donated his ser\'ices.CATHERINE mercer's DEATH ANDANN" ROY'S ARRIVALOn April I, 1750, Mercer went to NVilliamsburg forthe spring session and stopped en route to visit hisfriend Dr. Mungo Roy at Port Royal in CarolineCounty. He remained at Williamsburg until theseventh, except for going on the previous day to
"Greenspring" to be entertained by Philip Ludwellin the Jacobean mansion built a centuiT earlier byGovernor Berkeley. Again stopping off at PortRoyal, he returned home on May 10. He remainedthere until June 15, when he made the laconic entryin his journal : "My wife died between 3 & 4 at noon."What time this denotes is unclear.Following this loss?Catherine Mercer was only43?Mercer reniaincd at home for five da\-s, then
visited his sister-in-law Mrs. Ann Mason. The nextniqht he stayed with the pastor of Aquia Church,Mr. Moncure, then returned to Marllxjroutjh andremained there for nearly a month. Meanwhile, hepurchased from Ficldinij Lewis, at a cost ofCi 18s. 7';^., "sundns for mourning." William
I homson, the Stafford tailor, made his mournini;clothes. The preparations for the funeral must havebeen elalwrate; it was not held until July 13.At the end of July Mercer went to Williamsbun?,thence to Yorktown, and from there to Hampton and
Fitjure 15.^Portrait of Ann Roy Mrrcer, JohnMercer's second wife and the daughter ufDr. MungoRoy of Port Royal, painted in 1750 or .l...riKthereafter. {CourUsy of Mrs. Thomas B. Pa:
.Norfolk by water on an ".\ntigua Ship." rrturnini;to Hampton on August 5 on a ".Negro Ship," c\i-dently havint; caught passage on oce.i '^i-s.The younger children remained in \\ . thCicorgc and a nurse. On September 8 he went toPort Royal and stayed "at Dr. Roy's." He returnedhome on the lOth. then went back to Port Roxal onthe 14th. stayitig at Dr. Roy's until the 20th, aiteixliiiit
.Sunday church ser\ices during his visit. He returnedhome again on the 23rd, only to visit Or. Roy oncemore on the 'iSth. The Octolicr court session drewhim to Williaiitshurg, where !?-
.November 7. While there, he pui
.
from James CraiR,"' a jeweler:
By a pair of ELurringsBvBv
' ????til
2 I-
'" Op. cit. (foolnolr 19). p. IW.
"" WiiirFEN, op. cit. (foolnoCo 'H), p. 14-', ,Sc.Sla?x. "
CR.MG. Im^itn. froMi LONDON \!
..U^i i;4o
On November 8 he returned to Ur. Roy's. On the10th he added a characteristically sparse note to hischronicle, "Married to Ann Roy."The period for mourning poor Catherine was shortindeed. But the mansion at Marlborough needed a
mistress, and Mercer's children, a mother. A newchapter was about to open as the decade closed.From the meticulous records that Mercer kept, it hasbeen possible to see Mercer as a dynamic cosmopolite,accomplishing an incredible amount in a few shortyears. His constant physical movement from place toplace, his reading of the law and of even a fraction ofhis hundreds of books in science, literature, and the
arts, his managing of four plantations, attending twomonthly court sessions a year at Williamsburg, lookingafter the legal affairs of hundreds of clients, concern-ing himself with the design and construction of aremarkable house and selecting the furnishings forit?all this illustrates a personality of euormouscapacity.Marlborough was now a full-fledged plantation.Although the legacy of an earlier age still nagged atMercer and prevented him from holding title to muchof the old town, he had, nevertheless, transformed it,gracing it with the outspread grandeur of a Palladiangreat house.
Mercer diid Mcii'/horoudu
Zcjiifh to Decline, 1 751-1768
THE OHIO COMPANYThe long last period ol Mercers life and of theplantation he created began at a time of growingconcern about the western frontier and the wilder-ness beyond it. In 1747 this concern had beenexpressed in the founding of the Ohio Company of\'irginia by a group of notable colonial leaders:Thomas Cresap, Augustine Washington, George
I airfax, Lawrence Washington, Francis Thornton,and Nathaniel Chapiuan. George Mason was anearly uieiuber, and so, not surprisingly, was JohnMercer, whose prestige as a lawyer was the primaryreason for his introduction to the company. We learnfrom the minutes of the meeting on December 3, 1 750.
"[Resolved] That it is alwolutcly necessary to haveproper .\rticlcs to bind the Company that Mason ....
.Scott & Chapman or any two of them, apply to JohnMercer to consider and draw such .Xrliclcs and desirehim attend the next general meclinij of the Company at
.Stafford Clourthouse . . . ." "?
.\t the meeting in May 1751, Mercer presented the
.\rticles and was "admitted as a Partner on advancinghis twentieth part of the whole Kxpence." '?' Fromthen on he was virtually secretary of the companx,as well as its chief driving force. He was made acommittee memJK-r with Lawrence Washington,Nathaniel Chapman, James Scott, and George Mason,
w ho was treasurer. The "Committee" was the centralor executive board.With the leading members living in Stafford Countyor nearby, most of the meetings of lx)th the companyand the committee were held at Stafford courthouse,and occasionally in private houses of the members.We can imagine with what pride Mercer noted in hisjournal for February 5-7, 1753, "Ohio Comnulteemet at my house." The important role played bythe Ohio Company in the Mercers' lives- aixl bythem in the Coiupany? is fully recounted in ihcGeorge Mercer Papers Relating to the Ohio Company ofVirginia.GEORGE, JOHN, AND JAMESMercer doubtless thiewC^ompany's affairs with ch
"? Ihf Crotfcr Mnerr I'affit. op. cit. (footnote 'il ), p. 5.
'" Ibid.
Ohioandenthusiasm. We may surmise that there was headytalk at M "it the fi< ' ;>d ofdangerous the Imi. i theFrench enough, at least, to ha\T siiired \xHiihfulcra\ings for adveiili. ' \' ' .Certain it is that (i-. 'and 18, respectively, joined (he Ironlier regiineni oftheir n^ ' ' ' ' ' ' oUtcers "uponthe fir>;James, aged tb and (c? yxiung for M.ildiering,
rrcoinit quo(;itK>ni In ihia ?rction at from Purdir
49
exhibited an unusual aptitude for architecture. Histalent was noticed by William Bromley, the masterjoiner on the mansion house, who told Mercer thatJames "had a most extraordinarx turn to me-chanicks." On the strength of this, Mercer decidedthat James should become a master carpenter orjoiner, then s\-nonynious with "architect." InAmerica in 1753 professional architects, as we knowthem, did not exist; gentlemen, some \ery talented,designed and drafted, while skilled joiners or car-penters followed general directions, executing, engi-neering, and in\cnting as the\- went along.Mercer's decision was as unconventional as it wasprescient, being made at a time when gentlemen werenot expected to learn a trade, yet at a moment whenthe respected place the piofessional architect waslater to have could be envisioned. Indeed, heexplained his feeling that those who possessed archi-tectural skills "were more beneficial members of
society, and more likely to make a fortune, with credit,than the young Gentlemen of those times, who worelaced jackets attended for improvement at ordinaries,horse races, cock matches, and gaming tables."Motivated by this honest .sense of values, forged in theexperience of a self-made man, Mercer proceeded tobind James "apprentice to Mr. Waite, a mastercarpenter and undertaker (of Alexandria), whocovenanted to instruct him in all the difTerent branches
of that business. At the same time I bound fouryoung Xcgro fellows (which I had given him) to Mr.Waite, who covenanted to instruct each of them in aparticular branch. These, I expected, when theywere out of their time, would place him in .such a
situation as might enable him to provide for himself,
if I should not lie able to do any more for him. It is
notorious that I received the compliments of theGovernour, several of the Council, and many of thebest Gentlemen in the country, for having set such anexample, which, they said, they hoped would banishthat false pride that too many of their countrymenwere actuated by."On June 25, 1753, Mercer noted in his journal,
"At home. Bound son James & Peter & Essex toW'" Waite for 5 y"." However commendable this
efTort to banish "false pride" may have been, it wasprobably not a realistic solution for James' career.James, as we shall see, was to make his own choicelater and w-as to follow with great distinction in hisftlvTS footsteps as a lawyer.
GROWING BURDENS,RESPONSIBILITIES, AND DEBTS
Meanwhile, Mercer had announced his intention topublish a new edition of the Abridgment. In doing so,he adopted a hostile, testy approach that was unusualeven in 18th-century advertising. Implying that hewas doing a favor to an ungrateful populace, he statedin the Virginia Gazette on August 16, 1751, "I havebeen prevail'd upon to print it, if I have a prospect ofsaving myself, though the Treatment I met from theSubscribers to the last had determined me never to beagain concerned in an Undertaking of this Kind."On the following February 20, he announced in theGazette that if there were 600 subscribers by the last ofthe next General Court he would send the copy topress. If not, he would return the money to those whohad subscribed, "which I should not have troubledmyself with, if I could have thought of any otherExpedient to secure myself against the base Usage Imet with from the Subscribers to my former Abridg-
ment, who left above 1200 of them on my Hands."This kind of advertising had its predictable response:publication of the new Abridgment was postponedindefinitely.The first suggestion that all was not well in Mercer'sfinancial affairs was given in an advertisement in theGazette on April 10, 1752. In this he noted that hehad agreed to pay the debts of one Francis Wroughton,
a London merchant, out of Wroughton's effects.However, although Wroughton's effects had not
materialized, he promised to make payment anyway,
"notwithstanding a large Ballance due to myself."He concluded, "Besides Mr. Wroughton s Debts. Ihave some of my own (and not inconsiderable) topay, therefore 1 hope that such Gentlemen as areindebted to me will, without putting me to theBlush which a Dunn will occasion, discharge theirDebts . . . ."Perhaps to alleviate these dithculties, he hadadvertised in the Gazette on the previous March 15that he would lease "3,000 Acres of extraordinarv-good fresh Land, in Fairfax and Prince William,"but there is no exidence that he was successful.Signs of irritability became increasingly noticeable.In 1753 he outraged his fellow justices at Staffordcourt?so much so that they brought charges againsthim before the Exccutixe Council "for misbehaxior
as a Justice. "'^' It was dt-cidi-d tliat, altliounh
"his Conduct had been in some Respects l)iariieal)le,particularly by his Intemperance, opprobrious Lan-guaije on tlu- Bench, and indecent Treatment of theother Justices, . . . that in C^onsideiation of hishaving been a principal Instrument in a due Achnin-istratio:i of Justice, and expeditini; the Business ofthe C^ounty, it has Ijeen thoui^ht proper to continuehim Judiie of the Court." '?'*
.?\ mowing ijurden of debt, in contrast to theprosperity of the preceding decade, clearly affectedMercer's attitude, as we can see in a Gazette ad-
verti.semeiit on Xovember 7, I7.")4: "I will not under-take any new, or tinish any old Clause, 'til I receivemy Fee, or Security for it to my likini;;: .And I hopesuch Gentlemen as for above these .seven years pasthave put me off with Promises every succeedingGeneral Com t will think it reasonable now to dis-charge their accoimts." Cloncurrent with indebted-ness was an almost annual increase in the size ofhis family. In 1752 Grace Fenton Mercer was born,the next year Mungo Roy, and in 1754 Elinor.
.\t the same time, he still pursued the restlessactivity that characterized his earlier years. OnJuly 24, 1753, Mercer went "to Ballhrop's, Smith's
< )rdin''>' & Vaulx's,'' '?' a distance of 27 miles, duringwhich he "(Overset." On the 25th he went on eightmiles farther "to Col" Phil Lcc's""-" for a three-daymeeting of the Ohio Company, then went the whole35 miles home on the 28th. On September 6 he wascalled eitjht miles away "to Boyd's hole on Inquest asCoroner & home by 4 in the morn"," while the nextday he was "at home. Son Mungo Roy born ab' 2in the morning." On the 19th .Mungo Ro>' waschristened. Four days later he went 15 miles toFredericksburg for the christening of William Dick'sson .Mcxander, returning home the next day. The
'" fCxrculiif Journals of tht Council, op. cit. (footnote 1 15), vol.3, p. 410.
"* Ibid., p. 4 14.
"* The B.ilthrop rainily lived in Kin^ George CUninly ; .Sinilli'sordin;iry h.is not been identified; "V'.iulx's" prob.ibly refers tolite home of Rol>crt V.iulx of Pope's CVeek, Westniorel.indC'?iinly. Viiulx w.-ui f.ither-in-lnw of LawrciKe Wiuhingtonnnd died in 17.'>."i.
"? I'hilip I.udwell Ix-e, proprietor of "Str.ilford." Weiiniore-l.ind C.t)unly, 17.'i| I??.*!. RT;indf.i(her of Cener.il kolvert I',Lee. "(lid .Stratford .ind the \jm who Lived There," .\/.i(.i-iint of Ihf Sotifly of Ltts of I'ih-i'ij.; i Knhmiind, M.iv I'Ci), vol.3, no. I , p. 1 ,'..
lolluuiii? il.i\ Ml nil jouine\ctl I I nnles and bark to
"Moldl?rixjk's .Sui^ey by way of MouiitjoN 's, andrepeated the trip the next day, stopping at MajorHedgman's '^ coining and going. On Octol)rr 5he made a three-day trip to Williamsburg, coveringthe distance in stretches of 16, 52, and 42 mile* perday, respecti\elv . He went by way of Port Ri. ?where he "Met .M' W roughton," presuinabU n..London merchant whose creditors he had agreed topay. The second day took him by way of K ?William courthouse. On the return on Novrji.!':4-b, he came via Chiswell's Ordinary'-' and NewKent courthouse (which he noted had "Bui!.i"covering a total of I 10 miles.On June 3, 1754, his clerk reported to duty,according to a journal entry: "Rogers came here att'oU p' annum." Rogers remained in Mrrrrr's ru\-ploy until 1 76H.Mercer seems to have been driving liunvll ! ?limit, not to achieve .success as in the prior d<t.:.'but rather to hold secure what he already had.The specter of debt now hung over him. as Itnearly every planter, under the increasing I'l.the French and Indian War. The 1 7th-centuni-wisdom of William Fitzhugh and Roln-rt B' 'seeking to lead the colony awas from 'dependence upon tobacco was apparent to those whowould remember. Marllwrough, although still f '
nically a town, was now in reality a tobacco plition, and Mercer, despite his status as a lawyer, wasas irretrievably conuuitted to the success or failureof tobacco as was Fitzhugh 70 years earlier. Thehard years were now upon all, and, like his equalbhard-pre.<sed debtors, Meixer was sufTcriiig fromthem.
LIFE AT M.\RLDOROL'GHDL'RING THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS
{ )n March 11,1 755, after nearly 30 years of uiKcr-tainty al>out his titles to Marlborough, Mercer at last
"^ Peter I ledj|in.iii w n .innthrr StifTnril Pottnrv IriHi-r Itrw.w biirijeM from 1BunjeMe*," VIIM \
"?tVonje 1May (he ll>thin the iiKirni:phi.i ....
,it ( !hi?u-eir? 'iiil-'an I(Richmond, V*H; svi. i 7, pft. itr^Kvi.
51
was granted the entire 52-acre town in a release fromthe feoffees, Peter Daniel and Gerard Fowke. Thiswas made with the provision that he should be "Easedfrom making improvements on the other twenty-sixLots (those not built upon), to prevent their forfeitureand the County will be wholly reimbursed, which it isnot probable it ever will be otherwise as only one Lothas been taken up in forty-seven years last past andthere is not one House in the said town which has notbeen built by the said Mercer." '""'While the day-to-day events of Marlioorough wenton much as ever, the conflict between the British andthe French spread from Canada southward along thewestern ridge of the Appalachians. This expansion,inevitably, was reflected in the Mercers' activities inmany ways, both great and small. As the struggleapproached its climax, Braddock's troops came toVirginia in March 1755, and were quartered inAlexandria. Among them was John Mercer's brother,Captain James Mercer, who was a professional soldier.On March 25 John left Marlborough for Alexandria,probably to greet James and to have him billeted atWilliam Waite's house where young son James alreadywas living as Waite's apprentice. This bringingtogether of two farflung members of the Mercerfamily had unanticipated results. Captain James wasa British gentlemen-officer, untouched by the levelinginfluences of colonial life and therefore untempted tobanish "false pride" by any such radical means asJohn had employed with young James. Indeed, thesight of his nephew learning a mechanical trade musthave been a rude shock, for we learn from JohnMercer that Captain James "found means to makehis nephew uneasy under his choice; and I was fromthat time incessantly teazed, by those who well knewtheir interest over me, until I was brought to consentvery reluctantly that he should cjuit the plumb andsquare" and become a lawyer.""Mercer returned to Marlborough by way ofGeorge Mason's, near the place where a few monthslater William Buckland was to begin work on
"Gunston Hall." He remained there all day onApril 1?"at M"' Mason's wind bound," he wrote inhis journal. The next day he went "home through avery great gust."The problems of managing a plantation went on
through peace and through war. Besides a multi-tude of Negroes, there were also indentured whiteservants at Marlborough. One of these ran awayand was advertised in the J'irgiriia Gazelle on May 2,
1 755
:
... a Servant Man named John Clark, he pretendssometimes to be a Ship-Carpenter by Trade, at otherTimes a Sawyer or a Founder ... he is about 5 feel7 inches high, round Shoulders, a dark Complexion,grey eyes, a large Nose and thick Lips, an Englishman bybirth; had on when he went away, a blue Duffil Frockwith flat white Metal Buttons and round Cutfs. redcorded Plush Breeches, old grey Worsted Stockings, oldShoes, and broad Pewter Buckles, brown Linen wideTrousers, some check'd Shirts, and a Muslin Neckcloth;had also an old Beaver Hat bound round with Linen.On October 24, the Gazette carried another ad-\ertisement related to Mercer's problems of personnel
:
A Miller that understands the Management of a Wind-
mill, and can procure a proper Recommendation, mayhave good Wages, on applying to the Subscriber duringthe General Court, at Williamsburg, or afterwards, at hisHouse in StaJJord County, before the last Day of Novem-ber, or if any such Person will enclose his Recommenda-tion, and let me know his Terms by the Post from]\'illiamsburg, he may depend on meeting an Answer atthe Post-Office there, without Charge, the first Post afterhis Letter comes to my Hands. John MercerIn the meanwhile, the war had broken out in full
scale, and the disaster at Fort Duquesne had takenplace. Mercer apparently learned the bad news at
a Stafford court session, for he noted in his journalon July 9, after observing his attendance at court,
"General Braddock defeated." We can imaginehis concern, for both George and John Fenton wereparticipants in the campaign.On April 18, 1756, John Fenton was killed inaction while fighting under Washington.'" Curiously,his death was not mentioned in the journal. Instead,we learn of the death of John Mercer's horse on theway to Williamsburg in April and of the fact that,on his return in May, Mercer lost his way andtraveled 46 miles in a day. He tells us that he went
"to M'' Moncure's by water" on May 26, a distanceof 15 miles, and that he made a round trip fromMr. Moncure's to Aquia Church for a total of 1
2
miles. On July 14, he noted that he went "to
'?'John Mercer's Land Book, loc. cit. (footnote 12).
"?' Purdic & Dixon's Virginia Gazelle, September 26, 1766. '^' John Clement Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of GeorgeWashington (Washington: U.S. Government Printnig Office.1931), vol. I, p. 318.
M.i|'' Hcciniiian's & rciutiiinn tlirowii out of ilu-
rh.iisc ^: vit\ much bruised."The demands of the war arc revealed in journalentries made in June 1757. On the 20lh he wrote,
"to Court to jjrick .Soldiers & home," and on the27th, "to t'ourt to draft Soldiers & home." As atother times in the journal, hiith and death, in theii-tratjic immediacy and repetitiveness, were juxtaposedin September: on the 24th, "Son John born"; onthe 27th, "Brother James died at Albany"; on the28th, "Son John died."In 1758 George Mason ran for the oflicc of burgesstrom both Stafford and Fairfax. On July 11,Mcrcei- went to the .Stafford elections, where "Lee &M.ison" were chosen. On the 15th, he went "to\r Selden's & home bs- water to see NT Mason,"who evidently had come to Marlborough for a visit.Four days later, he traveled to Alexandria for theelections there and saw "Johnston & Mason"elected.In the f.ill of 1758 he went, as usual, to Williams-l)urt;. His route this time was long and devious,taking him to both C'aroline and King WilliamCounty courthouses on the way, for a total of 121miles in five days. We learn of one of the hazardsof protracted journeys in the 18th century from anotation lepeated daily in his journal for four daysfollow int; his arrival: "at Williamsburg Confined toBed with the Piles."On November 15, soon after his return to Marl-lx)rouch, Mercer was sworn to the new commissionof Stafford justices. Five days previously his sonC^tcsby had been buried, but, as usually happened,new life came to take the place of that which hadsur\ived so briefly. On May 17, 1 75'J, Mercerrecorded, "Son John Francis born at 7 in the Evening."John Francis e\idcntly was ijivcn an auspicious startin life by a christening of more than ordinary formality;
".May 28. to C^l? Harrison's with the Gov"^ Sonchristened."During 1759 the second edition of the Ahridgmrnlwas published in Glasgow, Scotland, this time withneither public notice nor recrimination.''^ On No-vember 25, .Mercer met the growing problem of hisindebtedness by deeding equal shares of some of hisproperties, as well as whole amounts of others, to(ieorije and James Mercer, M.irll)orough and a few
'" "Journ.iU of ihc Ck>utH'il of VirKinia in Exrcutivc Sauoru,I717-176;?," !?.?/( Richmond, 1907). vol. 14. p. 2H2(foo?no?c).
other small holdings excepted. Fifty St-yrttfn wi-m-included in the transaction. This action wm folluurdimmediately by the rclcaic of the properties undertheir new titles to C'olonel John Taylor and C^ilonrlPresles Thornton for a year, thus providing caah b\which George and James could pay ?3000 of JohnMercer's debts.'"The Ohio Company was experiencing its difiicultics
also. Mercer's importance in it was dcmoivstratcd byhis appointment to "draw up a full " ' theCompany's Case setting forth the 1
1
, \Vclabour under and the Reasons why the Lands havenot been settled and the Fort finished accordini; toRoyal Instructions . . . ." '*? This was his nu^itresponsible assigntnent during his activity in thecompany.Indebtedness throughout these years lurked con-stantly in the background, now and then breakingthrough acutely. In 1760, for example, WilliamTooke, a London merchant, brought suit to collect?331 Is. (id. which Mercer owed him. Two yearslater Capel Hanbury sued .Mercer for ?31 lOs.'"In 1761 George Washington and George Mercerran for burgesses from Frederick County in the
.Shenandoah N'alley, and Ixjth were elected. JohnMercer, evidently anxious to l)e present for the elec-tion, undertotjk the arduous journey to Winchester,leavini? Marlborough on May 15. His itinerary- wasas follows;May 15 to Fredericksburg 15
It) to Ncvill's Ordinary 3717 to .\shby"s Combe's & Winchester <'18 at Winchester (Frederick Election)(Geo \\ i Geo Mercer elected
;
19 loM'l 1820 to Pikes M' XNormley'j Quarter 1321 to Snickers'* Little Ri\-cr Quarter- "^Nevnll's
'22 to Fallmoulh & hoinr '
In the previous year .^nna li.iil Ijcen inow, on I)eceml>er 14, I7(i|, Maria arrr itween the 8th and the 20th of August, 1 762, entrieswere made that sui{i;est th.it i!of sorts at MaillK>rough: " > .(Poll's) died / Daughter Elinor died Miss B. Roy
:-r<rrr \fftn P*fni. op. cit. (foofnote 51 \ p. ISO.
"? Ii? I ihc ViiTpnia OunitunrcofCm ropondencrI7yj'?7," i'HM (Kkhmond. 1905), \-ol. 12. p ?
53
died." In his long letter to George, written in
1 768, he reflected on the fact that, although throughthe years 98 Negroes had been born at Marlborough,he, at that time, had fewer than the total of all hehad ever bought. "Your sister Selden," he vvrotc
"attributes it to the unhealthiness of PatoinackNeck, which there may be .something in ... . Ithank God, however, that my own family has ijcengenerally as healthy as other people's." '"'THE END OF THE WARAND THE STAMP ACTThe vear 1763 marked the end of the war. It alsosignaled a turning point in the colonies' relations withEngland. In a royal proclamation the King pro-hibited the colonies from expanding westward pastthe Appalachian ridge, in effect nullifying the OhioCompany's claims and objectives. George Mercerwas appointed agent of the company and was dis-patched to England to plead its cause.By this time Britain was beginning to apply theother allegedly oppressive measures which precededthe Revolution. Antismuggling laws were enforced,implemented by "writs of assistance," thus increasingcolonial burdens which had been avoided previoush-by widespread smuggling. The South was particular-ly hard hit by parliamentary orders forbidding thecolonies the use of paper money as legal tender forpayment of debts. In a part of the world where acredit economy and chronic indebtedness made aflexible currency essential, this measure was adisastrous matter.Despite the ominousness of the times, Mercer con-tinned with the daily routine, the minutiae of whichfilled his journal. He noted on January 9, 1763, thathe went to Potomac Church?"Neither Minister orclerk there." On February 21 he went a mile
?
probably up Potomac Creek?to watch "JohnWaugh's hailing the Saine & home." On March 1his merchant friend John Champe was buried. Aftei-the funeral Mercer went directly to Selden's for anOhio Company meeting.From December 10 until March 1765, Mercer wassick. Of this interval, he wrote George in 1768 that"My business had latterly so much encreased,together with my slowness in writing, & Rogers, tho
a tolerable good clerk, was so incapable of assistingme out of the common road, that when you saw me atWilliamsburg, I was reduced by my fatigue, to a veryvaletudinary state." '^" Indebtedness, overwork, ad-vancing age, and the reverses of the times hadevidently caused a crisis.Passage of the Stamp .\ct in 1 765, to raise revenuesto support an army of occupation in the colonies,struck close to John Mercer, for George, while inEngland, had been designated stamp officer forVirginia. George returned to Williamsburg, littleexpecting the hostile greeting he was to receive froma crowd of angry planters. Quickly disavowing hisnew office, he returned the stamps the following day.Many made the most of George's tactical blunderin accepting the stamp-officer appointment. Indeed,the Mercers seem to have been made the scapegoatsfor the frustrations and turmoil into which themother country's actions had plunged the colony.George Mercer was hanged in effigy at Westmorelandcourthouse, and James Mercer took to the Gazettesto defend him. There were counterattacks on Jameswhile he was absent in Frederick County, andMercer himself rushed in with a lengthy satiricaldiatribe entitled "Prophecy from the East." Oc-cupying all the space normally devoted to foreignnews in Purdie cS: Dixon's Virginia Gazette for Sep-tember 26, 1766, this struck out at anonymousattackers whom Mercer scathingly nicknamed Gibbet,
.Scandal, Pillory, and Clysterpipe. He later explainedto George that James' "antagonist was backed byso many anonymous scoundrels, that I was drawnin during his abscence at the springs in Frederickto answer 1 did not know whom tho it since appearsD'' Arthur Lee was the principal, if not the onlyassassin under different vizors, cS: he w as so regardlessof truth that he invented & published the mostinfamous lies as indisputable facts: on your brother'sreturn I got out of the scrape but front a paper war
it turned to a challenge, which produced a skirmish,in which your bro. without receiving any dam-age broke the Doctors head, & closed his eyes insuch a manner as obliged him to keep his housesometime . . . ." '^'*Of John Mercer's own attitude towards the StampAct there can be no question. On November 1,
'- GeoT'^c Mercn Papers, op. cit. (footnote 51), p. 21.3. "" Ibid., p. 187.?'Ibid.
1765, he noted in his journal, "Thr damned StampAct was to have taken place this day but was provedinitially disappointed." He is said to have writtena tract against the Stamp Act, although no copyh.is sur\ i\c(l.THL tLOslNti YLARS '"The elements ol tragedy mark Mercei's Imalyears?the trai?edy of John Mercer and Marlboroughintenvoven with the epic failures of the colonialexperiment. Prompted by his illness, he quit hislecal practice in the courts in 1 7ti5. In the sameyear he "'gave notice to the members of the OhioC'ompany, that my health & business would notlonger allow me to concern myself in their affairswhich they had entirely flung upon my hands."Me also "on account of my deafness, refused to act asa justice, which I siiould not have done otherwi.se, asas I have the satisfaction to know that I have clonemy Country some ser\ ice in this station."Heavily in debt, disillusioned and embittered by thedwindling results of his struggles, he wrote that "Ihave attended the bar thirty-six years, through aperpetual hurry and uneasiness, and ha\e been njorctruly a slave than any one I am, or ever was, masterof; yet have not been able, since the first day of lastJanuaiy, to command ten pounds, out of near tenthousand due me." Recoiling from his situation, hedesperately sought a way out and a means to recoverhis losses. With .self-deceptive optinusin he seizedupon the idea of establishing a brewery at Marl-borough, since "our Ordinaries abound & dailyincrease (for drinking will continue longer thananything but eating)." Accordingly, he built abrewhouse and a malthouse. each 100 feet long, ofl)rick and stone, together with "Ollars, Clooper'shouse & all the buildings, copper & utensils what-ever, used about the brewers-." He depended atfirst on his windmill for grinding the malt, but toavoid delays on windless days, "I have now a hand-
mill fixed in my brewhouse loft that will grind 50bushels of malt (my coppers complement) everymorning they brew."To get his project under \v.i\, .Meitii plunged
further into the depths of debt by buying 40 .\.
"to enable nic to make Grain mfiicicnl to cmmy brewery- with my ow n hands." These cost i
"a large part of which was unpaid, for payment olwhich I depended on the Brewery itself & the greatnumber of Debts due to me." But the external falewhich was dri\ ing him closer and clo.ser to destructionnow struck with the death ofJohn Robinson, Irr ???of the colony, who, having lent public fund.s p:cuously to debtor frirnds, had left a deficiency ol?100,000 in the colonial treasury. A chain reactionof suits developed, threatening James Hunter ofFredericksburg, Mercer's security for purchase of theslaves.The brewery lumlx-red and stumbled. Mercer'sfirst brewer, a young .Scot named Wales, pnupon him to spend ?100 to alter the new maitiOn September 16, 1765, William King, evidentiva master brewer, arrived. He immediatrhfault with Wales' changes in the malthouse. \\.;three week.s, however. King died. King's nephew,named Bailey, then came unannounced with a highrecommendation as a brewer from a man h'- '< "'ser\ed only as a gardener. Mercer was impf
"You may readily Ijelieve I did not hesitate toemploy Bailey on such a recommendation, moreespecially as he agreed with King in blaming thealteration of the malt hou.sc & Ix^ides found greatfault with Wales's malting." Faced with rixal claimsas to which could brew better beer, Mercer allowedeach to brew separately. "Yet though Baile\ foundas much fault with Wales's brewing as he did with hismalting, that brewed by Wales was the onlv Ixtt Ihad that .Sea.son fit to drink." Wbrewed only ?40 worth of lieer. I>arr|\his wages, let alone maintenance for !
wife. .Mthounh Baile\' brewed ' ischooner load of it to Norfolk, ii 'Icharacter" that only two casks were sold, (he remain-der hi^^ stored \s ' 'then 111 . Ilk to \l ito distill it failetl
III \im i!iiiishel.H of 1and ale was i)ad. In Januai Vndrrw Moii-
riH- "' cmployrd as o%Trscrr. Wales c<>i uplands
"? All quot.itioiis .mil ?iurc? not olhrrwiM- idcnlifird in thi?smion iirr from John Mrrcrr't Irtlcr to George. Dcccmbrr '22,
1 7f>7 J.inu.ir>' 2H. I7?S?. The r.v " "- ?"?"?(foolnocr il), pp. 186-220.
of my Overseer & says that he is obliged to waitfor barle\', coals & other things that arc wanted which,if tiiaeU supplied with he could with six men & aboy manufacture 250 bushels a week which wouldclear ?200 .... My Overseer is a very good one &
I believe as a planter equal to any in Virginia but youare sensible few planters are good farmers and barleyis a farmer's article," Mercer wrote to George.Besides the overhead of slaves and nonproductivebrewers, the establishment rcquiied the services oftwo coopers at ?20 per year.I'urdie & Di.xon's I'irginid Gcizftli' (or Apiil 10, 1766,carried the advertisement of Mercer's brewers':
To be SOLD, at theMARLBOROUGH BREWERYSTRONG BEER AND PORTER at 18d. and ALE atIs. the gallon, Virginia currency, in cask, equal in good-ness to any that can be imported from any part of theworld, as nothing but the genuine best MALT andHOPS will be used, without any mixture or substitutewhatsoever: which, if the many treaties of brewingpublished in Great Britain did not mention to be fre-quently used there, the experience of those who havedrunk those liquors imported from tlience would pointout to be the case, from their pernicious effects.The severe treatment we have lately received from ourMother Country, would, I should think, be sufficient torecommend my under-taking (though I should not beable to come up to the English standard, which I do notquestion constantly to do) yet, as I am satisfied that thegoodness of every commodity is its best recommendation,
I principally rely upon that for my success; and my owninterest, having expended near 8000 1. to bring mybrewery to its present state, is the best security I can givethe publick to assure them of the best usage, withoutwhich such an undertaking cannot be supported withcredit.The casks to be paid for at the rate of 4s. for barrels,5s. for those between 40 and 50 gallons, and a penny thegallon for all above 50 gallons; but if they are returned ingood order, and sweet, by having been well scalded assoon as emptied, the price of them shall be returned ordiscounted.Any person who sends bottles and corks may have themcarefully filled and corked with beer or porter at 6s. orwith ale at 4s. the dozen. I expect, in a little time, tohave constant supply of bottles and corks; and if I meetthe encouragement I hope for, propose setting up aglasshouse for making bottles, and to provide proper\esscls to deliver to such customers as favour me withilieir orders such liquors as they direct, at the several
landings they desire, being determined to give all thesatisfaction in the power of Their most humble servant,JOHN MERCER
Foolhardy though the brewery was, a glass factorvwould have been the pinnacle of folly. Yet it wasseriously on Mercer's mind. In his letter to Georgehe wrote:A Glass house to be built here must I am satisfied turnto great profit, they have some in New England & NewYork or the Jerseys & find by some resolves the New-England men are determined to inciease their number.Despite his nranifest failure, Mercer confidentlyattempted to persuade George of the possibilities ofthe brewery and even the glasshouse. Shifting fronione proposal to another, he suggested that he could
"rent out all my houses and conveniences at a reason-able rate," or take in a partner, although "I have sogreat a dislike for all partnerships, nothing but myinability to carry it on my self could induce me toenter into one."In spite of these desperate thrashings about in astruggle to survive, Mercer's empire was collapsing.When Monroe arrived as overseer, hefound [according to Mercer] but 8 barrels of corn uponmy plantation, not enough at any of my quarters tomaintain my people, a great part of my Stock dead(among them some of my English colts cSc horses in the2 last years to the am' of ? 375. 10. -) & the rest ofthem dying, which would have infallibly have been theirfate if it had not been for the straw of 1000 bushels ofbarley & the grains from the brewhouse .... Con-vinced of his [Monroe's] integrity, I have been forcedto submit the entire management ol' ;ill the plantationto him.The following passage from the letter summarizesMercer's financial predicament:
"I reced in 1764 ?1548 . . 4 . . 3'., & in 1765?961 . . 5 . . 4'i but since I quitted my practice Ireced in 1766 no more than ?108 . . 16 . . 1 of which
I borrowed ?24.10.?& 7 . . I . . 6 was re'ced for theGovernor's fees. ?20 . . 8 . . 4 I got for Opinions &cand from the brewery ?28 . . 3 . . the remaining?28 . . 16 is all I received out of several thousandsdue for all my old & new debts. In 1 767 I reced?159 . . 9 . . 3 of which borrowed ?5 . . 15 . . ?the governor's fees ?10 . . 7 . . 6 reced for opinions&c ?49 . . 6 . . ? from the brewhouse ?66 . . 14 . .of which ?94 . . 14 . . 3 was from the brewery & 9 in
1 766 I gave a collector ?20 besides his board ferrage &
i-xpcnccs & flndini; him horses & in- iMimi- timfctmiiduring the year turned out to be ?27 . . 2 . . 10. Inihc two years my taxes levied and quitrcnts amountedto ?199 . . 8 . . 1 which would have left a ballanie
111' ?l . 1:5 . 3 in my fav'our in that time from thehrewery & my practice (if it could be so called) & allmy debts, in threat part of which you and your brotherare jointly & equally interested. What then remainedto support me & a family consisting of about 26 whitepeople & 122 negroes? Nothing but my crops, afterthat I had expended above ?IfK), for corn only to su|>-port them, besides rice & [xirk to near that value &the impending chai-ge of ?125 for rent, of ?140 tooverseers yearly, reinained, & ?94 . . 14 . . 3 out ofthose crops, as I have already mentioned, proceedingfrom the brewery, was swallowed up in taxes (iho thepeople in England say we pay none, but I can fatallyprove that my estate from which I did not receive six-pence has, since the commencement of the war. paidnear a thousand pounds in taxes only)."On December 25, 1766, Mercer made public hissituation in Rind's Virginia Ga-ette:The great Number of Debts due to mc for the lastseven Years of my Practice, and the Backwardness ofmy Clients (in attending whose Business, I unhappilyneglected my own) to make me .Satisfaction, would of
il.self. if I had had no other Reason, have obliged me toquit my Practice. .\nd when I found that by suchpartial Payments as I chanced to receive I was ableto keep up my Credit. I can appeal to the Public, w helherany Person, who had so many outstanding Debts, wasless importunate, or troublesome, to his Debtors, Butwhen 1 found, upon my quitting the Bar, all Paymentscease, and that I would not personally wait upon myClients. I could not approve of the Method of Demand,by the Sheritf, too commonly in Practice, withoutNecessity. I therefore employed a Receiver, who. eversince the first day oi January last, has been riding thi-oughthe Sorthrrn Xfck, and even as far as ft'illiamsburg, andwho to this Time has not been able, out (,f near tenthousand Pounds, to collect as much as will pay his own\Vages, and discharge my public taxes (for Proof ofwhich I will produce my Books to any Gentleman con-cerned or desirous to see them). This too, at a 'limewhen my own Debts contracted by the large F.xpences
I have been at for some Years past for establishing aHrcwer\-, has disabled me by any other Nfeans fromdischarging them, (except when they would take lands.Assignments of Debts, or any thing I can spare, withoutIVlriment to my Plantations or Bi'Lands avail nothing, I have Ixinds foi 'ior five Years ago but I can't get the Money for them.
I therefore cannot be thought too unrenvinable to givethis public Notice (which the Circuimtances of the(V)untr\- make most disagreeable to me> that I shall be
1 tie w. II known HomtRENTERW'l.I.iovrr NMRF..S
'?'**tr4i<nf\'y
. fitfmt , *t^?.
? tafvirt ?f?lt. rpTf ?< f.jrrmo T>w m?rn ?,!' Iu?rrxJ f^?unit fo< ikrtr tnontha, ,1 tcM ie Ijrj, hw mu?fct (tat lac M Oit rtDtrii on '.? -hu txmt. T\tn <?? be? oera6o? Id ji?? Kn [*r(i?iT?, ?ikH w?? -Vnr la f^IVch/? Oii?trr in I7<) tn/iyi^, n > . ''irrigt^of MaryUM.i lie a inu h (irnar rt^ -. ' \t?nil be to no puipr<? tr fcnH jdt mirrt to hus wnhoot >h(??icy. II none will t;? rtvn.f I oa ?iiy o b?f urm. t?
? ANDRfW MO.NKC*.Mr. M?/>( krrp* ? fti.y at Maryiamd fb.t.\ . u, ^.k^'h$tOOBtj, from ?rher.c? tt^'t wbobavt noSruc ..,, o?- ? ??UT rk**c th?ii mkiti landed ?t M^4t?'^* ' i^ ?I>u:;?n
I'igure 1 6.
?
.\dvkrtiseme.nt of the services of Mercer'sstallion Ranter. .Vndrew Mi.; .fthe President, was .MercerI'irginia Ga^ellf. .April 18. I76?).^
against my inclination obliged to bring Suits, immedi-ately after next April General Court, against all personsindebted to mc who do not before that litheir Debts to me or my .Son Jamn Mhave my Books during the said Court to settle withevery Person applving to him. .'\nd as some Personshave since my quitting the Practice, sent to mc forOpinions and to settle .Xccoimts without sending invFees, to prevent any more Applications of that .Sort,
I give this Public .Notice, that tho' I shall always beready to do any 'I"hing of that Kind (which can l>edone at my own ifouse) up<m receiving an adequateS.itisl'action for it, it < \ain to r-
.MesM-nger they may - ul the%- s<-:("here arc some Gentlemen who must know that nolhmgin this Advertisement can relate to ?'?? ' ' ?of their Commands will at any Unie,with by theirand the Ptiblic'shumble .ServantJOHN .MF.RCF.RDec. 8, 1 766
Andirw Monroe, as nuinagrr of ihc pl.iiiT" ? .advertised over his own name in Pnixlie vV
itnported by Mercer in I 16). One sriwr*that without Nfonrue, M.iilbuiutigh wotild \\a\X
57
collapsed coinplctciy. In spite of his ininistiations,however, there were difficulties with the siafl". Piirdie& Dixoivs GrtC'//'' carried the following on June 6,1766:MARLBOROLGH, STAFFORD county, May 26,
1 766.Run away from the subscriber, some time last February,a Negro man named TEMPLE, about 35 years old, well
set, about 5 feet 6 inches high, has a hish forehead, andthick bush beard; he took a gun with him, and wore ablue double breasted jacket with liorn buttons. Isuspect he is harboured about Bull Run, in Fauquiercoimty, where he formerly lived. I bought him, withhis mother and sister, from Mr. BarradalPs e.xccutors in]t'llliamsburg above 20 years ago, and expected he wouldhave returned home; but as he has been so long gone, Iam doubtful he may endeavour to get out of the countryby water, of which he may understand something, as hewas two years on board the Wolf sloop of war in the]i'est Indies, and carries the marks of the discipline heunderwent on board.Likewise run away last Whitsun hoiydays two indentedservants, imported from LONDCJN last September, viz.JOSEPH WAIN of Bucknell, in the county of Oxford,aged 22 years, about 5 feet 4 inches high, round shoul-dered, stoops pretty much in his walk, has a down look,and understands ploughing. WILLL^M CANTRELLof Warwickshire, aged 19. about the same height, andstoops a little, but not so much as \\'.\IN, has a scarunder one of his eyes, but which is uncertain, has somemarks of the smallpox, his hair is of a dark brown andshort, but Wain's is cut off, he pretends to understandploughing and countr\- business, and has drove a waggonsince he has been in my service; they both have freshlook. The clothes they left home in were jackets of redplaids, brown linen shirts, Russia drill breeches withwhite metal buttons, and thread stockings; Cantrell withan old hat and new shoes, and ]Vain with a newhat and old shoes; But as it is supposed thai they werepersuaded to elope with four Scotch servants belongingto the widow Slrulher, on Poiowmack run in this county,whom they went to see, and who went off at the sametime, it is probable that they may exchange their clothes,or have provided some other. It is supposed that they
will make for Carolina, where it is said an uncle of oneof Mr. Slrolher's servants lives; and as several horses aremissing about the same lime in these parts, it is veryprobable they did not choose to make such a journeyon foot. Whoever secures my servants and Negro, orany of them shall, besides the reward allowed by law,be paid any reasonable satisfaction, in proportion tothe distance and extraordinary trouble they may beput to. JOHN MERCER
.Mercer seems to have been coiiccrned principallywith his brewers and with the wasteful scheme theyfurthered with their incompetencies. Even theyseem to ha\c liecn beyond his strength, for he became
ill in )anuar>- 1766, and suffered recurrently the
rest of the year. From his journal we can detecta once-strong man's struggle against the first warningsof approaching death:
12.?\ugust 26 Rode 6 m. & home had a fever27 sick28 Rode 5 m. & home29 2 m. & D? had an -Ague30 D?31 D"Sept 1 Had an .Ague2 Rode 5 m. & home* * *Sept 22 to M' Selden's & ret''' abo' a mile butwent back 1223 home by 12 and went to bed 1024 Confined to my bed(remained so rest of month)Oct I Confined to my bed and very ill5 D" Sat up a little6 D" Better7 D? D"8 Drove out 3 m & home 6He informed George that after his return IVom Mr.Selden's on September 23 he was for "several daysunder strong delerium and had the rattles." By thebeginning of 1768, however, he was able to boastthat "T think I may safely aver that I have not beenin a better [state of health] any time these twentyyears past, & tho' I am not so young, my youngestdaughter . . . was born the 20th day of last January."On ,\pril 22, 1766, he noted in the journal that the
"Kitchen roof catched fire" and on May 15 that he
"Took Possion [sic] of my summer house." Thelatter was probably located in the garden, where,during his convalescence in the spring, he was able tomake a meticulous lecord of the blooming of eachplant, flower, tree, and shrub, constituting n mostinteresting catalog of the wild and cultivated flora ofIfith-ceiUury Marlborough. The catalog is indicativeof Mercer's ranging interests and his knowledge ofbotanical terms (see Appendix L). That the gardenwas perhaps as interesting as the house is borne outby the fact that in 1 7,50, as the house was reachingcompletion, Mercer had brought from England agai-dener named \\'iiliam Blacke, paying CaptainTimothy .Nicholson for his passage.
Mrrccr's close attention to tin- iwitiii.ii |j|i<iiom(iiaaround him i)C(;an with his illness in 1 7lit). ( )nJanuary 4, only a few days after he had become ill,he installed a thermometer in his room, and eii>litdays later moved it to his otiice. Ret;ularly,from then until the close of. his journal, except whenhe was absent from Marlborough, he recorded theminimum and maximum readings. One has only tolook at the figures for the winter months to realizethat "heated" rooms, as we understand them, wen-little known in the 18th century. Only on C:hristnui>Eve in 1767 did the temperature range from a lowof 41? to as high as 63?, because, as Mercer noted,
"A good fire raised the Thermometer so high."'
.\lthough Mercer apparently found surcease fromhis cares in the peaceful surroundings at Marlborough,his responsibilities went on nevertheless. The cost ofkeeping slaves remained an enormous and wastefulone: "Every negroes cloathi, bedding, corn, tools,levies & taxes will stand yearly at least in ?5," hewrote to George. In his letter he placed an orderthrough George for clothing, which included 25welted jackets "for my tradesmen & white servants,"indicating the large number of white workmen on his
staff. It also included 20 conmion jackets, 45 pair ofwoolen breeches, 1 dozen greatcoats, 5 dozen stock-ings, I '.J dozen for boys and girls, 4 dozen "strong felthats & 600 Ells of ozenbrigs. We shall make \'irg*cloth enough to cloaih the women and children, butshall want 50 warm blankets & 2 doz of the Russiadrab breeches." Against the advice of his merchantfriend Jordan, he declined to order a superior gradeof jacket for his Negroes that would last two years,since "most negroes are so careless of their cloathes& rely so much on a yearly support that I think suchjackets as I had arc cheapest & last the year very-well."He ordered George to buy new sheeting for family
use, including "84 yds of such as is fit for comp*,"inasmuch as "my wife is ashamed of her old sheetswhen any strangers come to the house." He al.so
pi...W<"l 1Norfolk.
K which
,,.,ia u-
.\ly millwri^h(? Hirrt(ion? vtcreIhr Oil I fi inches bf
The Icii
.\ .Suit I 1pn>vitl iiHi !
Ill .lull It lun. Ill' (M(l<-|('<l ll.lll-t. . fi
'
a yard wide, for the malt kiln, abra.ss seed Ixixcs for wheat, turnips, lucarii peav-&c," and a considerable nunil^cr of books. |).irlir-ularly for his children. "Bob. Newl>er\ !t i!vBible & Sun in S! Paul's churchyard ^furnish you at the cheapest rate with 'adapted to the real instruction as well ::of children from two to six fci 'The long letter was finally fiiuMKu un j.mu.iM ....1768, its great length partly dictated by the factthat the river had frozen, immobilizing the posts.He noted in his journal that on February 16 he wasin Fredericksburg and "dined at my Sons l)eing mybirthday and 63 y" old." On the 24th he attendeda meeting of the Ohio Company at Stafford court-house and on March 14 returned there for a court
session. The next day he went home to Marlltorough.perhaps never to leave again. The journal ended atthe close of the month. The next that we hear ofhim appeared in Rind's Virginia Gac^llr on October 27:On Friday, the I4ih ii'
.SiiilFiMd C/)unty. John Mi ithe law with great success inforty years. He was a <:
.-ibilitirs inspired by an c\in his |)r<)fcs.<ioii 'lilerauire. He ?dis|x)sition, a f.ice(iou$ companion, a warm Inrnd. an
all. husband. ' '? ' ?? indulgcni
ni.i
59
Figure 17.
?
Plail i rom Maria Sibylla Mlrlan's Melumoiphusu Iineituiuin Suiimimeiisium
efte Verandermg Surinaamsche Inseclen (Antwerp, 1705), an elegant work in Mercer's Library.
\ I
Disso/iitioii of Miir/hoi-ou^(^Ji
JAMES MLRCLR S ADMINISTRATIONOF THE ESTATE
Juiiu-s McrciT was now "manager" of Jolm Mcicci"sestate. George, heavily in debt, remained in Englandnever returning to X'irginia. The staugering task ofrescuing the estate from l)ankruplcy was left to James.The immediate necessity was to reduce wastefuloverhead at .Marlborough and to liquidate non-essential capital investment. On December 1.'), I7()l!,James advertised in Rind's Virginia GttZflU-:
.\ large and well chosen collection of BOOKS, beini;
all the librar)' of (he laic John .\ffner, Esq., deceased,except such as arc rcscrs'cd for the use of his children.Iliosc to be sold consist of more than l2tK) volumesnow at home, with which it is hoped may be rcckt.ne:!upwards of 400 volumes which appear to be missing bythe said Meritr^s catalcgue .... Tlic Ixirn.weis archereby requested to return ihem before the I9lh ofDrcfmbrr next, the day ap|X)intcd for the appraising ofthe estate ....
.Mso to be sold, about 20 marcs and cults, and 40 pairlit cows and calves. The cohs arc the breed cf lliriM-auliful hnrsf RiinUr, who is for sale: his (vdigree hi:sImth formerly puhlished in this Gazelle, bv which it will
.ipiM-ar he is as well related as anv horse on the loniinriit.lie cost 330 I. currency at his last sale, alKitil 4 yciriii?o. and is nothing worse except in age, and thai can bebut little in a horse kept for the sole use of covering ....Except for attempting to dispose of the library andthe horses ami livestock, no sigmhcant changes wereimdertaken until after .September 7, 1770, when John
Mercer's widow, Ann Ro\ .Mercer, died. K*... ?,,>,,of the plantation to simpler terms then began inearnest. Purdie & Di.xon's Virginia CiizrHr publishedthe following advertisement on October 25, 1770:To bt .SOLD on Monday tht I9ih of November, i/ fair,olheruisf nrxl fair day, at \fariboraugh, tht seal of Iht laleJohn Mercer Esq: dt<tastd.The greatest part of his i>enional estate (except slavn)consisting of a variety ol h'to meniion; a nuinl>er of \? idiiion; a ver>- large and choice flock of horses, bn>odmares, and colts, all blooded, and mcsUy from that vcr\iK-auliful and high bred horse Rantfr a errat numlicr ?>tblack calUe. esteemed the Ijcst in il .1 in
size to any beyond the Ridge, but ~ , m.JM-causc they will thrive in shorter pas!ounces of fashionable ; ' "not ntore than seven %for six horses. ITjosr ?m-ber I7?>8, to 1738 I ?csince increased, and n .hatan . I . , ,j ,,^ ,j, I
rii\ls.i vmII then lie ?>ld srveralBRIIW KRY. lie- a copper that Iiron Ix.uikI buis that contain
r. . i^'.lru
I"
vilh il
I*.ance ol Mich as conic Imm thai tidr ol / f ihr n>n\-r\'-
f>l
It is clear that Ranter and his cohs, as well as the
cattle, had not been disposed of at the former sale.Further, it is obvious that there was an end to brewing
at Marlborough, a result which James must ha\ebeen all too glad to bring about.This sale, however, was also unsuccessful. In thiMay 9, 1771, issue of Purdic & Dixon"s VirginiaGazette we learn that "The wet Weather last Novemberhaving stopped the Sale of the personal Estate of thelate John Merser, Esquire, the Remainder . . . willbe sold at Marlborough, on Monday, the 27th of thisMonth, if fair . . . ." \Ve learn that the familybeds, apparently alone of the furniture, had been
sold, and that the chariot had been added to the sales
list. Apparendy tiie iiljrary still remained largelyintact, as "a great Collection of well chosen Books"was included. Ranter was still for sale, now at afive percent discount "allowed for ready money."But again - so an advertisement of June 13 reads inthe same paper?the sale was "prevented by badWeather." June 20 was appointed the day for thepostponed sale. This time an additional item con-
sisted of 200 copies of Mercer's "old Abridgment"(doubtless the 1737 edition), to be sold at five shillingseach.In the meanwhile, James iiad emplo\ed oneThomas Oliver, apparently of K-ing George County,as overseer for the four plantations which were in hiscustody?Aquia, Accokeek, Belvedere, and Marl-borough. On May 31, 1771, Oliver made a detailedreport to Mercer on "the true state & Condition ofthe whole Estate and its Contents as they appearVlwhen this return was fill'd up".'" Included in itwas an inventory of every tool, outbuilding, vehicle,and servant. The .Marlborough portion of this isgiven in Appendix .\1. Oliver added an N.B. sum-marizing the condition of the animals and thephysical properties. The following of his remarks areapplicable to Marlborough;
. . . The work of the Mill going on as well as Can beExpected till M ' Drains is better, the Schoo and Boat
unfit for any Sarvice whatsoever till repaired, if Capableof it. the foundation of the Malt house wants repairing.the Manor house wants lead lights in some of the \vin-dows. the East Green House wants repairing, the west
'*' A Documentary History of American Industrial Society, edit. JohnP. Commons (New York: Rvissell & Russell, 1958), vol. I, fac-
:
': 'ipp. p. 236.
d? wants butlmcnts as a security to the wall on thesouth side. The barn, tobacco houses at Marlbrough &Acquia must be repaired as soon as possible .... fivestables at Marlbrough plantation must be repair'dbefore winter, we have sustai'd no damage from Tempestor Floods, it will Expedient to hyer a Carpinder for thewoork wanted can not be accomplish'd in time, seeingthe Carpenders must be taken of for harvest which isLike to be heavy. I will advertise the sale at StaffordCourt and the two parish Churches to begin on the20th of June 1771 ... . P.S. The Syder presses atEach plantation & Syder Mill at Marlborough totallyexpended .... Negro Sampson Marlbro CompanySick of the Gravel .... Negro Jas Pemberton atMarlb'' Sick Worme Fever.The sale as ad\crtised and, prcsuniaiiK . as postedby Oliver was again a failure. Apparently no oneattended. The situation must have been regardedthen as desperate, for James advertised on August 29,1771, in Purdie & Dixon's Virginia Gazette substan-tially the same ntaterial as before. This time, how-ever, it was "To be SOLD, at the Townhouse inFredericksburg, on the 24th day of September next (beingthe second Day of the Fair)." Added to the formerlist were "About two Hundred Weight of HOPS of lastCrop," "About four hundred Weight of extraordinarygood WOOL with a variety of Woollen and LinenWheels, Reels, &c.," as well as "A Number ofGARDEN FLOWER POTS of different forms.Some ORANGE, LEMON and other E\"ER-GREENS, in Boxes and Pots." The valuable butunwanted Ranter was again put up.Biu once more bad luck aitd an apathetic (andprobably impecunious) populace brought failure tothe sale. On October 24, 1771, Purdie & Dixon'sVirginia Gazette printed the following ach'citiscmentand James Mercer's final public effort to convert someof his father's estate into cash:
To be SOLD /o the highest Bidders, some Time .\ext 11 Vc/.,before the Kalcigh Tavern in ]Villiamsburg,The beautiful Horse RANTER, a genteel FAMILYC:().\C^H, with Harness for six Horses, also severalPieces of FASHIONABLE PLATE, yet remaining ofthe Estate of the laic John Mercer, Esquire, deceased.Credit will be allowed until the 25th of .'\pril next, thrPurchasers giving Bund and Security, with Interest fromthe Sale; but if the Money is paid when due, the Interest
will be abated.
.\ny Person inclinable to purchase RL'SllWt )R I H"SCOLLECTION may see them at the Printing Office,and know the Terms. At the same Place are lodged
.several Copies of the old Abridgment of the \'IRGINI.\
LANVS, conlainini; so many Prctrdrnts for Mai{isir:itrsih.il they arc esteemed v.'!' wmli in.- sliillings, thePrice asked for them. JAMI s MFIU F RWilliamsburg, October 24.N.B. The Plate is lodijed with Mr. Craig, and may beseen hv any inclinable to purchase.lames did not attempt to .sell the plantation it.selfor the .sla\cs. hut evidently soutjht to reestablishM.ulhoroiinli on an cHicient and prolitahle basis.
1 hit he failed to do so is l)roui;ht out in a letter thatGeorm* Mason wrote to CJeornc Washington onnecember '21, 1773. In it is expres.sed the wholetragic sequence of debt compounding debt in theplantation economy and the in.suruiountabic burdenof inherited obligations:The embarrass'd .Situation of my Friend .Mr. Jas. Mercer's
.\flairs i;ivcs Me much more Concern than Surprize. Ialways feared that his .Xvcrsion to sellini; the Lands &Slaves, in Expectation of paying the Debts with theCrops & Profits of the Estate, whilst a heavy Interestwas still accumulatini;. wou'd be attended with badConsecjuences. independent of his Brother's Difficultiesin England; having never, in a single Instance, st-enthese sort of Delays answer the Hopes of the Debtor.When Colo. [George] Mercer was first married, &thought in affluent circumstances by his Friends here,considerable purchases of Slaves were made for Him, athigh prices (& I believe mostly u|X)n Credit) whichmust now be sold at much less than the ccst: He was
oriijinally burthened with a proportionable part of hisFather's Debts: most of w hich, as well as the old Gentle-man's other Debts, are not only still unpaid, but mustbe greatly increased by Interest; so that even if Cblo.Mercer had not incurr'd a large Debt in England. Hewou'd have found his .Mfairs here in a disagreeableSituation. I have Bye me Mr. James Mercer's litle-Papers for his Lands on Pohick Run & on I our-mileRun, in this County; which I have hitherto endeavouredto sell for Him in \ain: for as he Left the Price entirelyto Me, I cou'd not take less for thein than if they hadIx-en my own."'M.XRLBOROUOH DURINGAND AFTER THE REVOLL'TION
Despite the seeming unwisdom of dt)ing scj. famesMeiccr held on to Marlboiough until his death,lie was an active patriot in the Revolution. scr\inR
'?' iMIns to Waihinglon, .\nd A(fimfi.w\in( Paft'i. nlil S. Nt.ll.unillon (Boston and .New Y.irk: llouitliton, .Slimm. I*?>l),Vdl ?, p. Jill..
as a iiiriiiber of the V'irRinia Coiiiini'MarIlK>rough, too, seems (o have been .i jin the war, when Ixird Dunniore, on a last ?foray, sailed his ships up the Potomac and attackedseveral plantations. ThatM.K" 'wc learn from the widow of Mof the X'irginia militia, who "was at the 'of Marllxjrough, the seat of Judi"- MI'otomac . . . ." "* In Purdie's
.August 2, 1 776, wc read
:
William Brent, esq., at the mouth of A'
.Stafford county, as also two other houM-> l?n^.,the Polowmack River, Iioth the property of widow !.Marlborough was no longer the property of a "widowlady," but accurate reporting even today isuniversal, and Marllx>rough may have Ijeen in-In any ca.se, the mansion was not destroyed. aithoui;hwc do not know whether any other buildintj-Marlborough were damaged or not.John Francis Mercer. James' half brother, appearsto have lived at M.u" . ' 'the Revolution. He -aide-de-camp to the eccentric and ditficul'Charles Lee in 1778. When Lee wafter the Battle of Monmouth, Job. ibut reentered the war in 1780.'** He .ippan i
settled at Marll)orjugh after the surrender at ^ork-town, at which he was pr,.-sent. In I "K? he waselected to Ijoth the \'irii;inia House of I - andthe Continental C'ongress. General l.<< oi'ii t!-.rsame year, stipulating in his will:Id mv friend John [Franci*! Mereer, Esq., of Marl-
gxiineas to buy a ring, i wnild give hrheh.i- ' - ' ?'
if hr ?
It is not proluble that John Francis' "genius"
w.,- " ? ? ^t ?H.Ciovenior."'
"? CJronor Bmiws G?>oo?, Ip. 21
1
'" IbidU'. ?.--1-;-. < V\-.i V . ' ;.... llii..V>/i//;p. \<>.I" Ibid.
James Mercer died on May 23, 1791. In 1799 thePotomac Xeck properties were advertised for sale orrent by John Francis Mercer in The Examiner forSeptember 6. We learn from it thnt there wereoverseer's houses, Negro quarters and cornhouses,and that "the fertility of the soil is equal to any in theUnited States, besides which the fields all lay con-venient to banks (apparently inexhaustible) of the
richest marie, which by repeated experiments madethere, is found to be superiour to any other manurewhatever." "30 or 40 Virginia born slaves, infamilies, who are resident on the lands" were made
"available."THE COOKE period:MARLBOROUGH'S FINAL DECADESThe plantation was bought by John Cooke ofStafford County. Cooke took out an insurancepolicy on the mansion house on June 9, 1806, withthe Mutual Assurance Society of Virginia."" Fromthis important docunient (fig. 43) we learn that thehouse had a repjlaeement value of $9000, and, afterdeducting .$3000, was "actually worth six thousandDollars in ready money." The policy shows a planwith a description; "Brick Dwelling House one Storyhigh covered with wood, 108 feet 8 Inches long by28}) feet wide, a Cellar under about half the House."Running the length of the house was a "Portico 108
feet 8 Inches by 8 feet 4 Inches." A 'Torch 10 by 5f." stood in front of the "portico," and another waslocated at the northeast corner of the building, "8 by6 feet." The policy informs us that the house wasoccupied not by Cooke, but by John VV. Bronaugh, atenant or overseer.The records do not reveal how long the mansionsurvived. That by the beginning of the century it hadalready lost the dignity with which Mercer hadendowed it and was heading toward decay is quiteevident. After John Cooke"s death Marlborough wasagain put up for sale in 1819, iiut this time nothingwas said of any buildings, only that the land wasadapted to the growth of red clover, that the winterand spring fisheries produced $2500 per annum, andthat "Wild Fowl is in abundance." '^*Undoubtedly as the buildings disintegrated, their
sites were leveled. There remained only level acresof grass, clover, and grain where once a poor villagehad been erected and where John Mercer's splendidestate had risen with its Palladian mansion, itsgardens, warehouses, and tobacco fields. Even in theearly 19th century the tobacco plantation, especiallyin northern \'irginia, had become largely a thing ofthe past. Within the memory of men still alive, theone structure still standing from Mercer's time wasthe windmill. Except for the present-day fringe ofmodern houses, Marlborough must look today muchas it did after its abandonment and disintegration.
Policy no. 1134. On niicrolilm, Virginia State Library. 148 Virginia Herald, December 15, 1810.
64
archp:()L()(;vANDARCHITKCTURK
a la.?Aerial photograph ok MARLnoRouGn. The outlines of theexcavated \Nall s>stcm and Structure B foundation can be seen vshereHighway 621 curves to the cast.
66
TJ?c Sih\ its Prohlciii^diid Prc/iiiiiii(iry Tests
\\\
1 lu- preceding chapters have presented writtenevidence of Marllioroiigh's histoiy and of the humanelements that gave it life and motivation. Assembledmostly during the years following the excavations,this information was not, for the most part, availablein 1956 to guide the archeological sur\ey recountedhere. .Neither was there immediate evidence on thesurface of the planted fields to indicate the importanceand splendor of .Marlborough as it existed in the I8ihccntuiT.In 1954, when Dr. Darter proposed that the Smith-sonian Institution participate in making excavations,he presented a general picture of colonial events atMarllwrough. He also provided photostats of thetwo colonial sur\'ey plats so frequently mentioned inPart I (fig. 2). From information inscribc"d on the1691 plat, it was clear that a town had been laid outin that year, that it had consisted of 52 acres dividedinto half-acre lots, and that two undesignated acreshad been set aside for a courthouse near its westernboundar\-. It was known also that John Mercer hadoccupied the town in the IHth centun. that he hadbuilt a mansion there, that a circular ruin of drrs.sedlime-sandstone was the base of his windmill, and thaterosion along the Potomac River i)ank had radicall\changed the shoreline since the town's fjjunding 263ycai-s earlier. But nolK)dy in 1954 could point outwith any certainty the foundation of Meitrer'smansion, nor was anyone aware of tin-stone wall .system, the two-room kitclu ;or the trash pits and other structures that la\ beneaththe surface, along with man\ IHth-century household
artifacts. It remained for the archculogist to rrcovcrsuch nonperishabic data from the ground.In .August 1954 .Mc-ssrs. .Setzler, D.i' ' '.' '?
.spent three days at Marllx>rough < \making tests, and, in general, determining whelhrrthere was sutlicient evidence to justify extendedexcavations. The site is located in the southeasternportion of what was known in the 17th centiir>- asPotowmack .Neck (now Nfarllwrough Point), with thePotomac River on the east and Potomac C'reek on thesouth (map, front endpaper). It is appro;iclied fromthe northeast on Highway 621. which brandHighway tiOO alxtiit 2S miles from the site I6()H rnrjs from Aquia Creek westward toBrooke, situated on the Richmond. Iand Potoniac Railrn.-id alxiul fourpresent .StafTord i on L'..S. Route I. High-way 621 takes a ,<.iiidiiv' ' '? ?'?woods until it debouches onto i!of the pmiiit. The river is visible lo the east, as theroad travels slightly east of due <--.>i' .inintersecting s<-condar\ road thai nn iih
.ind then wi The latter i
v,,i,tl>u>--i< !> !'''"? Neck
I the wr-' ofllic .Neck, li
,,,-,1 i),,- P.,
I
I'.ii.ivtoiiK't kr, rxt.4<\itt<tl briM<<
: I b\ r. D. Stewart.Be\ond this ?ecoiNiar>- road. Highw^iy 621 con-tinues soiithxtarrJ to .1 snuill thicket aiid cliiiiip of (revs.
?>7
^-r - ?'i^.Fi-urc 19.- Ill - ;M(]|.iirj ill iiiiiii ilic curve in iIh' i'lilI, with
site of Structure B at rii^ht.
where it cur\es sharply to the cast, its southerly coinsestopped by fenced-in lots of generous size (withmodern houses built on thcni) that slope down toPotomac Creek. After the highway makes its turn,several dri\-eways extend honi it toward the creek.One of these driveways, oljviously more ancientthan the others, leaves the highway about 200 feetcast of the clump of trees, cutting deeply throughhigh sloping banks, where vestiges of a stone wallcrop out from its western boundary (fig. 22), andendinc abruptly at the water's edge. Highway 621continues to a dead citd near the confluence of creekand river.Some 200 feet west of the turn in the highwayaround the clump of trees, is a deep gully (or "gutt"in 17th-century terminology) that extends northwardfrom Potomac Creek almost as far as the intersectingroad that passes the site of the Indian village. Thisgully is overgrown with trees and brush, and it formsa natural barrier th.it di\ides the lower portion of the
]joint into two parts. A few well-spaced modernhouses fringe the shores of the point, while the flatland behind the houses is given over almost entirelyto culti\ation.Since the two colonial land surveys were not drawnto scale, some confusion arose in 1954 as to theirorientation to the sur\i\ing topographic features.Howe\er, the perimeter measurements given on thelt)91 plat make it clear that the town was laid out inthe southeastern section of the point, and that thegutt"' so indicated on the plat is the tree-linedgully west of the turn in the highway.Bordering the clump of trees at this turn couklbe seen in 1954 a short outcropping of brick masonry.A few yards to the north, on the opposite side of theroad, erumiiled iiits of sandstone, both red and gray,were concentrated in the ditch cut by a highwaygrader. In the fields at either side of the highway,plow furrows disclosed a consideral^le quantity ofbrick chips, IHih-centiuy ceramics, and t;lass sherds.68
In the field cast of tl'x cliiinp ol ikcs .md noitli oitlu" highway, opposite tin* stct-p-ljiinkcd side io;:dIt-adini; down to Potomac Creek, could be seen in arow the tops of two or three laiije pieces of i^ray stone.These stones were of the characteristic liine-sandstonconce obtained froni the Aqiiia quarries some fourmiles north, as well as from a lonR-abandoned quarryabove the head of Potomac C^eek. It was decidedlo start work at this point by investigating these
stones, in preference to expjorint; the more obviousevidence of a house foundation at the clump of trees.This was done in the hope of finding clues to lotboundaries and the possible orientation of the surveyplats. Excavation around these xcrtically placedstones disclosed that they rested on a foundationla\er of thick slabs laid horizontally at the undisturbed
soil le\el. Enough of this wall remained in silii topermit sighting along it toward Potomac Oreek.The sight line, jumping the highway, picked up thepartiv overgrown stone wall that extends along thewestern edge of the old roadway to the creek, indi-cating that a continuous wall had existed prior tothe present layout of the fields and before the con-struction of the modern highway.The excavation along the stone wall was extendednorthward. At a distance of 18.5 feet from the high-way the stone wall ended at a junction of two brickwall foundations, one running north in line with thestone wall and the other west at a W angle. These
walls, each a brick and a half thick, were lx)nded inovstershell lime mortar. Test trenches were dug to the
Mill til .111(1 \M vl I'l ' wlu'lllilenclosure walls or hi> ' itionv. -soon evident that they w Jurmer, iquestion was whether tins \\<rc lot liomatching those on the plat. If so, it ^^a* >then a strert must have run along the emi side of thenorth-south couising wall. Accord' 'made, but no supp?>rlinu r\idenerwas found.Ne\'<*rthel<'ss, tlw iium .itions ni .m ?i.iih>[.ii<' w.uisystem, a probable houv foundation, and a wcdth of
artifacts in the soil were enough lo 5iip|><>:archeological project, the n*SMlls of wliiclconsiderable historical and architecturalDetermining the meaning of the walls and whetherthey were related to the town layout or to Mercer'splantation, learning the relationship of the plantationto the town, discovering the .sites of the U>9I court-house and Mei-cer's mansion, and finding other hoii!>cfoundations and significant artifacts all these >%'rrcto be the objectives of the project. The problem,broadiv consideral, was to investigate in depth a
specific localitv where a 17th-century town .uu! an18th-century plantation had succcssiv? 1 indfallen and to evaluate the evidence in the lii:hl of
colonial Nirginia's evolving culture and economy.
.\ccoixlingly, plans were made, a grant was obtainedfrom the .\merican Philosophical So< countedin the introduction, and intensive wuik un the sitewas 1 "'' "" ' " 1 '' t)?
69
VIII
y4rchcohgical Techniques
The archcologist must adopt and, if necessary,invent the method of excavation best calculated toproduce the results he desires, given the conditions ofa particular site. The Marlborough site requiredother techniques than those conventionally employed,for instance, in excavating prehistoric AmericanIndian sites. Moreover, because the Marlboroughexcavations constituted a linrited exploratory survey,the grid system used customaiily in colonial-sitearcheology was not appropriate here, and a differentsystem had to be substituted. It was decided in 1956to begin, as in 1954, at obvious points of visibleevidence and to follow to their limits the footings ofwalls and buildings as they were encountered, ratherthan to remove all of the disturbed soil within alimited area. By itself this was a simple process, butto record accurately what was found by this methodand relate the features to each other required the usemainly of an alidade and a stadia rod. Only to allmitccl extent were some exploratory trenches dug
and careful observations made of the color anddensity of soil, so as to detect features such as woodenhouse foundations, postholes, and trash pits. Oncelocated, such evidence had to be approached meticu-lously with a shaving or slicing technique, againtaking careful note of soil changes in profile.All this required the establishment of an accuratebaseline and a number of control points by means ofalidade and stadia-rod measurements. Then eightpoints for triangulation purposes in the form of ironpipes were established at intervals along the south
side of the highway, east of its turn at the clump oftrees, on the basis of which the accompanying nmpswere plotted. The full extent of the excavations isnot shown in detail on these maps, particularly inconnection with the walls and structures. The walls,for example, were exposed in trenches 5 feet wide.Similar trenches were dug around the house founda-tions as evidence of them was revealed.
70
IX
ffii/l System
DESCRIPTIONS OF EXCAVATIONSOn April 2, 1956, the junction point of the thiixwalls roinid in the 1954 test was recxcavated. Thebottom layer of horizontally placed stones 1.8-1.9feet wide was foiuid in situ, while most of the verticalstones from the second course had been broken orknocked ofT by repeated plowiiiE;. Construction ofthe hichway had completely removed a section ofthe wall. The corner of the two brick walls wasrevealed to have been superimposed on the northern-most foimdation block of the stone wall, thus indi-cating that the stone wall preceded the buildingof the brick ones. The upper stone block that badbeen removed to make room for this brick corner
still lay a few feet to the east where it had been castaside in the 18th centur\-. This part of the stone wall.toneth<T with its continuation besond the hivjhway tothe creek, was designated Wall .\ (figs. 21 and 24).Exposure of the brick wall running westward fromWall .A (designated Wall .A I) disclosed broken capsin the brickwork, the gaps ranging from 1.8 to 3 feetin length, and the intei-\enin(? stretches of intactwall, from 7.33 to 8 feet. Eight-foot spacings arcnormal for the settings of modern wooden fenceposts, as such a fence .south of the highway illustrated.It is assumed. therefor<-, that, following the destruc-tion of the exposed part of the brick wall, a woodeifence was built along the same line, recjuirine theremoval of bricks to permit the setting of fi-nrr p.i>i<(fig. 26).\V.ill A I intersected the modern highwav at an
acute angle, di.sappeared thereunder and reappearedbeyond. South of the clump of trees it abuttedanother wall of different construction which rancontinuously in the same direction for 28 feet. Be-cause of their manner of construction, the two walkat their point of juncture were not iiuhence, probably were constructed at di;The 28-foot section later pioved to be the south wallof the mansion, il 1 as B. T"considered when cture is <another section that continued for less than 4 feet tothe point where a 12-foot modern driveway crossedover it.)To the west of the driveway another wall (B-I),
still in line with Wall A-I, ?
"cutt." ( )f this only one brii kbrick and a half thick. A>x>ui midway in its lenitthwere slight indicat -i . ? ... ...expanded for a ^!however, the crumbled condition of tlmortar fragments made this inferenrNe.ir the edge of the "gutt," I .southwest corner of the Str\iciiire B maiWall B I terminated in i ' 'the other -lide of which \\This wall ran 384 feet in a southwrsirrlv direction' ' '- ' ' ?' the
Ifwas constructed ot roii
iikI
the
II.
\< iv; >i 11 >? 1 V
-^ A, A-l. B Itos;ethrr with the creek bank, form an encios?irc
71
measuring a little over two acres.Returnins; to the point of beginning excavation, thebrick wall which is extended north from stone wall A(desi<;nated as Wall A-II) was followed for a distanceof 175 feet. Like Wall A I, it was a brick and ahalf thick (a row of headers lying beside a row of
stretchers), and was represented for a distance of 36feet by two courses. Beyond this point for another30 feet, a shift in the contour of the land, allowingdeeper plowing in relation to the original height ofthe wall, had caused the second course of bricks to beknocked off. From there on, only occasional clustersof bricks remained, the evidence of the wall consistingotherwise of a thin layer of mortar and brick.Wall .K-II terminated in a corner. The other sideof the corner was of the same construction and ranwesterly at right angles for a total distance of 264.5feet, passing beneath the highway (north of the turn)and stopping against the southeast corner of a struc-ture designated E. Extending south from Structure Ewas an 84-foot wall (Wall E) a brick and a halfthick, laid this time in Memish bond (header-stretcher-header) in several courses.Another east-west wall, of which only remnants
were found, joined Wall E and its southern terminus.Six feet west of Wall E this fragmentary wall widenedfrom three to four bricks in thickness in what appearedto be the foundation of a wide gate, with a heavyiron hinge-pintle in situ; beyond this it disappearedin a jumble of brickbats.Upon completion of the wall excavations, a returnwas made to Wall A, where a visible feature hadbeen observed, although not investigated. Thisfeature was a three-sided, westward projection fromWall A, similarly built of Aquia-type stone, formingwith Wall A a long, narrow enclosure. The southerneast-west course of this structure meets Wall Aapproximately 62 feet north of the creek-side terminusof Wall A and extends 59 feet to the west. Thenorth-south course runs 100 feet to its junction withthe northern east-west segment. The latter segmentis only 55 feet long, so the enclosure is not quitesymmetrical. No excavations were made here.However, in line with the north cross wall of theenclosure, trenches were dug at four intervals in afutile eflfort to locate evidence of a boundary wall inthe present orchard lying to the east of the road tothe creek.
SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH WALLS
ArtifactWine-bottle base. Diameter, 5}s inches.(USNM 59.1717 fig. 29; ill. 3.5)
Wine-buttle base. Diameter, 4/', inches.(U.SNM 60.117)Polychrome Chinese-porcelain teacup base.Bluc-and-whitc porcelain sherds.(USXM60.ll8;r)l).r21jBuckley coarse earthenware. (USNM60.80; 60.108; 60.136; 60.140)
.Staffordshire white salt-glazed ware.(USXM 60.106)Brass knee buckle. (USXM 60.139; fig.83e; ill. 49)Hand-lorged nails.Scraping tool. (L'SXM r,l).133; fig. 89b;ill. 76)Kr^igmcnt of bung extractor. (USNMMVr34; fig. 89d)
Date
of Manufacture1735-1750
175U-I770
1730-1770
ca. 1760
ca. 1760
Provenience
-Adjacent to junction of Walls A. .'\-I,A-II, 13 inches above wall base andundisturbed soil.Surface
In disturbed soil between junction ol
^\'alls .\, .\-\, .A-II, and modernHighway 62 1
.
Surface
Surface
Surface
SurfaceSurface
Surface
ArtijactShnds of heavy load-glass drcantcr andknop of lan?e wini-glass or pcdcslal-bowi
^tcm. (LSNM 60.149)Wcstt-nvald stoneware. (USNM 60.104;60.1U1)lidcwatcr-lype earthenware. (l S\.\I60.141; 60.154)Iron gate pintle. (l'.S.\.\l bU.yU; l^s. J'Jand 88)
Brass harness ring. (LSNM 60.33; figs.29 and 83i)
Bridle bit. (U.SNM 60.67; figs. 29 and91c)
Bottle seal, marked with "i'. M" andfirst three digits of dale "173. . . ."(L'SNM 60.68)Fragment of iron potlid (LSNM 60.69;Kg. 87a)
Indian celt, with hole drilled for use aspendant. (USNM 60.87)
Iron loop fidin swinclein e. (I'.SNM60.86)
\\ inc-lxitlle base. Diameter 4'j inchesL'SNM 60.83)
Iron plow colter. (LSNM 60.88. ill. 79)
Dale
(if Manufmluie
ca. I7'i0
before 1750
(See matching seal dated 1737 onwine bottle, LS.NM 59.1688;fig. 78; ill. 37)
1735-1750
Irenchc* bnidc \N.ii
.Surface
Wall I
.soiit:Juil, in bricks in (rcond2 im ?of 1
1
undisturbed wii5 inches west of Wall K gai^course, 4 inches above undisti:...: ,.L'nderncath bridle bit (sec above).
Southwest comer of Wall E gair\?a>. 7inches above undisturbed soil, at lowestbrick course.16 inches east of southwest comn iWall E gateway, at undisturbed soil,7 inches below wall base.30 inches east of southwest comer INVall E gateway, at undisturbed M>il,7 inches below wall base.Wall E gateway. Top course of bricks,16 inches north of pintle (see abovrt.Wall E gateway. I3.5 feet ea>t of pin:..
III addition to the artifacts listed above nimu-rous
uther.s were excavated from the trenches, althoughfew of these have aicheological value for purposes ofanalyzing the structures. (July the finds accompaniedby depth and provenience data are significant inevaluating these structures, and in the case of thegateway few are helpful to any degree. The frag-mcntaiy holtle seal found there in.it. ' r tl\ nwhole .seal th.it occurs on a wine hoii- "'d ina subsequent section. That seal is dated 17.17, andthus this seal must ha\e been simil.irlv d.ited. Itspresence near the lowest level suggests th.il the wallwas in construction at the lime the seal w.is deposited.
Bottles were used for a long time, howcv<
seal may have reached it ' ' ?'later than 1737. The Intithe (opsoil while the tirnch in whichIxtilt was lieing excavated. I 'next to it probably w.ts left thetion. The colter, although itIflth-eentiiry origin, mav '? ?the llllh cenliirv after th.Since the cf!top of the 111.... .V .. .
JOHN MERCEH PLANTATIONMARLBOROUGH TOWN, /A.SCAL? I SOA BfUCH MARK
Figure 20.
?
Excavation i>i.an of Mailboroiisjh.
74
UeHCta PLANTATIONSTON? *?t BRICK WALLSiciir < I
> >X \
\ \\ \? \\ >
\
cA
-? ?
Jk.
Fii{\irc 21.
?
Excavation plan of wall 5?icni.
75
Figure 22.
?
Lookinc north up tin- old road It-ading to the creek side.
Figure 23.
?
Outcropping of sto.nk w.m.i. along old road from creek side.
I'igurc 24.?JuNcnuis ok stom W m i A.with brick W.ill A I .11 i- 'HI (.irck. jidr lo lliu j-oml.I A II M rii(lii.
77
Figure 25.
?
Looking north in line with Walls A and A II, Wall A-I joininaat right angles.
-A-
ir r
1
I inure 2i).?W.\i I A 11. lijc.iks in wall d.u< i:..iii -iLM-viUfiil pLitriiiiiii ulfence posL?.
\\ . . , \ I .. ..K ,.,l
i^V T '.-
? I rornrr of Sinicttirr B.
1 iguic 28. Wall E, souih ui kilclu-n, showing grftcuay loundal
Figure 1^9.
?
Dktail of gateway in Wall E. showing iron pindr for tjalc hingein place; also bridle bit (see fu?. 91c). Karnes's ring, and bottle base {tecill. 35).
Figure 30.
?
NVai.i. B II looking toward Potomac Creek with "Gull," shownin 1691 survey, at tight.
81
i^T*
s\
I ,
I
r
Figure 31.
?
Wall D, looking east toward Potuiiuic River from Structure E (kitchen).
( Texl cnnlinuedfrom page 73)been torn oflF from the plow, pt-rhaps was left on thebricks where it fell.
HISTORICAL DATA ANDINTERPRETATION OF WALL SYSTEMJohn Mercer commented with exasperation in hisLand Book about the unresolved discrepancies be-tween the Buckner survey of 1691 and the missing
''jregg survey of 1707 (p. 14). There are as many
disparities between Buckner's plat and the platresulting from the Savage survey of 1731. In thelatter a new row of lots is added along the westernboundary, pushing the Buckner lots eastward.Where in the Bucknei plat the lots and streets inthe lov\'er \y<u\. of the town west of George Andrews'lots turn westerly 1? from the indicated main axisof the town, paralleling the 30-pole fourth course ofthe town botuids which runs to the creek's edge, theSavage map shows no such change, ^'et Savage, indescribing the courses of the survev in a wi itten note
oil till' plat, sliows tliat Uv lullowfd tlu- oriniiul buuiicls.Hi" dors note a 4'^, lU-polr riror in tlu- course alongI'utomac Creek, "which difTncncc gives severalLots more than was in the old survey making oik-Row of Lots more than was contained therein eachcontainiiig two thirds of an Acre." This was doubt-less a contrivance desiijned to reconcile the Grennand Buckner surveys and also to benelil John Mercer,lu any case, it is clear that the plats themselves areIxjth unieliai)le and inaccurate. What was actualwas shown in the archeological survey of \936 withits record of boundary walls and at least one street.An attempt has Ix-en made in fiijiiie 14 to give scaleto the Buckner sur\ey by superimposing the archeo-logical map over it. There, Wall B U, if extendednorth for 1 1 1 feet beyond its length of 384 feet to equalthe 30 poles (495 feet) of the fourth course, wouldexactly touch the southwest corner of lot 21 where thefourth course began. But, in spite of this congruence,the other features of the plat are distorted and dis-agree with the slightK- northwest-southeast basic
orientation ol tlie street and \^M I ?simplest explanation might \)c thai tlmade on the basis of the 1 707 Gregg -
it was fi." '- I for Pomthe to\s
!
growthto .Mercer's occupancy, it is probable that (he i>orientation wasWhether or imiside was fundamental to the town, and prolKibbbuilt early in its history ai'it.self was abandoned. \\e\ideiice that Wall .-\ antedates ilwere connected with it. Furiheiwall system in relation to the entii'later. It may be concluded for nouand the road Ix-side it represent the ii;town as it was laid out in-fore .Meirfithe stone walls were built Ix-fore tli thai WallB II follows the fourth c<i un.it a> 'Buckner's plat, and that : -. walls lu.ilate as 1 750, as some of the associated artifacts suggest.
83
FLAGSTONE TERRACE
STRUCTURE B
Figure 32.?Excavaiion i>la\ of Structure B.
X
Mdiisioii Foini(l(ition[Sfrucfiirc B]
DLSCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS
Willi tlic exception of Wall A, the protruding bit olbrickwork near the clump of trees (where Highway621 makes its turn to the southeast) was the onlyevidence reniainine; above ground in 1956 of Nfarl-borough's past grandeur. Designated Structure B, itwas plainly the remains of a cellar foundation, w hichthe tangled thicket of vines and trees adjacent to ittended to confirm. Since its location correspondedwith the initially estimated position of the courthouse,it seemed possible that the foundation might havesunivcd from that structure.Excavation of Structure B began accidentally whenthe excavators began following the westward courseof Wall A-I, as described in the preceding section onthe -Wall System." Wall .\-I abutted, but did notmesh with, the corner of two foundation walls, one ofwhich ran northward and the other continued on for28 feet in the same direction as Wall .\ I. The brick-work in the 2H-foot stretch of Wall .\ I was laid in astep-back, butlr<'.s.s-type construction. .At the bottomcourse the wall was 2.65 feet thick, diminishingupward for fise successive courses to a mi 'f1.5 feet. A wall runninu northward thee,. .-tion wall?was exposed for 16 feet front the pomtofits junction with Wall .\-I until it disappeared underthe highway. It was found to have the s-imc butircvs-
ts pe construction. There was no evidence of a cellarwithin the area enclosed by the foundation walls Miuthof the highway.Excavation of the east foundation wall was resumed
MoiiM ot tn<- Highway, but here no bufound, with evidence of a cellar \i-This evidence consisted of a curious complex offeatures, comprising remnants of two parallel eios-walls only 4.5 feet apart with a brick paveim ntbetween 4.8 feet l>elow the surface. The cast walland the cro.ss walls had flush surfaces. The northerK-cross wall was tied into the brickwork of the east wall,showing that it was built integrally with the founda-tion. The northerly cross wall had l>een knockeddown, however, to within five courses on the floorlevel. The pavement was fitted against it.The southerly cross wall was not tied into the brick-work of the east wall, and the pavenient had hccwtorn up next to it. Thus it was evident that this wallhad l)een erected subsequent to the building of thefoundation, that it had shortened the cellar In- 4.5feet, and that the cell.ir extended southward to apt)int Ijeneath the highway where it was ii ''-?to excavate. Documentar\' evidence to coialteration will Ik- shown l)elow (p. 91).Extending 12.5 feet north of the original cro? w.illwas another eellarless section, with step-lwck but-
Irt'^ 'uring the fouiKl.ition wall, .\nolhrrpa\i > m evidence north of tfv' ??>? !? ?for 26 fert. with a final 14.25-foot cell
as f.ir as the north wall of the strucof the cellar, to the extent that i;shrubs made il poniblr to drterniine. ^^brickbats at-removed. \.\walls and of floor irralmr
85
FiouK -Site of Structure B before c.\cav;itina;, looking northeasl.
The entire length of lliis cxtiaoidiiuny foundationtotaled 108 feet.The northwest corr.er of Structure B was not ex-cavated because it was hidden beneath a group ofcedar trees which could not be disturbed. South ofthe trees, however, the section of the west-wallfoundation was exposed to a length of 15.5 feet. Thissection was situated partly in, and partly north of, thenorth cellar area. The cross measurement, fromouter edge to outer edge, was 28 feet, the same as thelength of the south foundation wall. Another shortsection of the west foundation wall also was exposedfrom the southwest corner as far as a private drivcwavwhich limited the excavation.
.Abutting the exterior of the north wall of the founda-tion a flagstone pavement was found, extending 8.45feet northward and 16 feet westward from the north-
'? (St corner. Against the foundation, within this
space, was a U-shaped brick wall, forming a hollowrectangle 5 feet by 3.6 feet (inside). The space wasHUed with ashes, loose bricks, and other refuse. Thisbrickwork was the foundation for a small porch, thelime-sandstone slabs surroimdiny it having; been anapron or a small terrace.Extending westward from the cedar trees, beyondthe projected 28-foot length of the north wall, was ashort section of brick wall foundation, the outersurface of which was faced with slabs of red sandstoneand dressed on the top with a cyma-reversa molding.The tofjs of the slabs were rough, but each had slotsand channels for receiving iron tie Ijars (ill. 3) thatwere still in place. This wall was inset foin- inchesto the south of the alignment of the main noithfoundation wall.The northwest corner of this additional structurewas hidden under the highway. Even now, however.
^-^^
I igure 34.
?
Soithn\"est corner of Structi'rk B. Piazza roundation extends to left, withrod sandstone block at Junction of piazza with main foundation. To the left of top of
sign, molded rcd-sandstono trim can be seen which ap|>arently surrounded the piazz.i.Bricks in front of trim ;ipiH-ar to have been added later as step foundation. Brick butlrev>ingof main-foundation footing appears at right.
the discerning eye can pick up the contour ot a wallrunning parallel with the west foundation wall underthe blacktop pavement. For a brief distance, betweenthe point where the road swings eastward from it andthe private driveway covers it again, excavationexposed this wall. Designated Wall C, it was 22inches thick, entirely of brick, with no evidenceremaining of red sandstone on the outside. Theexterior surface was 9.5 feet beyond the west founda-tion wall.At the southwest corner of the foundation, c\ idencematching that at the northwest corner was foundHere, again inset 4 inches from the line of themain south foundation wall, were to be sren the topsof red-sandstone slabs like those found at the northend ^f^g. 3b), in this case with one tie rod still inplace. The driveway obscured the point to which
the corner of this extending structure could pnsuin-ably be projected. Subsequent construction .igainstthe sitnclstone slabs had co\er<-'
a rubble of brick and mortar tii , ,foundation for masonry steps (fig. 35). Projectingout from the - '
.1 rect ingulaito lie the corner of these superimposed steps. Al-thon ' rider the .'by I ' ^^'?'" '^ 'corner of Wall C. It will lje demonstrated fron\
??.11 C. wii!
1 of a hil.The lielief which persi-stcd for a time il iir
Merver"s nuinsion.
87
Figure 35.
?
Soithwest corner of Structure B, showing molded-sandstone trimwith added brickwork in front. Bricks also covered red-sandstone block, loweri-ight. (Diagonally placed bricks at left are not part of structure.)
SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS
l-igurc Sb.?boiTH wall of Strictirk B. Iixiking cast. Base of verandaextends to bottom of picture at left. Molded-^sandstone trim a|>|)cars thr- '-brick rubble that has been attached to it, evidently as ba<e for stejw.
and narrow, fronted by a I'ull-lcnRtli veranda andadorned with stone trim for which wc can find noexact parallel in Ui-centnry America, it was as indi-vidualistic as John Mercer himself. Yet, far frombeing a vernacular anachronism or a mere eccentric-ity, it was apparently rich with the ' ?isms that made it very much an e\|The mcasurenicnts made of the foundation whenexcavated, as we ha\e seen, sli"and a width of 2U feet for the noverall width, including the projecting Wall C, of 37feet tS inches. The insurance | ? '10? feet ? inches and a widththe main foundation, plus a separate width for the
?portico" las the stnicturr alx?vc Wall C' w.t^ rnlird'of 8 feet 4 inches. These .?nall discrrpamlie in tlx' ? >easuriiig a ^tanUlll^hou.se ail':Despite the fact that the foundat: "iii
unequal si/e were .situated within ihc uuiin tma
insur.ince-policy plan, "a (>-IUr under aUiut hall the!I ,>e."
. ?? (Mrtly de?ti vu n?id-wav acro? the foundation, acting as a maining wall.89
Figure 37.
?
Cellar of Structure B, showing remains of original cross wall
at left and added cross wall at right. Mercer probably referred to the latterin 1749 in his account with Thomas Barry: ''Underpinning and alteringth<- cellar."
As described aboN-e, this cross vvhII was found to betied into the brick pavement that abutted it on thesouth side.The bricks in the main foundation walls and in thepartly destroyed cross wall and pa\emcnt, on the basisof sample measurements, show a usual dimension ofabout 8% by 2% by 4 inches. .An occasional 9-inchbrick occurs? about 10 percent of the sample.In contrast, the bricks in the second cross wall are
all 9 inches long, except two that are 8,'.^ inches andone that is 8% inches. Similar sizes prevail in the
''?-'icks exposed in the "portico" foundation (Wall C)
at the soutii end. The significance of these brick
sizes will be discussed later.It is clear that Wall C was the foundation of tlie
"portico," and that by "portico"" the \\riter of theinsurance policy meant \ eranda or loggia. The policyalso shows a "Porch 10 by 5 f." extending from themiddle of the \eranda. The highway now coversthis spot.In the space between the two parallel cross wallswithin the main foundation, the debris yielded a largesection of a hea\y, red-sandstone arch, 14 inches wide,9 inches thick, and 3 feet 2 inches long. This arch
AFigure 38.
?
Section of red-sandstone arch found in cellar,presumably from an arcade surrounding the \rranda.
Figure 39.?Hi :sand.stone. |x>?ibly a Hank'sle|? at ihe >oulh end of ihr \ri.,tHi.inear which it was found.
was rounhlicwn on tlu" flat surfaces and on ahout halfof the outer cur\cd surface, or extrados. The innersurface, or intrados, and the remainder of the extradosare smoothly dres.sed (fin. 38). .At tlic .south end ofthe main foundation another cur\ed red-s.uidstonepiece was recovered. This piece curves laterally andhas a helically sloped top .surface. It is 25 inches lont;,14'; inches hit;h at the highest point, and 't inchesthick. Presumably, it was part of a flankei' for aformal outdoor si.iir or steps (fip;. 31'). Also at thesouth end was found a cast-mortar blixk with grooveson the back for metal or wooden fastenings (LSNM5y.lH23: fii;. 40). This was p. ' irt of a -^lated ashl.ir doorframe. .X f: ^^ i or "rulibricks occur that arc slightly wedge sha|>ed.Turning to the docinnentary evidencr, one ma>-
recall that an itent dated September 1747, "Bybuilding part of my Ifoii.se." appeared in DaNid
Minitrec's account in 'in I 74'.t, several item>in the account of Thomas Bairw "Bv Bull
,\(Ulition to my H'Retniiis/ By a Ialtering the Crll.iCopein was p 'There is a i
I '2 .Airh< ^ I - \e By I : &
I 1749 and 1750 William
I's work.
' here. "Building part ulmy hoM.s<-" refeiTed to the Iwsic bi^ck structure builtin 1747 by M , . ,work of Willi1748. This doubtless included l>
"' ^. and b'
i !( the ? \Hou.v" almostfor :"
rel.iiThe veranda was prolwbly an anadr h.i\ nic 1 1 .irrbnl
91
Figure 40.
?
Cast-concrete block, probably part of a rusticated door en-iVamement. Fovind at south end of .Structure B. (See ills. 1 and 2.)
Figure 41. Dressed red-s.^ndsto.ne sl.\b (originally in one piece), moldedon both edges. Although last used as a doorstep in Structure E, this slabwas probably designed as trim for the sides of steps connected wilh themain house (Structure B).
^^
(PX.
Illustrations I and 2.?Front and back of cast-concrnc block, proUibly panof a rusticated door cnframcincnt (fig. 40'i Di, ,?.(',.,,, il. I'l s\\j ')9.|823.)/X
^
93
5*^"^' ' 'A -
Figure 42.
?
Fossil-embedded black sedimentary stone, usedfor hearths and fireplace surrounds in the mansion.
openings, with arched facings of nibbed brick bothinside and outside the arcade. Thus, for the brick-layer, each actual arch would ha\e recjuired twoarches of brick. The intrados, or luidersurfaces, ofthe arches were probably red sandstone, like the frag-uientary arch fovuid in the site; the basic element ofthe anJ! was then faced on each side with bricks alsoarranged in an arch formation. The arcade atHanover courthouse seems to have been built in a
.somewhat similar fashion, except that there the brickfacing appears on the exterior of the arch only. The
"900 Coins and Returns" probably are gauged bricks,that is, bricks ground smooth on a grindstone topro\ide a different texture and richer red color tocontrast with the ordinary wall brick. They werewidely used in Virginia mansions of the 18th centuryfor corner and arch decoration. At Marlborough over()00 rubbed bricks would ha\e been required to trim
'lie piers of 1 1 arches, while the remainder may have
Illustration 3.?Iron tic bar used tosecure dressed red-sandslonc slabs toeach other. One-fourth. (U.SNM59.1833.)
l-igurc 43.?! oUNDATio.N OF PORCH at norih end ol btruciurc B, surroundrdby tiagstonr pavrnviii
decorated llio porch. The porch, wc may Ix' sure,was the "Frontispiece."The item for "L'nderpimiiiK; & altcrint; the cellar"proljably refers to the kiiocked-ovit orii;inal cross walland the added parallel cross wall, although the reasonsfor the change will always remain a mystery. As hasbeen noted, the average brick sizes in the main founda-tion, on the one hand, and those of bricks in the newcellar croiis wall and in the veranda were mostlydilfercnt. Probably the distinctions represent i'"-differences between Minitree's and Barry's brick-The detailed sequence of joiners', plastei'painters' work dming the 1748 1 7.'K) p? ialready been given attention in the historical section,
enough to indicate that thr mansion '?..urious appointments. The insnraiKr pol
it as a "Brick Dwellini; House one .Siorv ; :rdwith wood." In modern (xarlancr th: itccalled a stury-and-a-half hou<w with a \?< led
roof. The ver4inda, i in the loiin ol anarcatle, was trinuued \x.; -x:d re'l v i,,.l>t.,,,.- ,mjperhaps paved with the sqiiam anr 'n*
>!ed a cenlnil
thatacoi ihrrr book4- of I
95
i^^/lr--^ 11 II I ^ ' (
'/UTr^A, >^a*U^ t^*^
?^
5 /
^-
?iguro 44.
?
Plan of mansion house drawn on a Mutual Assurancy Society ofVirginia policy of 1806 after the house was acquired by John Cooke.{Courtesy nj Virginia State Library.)
^\
^. >^
was employed. Was there, perhaps, a small gildedcupola to break the long expancc of roof line? Werethe 162 ballnsters, purchased from George Elliotttowards the time of completion, made for staircasesindoors or for a balustrade along the roof? Or didthey border the roof of the veranda? To these ques-tions there can be no answer. Another cjuestion iswlicthcr the house, described as one story high, wasbuilt o\er a high basement or near ground level.Here wc have evidence pointing to the latter, sincethe foundation had two separate cellars, eciualling
"a Cellar under about half the House." A high orEnglish basement, by contrast, would ha\e beencontinuous. Furthermore, the veranda was at, ornear, the ground level. The ground fioor thus mighthave been as much as 3 feet higher, reached by stepsfrom the veranda?but not a whole story higher.The depth of the cellars, ranging from about 4to 5 feet below ground level, implies that the firstfloor was not more than 3 feet above ground level.
Suggestions as to details of trim and finish aremade here and there, again in fragmentary hints.Several broken pieces of a dark-gray, fossil-embeddedmarble sur\ive from the "'chimney-pieces" andhearths of fireplaces (fig. 42). They may be the
'hewn stone from Mr. Nicholson" paid for in 1749.A piece of plaster cyma-recta cornice molding showsthat some rooms, at least, had plaster rather thanwooden ceiling trim (USXM 59.1829, ill. 4).Thomas ()li\er"s statement that '"the Manor housewants lead lights in some of the windows" suggests anunparalleled anachronism, since the term "leadlight" is an ancient one referring to casement sashesof leaded glass. But it is inconceivable, in the contextof colonial architectural history, that this houseshould ha\e had leaded-casement windows, and it is\-ery probable, therefore, that the semiliterate Oliverwas indulging in a rural archaism to which hehad transferred the meaning of "sash lights." Thelatter term was used commonly to denote double-
y6
:?? ?S^.;-i-.v:^jak;::>:*
Illustration 4.?Cross st-ction of plas-ter cornice molding from StructureB. Same size. (LSNM 59.1829.)
iiung, woodcn-sash windows, such as Georgian houses
still feature. In support of this inference is thecomplete lack of archeological evidence of leaded-glass windows.The cellarless areas of the foundation may haveprovided the footings for ciiimncys. These probablystood several feet from tiie ends, perhaps servingclusters of four corner fireplaces each, for each floor.One may surmise that there was a hip roof, with achimney rising throuijh each hip. .X |x)rch at thenorth end had a rectangular brick base 4 by 6 feet,surrounded i)y a flagstone area 16 feet wide andH feel 5 inches in extent fiom tiie itou.sc. This evi-dence, however, difTcrs from the figures given in theinsurance plan which shows a "Porch 8 by fi feet."The mansion embodied some characteristics whicliare traditional in Virginia house design and otherswhich are without parallel. The elongated plan indi-cated by the foundation was more frequentlv encount-ered in N'irginia dwellings of the late 17th andearly 18th centuries than in the "hiijh Georgian"mansions of the 174l?s and 1730"s. Tvnkey I.sland.for example, built in Henrico (k)unt>' in the 17thcentury, was 103 feet lo.?g, 5 feet le.w thin Marl-borough.'" The additions to Governor Berkeley's
"?IIkSBV C:ilANDLr.E FORMAS, I'hf Arcllilf(lv>f of ihf 014Sou/A (C.iinbridgc: II.ir\ard University Prc?. I'MH). pp. 74-7.V
(ireen .Spring T
. buill dnrmg the l.ilr I7ihcentury, consi.<iti
;
informal ?crics of r.^-room in depth for the ino?i part. Watcrni.opinion that (irren .Spring ngrown cottage without the ?sion." '*" The excavations > l'J54 bvCaywood ha\e altered tirwhat, but, with its IJtJ;..: ...,;... ', -remains an earlv example of the rioneaird piAside from Ikfrom the ubiquii. . .,
?So indigenous is this vernacular form (hatfound in houses of eonsi<l'18lh century. .Such .ire 'Gloucester Goimty, Gun.sion HallGhiswcll Plantation, known as ' .NHanover. Robert Brverli\ nuliij tfondness for this style, <many i.wouldnation as delightful as it is absiinlThat tlv-formal is ccentury addition to Fairfield (Carter's Creek P:tion) in Glouct'^ter C?iuUy. which bi'This dwellini; had a full hip roof, \\light the attic rooms, and a high
cl.i , . . . .
wl,the hip.'*-' Gunston Hall, on the other hand, rr\to the i{able-end form. .A!'"
cottai;e. it is richly adoi itnral detail. Completed in I7.5H, only c:
alt<-r M.ull.. ' ' "Geoive M.irelated to Marlliorough than an>' other e\hiiiise.'**Of all the one-storv \'in;ini.i hoii<?-< that 'tu our attention, only .\l.\eranda. To l)e sure, thru .m -..with full-lenifth \erandas, the r,
(^.
t:.i
II,(Balliiiwrr: MaryUnd lilatoi
97
?,r7.zfr;7i7 ,^y.yA-y/,,^-^^WA--KV^^-7/^/i?^^^^ i^iZ
y^^aiij^: M , . y^. . 1.;^^,?:',r?_lt;
sj> a B
Figure 45.? Tmi villa of "the magnificent Lord Leonardo Emo" at "Fanzolo,in the Trevigian;" illustrated in The Architecture of A. Palladia (Giacomo Leoni,
ed., 3rd edition, corrected, London, 1742). Palladio's was one of the worksowned by Mercer and probably used by Bromley. The arcaded loggias ofthe one-story wings of this building may have contributed to the inspirationof Marlborough, {(.'ourtesy of the Library of Congress.)
Mount Vernon. Elmwood, built just before theRevolution in Essex County, is another, ha\'ing afoimdation plan similar to Marlborough's.'^^ TheMount Vernon veranda is part of the remodeling of]~84, JO that neither house reached its finished state
until a quarter of a century after Marlborough'scon>pletion. Marlborough may thus at the outsethave been imiquc among Virginia dwellings in ha\ingsuch a veranda. However, full-length \erandas onbuildings other than dwellings were not unknown inVirginia prior to the construction of Marlborough,for they occurred in an almost standard design in theform of arcaded loggias in county com thouses.Typical were King William and Hano\er Comity
' \V.\TtR\iA.N, op. cit. (footnote 94), p. 298.
courthouses, both built about 1734 (figs. 5 and 61).The arcaded loggia is Italian in origin and is trace-able here to Palladio, whose influence was diffused toEngland and the colonies in a variety of ways. Weknow that The Architecture of A. Palladio was oneof four architectural works acquired by Mercer in1748 and apparently lent to his "architect,'" joinerWilliam Bromley. The direct influence of this workon the o\'crall plan of Marlborough probably was
negligible. However, Palladio illustrates the \illa of
"the magnificent Lord Leonardo Emo" at "Fanzolo,in the Trevigian" (fig. 45), which may ha\e caughtMercer's eye. This building had a central, raisedpasiliou witii two one-story wings, each approxi-mately 100 feet long. Each wing had a full-length,arcaded veranda. The wings were intended for
stables, granaries, and so forth. Palladio commented
:
I'coplr may ijo miclrr slifltrr every whcrt- al)?)iil thisHouse, which is one of the most consideiahle con-seiiiences tliat oiii^ht to Ix- cl<'sii"cl in a Oountry-hoiise." '"Meicer may have been impressed by this ar^^iimentand by the arcade in tl?e desit?n. He was alreadyfamihar with arcades at the capitol at Williamsbiirt;and at tlu- C^ollege of Wilham and Mary, as well as
"? Antonio Palladio, /A.- .l'i/i/if</i/-'^..y . I. yuiiMfi;.! . . . Hr-tii'd, Dfsign'ii, and Puhlish'd By Giacomo Ltoni . . . Iht ThirdEdition, Cormtfd . . . (London, 1742), p. til, p|. to.
at oiitKiii|{ coiirthoii.srs where he |courthouse at Staffjjrd prol>iilily inchiu . 1case, he did not have ihc veranda built iinlil 1748 or1749, after the main sfrnctiire had liccn coinpl' '? 'It is sinnificant, ir) this regard, that it was not . '.i
.March 1748 that he sritird accoiinui with Sydrnhain& Hodgson for the four architectural Ixmks (includingi'alladio).A formal garden apparently was laid ?nearly s<^|iiare, walled em !It is perhaps wholly a !?writing alx>ut the villa at Fanzolo.the back of this Building there is a square Oaidcii.
99
HIGHWAY DITCH
CHiOOED TIMBEHSSTICKY CLAY FLOOR
CRUMBLED BRICH
STR U CTUR E ?
SCALE /": S'
Fisiuic 46.
?
Excavation plan of Siruciuro E, lookinij southwest.
\1
K/tclicii FouiuLitioiiSfiiirtiirc E
DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONSStructure E was a brick foundation, 17 fret by 32li-et, situated at the northwest corner of the enclosure-wall system. Its south wall was continuous with Wall1), which joined it, and was at right angles to Wall E.The latter abutted it in line with an interior founda-tion wall which bisected the structure into two roomareas, designated X and Y. Thus it once stood like abastion extendine; outside the enclosure walls, butremaining integral with them and affording a con-trolled entrance to the enclosure (fig. 46).The cast end of Structure E extended under a mod-ern boundary fence to the present edge of the high-way. Ditching of the highway had cut into the founda-tion and exposed the debris and slabs of stone in place,which indeed had provided the first clues to the
'?xistence of the structure. Clearance of the easterlynea, Room X, revealed a pavement of roughlyrectangular slabs of mixed Aquia-type lime-sand-stone and red sandstone. These slabs were flaked,
< rodcd, and discolored, as though they had been ex-posed to great heat. The pavement was not complete,s<jme stones having ajjparently been removed.The scattered locations of the stones remaining ;/;
Mill implied that the entire room was originallvpaved.Hciwcen the northwest corner of Room X and abrick abutment 5 feet to the south was a rectangulararea where the clay underlying the room had Ix-enIjaked to a hard, red, brirklike mass (fig. 49). Wcxxlash was admixed w ith the cla\ . Ihis was clearly the
site of a large fireplace, where constant heal froni anow-removed hearth had penetrated the clay. Ex-tending north 3.8 feet beyond the l>ou ' ' roomat this point was a U-shaped brick ; i:i 4.75feet wide. Near the southeast corner of the room,ju.st outside of the foundation, which it abii" ' - awell-worn red-sandstone doorstep, which . :ic
site of the door communicating between Structure Eand the interior of the enclosure and. of course,between .Structure E and .Structure B, the disiaiKebetween which was l(X) feet.Room Y, extending west Ix-yond the corner of theenclosure walls was perhaps an addition to the originalstructure. The disturbed condition of the brickswhere this area joined Room X, howe\er, olwruredany evidence in this re.spect. In the northea.st corner,against the opposite side of the fireplace wall in RoomX. was another area of red-burned cl.iv. Lying acrossthis was a long, narrow slab of wrought iron, 34.5 by
tj inches (fig. .50). which may have served in somefashion as part of a sto\e or fire frame. In any case,a small fireplace .leems to have been located here.
,\pproximatelv midway in the west wall of Room \,against the exterior, lay a broken slab of red saixl-stone, which ob\iou*lv also srr\-rd as a druirstone.That it had lieen more
>iophisticate<l purpo^ ,, ,., . f.,t >Itreatment of the stone, whirl
a torus molding along each ' itacross one end ^lig. 41). .\. <-?mained in this room, except for a smouil -tfvellow clay which became slick\ when exposed to rain.
101
Figure 47.
?
Foundation of Structure E (kitchen).
Tlic uoith hail of Room \' was filled with brokenbricks, mortar, plaster, nails, and?significantly
?
small bits of charred wood and burned hornets' nests.The concentration of debris here could be explainedby the collapse of the chimney as well as the interiorwall into the room. The crimibly condition of thesouthwest portion of the exterior-wall fovmdation alsomay indicate a wall collapse. Few artifacts wererecovered in this area.North of Room X lay a large amount of rublile and
artifacts, suggesting that the north wall had fallenaway from the building, perhaps carrying with itshelves of dishes and utensils. Both rooms containedample evidence in the form of ash, charcoal, burnedhornets' nests, and scorched flagstones to demonstratethat a fire of great heat had destroyed the building.ARCHITECTURAL DATA AND INTERPRETATIONJohn Mercer's account with Thomas Barry (I^edgerG) itemizes for 1749, "building a Kitchen/ raising a
C'hiumex ' building an o\en."' It is clear Irom thefeatures of Structure E, its relation to .Structure B, andthe custoni prexalcnt in colonial \'irginia ol buildingseparate dependencies for the preparation of food, thatStructme E was the kitchen referred to in Barry'saccount. Like this building, kitchens elsewhere werealmost invariably two rooms in plan?a cooking roomand a pantry or storage room. One of the earliest
?
at Green Spring?had a large fireplace for the kitchenproper, and in the second room a smaller fireplace,both served by a central chimney. An oven stood in-side the building between the larger fireplace and thewall.'" At Stratford (ca. 1725) the kitchen is simi-larly i)lanned, as it is at Mannsficld (SpotsylvaniaGounty).'"' Mount \'crnon has an end chinniey in itskitchen, and only one fireplace. The floor of thekitchen proper is pa\'ed with scjuare bricks, while the
'^" C.'WWOOD, loc. cit. (footnote l.'Jl).158 W'aterman, loc. cit. (footnote 'J4).
102
Figure 48.
?
Paved floor of Room X, Stniciure E, showing HL door hingein foreground. (Sec fig. 8fla.)
second room has a clay floor. The Stratford kitchen
is pa\ cd with ordinary bricks. Such examples can bemultiplied several times.The physical relationship of the kitchen to the mainhouse in \'irRinia plantations was dictated in part bycon\eniencc and in part by the Palladian plans thatc;o\erned the architecture of colonial mansions.Structure E's relationship to Structure B is repre-sentative of that existing between most kitchens andtheir main buildings. Moinit N'ernon, Stratford.Blandtield. Nomini Hall. Rosewell. and many otherplantations have, or had. kitchens locati*d at pointsdiagonal to the house and on axes at right angles tothem. L'sualK each was balanced by a dependeucvplaced in a simil.u' relationship to the op:of the house. Sometimes covered walkw .1the pairs of dependencies, ciirxcd as at Mount \"ernon.
Mointt Airy, and Mannafield. or straight ?s at Bl.iiid-field in Essex County (1771). Marllxironnh, as wc
shall see. was not tvpical in its laxout. 'ii-ship |t'"l\v '"''ii kilt It'-n .nul lioiisr \\ .i u\one.The tliKkiii'the width of : , ,As usual in th< 'he Icjwer cuunn of a founda-tion, thefashion. Iwalls re\caled corners of bricks laid end to end so .i?
,,, ? .? ? T- ??
!?that headers and slrrtchrrs ap|>r.> >ii
on the inside. These \-nriatinns protMlilv are due to
\<>\
Figure 49.
?
North wail of Structure E, looking east. Sign stands on partitionwall between Rooms X and Y and in front of rectangular section of burntred clay, upon which fireplace hearth stood. Projecting foundation at leftmay have supported an oven. Iron slab (see fig. 50) lies in sttu with trowelon top.
different bricklayers having worked on the buildingsimultaneously. Since oddly assorted courses wouldhave been below ground level, care for their appear-ance was minimal. Finished exterior brickwork wasrequired only above the lowest point visible to theeye.Brick sizes ran from 9 to 9}2 inches long, 4 to 4%inches wide, and 2% to 2% inches thick. These meas-urements are similar to those of bricks in the verandafoundation and the added cellar cross wall of .StructureB. It is apparent from Ledger G that the elementsin Structure B, as well as the kitchen, were all built
by Thomas Barry. Barry probably used bricks thathe himself made, according to the custom of \'irginiabricklayers, so that the archeological and documen-tary exidences of the extent of his woik in the twobuildings reinforce each other.The protruding rectangle of bricks at the north endof Structure E resembles the foundation for steps inStructure B. However, its position directly adjacentto what must be assumed to have been the fireplaceprecludes the possibility of its ha\ing been the locationfor a step. Moreover, the pa\ement and doorstonesat the west and south demonstrate that the floor of
104
II
Figure 50.
?
W'rouoiit-iron slab, found in Room \', Structure E, behindfireplace. Purpose unknown. Size, 6 by 35 inches.
the ivitclu'ii was at ground level, so that a raised step
at the north side would ha\c been not only unneces-
sary, hut impossible.Wi- know from the ledger that Barry built an ovenand raised a chinuiey. That the latter was a centralchinmey may be assumed on the basis of the e\ idenceof the two fireplaces placed back to back. There i.s,however, no archeological evidence that there wasan o\en within the structure, and every negativeindication that there was not. The rectangular pro-trusion, exactly in line with the end of the fireplacethus was apparently the foundation for a brick o\en,the domed top of which extended outside the building,with its opening made into the north end of thefireplace. Protruding ovens are known in New Yorkand .\ew England, but none in X'irginia has conicto the writer's attention. On the other hand,protruding foundations like the one here are also
imknuwn in N'irginia kitchens, except where s\.i:,f-ing ground, as at Mount N'crnon, has made Mrpsnecessary.It may be concluded that .Stniciujplantation kitchen, that it was bui''had two rooms (a cixikroom with tna large fireplace, and a second room withfireplace), that an oven built against i!the building opened into the north eiplace, and that the first, and prol>ably the only, Hoorwas at ground level. .-Xrcheological evidence p<ii' t-to final destruction of the buildini; by fire. (Mciw ;indicated that fire had threatened it prcxioiisly in theentry in his journal for .April 22, 1765. wh: ' '
"kitchen roof catch"d fire.") In the form >
artifacts, it also shows that the structure wa.sin the early 19th century, since the latest kliuih
artifacts date from almut IRUO.
105
JA
V3
POSTHOLES
SRICt^ fJUBBLE
STRUCTURES D, F and GSCALE l"=s'A BENCH MARK
Figure 51.
?
Excavation plan of structures north ol Wall D.
XII
Siipjyjscd Siiiokclioiisc Fouiidcitioii[Structure F)
DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONSA nearly square foundation, measuring 18.3 feet byIH.ti feet, with a narrow extended brick structure pro-truding from it, was situated some 4j feet north ofWall D, about midway in the wall's length. It wasoriented on a north-northwest?.south-soiuheast a.xis,quite without reference to the wall system. The foun-dation walls and the narrow extension were exposedby excavation, but the interior area within the wallswas not excavated, except for 2-riint-\\idr in-nclicsalong the edges of the walls.The foundation itself, about 2 feet thick, consistedof brick rabble tumbled and broken bricks, notlaid in mortar and for the most part matching bricksfoimd elsewhere in Marlborough structures. Scat-tered among the typical \irginia bricks and brickliatswere several distinctively smaller and harder dark-redbricks measuring 7Vi inches by 3'-.; inches (fig. 53).The most interesting feature of the structure was itsnarrow extension. This had survived in the form oftwo parallel walls laid in three brick courses withoutmortar, the whole projecting from the southe.isterly
wall. The interior measurement Ixrtween the wallswas 1.7'i feet and the exterior overall width was 4feet. Its southern extremity had an opening narrowedto I foot in width by bricks placed at right angles tothe walls. .Approximately .') feet to the north thepa.s.sage formed by the walls was narrowed to 1 footby three tiers of one brick, each tier laid parallel lothe pas,sai;e on e.ich side. At R.7 feel from its south-ern terminus the extension interseeird the mainfoimdation. Ju.st north of this inlerseelion, bricks
laid within the passage were stepped up lo form aplatform two cours<-s high and one course lower thanthe top of the foundation. \ fluelike o|x-ning wasformed by two rows of brick laid on top of the plat-form, narrowing the pass,ice to a width of 5 inches.
.North of the southeast foundation wall there remaineda strip of four bricks in two courses at the IotI of theopening, forming a thin continuation of the platformfor '.V2.'i feet.MOMFICANT ARTIFACTS IN STRUCTURE FThe narrow extension contained ?c\Tral biishcb ofimburned o\-stershells and some coals. There waslimited evidence of burning, although the shells werenot afl^ected by fire. \ small variety of .\r'< ? ?^,l.^foimd, few of which dated later than \\. ihcentury. The flue or fire chamber yielded the loiluM-ing artifacts:59 1717 Wine-botllc basal fragiwmI8th-ccnlur>' furtn59 1721 Sin..
17-Hi
'" '" '' Green window ^..i- .t.^r.iof cn)wn shertj'j.irjj Blur
.59 I7i5 "V..1750
.59 1727 Wfjicrwald c ?'ware
't *U inrKf*^ iiiiH-
^ioTttl
J rarlv I8?h-<rn-
uirv delflwarc fni(imrnl?
107
y
Figure 52.
?
Structure F (supposed smokehouse loundalion). Firing ciiamberin foreground.
59. 1731 Staffordshire salt-glazed white stoneware, somewith molded rims, ca. 1 76059. 1734 Half of sheep shears (ill. 85)59.1735 Convex copper escutcheon plate (fig. 83g)59.1736 Brass-hinged handle or pull for strap (fig. 83i,ill. 89)Elsewhere, in the trenches next to the foiindaiiouwalls, artifacts typical of those occurring in other partsof the site were found. Worth mentioning are piecesof yellow-streaked, red earthen "agate" ware, some-times attributed to Astbury or VVhieldon, and sherdsof cord -impressed Indian pottery.ARCHITECTURAL ANALYSISSince the interior of this stnictme was not excaxated,many uncertainties remain as to its identity. The
peculiar fluclike structure passing through its foun-dation, the rubble of bricks used to form the founda-tion, the huge quantities of oystershells in the flue,with partly burnt coals underneath, gi\e rise to\arious speculations. So does the orientation of thestructure, which is off both the true and polar axesand is also unrelated to the mansion or the wallsystem.The most likely explanation seems to be that Struc-ture F was the foundation of a smokehouse. A recentlyexcavated foiuidation in what was known as Bruns-wick Town, North Carolina, is almost identical(except for the use of ballast stone in the fire chamberand the building foundation). This also is believedto be a sinokehouse foundation, since similar structures
103
iigiiic 53.?\iRc;iM.\ BRICK from Structure B (Ml) 9 by t by '2\ inchn.Right, small brick from Stnicturc I", probably im|X)n>'' "' ' " 'inchi's. Perhaps one of the tilJO bricks brought on the '.Roger Lyndon and purchased by John Mercer.
arc still rciiicintxTcd from the d^tys of their ii.sc.''
'
The position of the Marlborough structure, outsideof the enclosure wall but not far from the kitchen,the relative crudeness oi its cunstruction, and its ofT-axis orientation, support the likelihood of its bcinR a
'^".SrvNLEY South, ".\ii L iiusu.il jMnok'-liuuv is |)iscij\rr<ilat Brunswick Town," \eu'slfllrr, Bruiiswirk (Vmiitv HismriciilSociety (Chiirlotic, N.C., Auirust I'".
iiiili'man structure. The firing chamber and ihchow uiiqiiesiionably that it vraa a buildingicquirinn heat or smoke. M.r \ogreenhouses, according to Thom i ' v-,and these would have required hca' i.But the small size of th: .ifan\ indication of tile : . :.jnsuggested by contemporar\' descriptions of green-houses sccin to rule out this possibility.
"T'dSRSSi'
-^
^?*|t
'^^-M,-'^^"
.i?-\iV^t
f^'
y***
Figure 54.
?
Structure D, an unidentified struc lure with debris-tilled refuse pit at left.
XIII
Pits (Jiid OtilCI- StillI tilres
STRUCTURE DAn exploratory trench was dug northward sc\cralyards from a point on Wall 1). on axis with StructureB. An irregularly shaped remnant of unmortared-brick structure, varying Ix'tween two and three brickswide and one course high was discovered at the un-disturbed le\el. This measured H.5 feet by 6 feet.Adjacent to it, extending 5.8 feet and having a width\arying from 6.5 to 7 feet, was a pit 2 feet 8 inchesdeep, dug 2 feet below the undisturbed clay level, andtilled with a heavy deposit of artifacts, oystershells,and animal bones. The artifact remains were therichest in the entire site. Some of the most significantof these are the following:
jU |i)!i/ ()(tai;unal s\i\59 lt>H8 WinclxUllr:59 lt>79 Handle sherd ol .\orlh Urvon gravcl-lcmpcrcx)earthenware (ill. 15)59 1698 BucJclcy high-rirrd, black-glazed rarti(fig. 65)59 1699 Buckley high-firrd, aml)er-?laxrd earthenwarepan sherds (fig. 65, ilU. 17 and 18)
.59. I70() Brown-decorated ycllowwarc cup or p ????-?sherd? (fis. 64c. ill. 16)59 1701 Not'
siv59 1762 Sheidof \\>.with ivi-h6d)59 17(H I^.
59.165659 194259 1663]59 2029
1
59 1939]59.166459 166559 l6t>H59 1669159 1670)59 167259 1675
.59 167659 167859 168059.1681
.59 168259 1685
Key (fig. 88)Iron bolt (ill. 69)
Two-lined forks (ill. 55-57)
(cwcler"s hammer (ill. 78)I'laifinents of a y 'Knife blade and "^ 86b)Pewter tririd-handlcspoons(fig.86f and g.ill. .58)Pewter "wavy-end" spoon (fig. 86c, ill. 59)FraginrnUofirol. ' plate (fig 86ii)Pewter leapt)t liil ''Bra.'w rings (fig. 8:)i)
.Sleel sciiwors (ill. 61)Large fishhook (ill. 88)C:halk biillrt mol.i ? ill. 51)Slalc pencil ( fii; '
'
.59 170?> Blue-am!
II' ?59 I7t)7 Bl.1 IT! -.
v(A: "?
"I I 1trMiii aUnil 1835, i> rdem>5il.)The Ixjncs were virlunlly ?" >'?rl .rfii?- r\< ri<t foia few rabbit Iwnes. The ?>refuse de|K>xit. reflect the m -te lot tlwr iJmi.-
nbiiiu' '"' " "'??Tlv of the stniciurr i? not cl-
> jfc^"N^ r^*?*' "? -MARLBORO TOWN
l-igurc Jj.
?
Reilse fou.nd at exterior cur.ner ol Wall A-ii and Wall D.
was probably the site of a privy, the remaining brickshax'ing been part of a brick floor in front of the pit.STRUCTURE GA few feet southeast of Structure D, another muchsmaller pit was found, surrounded on two sides by apartial-U-shaped single row and single course ofbricks. This brickwork measured ') feet in length,with a 4-foot appendage at one end and a 7-footappendage at the other. The pit was small andshallow. Typical ceramic aitifacts were found, aswell as fragments of black basaltes ware (ill. 32) andsome early 19th-century whiteware. The functionof this pit is unknown.
PIT AT JUNCTION OF WALLS A-II AND DJust north of the northeast coiner of the wall systema small trash pit was uncoxered. It contained a
scattering of wine- and gin-bottle sherds, a few miscel-laneous, small, ceramic-tableware fragments, andabout one-third of a blue-and-white Chinese porcelainplate (figs. 55 and 77).UNIDENTIFIED FOUNDATIONNEAR POTOMAC CREEK (STRUCTURE h)About 60 feet from the shore of Potomac Creek, atthe southeast corner of the old road that runs fromthe highway to the creek, bordered by Wall A, wereindications of a brick foundation. This structure wasexplored to the extent of its width (about 15 feet) fora distance northward of 17 feet, then the east wallwas traced 22 feet farther north until it disappearedinto the bankside and a thicket. The excavated areadisclosed quantities of brickbats, a layer of soil, anumber of burnt bricks, a layer of black charcoal ash,and a 6-inch deposit of clay. The brick walls were
112
i'ii{iirc 50.
?
Excavation pi^n of Smiciurc 11.
I in
Figure 57.
?
Siruutuke H. tiom PuIuhur Circck shore, looking northeast.
1 .5 feet thick. The stiucturc had been Iniilt into thehillside, so that the north end was presumably a deepbasement.Artifacts were few. A complete scythe (fig. 90) wasfound embedded in the clay above the brickwork onthe cast side of the structure, and next to it a largebody sherd of black-glazed Buckley ware. A fewsmall ceramic sherds occurred?pieces of redwarewith trailed slip (fig. 64), and small bits of delft,
salt glaze, and Chinese porcelain.The location and implied shape of the buildingsuggest that it had a utilitarian purpose. Near the
waterfront, it would conveniently have served as awarehouse, or possibly as either the brewhouse ormalthouse, each described by Mercer as ha\'ing been100 feet long, of brick and stone. Whether one wasof brick and the other of stone, or both were brick andstone in combination, is not clear. There was noevidence of stonework in Structure H. On the otherhand, the 100-foot-long rectangular stone enclo.sure,of which Wall A formed a part, shows no evidenceof brickwork. The purposes of both these structuresmust, for now, remain unexplained, but associationwith the brewery seems plausible.
114
XI \
Sfdfford CourthouseSouth of PotouiiK Creek
INTRODUCTION
Tlu" chief archcolonic^l prohli'in ul Mai ll)oiou(;liat ihc time of excavation was whether or not .Struc-ture B had served as the foundation for botli the court-house and for John Mercer's mansion. Althoutjh thepossil)iht\ still remains that the sites of the two build-ings overlapped, preceding chapters have demonstratedthat the foundation was constructed by .Mercer for hishouse, and that it did not stand beneath the cotnt-house.However, in l'-?J7 it was thoutihi that ex|iloiationof the late- 18th-century courthouse site, located up-stream on the south side of Potomac Creek, mightreveal a structure of similar dimensions which wouldhelp to confirm the possibilil\ that .Structiue B hadoriginated with the Marlborough courthouse. Fur-thermore, the Potomac Cjeek site was of interest byit.self and was closely related to [ohn Meirer's legaland judicial career.The location of the site is depicted m sin\f\s m-cluded with suit papers of 1743 and laO.^).'"" The.sepapers were brought to our attention by George H. S.King of Fredericksburg, and were mentioned inHappel's carefulU documented history of the .Staffordand King George courthouses.'" Previously, wc hadbeen led to the site by a former sherifT of .StafTnidC'ounty, who recalled listening as a boy to descripiimi-.of the old courthouse building by an ancient who,se
"? Frcdcriclubunj .Suit Papers, 174:) IHOJ (MS, Krcdcriclu-buri;, Virginia, courlhotuc).
"1 IIappel, op. cit. (footnoir 22). pp. IHl-l'H.
memory went back to tli' ul tiic r.'ilicentury. The old man's i' -w turn, werereinforced by similar iTCoiintings of eldcn in his ownyouth. L'tiscientili.tion may be, it enremain sharp and clear in niral areas, spanning in iheminds of two or three individuals the !conventional generations. .\s clues.
ne\'cr to be ignored. In this case wc were taken to arubble-strcwn site on an eminence that ovrrlouk^Potomac (^reek. .\t the foot of a declivity Ih-Iow, onthe old Belle Plains road, we were shown anotiterobvious evidence of structure, which we were toldhad Ix-en the jail. Just to the e.ist of thi< wHtt .iroad leads away to the site of Ca\house (now the ".Stone I.at!.' -that the stocks had once stcOf the latter two sites we have no contirn?nige\idr- r '?' ^^ Injth claims are [-' '' '
.\o .1 iFort was made tosince Imids were limited. The ??ir\T>-s ol I 743 andI""- " '? ?'? - ? .?-?? ,r|.unwas made l?etwrfn .August I'Jrevealing unn-' ? -^ '' '?- '? '
.As will lie ?l:resemblance to the .Stnicturr B toiindaliuii
lllsrrORICAL BACKGROUNDThe history of the Potomac <
Ihouse wa,^ ordered bnitl in l?K?.i, a >TJir alter the
/4
(pt. V^ ^^i
V z-;^ -^ ^/;^. .^. y^ ,^^,^^ ^ ;.; _^ 'f-.
^7c ac^/l^ -^^ ?i*:5i*^- ?^>?i^,, ^>:,^'
<??Cr?<^
r>
I-
f :i^^ XZ / V^^y ; 3 ^. y, ^^^^
Figure 58.-DRAVV1NG made in 1743, showing location of Stallord courthouse south of PotomacCreek (orientation to soiuh). (Fredericksburg Suit Papers.)116
5-. >*
Figure 59.
?
Enlargkd detail from lower right portion of figure 58, showinglocation of Stafford courthouse south of Potomac Cirek.
establishment of Staflbrd as a county. He quotes acourt reference in 1667 to the road aloiit; the southshore of Potomac Creek, running from the "saidFcriA," near the head of the Creek, "to the C^ourihouse to the horse Bridge," which he iii ishaving spanned Passapatanzy Ciut. In li i.this courthouse was near the mouth of the Creek. Iiuthe fails to show that it equally well l)eennear the site of the later lHth-centur>\Vc have seen that in 1690 court was first held in1 homas Elzev's house, seemingly Uh h theIKth-century courthouse site, and tli ? weregiven that it continue to meet there until tlie newcourthouse was ready. The Ihouse at Marllx>rough has i.its tinal clenusc occvirring about 171K. The court's
ofHcial removal from Marllxirough was agrrrd uponJuly 20, 1720, ., ? ?<)cqua Creek"although obviously by error, since P-plii11 f the PntOMiaC Creekburned in 1" d that tt
on!' ' "It 1jurvcy plat (sec tig. 5?J. In I ?in i" \or
reciirtis "lately con.<Rnned by tire' . the
i-JHB, 174'.' 1 7VH Richmond, I '.??>. p. I.'7
117
^^^5^j
Figure 60.
?
Excavation plan of Staflord counhousefoundation.
xi^ ^'
Figure 61.
?
Hanover courthouse, whose plandimensions correspond closely to the .Stallordfoundation.
courthouse had again burned. There seems to ha\ebeen a delay of about five \ears in rebuilding it thistime. Pressures to relocate it were exerted in theineanvvhile and hearings were held by the Governor'sCouncil on a petition to "remove the Court Houselower down." '"' The Council listened, then ""Or-dered, that the new Court House be built where theold one stood." "^'This settled, Nathaniel Harrison and Hugh Adiecontracted in 1749 with the justices of Stafford courtto build a "Brick Courthouse, for the Considerationof 44500 lb. of Tobacco, to be furnished by the last ofOctober, 1750."'"^ Harrison was a distinguishedmember of the colony who, as a widower, had mo\edto Stafford County the previous year and had marriedLucy, the daughter of Robert ("King") Carter of
"Corotoman" and widow of Henry Fitzhugh of
"Eagle's Xest." '^'' Harrison, who later built "Bran-don" ior himself iia King George Cotmty, probablyprovided the capital and the materials, and perhapsthe design, of the courthouse. Adie, of whom nothingis known, was doubtless the carpenter or bricklayerwho actuallv did the work.
"? Ibid.
'*? Execulive Journals of the Council of Colonial Virginia [Novem-ber 1, 1739-May 7, 1754], (Richmond, 1945), p. 282.
'?=J//B, J732-I755; 1756-1758 (Richmond, 1939), p. .55.
'""Harrison of James River," VHM (Richmond, 1924),vol. 32, p. 200.
The construction was delayed by "nrany Disap-pointments, and the Badness of the Weather."Finally, in the spring of 1751, it was about to bebiought to completion, "when it was feloniously burntto the Ground.""'" In April 1752 a special act waspassed in order to permit a le\y to be made whichwould allow the .Stafford court to reimburse Harrisonand Adie for the amount of work which they hadaccomplished on the courthouse and the \alue of thematerials they had provided.'"*i\o record exists of the coiitract for the next?andlast?courthouse building on the Potomac Creek
site. Quite possibly Harrison and Adie agaht did thework. This building was used tmtil removal of thecourt to a new building completed between 1 780 and
1 783 on a site near the present Stafford courthouse.It remained standing throughout most of the 19thcentury, according to local memory. In sur\eys of1804 and 1805 the structure was identified as the
"old court house."DESCRIPTION OF EXCAVATIONS
Excavations were conducted in the simplest mannerpossible, in ortk'r to arrive at the objective of deter-mining the dimensions of the courthouse withoutexceeding availaiile funds. An exploratory trenchsoon exposed a line of rubble and disturbed soil. This
"" Sec footnote 1G5.
"" Hening, op. cit. (footnote 1), vol. 6, pp. 280-281.
118
-'^^
Illuslralion 5.?Above, left, rt-consliuctcd wine bollli-from Potomac Creek courthouse site. One-fourih.
Illustration 6.?Top, right, fragment of moldedwhite sah-glazed-ware platter from Potomac C^reekcourthouse site. One-half.
Illustration 7.?Lower, right, iron bolt from PotomacCreek courthouse site. One-half.
line was followed until the ciuirc outline of the buildinis;was revealed. At several points bricks in mortar
still remained in situ, especially at the south end.Two brick piers extended 4 feet .i inches into thestructure, midway alontj the .south wail at a distanceof 3 feet 9 inches apart.The entcrging evidence indicated that the structurewas rectangular, approximately .i2 feet long and 26feet wide, with a T-shaped projection 25 feet wideextending out a distance of 14 feet 5 inches from thecenter of the east wall of the building.
SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATEDWilli POTOMAC CREEK COURTHOUSE
I'cw artifacts occurred in the small area excavated
.It the courthouse site. Those which did. significantly,related either to the structure itself or to the ealinijand drinking that probably occurred either alfresi'oor within the courthouse building. We know that theOhio Company Coininittec ntct there for many years,Ix^inning in 1750, and doubtless limches .nul re-freshments were served to the members during theday, before they returned to the tavern or to neigh-Ixiring plantations to dine and spend thi- night.Portions of wine bottles (of the s.nne dimcnTiions asthe Mercer "1737" bottle from Marllwrough) were
I
'^^
"t V. -^1
lllusiraciun ?. .Xtxjve. Irlt, >lonc M_rapM,Onr-half.
Illustration 9.?.Above, right. Indian cell. Foundnear gate in Wall E. One-half.
found (ill. 5). along with small rragments of late 'century types. .\ stxlion of the rini of a large, t? (.i.;-onal. white, sall-glazed-ware platter with a wrc.iihand lattice design wa.s recoxered from the north-wallfootings (ill. 86), and fragments of a salt-gla/ed-warcdiimer plate occurred in the .south trench. Anoystershell found nearby suggests how the platter in. ishave been used. Two pitxes of a white sall-gla/cil-ware posset pot round out a picture of elegant e.iiin;;and drinking in the I7?i()'s, as do th<polished, agate octagonal-handled kni\The latter were badly damaged bv fin-Pieces of blue-and-white delft |found, as well as a sherd of polytldat<'d apparently from 1740 to 1760. Twocrcan\-ware plates with wavv e^
'
shape reHect the last veantofu::house. A tantalizing fitKl is a small fraKtncni of
cobaIt-1'' blown i^oval inil Th? \>.a large Ik>w1 or sxveetmeat dishThrei-the onl\stems lielong to the mid- aixl lair- 1gors . A ' nlarge m.', ,found near the .south end of the structure. Bits of
Evidence of the struciurr is found in a lar^ nuinlter
119
120
(if h;iiul-fori;cd nails, in quantities of window glassinched and distorted, and in pieces of plaster. Thelast is the t\pical hard, coarse oyster-shell plaster ofthe area, having a smooth surface coat, except forline lines left by the trowel. There is no evidence ofpaint. .A small slide bolt of wrought iron probablylilted on a cupboard door, or possibly the gate inthe bar (ill. 87). Another iron fixture is not identified.Two kinds of window glass occurred. One, the
earliest type, is a thin, yellowish glass which is coatedwith irridescent scale caused by the breakdown ofthe glass surface. None of this glass shows signs offire or, at least, of melting. The remainder is agrayish-blue aquamarine, much of it melted anddistorted, and some of it accumulated in thick masseswhere tremendous heat caused the panes literallyto fold np. A fragment of yellowish-green glass pane,related to the early type and again coated with scale,
varies in thickness and was apparently from a bulls-eye. Xo evidence exists of diamond-shaped panes,but, as should be expected, there is indication of
^quare-cornered panes in both types of glass.
.\RCHITECTURAL ANALYSISThe plan of the footings (fig. 60) shows a T-shapedfoundation. This was an immediate clue to thenature of the structure, for the T-shaped courthou.sewas virtually a standard 18th-centuiy form in \'ir-ginia. This foundation, in fact, is almost a replicaof the plans of both King William and HanoverCounty courthouses, each built about 1731 "'? (figs.
.% 61, and 62).The King William courthouse measures 50 feet4K inches long and 26 feet 4 inches wide in themain structure. Its T section extends 14 feet 9 inchesto the original end (to which an extension has beenadded) and has a width of 23 feet I OS inches. TheStafford foundation is 52 feet long and 26 feet widein the main structure. The T-section is 14 feet 5inches long and 25 feet wide. A clcscr comparisoncould scarcely be expected.Hanover's length is 52 feet 4^ inches, the width ofthe m-iin section 27 feel 10 inches, while the T-scctionis 15 feet 2K inches long (in its original part) and 26feet 7 inches wide.
A third e.xaniple, completed in 173'' .rjCity County courthouse.''" The ni> .?fthis building are not available to us, but <
.
u-nation of photographs discloses a building of abuutthe same size.The earliest of these T-shaped buildings ihiu farrecorded was the York Ck)tinty conrthou.sr, completedin 1 733. Destroyed in 1814, its site has l)ecn excavatedby the National Park Ser\-ice. Its foundation, measur-ing 59 feel 10 inches in length and 52 feet i: -h,including the T, was somewhat larger iha:. .....irsknown to us. The records show that it was ratherelaborate, with imported-stone floors and conip.ro-head windows.'"'All these buildings had arcaded verandas. MarcusWhiffen raises the question as to which of them, ifany, was the prototype, then concludes by speculatingthat none was, and that all four may have derivedfrom the 1715 courthouse at Willi imsburg, the di-mensions of which, however, remain unknown.The introduction of the loggia first at the College ofWilliam and Mary and then at the capitol led him topostulate that its use in a courthouse also would haveoriginated in Williamsburg."* The Stafford founda-tion showed no trace of stone pa\ nlcmight have been, but, since vii i < kshad been taken away, it is likely that such a valuablecommodity as flagstoi\es also \\' ''en re-moved as soon as the building \\ : or dis-mantled. Two brick piers at the west end of thestructure (fig. 36) remain a m\-sterv. The\ are equi-distant from the longitudinal walls, and may havebeen the foundations for a chimney. Howe%cr, theirpositioTis do not relate to the fltx>i ' - atHanover or King William cc) iierfeatures of which are so nearly comparable. OurwoiiUl suppose every basic i " of the Staf-ford building would ha\e |.. .is in thesebuildings. The piers were perl>aps late additions ormodifications.The I oof was apparently of wood; there were noevidences of slate shingles. The bricks wrrt approxi-mately 8^, inches by 4 i ' ' " ' id wereprobably laid in a p.i . .i? JiHanover or King William, siikc ?n>e of the brickswere glazed. No lead or other signs </ ' '
'?? Marcus VVuifh;n, "The F,.irly Count>- Coiirtl>?u?ri of\'irgini.i," Journ.il of the .Society of .\rchitcctural lli?tori.ii?(Amherst. M.ws., lO.iO). vol. 18, no. 1. pp. 2-1".
'?? Ibid.
'> Ritrv, op. ri?. (IbcMimle SI ), pp. Wi If.i'< WiiirriM, op. cit. ifooliiole 160). p. 4
121
used in leaded sash were found, so we must assumethat the 1665 courthouse was built elsewhere.
CONCLUSION
It may be assumed that the Potomac Creek court-house, which was built of brick, resembled thecourthouses of Hanover, King William, and CharlesCity, and that its architecture, symbolizing theauthority of Virginia's government, reflected the
official style expressed in the government buildings atW'illiamsburg. All the successive Stafford courthousesfrom 1 722 on probably were built on the old founda-tions; if so, the Stafford building was the earliest T-form courthouse yet known in Virginia. Its similarity
to the three structures built in the 1 730's shows thatan accepted form had developed, possibly, as W'hiffensuggests, deriving from a prototype in Williamsburg.The courthouse bears no resemblance, cither in itsshape or the absence of a basement, to the Structure Bfoundation at Marlborough. The site, reached moreeasily than Marlborough from any direction, dictatedthe removal to it of the courthouse in 1 722, thuscontributing to the demise of Marlborough as a town.The last structure, especially, was historically im-portant because of the meetings of the Ohio Com-pany held in it. It is of particular interest to thestory of Marlborough because John Mercer was, formost of its existence, the senior justice of the Stafl'ordcourt.
122
ARTIFACTS
n
Figure 63.?TiDK\VAn;i<-T'iPE pottery: a, milk jjlaii (.ill. 11); b, base of bowl (ill. 14);
c, pan-rim sherds; d, base of ale mug (ill. 12).
124
XV
CcFdniiiw
Most of the ceramic artifacts found at Marll)oroughcan be dated within Jolin Mercer's period of occu-pancy (1726-1768). A meager scattering of late18th- and early 19th-ccntur\' whitewares and stone-wares reflects the John Francis Mercer and Cookeownerships (1768-1819).COARSE EARTHENWARETidewater TYPE.?Mercer's purchase in 1725 of ?123s. 6d. worth of earthenware from William Rogers(p. 16, footnote 54) probably was made for tradingpurposes, Judging from the sizable cost. Rogers oper-ated a stoneware and earthenware potteiy in York-town, which evidently was continued for a considerabletime after his death in 1739.'^ An abundance ofwaster sherds (unglazed, underfired. overtired, ormisshapen fragments cast aside by the potter), sup-posedly from Rogers' output, has been found as streetballast and fill in Yorktown and its environs. Micro-scopic and stylistic comparison with these sherds
relates numerous Marlborough sherds to them in
vai-\ini; degrees, [-"or purposes of tentative identifica-tion, the ware will l)e designated "Tidewater type."Some of the ware may have been produced in Rogers'shop, while other articles resembling the Yorktownproducts may have been made of similar clay and firedunder conditions comparable to those at Yorktown.A Marlboniugh milk pan (ISNM 59.hlhl. ill. 11.and ISNM 59.1580) has a salmon-colored Inxly and
.1 lustrous mahogany glaze with fine niangdnevstreaking. Another milk pan (LSNM 59.2039. ill. -'
'^ VVatkin.* and NoKl Hfur, op. cil. (footnote 54 V
tig. b3a) has a buff Ixxiy and a glazr of uneven thick-ness that ranges in color from thin bnjwn with blackllecking to a glutinous dark brown approachini; lilack.The nu)St typical glaze color, influrv-' '' the un-derlying predominant pinkLsh-buff .i lii;htmahogany with black specks or blotches. 1 1 occurs atMarlborough on a small sherd (LSNM ()0.20l ?. Avariant glaze occurring on pottery found in Yorktownappeai-s here in a yellowish-bufT sherd flecked withi)lack (LS.NM 60.154). The flecking i.s only in part
.ipplied with manganese; it is also the effect ofocherous and ferruginous particles which ;throuijh the surface of the body, .i-~'i"'i'" ..v,
coloi-. Occasionally the nianganesc i- llv.so that the natural IkkIv color ^flecks in a reverse effect (L'.SN.Mthen the vessel is uniformly black (ITidewater-type fornjs found at ^elude milk paius 15 inches in diamrti . ,inches deep (in 1720 Mercer ixnisht ". is"for 5d. and 5 "gallon?lazed jar coser wii:inches (USNM 59.2013), and fraKmcnts of other |Mt??and Ixjwis of ' *nnig has a i
.59.2043, fig. 63d. ill 12). Its .Mm i)F.i>-RiM ivrr. 1a liijht-rcd Uxl> and i:
clazr. It is characterized bv a i
?i.)rni or >\
with early 1 8th-cent?r>- mAiehals Ironi ?iich ??ir?
125
as Jamestown, Kecoiightan, Willianisbury;, and Rose-
well. It may have originated in England.North Devon* gr.^vel-tempered ware.?The coarsekitchenware made in Bideford and Barnstaple and inthe snrroirnding English villages of North Devon isrepresented by only two sherds. This ware is char-acterized by a dull, reddish-pink body, usually dark-gray at the core, and by a gross waterworn graxeltemper. It occurs in contexts as early as 1650 atJameslown and as late as 1740-1760 at Williamsburg.One of the Marlborough sherds is part of a large pan.It is glazed with a characteristic amber lead glaze(USNM 60.202). The other sherd is a portion of anunglazed handle, probably from a potlid (USNM59.1679, ill. 15).'"^Slip-lin'Ed REDVv.'SiRE.?Numerous 18th-century sitesfronr Philadelphia to Williamsburg have yielded a
series of bowls and poningers characterized by in-terior linings of slip that is streaked and mottled withmanganese. These are glazed on both surfaces, theouter surface and a border above the slip on the innersurface usually ginger-brown in color. Comparativeexamples are a bowl from the Russell site at Lewes,Delaware, dating from the first half of the 18thcentury, and several pieces from pre-Revolutionarycontexts at Williamsburg. A deposit excavated byH. Geiger Omwake near the south end of the Lewesand Rehoboth Canal in Delaware included sherdsfrom a context dated late 17th- to mid- 18th cen-turies."* Several fragments of bowls occur in theMarlborousjh materia! (USNM 59.1613, 59.1856,fig- Wg).English yellowovark.?The few sherds of .so-calledcombed ware occurring at Marlborough, althoughonly the base fragments connect, all seem to ha\ecome from a single cup or posset pot having a buffbody and characteristically decorated with spiraledbnnds of dark-brown slip that were created by comb-ing through an outer coating of white slip, revealingan underlaycr of red slip. The vessel was glazedwith a clear lead glaze (USNM 59. 1 700, fig. 64c, ill. 16).
Comparative dated examples of this ware include aposset pot dated 1 735."* A chamber pot bearingthe same kind of striping was excavated by the Na-tional Park Service at Fort Frederica, Georgia (1736-
ca. 1750). A piece similar to that from Marlboroughwas found in the Roscwell deposit, and another inthe Lewis Morris house site, Morrisania, .New York.""
.\lthough this type of ware was introduced in Englandabout 1680, its principal u.se in America seems tohave occurred largely between 1725 and 1775.Archeological evidence is corroborated by newspaperadvertisements. In 1733 the Boston Gazette advertised
"yellow ware Hollow and Flat by the Crate" andagain in 1737 "yellow and Brown Earthenware."In 1763 the Gazette mentioned "Crates of Yellow-Liverpool Ware," Liverpool being the chief place ofexport for pottery made in Staffordshire, the principalsource for the combed wares.''*Buckley ware.? I. Noel Hume has identified a
class of high-fired, black-glazed earthenware foundin many 18th-century sites in Virginia. He hasdone so by reference to The Buckley Potteries,by K. J. Barton,"^ and to waster sherds in hispossession from the Buckley kiln sites in Flintshire,North Wales. The ware probably was made in otherpotteries of the region also. This durable pottery,more like stoneware than earthenware, is representedby a large number of jar and pan fragments. Twobody types occur, each characterized by a mixture ofred and bufT clay. In the more usual type the redclay dominates, with laminations and striations ofbuff clay running through it in the manner of a coarse
sort of agateware. The other is usually grayish buffwith red streaks, although sometimes the body is almost
entirely buff, still showing signs of lamination. Theglaze is treacly black, often applied unevenly andsometimes pitted with air bubbles. The body surfaceshave conspicuous turning ridges. Rims are usuallyheavy and flat, sometimes as wide as 1 % inches. Avariant of the ware is represented in a milk pan with a
''* C. .Malcolm W atkins, "North Devon Pottery and ItsExport to America in the 17th Century," (paper 13 in Con-Irihutions from the Museum o] History and Technology: Papers 12-18,U.S. National Museum Bulletin 225, by various authors;Washington: .Smithsonian Institution, 1963), 1960.
'"The Russell site was excavated by members of the Sussex/\rcheological Society of Lewes, Delaware. .Artifacts from thesite are now in the Smithsonian Institution, as are those foundby H. Geiger Omwake at the end of the Lewes and RehobothCanal.
'^*JoHN Eliot Hodgkins, F.S..^., and Edith Hodgkins,Examples o] Early English Pottery, .Named, Dated, and Inscribed(London, 1897), p. 57, fig. 128.
''J. E. Messh.\m, B. .\., and K. J. Harton, "The BuckleyPotteries," Flintshire Historical Society Publications, vol. 16,pp. 31-87.
'" George Francis Dow, The Arts and Crafts in Mew England,n6i-1775 (Topsfield, Mass., 1927), pp. 84, 85, 92.1" Messham and Barton, loc. cit. (footnote 177).
126
Illustration 10.-?Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. I.iistroiublack lead glaze licliv^tPii- i\\u- niw-fninrli n SWf59.1961.)
llliitirjiion 15.?Handle of pot lidor oven door. North Devon Kravcl-
1 sv\r
illiLstration 11.?Milk pan. Salmon-red earthenware. DiUl-brown glaze. Tidewater type. Sec figure 63a. Onc-fourlh.(USNM 59.2039.)
Illustration IJ.?C:ovcr of jar(profile). .Salmon-red earth-enware. Browni.sh-black leadglaze. Tidewater type. Same
size. (LSNM 59.J0I3)
lllnw rLead glaze. (Conjectural reo.
ti "? ,,!,_ S,^ figtitr -"t
Illustration 12.
?
Mc iiiul; >.ii-mon-red earthenware. Lustrousblack lead glaze. Tidewater tyjie.
.Sec figure 63H <^tv-half.(LSNM 59.2(M3.i
Illustration 14.?Base of bowl.
.Salmon-red earthenware, I.iuhtreddish-brown glaze s|x-ckledwith black. Virginia ty|K. One-half. .See figurr ? " '^V\t
.i9.2025.)
llln
1 vpc made in Buckle*-, Vlinwhirr, North Wale* t>iv 127
e f%g
. jJEa
^r;!-^\^ ^
C
Figure 64.
?
Miscellaneous common earthenware types, probably all imported fromEngland; a, "molded-rim" types of redvvare; b, handle of large redware storage jar,probably English; c, base of brown-striped Staffordshire yellowware cup; d, sherd ofblack-glazed ware; e and f, two slip-decorated sherds; g, redware crimped-edge bakingpan, coaled with slip; and h, slip-lined manganese-streaked sherds.
dominantly red body which has a clear-amber, ratherthan black, glaze. (USXM 59.1887, ills. 17, 18, and19 and fig. 65).Miscellaneous.?Several unique specimens andgroups of sherds are represented
:
1. A large, outstanding, horizontal, loop handlesur\ives from a storage jar with a rich red body.Two thumb-impressed reinforcements, splayed at eachend, secure the handle to the body wall. The top of
the handle has four finger impressions for gripping;the lead glaze appears in a finely speckled gingercolor (USNM 59.2049, fig. 64b).2. A single fragment remains from a slip-decoratedbowl or open vessel. The body is hard and darkred, the glaze dark olive-brown. The fragment isglazed and slipped on both sides (USNM 59.1614,fig. 64e). Other small sherds of a similar ware areredder in color and without slip. Another, \\ith
128
IlliKlration IHim. Rrd |ii/.c. Bill
.
I lii(h-rirc(l-carthrn?v
llliKtration 19.?Rim and base proliU-s of hii?li-fircd-carlhenwarc jars. Bull' paste, laminatedwith red. Black glaze. Buckley t>'pe. Flint-shire, North Wales. One-half. (USNM59.2032, 59.1611, and 59.1782.)
r /
Illustration 2().?BaM- '?h'-ni irnmrcd-carlhcnwarc water cooler, \v ihole. One-half. (L.SNNf 59.2061.)
\>-
n 21.? Rim of an enhandle with thumb inattached. Slii>-decorated, olive-ambrr leadi?lazc. One-fourth. (USNM 60.-2rt3.)
lii^hter red txjdy and olive-ainbcr glaze, is slip deco-rated (LS.NM 60.161, fig. 640.3. A unique sherd has a gray-buff body and shinyblack glaze on both surfaces (USNM 59.1815).4. A group of palc-rcd unglazed fragments is fromthe bottom of a water cooler. A sherd which preservesparts of the base and lower body wall has a hole inwhich a spigot could be inserted (USNM 59.20<il,
.11.20).
.'). Fragments of a flowerpot have a l)ody similar tothe foregoing, but arc lined with slip under a leadglaze. .-K rim fragment has an ear handle with thumb-impressed indentations attached to it (USNM tiO.203,111.21).6. Two sherds of a redware pic pl.ite, notched onthe edge and lined with ovcrglazecl slip decoratedwith brown manganese clots, imitate Si 'cycllowwarc, but are probably of Amci ;? n(U.SNM 59.1612, fig. 64g).
STONEWARE
Rhenish stonew.xres. The stoneware pottrr>worked in the vicinity of Grrnzhatiscn in the \Nwald in a tributaiy of the Rhine \'.llle^? I:flung market until the mid- 18th century. 1: '.
until the StafTordshirc potters brought out ihrir ownsalt-glazed \'German pru iRhenish stonewares were widely used in EnglaiKl andtlv 'WC!English monani 1 appear'
ci>i!tivkiln during the firing combined with the cla\ ii' .
vi,|. ...
.! "^'owned Westcrwald stoneware. Froni 1
12"
Figvuc 65. -Bi;cKLEv-TYPE H<Gn-F.RKD WARE with laminated loodv-, Fo..r pices at top Irwe
130
Illustration 22.?Base of gray-brown, sah-glazcd-stonc-warc ale mug. Rust-brown slip inside. Same sJ2c.(USNM 59.1780.)
Illustration 23.?Stoneware jug fragment. Dullred with black dots. Same size. (USNM59.1840.) Illustration 24.?Gray, saU-<;laj^rd-?iono?'drrjar profile. Probably first quarter, 19th icn-tur>'. Same taze. (USNM 59.1615.)
know that in 1743 he bougiit "2 blew & W |ui;s 2,."I'rom the artifacts it is clear that he not only had largeglobose jugs, but also numerous cylindrical mugs andchamber pots. A small group of sherds has a gray-bufr paste, more intricately incised than most.Internally the paste surface is a light-pinkish bufT.
I hcsc sherds arc probably of the late 17th century,or at least earlier than the predominantly gray waresof the 18th centuiy, which have hastily executeddesigns."" Only two "GR" cmblem.s {Ciiglielmusor Gforgius Rex), both from mugs, were rrcovrrrtl(fig.66d).MlSCELLANEOire (JR-W-AND- BROWN SAl.T-t;l A7F,|)STONEWARE.?The shop of William Rogers appar-ently made stoneware of fine quality in the style of
""Sec Bf.knakd Rackiiwi, Io/ Poltrry <j} Porcflain in Iht[England] CiiiibridKr I1935), vol. 2, pi. I.V?U rI^llv I'rrsi,
the London ?tonc\>-arc produced in th'potteries.'" \Va.<ters from Yorktnuiifoundations indicate many variiglaze textures, some of ?? '?''-Marllwrough sherds. Ato distinguish with itown stoneware fro,., ......Sheixls of a pint mug, cxteihalf and mottled-brt)wn inVorktowii product InVXIinterior is a rusty btof a NTiy larire jug, inotilcd-bn
'?' I Noft Hiwr.
N
ill.?<I"
and
I>c aTl.r
131
<li^
I l?
Figure 66.
?
Westerwai.d stoneware: a, chamber-pot sherds and handle fragments; b, sherdshaving yellowish body, probably late 17th or early 18th century; c, sherds of curve-sidedflagon; d, sherds of cylindrical mugs including one with "(JR" seal.
lined in a dull red like thai often found on \'orktovvnwasters, also have body resemblances. (Mercerbought a five-gallon "stone bottle" from CharlesDick in 1745.)There are numerous other types of coarse stonewareof unknown origins, including one sherd with a dull-red glaze and black decorative spots (USNM 59.1840,ill. 23).NoTTiNGiiA.M-TVi'E STONEWARE.?Several sherds ofstoneware of the type usually ascribed to Nottingham
132
appeared at Marlborough. This ware is character-ized by a smooth, lustrous, metallic-brown glaze.The fragments are apparently from different vessels.One is a foot rim of a posset pot or jug. Several bodysherds have fluting or paneling formed by molding,with turning lines on the interior showing that themolding was executed after the forms were shaped.One sherd is decorated with shredded clay appliedbefore firing when the clay was wet. It appears tocome from the globose portion of a small drinking
? mm w>?
'i?i #i^
l-igiiif o7.
?
-Fink Encu.ish STONKwAKf ; .1, .Sijr: ;<; h, <ii.iti >? '\white slip?brown-bordered niim sherds 1; riiitjr from K hof mansion-house porch, aboiii 1723. "strairh-bhir" sionewurr. >:
c, "dcgcncralc scratch-blue" jloncwarc is about 1790; d, "whii! .... ^ ;?bottom is hand-thrown; upfxr right in molded, about 1760; e, |)latc nnd plalirr fraginmu.
jug witli a vertical collar. A handle section coiiicsfrom a pitcher or pos-set pot. Interior colors rangefrom a i)ro\vnish inu.stard to a redcii.sh hrowii. Not-liiiKhani stoneware was made throughout the 18tli
cciiturs-, '"- hut these sherds correspond to middlc-of-the-centuiy forms (tig. t)7a).Drab stoneware.?The dominant po.Mtioii attained
'?> Rackiiam, op. ril. (footnote 180), wl. 1, p. 1."*.
by the StafTord.ihire |H)tCcr? in ilic IBil. .<-tn '" ' r
p...stoneware were iiiustly in ihu dir<
St. ; ? ? - '
( 1with while pipe-clay ?lX, ?? " .1
aisurlace ol drlllwarr. AllhouKti winr Hur^lrin imiirri
133
' Vt <!I '* ?
Figure 68.
?
English delftvvare: a, 1 7th- and early 18th-century sherds; b, blue-and-whitesherd of the first half of the 18th century; c, polychrome fragments, third quarter of the
1 8th century; d, ointment pots with pink body, 18th century.
were making "dipped white stoneware" by 1710,'"^it does not seem to ha\c occurred generally until about1725. Salt glaze was applied in the same manner ason the earlier and coarser stonewares. Mugs in thisware were banded with an iron-oxide slip, presumablyto cover up defects around the rims.Several sherds of this drab stoneware were found atMarlborough, including the base of a jug with curvingsides and pieces of tall mugs with brown rims (USNM59.1893, fig. 67b, ill. 25)^ The body is characteris-tically tjray. while the slip, although sometimes dull
'^ VV. B. Honey, "English Salt Glazed Stoneware," [abstract]English Ceramic Circle Transactions (London, 1933), no. 1. p. 14.
white, is usually a pleasant cream tone. Two sherdswere found beneath the flagstones around the northporch of Structure B, where they probal)ly fell before1746 (USNM 59.1754).One of the Burslem stoneware potters between 1710and 1715 made what he called "freckled ware."'**Possibly this describes a sherd of a thin-walled mugfrom Marlborough (USNM 59.1636) which is coatedwith white slip inside and is finely speckled, or
"freckled," in brown on the outside. Its body is theffrav of the drai) stoneware, but w itii a hiffh content of
Ibid.
134
Illustration 25.?Diab-stone-\\arc miin fragment, rimcoated with iron oxide. Staf-fordshire, 1 720-30. Same size.(U.S.NM 59.1893.)
Illusiralion 26.?Whecl-liimcd coverof while, salt-glazed teapot. .Staf-fordshire. .Same size. (USXM59.1622.)
^^r\r /}
lllu^iratiun .'/ . !'>molded, whiteware pitcher orStaffordshire. Si(l SNM 59.1891
ofd-milk jug.
micaceous and siliceous sand. Simeon Shaw, theearly 19th-century historian of the Staffordshire pot-teries, asserted that what he called "Crouch" warewas first made of brick clay and fine sand in 1690,and by 1702 of dark-gray clay and sand."' Althoughhis dates are questioned by modern authorities, hisorder of the progressive degrees of refinement in thepaste are acceptable as he suggests them. In respectto the Marlborough sherd, although it is coarser thanthe white-coated fragments described above, it ans>versvery well Shaw's description of sandy-gray "Crouch"ware.Wmri; salt-glazed ware.?.Xbout 1720 calcinedflints were added to the bixiy of the Staffordshirestoneware, thus niaking possible a homogenous whitebody that did not require a coating of slip bet%veenthe body and the glazed surface.'*" Willi this warethe Staffoidshiic potters came closer to their goal of
< inulating porcelain.At Marlborough the earliest examples of this im-proved ware aie found in two sherds with inciseddecorations that were scratched into the wet clay(L'S.XM 59.1819, Fl- ""I'l; the incised lines next
were filli-d with powdered col>alt l>eli 'technique is known as "scratch blue," i..., ,-.. ?of which, existing elsewhere, range from 1 724 lo 1 767.The body in the Marlborough specimens is stilldrab, the whiteness of the later ware not yet 1 ^been achieved. No slip was used, howcxxr, so thaithe surface color is a pleasant pale gray. On'-is from a cup with a slightly flaring rim. li.terior decoration i.s in the form of floral sprigs, whilethe inside has a row of < wthe rim. The other li-,Possibly the cup is part of Mercer's purchase iof a dozen "Stn-In Boston "Wli ,advertised in 1 745, and "blue and white . . . SloneWare" in 17.51."'A later variant on the "scratch blue" is a class of salt-glazed ware that resembles Wcsterwald stoneware.H dii"
,
t *
at random, some of it Ivini? on the sui
:
ni- r-
small IxjwI.i A\\A cups. 1 ill these
o<
'"Ibid.; Bern.\hi> Rsckiiam. Eai\i Slafordihh/ Potltry(London, n.d.), p. 20.
'??Bfrnard Rackiiau and llERDiiHr Rilao. r->-!i>': rolU,i ?(New York: aiarlcs Scribncr's Sons, l92-?\ p " ?= IViw, op. 111. (f??>tlKrtr
Figure 69.?DEi.rr I'IAIK. Lambeth, about 1720.(See ill. 29.) Figure 70.
?
Delft plate. Probably Lambeth, about1730 to 1740. (See ill. 30.)
in an attracti\e whitcware. Many wheel-turnedforms were produced, and these were liberally repre-sented at Marlborough in fragments of pitchers,mugs, teapots, teacups, bowls, posset pots, andcasters (fig. 67d).In the nriddle of the 18th century a process wasdeveloped for making multiple plaster-of-paris moldsfrom brass or alabaster matrices '*' and then castingplates and other vessels in them by pouring in thestoneware clay, diluted in the form of slip. The slipwas allowed to dry, and the formed utejisil wasremoved for firing. This molded salt-glazed wareoccurs in quantity in the Marlborough finds, suggest-ing that there were large sets of it. One design pre-dominates in plates, platters, and soup dishes: wavyedges, borders consisting of panels of diagonal lat-tices- with stars or dots within the lattices framed inrococo scrolls, and areas of basket-weave designsbetween the panels. On a large platter rinr the lattice-work is plain, somewhat reminiscent of so-calledChinese Chippendale design. The pattern is pre-sumably the design referred to in the Boston NewsLetter for May 29, 1764: "To be sold \ery cheap.Two or three Crates of white Stone Ware, consisting
chiefl\ of the new fashioned basket Plates and OblongDishes." '*^ One fragment comes from a cake platewith this border design and a heavily decoratedcenter (fig. 67e).Other molded patterns include gadrooning com-bined with scalloping on a plate-rim sherd. A rimsection with molded rococo-scrolled edge is from a
"basket weave" sauceboat. Considerably earlier arepieces of a pitcher or milk jug with a shell design(USNM 59.1894, ill. 27). One rare sherd appears tocome from a rectangular teapot or tray. All the whitesalt-glazed ware from Marlborough represents theserviceable but decorative tableware of everyday use.It must have been purchased during the last 10 yearsof Mercer's life.Tin-enameled earthenw.are.?The art of glazingearthenware with opaque tin oxide and decoratingit with colorful designs was an Islamic innovationwhich spread throughout the Mediterranean andnorthward to Holland and England. Practiced inEngland before the close of the 16th century, itbecame in the 17th and the first half of the 18thcenturies a significant source of English tableware,both at home and in America. Because of its close
"*' Kackuam, op. cit. (footnote 185), p. 92.
:i6
"? Dow, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 92.
Illllsl 1,11 tUil. 5cr iisiUC
lllusiialiun 28.?English-dolfiwan-washbowl sherd. BUic-dash dcco-ralion inside. Sec figure tiBb.Same size. (LSNM 60.75.1
similarity to the Dutch majolica ol" Delft, the Englishversion was popularly called "delftware," even thoughmade in London, Bristol, or Liverpool.Surpiisingly, a minimum of tin-enameled wareswas found at Marlborough, with several sherds re-llecting the Port Town period. One of the lattershows the lower portion of a heavy, dark-blue floralspray, growing up, apparently, front a flowerpot. Asection of foot rim and the contour of the sherdshow that this was a 17th-century charger, probablydating from about 1680 (USNM 60.177, fig. 68a).The leaves are painted in the same manner as on aLambeth fuddling cup."" A section of a plate withno foot rim includes an inner border which encirclesthe central panel design. It consists of two parallellines w ith flattened spirals joined in a series l)etweenthe lines. The glaze is crackled. This probablv datesfrom the .same period as the preceding sherd (,L S.NMiiO.TO, fig. 68a). Sherds from a larger .specinten,without decoration, have the .same crackled enamel
lliiK^iraiion .ill.- |,n('ii>li d--lltw.iic plate. Uncliall. .Sec tigvirc70. (LSN.M 59.1706.)
(LSNM 59.2059). There is also a fratfmrnt Hrro-rated with small, blue, fernlike fronds, ,ilate 17th-century origin (LS.NM .VJ. ii ..A small handle, the glaze of which has a p.is decorated with blue dashes, and proijably was partof a late 17th-century cup (USNM 59.1730, fig. 68a).Several fragments of narrow rinu front plates withblue bands probably date from the first quarter of the18th century. .\ reconstructed plate with the sr- ?'??of stylized decoration was made at Lambeth1720 (LSNNf 59.1707, fig. 69). This plate has awavy vine motif aroimd its upward-flariti" ??? ?:]which blo.ssoiiUt are suggested by stylized i> Ithree to four blocks formed by brush strokes aboutVinch wide, alternating with single blocks. Thecentral motif consists of two crossed siriiis with apyramid at each end and tW'strokes intersecting the cross<\. .\ment of a washstand bowl also has similar |brush ' 1lines- 1.. ;..,.;two, alternating with a siniile blot
?
brush strokes on theon the fragu\enl <emixxlying this style of drcoraiioisuggestion of <
ascrilies to it .iblock-brush-.Mrake dcx-ice, wu
ti<
Ix,' .
'"A. M. Garner, l-:ngiijh Dtt/tiiare i N'-Nostr.ind .ind Co., Inc., 1948\ fig. 2.<B II \?n ??' Ibid , tin ?7
Illustration 3 1 .?-Deiftwareointment pot. Bluish-whitetin-enamel glaze. One-half. (USXM 59.1842.)
Illustration 32.?Sherds of blackbasaltes ware. .Same size. (USNM59.2021.)
pottle Basons" bought by Mercer in 1744 (fig. 68b,m. 28).
.'\nother reconstructed plate, probably a Lambethpiece, has blue decoration in the Chinese manner. Itdates from about 1730 to 1740 (USNM 59.1706, fig.70). Several small bowl sherds seem to range fromthe early to the middle 18th century. Polychromedelft is represented by only three sherds, all apparentlyfront bowls, and none well enough defined to permitidentification.There are several fragments of ointment pots, all18th-century in shape. Three sherds of tin-enameledredware are probably continental European. Twoof these have counterparts from early 17th-centurycontexts at Jamestown. A blue-decorated handlesherd from a large jug or posset pot is also 17thcentury.The predominance of early dating of tin-enamelsherds and the relatively few examples of it from anyperiod suggest that much of what was found either wasused in the Port Town or was inherited by the Mercers,probably by Catherine, and used when they were firstmarried. It also points up the fact that deiftwareearly went out of fashion among well-to-do families.English fine earthenvv.\res.?The fine earthentablewares introduced in Staffordshire early in the18th century, largely in response to the new tea-drinking customs, are less well represented in theMarlborough artifacts than arc those made later in
Figure 71.
?
Whieldon-tvpe tortoiseshell ware, about1760.
the century. .Apparently, the contemporary whitesalt-glazed ware was preferred.M.\RBLED w.\RE.?The Staffordshire factories ofThomas Astbury and Thomas VVhieldon wereresponsible for numerous innovations, including fine
'marbled" wares in which clays of different colorswere mixed together so as to form a veined surface.The technique itself was an old one, but its applicationin delicate tablewares was a novelty. AlthoughAstbury was the earlier, it was Whieldon who ex-ploited the technique after starting his potworks atLittle Fenton about 1740.'''- From Marlborough
'''2 Rackh.am, op. cit. (footnote \S5), p. 28.
Figure 72.?Qi'f:F.NS\vARK, about IH(I0.
come three meager sherds of marbled ware, probablyfrom three difTerent vessels (ITSNM 59.1(.23. ')9.1748,59. 1851 ). They are brownish red with white veiningunder an amber lead glaze. A posset pot of thesecolors ill the \'ictoria and Albert Museum is supposed,by Rackham, to date from about 1 740.'"Bi.ACK-GL.\ZED FINE REDWARE.?Whieldoti made ablack-blazed, fine rcdware, as did Maurice Thurslield
at Jackfield in Shropshire.'** A fragnjcnt of a bl.ick-glazed teapot handle was found at MarllHirough,
'" Ibid., pi. 57.' Rackham niul Kf.ad, op. cit. (footnote 186), p. %.
although the IxkU is M>orrb,, '-V*' ??1.
there are several sherds of gadroon-edgc plates andbaskct-wcave-and-lattice plates, as well as a piece ofa teapot cover. Tortoiseshell ware was advertisedin Boston newspapers from 1754 to 1772 (fig. 71).'^"()uEF.NS\v.-\RE.?^Josiah Wedgwood brought to perfec-tion the crcaniware bod\- about 1765, naming it
"Quecnswarc" after receiving Queen Charlotte'spatronage. Wedgwood took out no patents, so that agreat nian\' factories followed suit, notably Humble,
"6 Dow, op. cit. (footnote 178), pp. 85-9.i. Figure 73.?l''RAf;MiiNr of Queexsware platter withportion of Wedstwood mark.
f<$ <^ v=^ ^ ?
^ ^
^$ s^ J 6
gmmr
fe^^gaggi;^; ^
Figure 74.
?
English white earthe.nwares: a, "pearlware" with blue-and-white chinoiseriedecoration, late 18th centuiT; b, two whitcware sherds, one "sponged" in blue andtouched with yellow, the other "sponged"' in gray; c, shell-edge and polychrome wares,early 19th century; and d, polychrome Chinese porcelain.
1-10
i V IY
1 lyiiK' 7) I'm M iiKi 'Ml ( luiir-i- jmn ri.iin.
Circcn & Cloinp.iiis .ii Leeds in Vorksliirr (laterHartley, Green & Cloinpany).'''"The Marlborough crcainwarc sherds arc all plainkvvith one exception), consistiiii^ of fraetnents of \va\y-cdgc plates, bowls, and platters in Wedgwood's
"Catherine shape," introduced alwnt 1770, as well asmugs and pitchers (fig. 72). A piece of a largo platterhas inipiessed in it the letters WEDG, ruiuiing up tothe fracture. Below this is the number I (L'S.NMV,?.1997, fig. 73).WllITEWARES USED IN THE FEDERAL PERIOD. Duringthe late I770's \Vedg%vood introduced his "pearl-ware," '"'' in which the yellow cast of the cream IxkIvwas offset by a touch of blue. With the use of a nearlycolorless glaze that was still slightly bluish, it was now
"' Rackuam, op. cit. (footnote Ittjl. p.Rr*t). op ci?. (footnote IBli). pp. 107-KW.
"? W. B. HoNEV, English Pollrry an.! Pou'l.i:p. m.
't k k. ktl \kf .i;
possible to make a snccessf<il '.?'tion. The^e whitewares wen-
styles by Wetlifwood's manyWtxlgwood hinusrif. The iim?i muii ? iis tlie molded shell-edge ware, which w.virtually every place to wliich "^penetrated after 1800 1 ithis was another \\I7(."v'" After Igreen lK)iTlers, 1..- v-.--.a slightlv wavv edge, aixl the sidepth ''rrgulai ,other N!.irll>oro I9ih c<ware iMxamc co<?i>cr aiKl licavicr, as well ,u *?
M. At Ir
,-.1,..-
141
m^
r:^^^^--^
-/AJ*'*"'
>4 ,tJk?j
5 CM.2 IN.
Figure 76.
?
Blue-,and-\vhite Chinese porcelain.
and in some cases the shell edge was no longer actuallymolded Ijnt simply suggested by a painted border.Some variants were introduced that were not intendedto be shell edge in design, but merely blue or greenmolded patterns. A Marlborough sherd from one ofthese has a gadrooned edge and molded swags andpalmettes. Except for two late rims, painted but notmolded, the shell-edge wares from Marlboroughprobably date from John Francis Mercer's period inthe late 1 700's and from John Bronaugh's occupancyof the mansion during the Cooke period in the firstdecade of the 19th century (fig. 74c).The success of the new whitcware in permitting theuse of underglaze blue resulted in a second class that
is decorated in the Chinese manner, after the style ofEnglish delft and porcelain. This type was popularbetween 1780 and 1790, especially in the UnitedStates, where many whole specimens have sur\i\edabove ground. Se\eral sherds are among the Marl-borough artifacts and appear to have come entirelyfrom hollow forms, such as bowls and pitchers."""Sherds from a blue-and-white ntug with moldeddesigns, including the shell motif around the handle,have been found also.The third class of whiteware, which was heavily
200 "The Editor's Attic" and cover: Antiques (New \'ork,June 1928), vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 474-475.
^H
^ f^
Figure 77.
?
Bli'e-and-whiti. C:hincsc porcelain.
favored in the export trade, consisted of a gay, hand-dccorafi-d product, popular at the end of the 18th,and well into the 19th, century. It had pleasingvarietv. with floral designs in soft orange, green,lirown, and Ijliie, often with brown or t;rccii Kordi-rs.A few examples of this later whitewaie oitnr amongthe Marlborough artifacts (fig. 74b). One sherd froma small bowl is mottled in blue and ton. ' '!iyellow (LSNM fj't.iao.'), fig. 74b). Anoti ..mottled, but in gray and blue. Such wares as thelatter were made by Hartley, Green & Ci iiLeeds before the factory's demise in IH-' -I59.1950, fig. 74b). '?
'"' Rackiiau and Read, op. cil. (footnote IW)>. p. I ID,
The transfer-printed wares iAp r 1820 ..
shi'i I h is inmansion house was uniM1819. (Xil1830. Tw.)1835-45, and one is gray-l>l?e, datiiul?K) 185(1.Bl \(:K B\SMTtS WARK.-Anoiinnuv.ition bN \\rdl^^v?^xxJ, iiiiilaird b\tors, was a I with .i I
Ixitough. Ixpitallv. ihrv air Klaxrd on IIk ii
141
lUustralion 33.?Blue-and-whitc Chinese-porcelain saucer (fii76, lop left). One-h;ilf.
Illustration 34.?Blue-and-white Chinese-porcelain plate (fig.77, top left). One-fourth. (USNM 60.122.)
only. They j)ostdatc Joim Mercer by twenty orthirty years.Chinese porcel.mn.?Oriental porcelain was intro-duced to the English colonics at a very early date, aswe know from 17th-century contexts at Jamestown.As early as 1725 John Mercer acquired "1 ChinaPunch bowl." Presumably the "6 tea cups &Sawcers," '"2 chocolate cups," and "2 custard cups"obtained by him the same year were also porcelain.Even before 1740, porcelain was occurring with in-creasing frequency in America. We arc told that in1734, for example, it can be calculated that aboutone million pieces of it left Canton for Europe.-"-Doubtless a large proportion was reexported to thecolonists. William Walker, Mercer's undertaker forthe mansion, left at his death in 1750: "1 Crack'dChina bowl," "1 Quart Bowl 6', 1 large D? 12.6,"
"6 China cups & Sawccrs 5/," and ''12 Chinaplates 15/."It is not surprising, therefore, that 18-ceiitury China-trade porcelain sherds occurred with high incidenceat Marlborough. Mercer's accounts show that heacquired from Charles Dick in 1745 '-l Sett finestChina" and "2 punch bowls." From the archeologi-cal c\'idence it would appear that he had supplementedthis sc\eral times over, perhaps after 1750 in theperiod for which we have no ledgers.
^"-'J. .\. Lloyd Hyde, Oriental I.owesto]t (New York: C:harle5Scribncr's Sons, 1936), p. 23.
Most of the porcelain is blue and white. Onegroup has cloudy, blurred houses and trees, impres-
sionistic landscapes, and flying birds. This patternoccurs in fragments of teacups, small bowls, and acoffee cup. Another type has a border of diamondswithin diamonds, elaborate floral designs delicatelydrawn, and a fine thin body. Similar sherds werefound at Rosewell. At Marlborough the design sur-\ived in teacups, coffee cups, and saucers. There areseveral additional border designs, some associatedwith Chinese landscape subjects or human figures(figs. 76, ill. 24, and fig. 77, ill. 25). A coarse typewith a crudely designed border hastily filled inwith solid blue is represented in a parth' recon-structed plate (USNM 60.122, fig. 77).Polychrome porcelain is found in lesser amounts,although in almost as much \ariety. Three sherds of avery large punchbowl arc decorated in red and blue.Fragments of a small bowl have delicate red medal-lions with small red and black human figures in theircenters. Fine borders occur in red and black. Gold,yellow, and green floral patterns constitute another
class (fig. 75).Almost all the porcelain is of high quality, prob-ably reaching a peak during Mercer's middle andprosperous years between 1 740 and 1 760. \Vccannot expect to find any porcelain purcha.sed afterhis death in 1 768, and certainly none appears to beconnected with the Federal period or with the so-called "Lowestoft" imported in the American Chinatrade after the Revolution.
144
XVI
(j/cass
BOTTLES
KoLND BEVERAGE BO ITLES.?Botllcs of dark-grccni^lass were used in the colonial period for wine, beer,
riini, and other potables. Although sonic wines andliquors were shipped in the bottle, they were distrib-uted for the most part in casks, hogsheads, and
"pipes" before 1750. John Mercer recorded thepurchases of several pipes of wine kinds unspecifieda pipe being a large or even double-size hogshead.He purchased rum by the gallon, in quantities thatranged from 2 quarts in 1744 to "5 galls BarbadocsSpirits' in 1745 and a "hhd 107J^ gall Rum" in 1748.Bottles were used largely for household storage andfor the serving of liquors. They were kept filled in thebuttery as a convenience against going to the cellareach time a drink was wanted. Bottles usually werebrought directly to the table,"? although the clear-glass decanter was apparently regarded as a niorcgenteel dispenser. .Mercer, like his contemporaries,bought his own bottles, as when he purchased "2 dozIxjttles" from John Foward in 1 730. The previousyear he had acquired a gross of corks, which wouldCuston\arily have been inserted in his Ixjttles andsecured by covering with cloth, t>ing around the lipsor string rini;s with packthread, and sealing withwarm resin and pitch.Some wines were purchased in the lx)ttle. In 1726
.Mercer bought "2 doz & 8 Ixntles (Claret" and " I dozClanary" from .Mexander Mcl'arlane. In 174,'> hecharged Ovcr%%harton Parish for "2 Ixjltlrs Claretto.\cquia,"apparently forcommii' "' ' 't
all this was ship|u-(i from the . -.
or whether Mercer brought his own bottles to l)c fillrtlfrom the storekeepers' ca.sks is not rc\-calcd.An insight into the kinds of alcoholic dri 'in \'irginia in Mercer's early period ;
oflicial price-list for the sale of alcoholic l>r\ ^forth in the York County- Court Orders in 1 ;-";
riiisCouit do S<-lt tlir R.itr I.iiiinirs .i\ fntlnwrili
I.i(|Uors l.jch dirtR.iird IxKlging for each personStable Room & Fodderfor ' ' ! >c p' nightEai
:
?mWine ol \ it)j* producep Quart %French Brandy p Qu.irt ISherry & Canar>' Winep QuartRed & V II p'Qtiart .- 1Madera Wine p Quart
p QuartRum & N'irg* Brandyp' QuartRu.(,i
\>\i.
,sFine IajuIcJ S\dci jj'Qti.ir'B(i
.\ri... ? r -
"? I,ADV SUKEI All RuOOLfS-BKISK. Sr.iir.l BollUs (ICountr>- Ufr, I,td ; NVw ^'ork, Ch.irlrj S.ril'-^- "^ ?p. I?. Diny eouri' Otilni it Wttb 17 :<' tmm, V?. \ no. 1 4, p
I4'>
P'igurc 78.
?
Wine bottle, sealed with initials of Juhn andCatherine Mercer, dated 1737 (see p. 148). Found in .Struc-ture D refuse pit. Height, 8 inches. (See also ill. 37.)
It will be noted that Bristol beer was sold by thebottle, probably just as it was shipped, ai^d "Finebottled Syder" apparently came in quart bottles.Probably the wines were di.spensed from casks in winemeasures. Mercer bought Citron water in bottles,a half dozen at a time, as he did "Mint, Orangeflower & Tansey D"," in 1 744.Round beverage bottles ranged in shape from,roughly, the form of a squat onion at the beginning of
the 18th century to narrow cylindrical bottles towardsthe end of the century. The earliest bottles were free-blown without the constraint of a mold, hence therewere many variations in shape. After about 1730bottles were blown into crude clay molds whichimparted a roiighh cs lindrical or taper-sided contourbelow sloping shoulders and necks. These markedthe first recognition of binning as a way of storingwines in bottles laid on their sides. About 1750 the146
'i^
^,
lllusiratiun 35.?Beverage bottle, liisl quarter, I8lhcentury. Reconstruction based on whole bottlefound at Roscwell. One-half. (LSXM 39.1717.)
Illustration 36.?Above, beveraije-lx)ltle seal, with initials of John am!fldthcrine Mercer, matchini; th'tolwcco-cask mark used for tobaciijrown at the "home plantation(.Marlborough), Sec figures 8 and79. Same size, (USNM 59.1689.)
llliisir.Kinn 37.? .\l ni;hi, completel)everai{e bottle, d.ited 1737, withinitials of .John and Catherine
.Mercer (fig. 78). Same si/r I>n\\I
.59.1688.)
147
79.
?
Bottle seals. (Sec ill. 36.)
Bii;iol glasshouses introduced cylindrical brassmolds.-"-' From then on the problem of stacking bot-tles in bins was sohed and virtually all round beveragebottles thenceforward were cylindrical with long necks.At Marlborough the earliest form of wine botde isrepresented by a squat neck and a base fragment(USNM 59.1717, ill. 35), both matching onion-shaped bottles of the turn of the century, such as oneexcavated at Rosewell (USNM 60.660). Except forthese fragments, the oldest form from Marlborough
-"^ "Old English Wine Bottles," The Wine and Sfiirit TradeRecord (London, Decemter 17, 1951), pp. 1570-1571.
may be seen in the complete bottle found in refusepit D (USNM 59.1688; fig. 78, ill. 37). This bottleis typical of the transitional form, sealed examples ofwhich regularly occur bearing dates in the 1730's.Its sides are straight for about three inches above thecurve of the base, tapering slightly to the irregularshoulder that curves in and up to a neck with wedge-shaped string ring. Two inches above the base is a
seal, bearing the initials i9m above a decorativedevice and the date 1737. The arrangement ofinitials exactly matches that found on Mercer'stobacco-cask seals (p. 30 and footnote 89) indicatingthe "home plantation" at Marlborough.
148
Seals wore applied hy dioppini; .1 '<.itii(i- of ulass onliic hot surface of a newly blown bottle, then pressinginto this deposit of glass a brass stamp bearing adesign, initials, date, etc. Three similar seals fromhioken bottles also were found. The same arrange-ment of initials, but with no date or device of anykind, occurs on seven different seals (fig. 79, ills, 3fi
.ind :57).The diameter of the base of the sealed beveragel)ottle is 5'.j inches, the widest diameter occurring onany l)ottle fragments from Marlborough, exccptinij;the early specimen mentioned above. Bases ingradually decreasing dimensions vary from this size10 2\ inches. Six bases run from 5 inches to 5Kinches; 1 1 are over 4)^ inches and up to 5 inches; 4 areover 4 inches and up to 4U inches; 3 are over 3'.inches and up to 4 inches; none, except the smallestof 2*4 inches, found in a mid- 19th-century deposit, isless than 3''4 inches.Beverage-bottle bases
ProvenifntrRefuse pit DStructure F, firing iinmOuiStructure F, firing chamberStructure F, firint; chamber
.Structure F, firing chamberStructure F, firing chamberStructure F, firini? chamberS.\\'. corner, Structure BWall D, trenchStructure E, N. side, Room XDebris area, N.E. corner. StructureEStructure F, N.E. comer of pave-mentStructurr 1 \ r . ..r.>r, ,.r pave-mentStructure L, .N. ol lucplatx, RoomXStructure E, N. of fireplace. RoomXNorth of Structure E, lowest levelNorth of Structure E, lowest levelWall F., gatewayTrench along Wall F,Junction of Walls .\ I and .\ IIjunction of Willis .\ I and .\ IITrash pit no. 2Trash pit no. 2
bottle diameters diminished fromthe I750's and ITfiO's to aljout 4
LS\.\I
Illustration 40.?Octagonal, pint-size beverage bottle.See figure 80. Half .size. (USNM 59.1687.)
borough (USNM 59.1687, fig. 80, ill. 40) is 8 incheshigh, but bears no seal. Among the glass found atMarlborough arc also three bases and other fragmentsof similar bottles.SquARE "gin" bottles.?Square bottles, usuallycalled "gin" botdcs, occur in the Marlboroughmaterial. Two base sections and lower pieces of theIbt sides have been pardy restored (USNM 59.1685,59.1086, ill. 41), and a neck and shoulder have sur-vived. The bases arc 4 inches square, and the wholebottles were probably about 10 inches high. Theydid not taper but maintained a continuous dimensionfrom shoulder to base. The bases, which arc roundedon the corners, have a slightly domed kick-up with aring-shaped pontil mark. The glass is olive green.The necks are squat?barely % inch?and have widestring rings midway in their length.Square "gin" bottles were designed for shipment inwooden boxes with compartments in which the bottlesfit snugly. Although Dutch gin customarily was150
Figure 80.
?
Oct.^go.nai, spirits bottle.
shipped in botUes of this shape, indications are thatthe square bottles may have been used for otherpurposes than holding gin. For one thing, Mercer'sledgers mention no purchases of gin. There is, infact, almost no exidence of the sale of gin in Virginia;a single announcement of Holland gin available in
^Villiamsburg in 1752 is the exception until 1773,
Illiuiralion 41.?Square gin boltlf. Unc-fourlh.(USNM 59.1686, base; 59.1685, top.)
FiKiirr 8
1
namM.
when !??'> ^^'1* .ig-'i" .id\crti?ct!GiK'ltf'^ I. ' ?in 1736.'"' itwth iiujKirtrd .i MClurrd m A;iirw. Itree, M
IlliLsiralion 42.?Square snuff bottle. Onr-h.ilf ^.-<-figure 81. (USNM 59.1 6J10
?"? <'ui- v V I>'Tr. I
l'l'i?\ pp. IT? 14"
MfT I
151
If?
ly
Illustration 43.?Upper left, wineglass, reconstructedfrom base fragment having enamel twist for stem.One-half. (U.SNM 59.1761.)
Illustration 44.?Upper right, cordial glass. One-fourth. (U.SNM .59.1607.)
Bottles, from one to four Quarts; also Cases of Bottlesof all Sizes . . .,"-"^ while George Ball, of New York,in 1775 advertised that he imported "Green glassGallon square bottles, Two quart ditto. Pint ditto. "-'?A smaller base (USNM 59.1642) has a high kick-up,the donte of which intersects the sides of the base sothat the bottle rests on four points separated by arcs.This fragment measures 3 inches square. An evensmaller version (USNM 59.1977) is 2% inches.S.XUFF BOTTLES.?Scvcral itcms in Mercer's ledgersrecord the purchase of snuff, such as one for a "bottleof snulT" in 1731 for 15d., another in 1743 for 3s.,and a third in 1 744 for 1 s. 6d. Among the artifactsis a partly restored bottle of olive-green glass, shapedlike a gin bottle but of smaller dimensions, with
"9 Dow, op. cit. (footnote 178), p. 104.
"" Rita Susswein, The Arts & Crafis in j\'ew York, 1726-1776(New York: J. J. Little and Ives Co., 1938), p. 99. (Printedfor the New-York Historical Society.)
Illustration 45.?Sherds of cngraved-glass wine andcordial glasses (fig. 82c). Same size. (USNM 59.1634,59.1864.)
a 2}i-inch-wide mouth (L'SNM 59.1686, fig. 81).The bottle is 3% inches square and 7 inches tall. Ithas a low kick-up and a smooth pontil mark. Alsoamong the artifacts are a matching base and severalsherds of similar bottles.Medicine bottles.?Only a few fragments of medi-cine bottles occurred in the Marlborough artifacts.This is surprising, in view of Mercer's many ailmentsand his statements that he had purchased "BritishOyl," "Holloway's Citrate," and other patent nos-trums of his day. A round base from a greenish,cylindrical bottle (USNM 59.2056) seems to representan Opadeldoc bottle. Another base is rectangularwith notched corners. The last, as well as the baseof a molded, basket-pattern scent bottle (USNM59.2093) may be early 19th century in date. Othermedicine-bottle fragments are all 19th century, somequite late (fig. 82).
TABLE GLASSA minimum of table-glass sherds was recovered,and these were fragmentary. Glass is scarcely itien-tioned in Mercer's accounts, although there is noreason to suppose that Marlborough was any less wellfurnished with fine crystal than with other elegantobjects that we know about. Three sherds of htavylead glass have the thickness and contours of early18th-century English decanters, matching morecomplete fragments from Rosewell and a specimen
152
lllu>trauon 4o.?t^iear-glass tumblfr blown in aliblxd mold (fig. 82b). -Saim- sizr. 1 LSNM 59.1864.)
r"
<r~r^.'^:.-
UliLsiralion 47.?(>ciai(onal rii(-i{laM ?rr.(fig. B2al. Samr .? ' i ?^NAf Vi i>
a^
b
I
WJi*^
Figure 82.?(JLASSWAKfc: a,(ill. 45); d, tuMilfiiigincnt; i?. wn
//I) cf ^^
^< #
irdiiine-lionir *hrrd*.
153
illustrated in plate 98a in the Wine Trade LoanExhibition catalog;.-" Two fragments are bodyslicrds;liic liiird is from a lip and neck.Several forms of drinking glasses are indicated. Afragment of a foot from a long-stemmed cordial glasschows the termini of white-enamel threads that weresomprised in a double enan^el-twist stem. The twistsconsisted of a spiral ribljon of fine threads near thesurface of the stem, with a hea\y single spiral at thecore. The indicated diameter of the foot is 3% inches(USNM 59.1761, ill. 43 j.Fragments of large knops arc probably from heavybaluster wineglasses dating from Mercer's early periodbefore 1750. A. teardrop stem from a trumpet-bowlwineglass has been melted past recognition in a fire.The stem of a bucket-bowl cordial glass has sufferedin the same manner (US.XM 59.1607). Still withtheir shapes intact are two stems and base sections ofbucket-bowl wineglass. Two engraved bowl sherdsfrom similar-shaped cordial glasses and a rim sherdfrom another engraved piece are the only fragmentswith surface decoration (USNM 59.1634, 59.1864,
ill. 45). Several sherds of foot rims, \arying in diam-
eter, were found, including one with a folded or
"welted" edge.Tumblers, depending on their sizes, were used forstrong spirits, toddy, flip, and water. The base andbody sherds of a molded tumbler from Marlboroughare fluted in quadruple ribs that are separated bypanels /^-inch wide (USNM 59.1864, fig. 82c, ill. 46).Plain, blown tumbler bases have indicated diametersof 3 inches.A few unusual, as well as more typical, forms areindicated by the Marlborough glass sherds. One smallfragment comes from a large flanged cover, probablyfrom a sweetmeat bowl or a posset pot. A specimenof more than usual interest is a pressed or cast cut-glass octagonal trencher salt (USNM 59.1830, fig. 82a,
ill. 47). This artifact reflects silver and pewter saltforms of about 1 725. A cur\ed section of a heavy glassrod is apparently from a chandelier, candelabrum, orsconce glass (USNM .59.1696, fig. 82e). We have seenthat Mercer, in 1748, bought "'1 superfine large giltSconce glass."Although precise dates cannot be ascribed to any of
2" Op. cit. (footnote 206), no. 244, p. (>6, pi. 68.
this glass, it all derives without much question fromthe period of Mercer's occupancy of Marlborough.MIRROR AND WINDOW GLASSVVe know from the ledgers that there were sconceand looking glasses at Marlborough. Archcologicalrefuse supplies us with confirmation in pieces of clearlead glass with slight sur\i\ing e\idence of the tinfoiland mercury with which the backs originally werecoated. One piece (USNM 59.1693) has a bevelededge ^s inch wide, characteristic of plate-glass wallmirrors of the colonial period. A cur\ed groove onthis piece, along which the fracture occurred, is prob-able evidence of engraved decoration.Window glass is of two principal types. One has apale-olive cast. A few fragments of this type ha\efinished edges, indicating that they are from theperimeters of sheets of crown glass and that Mercerpurchased whole crown sheets and had them cut up.It may be assumed that this greenish glass is the oldest,perhaps surviving from Mercer's early period.The other type is the more familiar aquamarinewindow glass still to be found in 18th-century houses.
.\ large corner of a rectangular pane has the slightlybent contour of crown glass, which is the English typeof window glass made by blowing great bubbles ofglass which were spun to form huge discs. The discssometimes were cut up into panes of stock sizes andthen shipped to America, or else were sent in whole
sheets, to be cut up by storekeepers here or to be solddirectly to planters and other users of window glassin quantity.The centers of these sheets increased in thicknessand bore large scars where the massive pontil rodswhich had held the sheets during their manipulationwere broken off. The center portions also were cutinto panes, which were used in transom lights andwindows where light was needed but a \icw was not.Hence they ser\ed not only to utilize an otherwise
useless part of the crown-glass sheets, but also toimpart a decorative quality to the window. They are
still known to us as "bullseyes." A piece of a bullseyepane of aquamarine glass occurs in the Marlboroughfinds. The pontil scar itself is missing, but the thickcur\ing sectioi> leaves little doubt as to its originalappearance. A similar fragment was found ;i!Ro.scwell.
154
W II
(Jhjccts of PersonIII ( [\r
C^ostuinc accessories recovered at Marll)orouRh arcexlrciiirly few. There are six metal l>utton<;, all ofilieiii apparently itUii century. One of Hat bra.ssrSNM ,')9.2U04) has traces of gilt adhering to thesurface; another of similar form (L'S.N'M f>().8.i) is
silver; a third (L S.NNI 59.2004) is copper. The silverbutton, J, inch in diameter, could be one of twodozen vest buttons bought by Mercer for IB pence
eacii in 1741. A brass button with silver surface was
roll-plated in the Sheflield manner (USNM 59.2004),thus placing its date at some time after 1 762. "White
nietal"?a white brass was connnonly u.sed forbuttons in the 18th century, and is seen here in a frag-mentary specimen (L'SNM 59.2004). One hollowbutton of shi-et brajvs shows the remains of gildine;
I SNM MiT.ii. Only one example was found -
a dark-uray shell button tliat was used on under-carments (US.NM 59.1H19).Among the personal articles are two brass buckles,one a simple half buckle (L SNM 70.72, fig. 83d, ill.
48), the other a knee buckle (L'SNM (i().l39. fie.83e, ill. 49). Except jxissibly fur a p.iiimentioned later, a lirass thimble is tin- ?evidence of .saving (I SNM 60.74, fig. H3I>. illFour thimbles, mentioned in Ledger B, were purrli.iMi.1in 1729, and four in 1731.)Parts of a penknife that were TouikI consist of ivorv-casing fragment."!, sti'
'
|fork, and other pli ' ^ .\iTwo chalk marbles attest to the early appeal of thaitraditional i?ame, as \^ " tinto making the m.' - \f59. 1682). Chalk also was uiscd to make a bullrihalf of which. I>< \( on tlv(LSNM .V.t. It.. tl). ill. .(USNM 59.1682) from the site could haw beenin it. Two gun flints (L'SNM 59.1629 and S'J.loj;,
tig. 84a) are of white chert.An English halfpenny, dated 1 787, was found itcarthe surface in the kitchen debris <if Striiclurc E
llliistr.uion W.? I-rft, br.i-Illastration 49.?tlenter, InIllustration 50.?Right, bravt ihimhir (tig. 83b). .Sdiitc M?r. (ISNM ?" lU
(USNM 59.2041, fig. 83c). CoiisidcrabK worn, itmav have been dropped after tlie destruction ol' thebuilding. Two fragments of ll.it slate were found(USNM 60.95 and 60.113), as well as a hexagonal
slate pencil (USNM 59.1685, fig. 85, ill. 54). It isclear that slates were used at Marlborough, probablywhen Mercer's children were receixing their educa-tion from the plantation tutors.As usual in colonial sites, c|uantities of pipestcmand bowl fragments were recovered. \'irtuall\- all
Illustration 51.?Chalk bullet moldwith initial "M" (fig. 84b). Same
size. (USNM 59.1682.)
? ? <^ # o
bO
Figure 83.
?
Small mltalwork: a, copper and white metal buttons; b, brass thimble;
c, English halfpenny, 1787; d, brass buckle; e, brass knee buckle; f, brass harness orna-ment; g, escutcheon plates for drawer pulls and keyholes; h, drop handle; i, curtain andharness rings; and j, brass strap handle.
156
Illuslralion 52. Lcfi, fragincnu of lobiirm-piiw bov?lwith drroralion iiujldrd in relief. Sam- ^NM59.2ms.)
Illusiration 53.?Above, uhi(c-luiolin lol.840. One-half. (LSNM 59.17# Gb
Figure 84.? I'l ks.
c, bullrl; d, mpi|x^tcni.
*^i
\
Figure 85.
?
Citierv: a. chopping knife; b, table-knife blades; c, parts of penknife; andd, pieces of slate and slate pencil.
Illustration 54.?Slate pencil(see fig. 85d). Same size.(USNM 59.1685.)
the bowls reflect the typiciil Georgian-period white-clay pipe form, with only minor variations. Most ofthe stems have bores ranging from %i inch ( 1 750- 1 800)
to /64 inch (11)50-1750). A single stem fragmentfrom a terra cotta pipe of a kind found at Jamestownand Kecoughtan, probably dropped by an Indian orearly white trader, is early 17th century (fig. 84f),while two white-clay stem fragments have bores of
's inch (1620-1650). A fragment of a pipe bowl hasmolded decoration in relief, with what appear to bemasonic emblems framed on a \ine wreath (USNM59.2003, ill. 52).
\\ III
Mcfahcoi-k
.SILVERMercer, as \vc liavo seen, liad a lavish supply ofplate. Little of this, understandably, was likely tohave been thrown away or lost, except for an occa-sional piece of flatware. One such exception is ateaspoon from the Structure B foundation (L'SN.M59.1827, fig. 86). It has a typical early Georgianform?ribbed handle, elliptical bowl, and leaf-drop
\\
Illustration 55.?Left, fragment of lonij-tinrd fork.Second-half (?), 17th century. One-half. (ISNM59.1WH.)lllu.stration 56.?Center, fragment of lorn-iinrtjfork. Early 18th ccntun,-. One-half. (I "sNM
.59.2029.)
Illu>tr.iii(in 57.?Right, fork which had i\vo-|>.ir(handle of wood, bone, or silver. One-half(L'.SNM 59.1939.)
handle attachment on back of the Iwwi. \^ m tnrcase of small objects workitl after the marks wereapplied, this has evidence of two distorted marks.Corrosion has obliterated such details as njay havebeen visible originally, although there are fairly clearindications of the Ux)pard's head crowned and lionpa.ssant found on London silver.T.XBLE cirrL>:RV.? Fragmentary kni\-cs and forksfrom the site date mostly from lieforc I 750. Forks arr
all of the lonij, double-tine variety. One, which maydate back to the second half of the 1 7th ccntur>-. hasa delicate shank, widening to a tooled, decorativeband, with shaft extending downwaixl which wasoriginally enclo.sed in a handle of horn, Iwnc, or wood(LS.NM .VJ.IIitiH. ill. .5.5). A fragment of a narrow-bladed knife (IS.NM 59. 1882. fig. 85) may be of thesame period as the fork. Two forics. each wiih onelong tine intact, show evidence of havini; 'cores for wood or silver handles (I'.S.NM - . .59.1939, ills. 56 and 57). The shanks, diflerine inleni;th from each other, are lur: ?\ie.Three blades, varying in comj . : .. il>ecnr\cd tvpc used with "pisiol-ijrip" handles (l'S\M
.59.lhfi7 ". .\ 5ii 'ni(LS.NM prol>,ibl\ . , tilthem. Onlv two knife fraiiments (l"S.\MandO:of a hollow Shertield-plated pisloUnrip kShe"thatlieat and p The
V stamped il SNM .5y.HH>U, Jig. ;JUI);.
' ' .Sr \v
lonlie.
159
Figure 86.
?
Metalwork; a, rim of pewter dish; b. table knife witli Sheffield-plated handle;
c, lid of pewter teapot (ill. 60j; d, silver teaspoon; e, wavy-end pewter spoon, early 18th-century shape; f and g, tw^o trifid-end pewter spoons, late 17th-century shape (holes in gwere probably drilled to hold cord for suspension from neck).
PEWTER
Three, wliolc jjcvvter spouns, as well as sc\eral frag-ments of spoons, were salvaged from the large trashpit (Structure D). Two whole specimens and a frag-ment of a third are trifid-handle spoons cast in a moldthat was probably made about 1690. One of these(USNM 59.1669, fig. 86g, ill. 58) has had two holesbored at the top of the handle, probably to enable theuser to secure it by a cord to his person or to hang it
from a looj). This circumstance, plus the presence otsuch an carK' t\ pe of spoon in ait 18th-century context,suggests that the spoons were made during the Mercerperiod foi' kitchen or slave use from a mold datingback to the Fort Town period. The spo<jns them-selves may, of course, have survived from the PoitTown lime and have been relegated to humhlc use onthe ()lantation.A somewhat later spoon, with "waNy-encr" handle,comes from a mold of about 1710. It has the initial
1.60
!llliiMnition 59.?\Vav>'-cnd (jonici
I ?..,._1, .If , I V\\( ?,<! I.
Illustidtiun 38.? Trilid-haiidli- pew km >|j<j<;ii dii;.86e). ()nc-h;ilf. (l S\M -)<? Ihtl'l.l
.\ scratched on the handle (L'.SN'M 59.1672. fii<. 86e,
ill. 59). Another fiae;nientaiy example ha.s a late typeof wavy-end handle, datinu prrh.ips ten years later(USNM 59.1672).A pewter teapot lid with tooled run and the rem. i insof a fmial ma\ be as early as 1740 (L S.N'M 59. I67t),
tin. 86c, ill. 60). Two rim frai^ments of a pewter platealso were found (USNM 59.1675. fi?. 86a).
KITCHEN AND OTHER HOL'SEHOLD UTENSILSCutler's WORK.? In 1725 Mercer bought a pair of
"Salisbury .Scis,sors"; there is no clue as to what ismeant by the adjectival place name. He purchasedanother pair of scissors in 1744. In any case, a pairof embroidery scissors, with turned decor.ititin thatone would expect to find on early lHth-centur\ scin-
sors, was found in the site (I'S.NM 5U.lt>?0, ill. t>l I.Iriinwark. Pieces of two tyjKS of iron pi>t werefound. One type is a large-capacity version, holdmt;possibly five gallons. It has horizontal ribbing and
lllll^l^ation ?>??
(T
iiHC>. .N?II>r
lltiKii.iiinii ?>l Stfvl <? i.vir< O -\|
161
Figure 87.
?
Ironware; a. lid for iron pot; b, cooking-pot fragments; c, andiron leg; d, ironladle; and e, tAvo heaters for box-irons.
vcTiical mold seams (USNM 59.1645, 59.1845,59.60.147, fig. 87). Such, perhaps, was the "gr[ea]tpot" weighing 36 pounds which Mercer bought fromNathaniel Chapiran of the Accokeek Iron Works in1"31. Two other fragments are from a smaller pot.The inventory taken in 1771 (Appendi.x M) hsts five
"Iron Potts for Negroes," that were probably smallerthan those used in the plantation kitchen.Two heaters for box irons wcie foimd in the kitchendebris. A heavy layer of mortar adhered to one,suggesting that it may have been built into thebrickwork?whether by accident or design there isno way of telling. In that case, however, the specimenwould antedate 1749 (USNM 59.2024, 59.2026, fig.87). Box irons were hollow flatirons into which pre-heated cast-iron skigs or "heaters" were inserted.Two or more heaters were rotated in the fire, onealways being ready to replace the other as it cooled.
In 1725 Mercer bought a "box Iron & heaters,"and in 1731, from Chapman, "2 heaters."Other kitchen iron includes the fragmentary bowland stem of a long-handled iron stirring spoon(USNM 59.1812), an iron ketde cover (USNM60.69), and the leg of a large, heavy pair of andirons(USNM 59.1826, fig. 87). A small, semicircularchopping knife has a thin steel blade and an ironshank that originally was inserted in a woodenhandle. Lettering, now almost obliterated, was im-pressed in the metal of the blade: "SHEFFIELDWORKS 6 ENGLISH . . . ." (USNM 59.1834,fig. 85a).Furniture hardware.-?A few metal fiirniliire fit-tings were recovered. Six curtain rings, ctit fromsheet brass and trimmed with a file, \ary from Jsinches to lli inches. On tubular ring (USNM 60.53,fig. 83) may ha\'e been used as a curtain ring, although
Illiisiraiion 62.? Iron candle
snulTci-s. One-fourih. (L'SNM59.1825.)
.sii;;ad(USNM 59.173liandlr fixiiiif I' .\runnel k(-)holi- ? .incJholes fur four naiU (US.NM .59.1630, fiR. S3), anddates from alHjiii I7.5(). Thr !iiirnitiirc (rim found is an <engraved linear decoration dating from alx>iil 1720(USNM ?17l, fi(?. H3). An iron bal. '
Figure 88.?Iron doi>r anp ciik^t hardwark: a. Urve HL hinur; b,
c, small H hinRe for tiiplx'.ibar or striker; ?. small hini;'and I, pintles for s(ra|) hin?tt>s.
Illustration 63.?Iron butthinge of type used on escri-toire lids and other similaritems. Same size.
Illustration 66.?Wrought-iron hasp. One-half. (USNM59.1655.)
Illustration 67.?Brass drop handle. Same size.(USNM 59.1944.)
Illustration 64.?End of strap hinge. One-half.(USNM 60.146.) Illustration 68.?Wrought-iron catch orstriker from door latch. One-half. (L'SNM59.1768.)
Ilkistration 65.?Catch for door latch. Same size.(USNM 59.1801.) ^^^^S?S^i?^sS2sas?E23!^aE^s^Illustration 69.? Iron slide bolt. One-half.(USNM 59.I942.J
164
Ior11^ naiU
Illustration 70.?Scries of wroiit;ht-iron
nails. One-half.
probably on a tiiink or chest (USNM <iO. 130, lit;.88e). A small strap hinge (USXM 59.1657, fi^. 88)is like those found on the lids of 18th-centiiry wooden
chests, while a butt hinge may ha\e serxtxl on thelid of the escritoire which Mercer owned in 1731(ill. 63).
.\RCHITECTURAL AND STRUCTURAL HARDWARE
Iron was a fundamental material in the constructionof any 18th-centur\- building. Mercer's ledgers makerepeated references to the purchase of hinijes, locks,latches, and other related iron equipment. Mostof this material was obtained from local merchants andwas probably English in origin. However, lh<- ledgerrecords numerous purchases from Nathaniel Clhapm.mof iron that was undoubtedly made at his ironworks.It is probable also that many sim|i' ' mces weremade at Marlborough by sla\<-s or i A .-ierxantstrained as blacksmiths.HiNCiES.- Hand-forged strap hinu' ' 'throughout the colonies from the limen! to the middle of the 19th centurv'. In additioito the many fragments til ' '' unefromsiulhinges, one artifact is a l> itl str.ip-hirii;'terminal with a square hole for nailing 1 1 S\M i><l I >t>.
ill. M). Three pintles L-shapi-d pixels on whichstrap hinges swimg -were recovrrecl. < )ne was foundat the site of a gale or door in the- wall .Miuth c>'kitchen (LSNM fiO.59, fig. 881).iragments front at least four dilFerent H .iiid H'hinges occur. Se\eral entries in the ledcriTi n '
( ot
ay.lttll.i
m (he .iccoui
-2 p' I... 'j)i?"<'r f?f
M 9
Fissure 89.
?
Tools: a, block-plane blade; b, scraping loo! (ill. 76); c, gouge chisel (ill. 77);d. jiari of bung extractor; e, fragment of ax; f, three dogs or hooks; g, pothook; and h,shim or pin.
term in 1729 when he bought a pair of "Sidehinge.s"for 9d. "Cross-garnet" hinges, where a sharplytapering, spear-headed strap section is pivoted by apin inserted in a stationary, rectangular butt section,are represented by three imperfect specimens (USNM
')'i.l657 and 59.1881, fig. 88). Both these types arenamed, described, and illustrated by Moxon.^'''Locks, L.\tches, .wd Keys.?Only one remnant ofthe ubicjuitous 18th-century "Suffolk" thumb-pressdoor latch was found at Marlborough. This frag-ment comprises the handle but not the cusps at theends, by which the age might be determined (USNM60.137, fig. 88). Mercer purchased an "Iron doorlatch" from Nathaniel Chapman for ninepence in
2' 3 Albert H. Sonn, Early American Wroiiahl Iron (New York:Charles Scribncr's Sons, 1928), vol. 2, p. 9.
1731. In a complete assemblage fur ilie-te latches,a thumb press lifts a latch bar on the reverse sideof the door, disengaging it from a catch driven intothe edge of the jamb. One large latch bar wasrecovered (USNM 59.1972, fig. 88f), as well as twocatches (USNM 59.1644, fig. 88i, and 59.1801, ill.65) . Sliding bolts were the usual locking devices whensimple thumb latches were used. A survival of oneof these is seen in a short iron rod with a shortersegment of rod attached to it at right angles (USNM59.1942, ill. 69).Purchases of padlocks are recorded, but t\w\\: is noarchcological evidence for them. However, a well-ntadc hasp (USNM 59.1655, ill. 65) has survived, and
also three staples (USNM 59.1644, 59.16,59, 59.2027,fig. 88j). Mercer bought six staples in 1742 at apenny each.Apparently the principal doors of both the 1730
166
Illustration 74.?Left, blacksmith's hainmrr. One-half.(USNM 59.2081.)
Illustration 73.?Center, iron wrench. One-half. (L SNM60.91.)
lUustration 76.?Right, iron scraping tool (fig. 89b).One-hair (l-.SNM 60.133.)
Illttstration 77. Ix-fl. I(sec fii{. H'?i I f)i59.1644.)
Illustration 78.?Right, 'fc\'mcr. Samr ' ??\A'
.\r
liuusc and the inaiisioii were (ittod with ljo\ locks, orstock-locks," in which wood and iron were usuallyconihincd. .A hcaxy iron plate comes from such alock (US.\M 59.1943, Hg. 88). Two stock-locks werelK)ui;ht from John Foward in 1731. .-\nother waspurchased from William Hunter in 1741. In thesame year Mercer acquired from Charles Dick "8Chambcrdoor Locks w"" brass knobs." If by knobwas meant a drop handle, then a fine brass specimenmay be one of these (U.S.NM 59. 1944. li^. H3h. ill. <i7).
I ragnients of three iron keys ha\c survived, thesmallest of which may have been used with a furniturelock (.LSNM 59.1644 and 59.1t)5ti, hg. 88h).Nails and Spikes.?The ledgers point to a constantpurchasing of nails which is reflected in the gicat(juantity recovered from the excavations. .\ 1731purchase from Chapman comprised 2-, 3-, 4-. l>,8-, I0-. 12-, and 20-penny nails, while in the I 74l)'snot only nails but 4-, b-, 8-, and l(t-penny br.iils werepurchased, as well as 20-penny flooring brads.Exceptint; the last, nearly all the.sc sizes ikcim in the
.trtilacts. There is also a \ariety of luavy spikes,ranging from 3 inches to 7 inches in Irnglh (sec ills.70-73).
HANDCR.MT^ TOOLS
was tonot surprising to find handlools 'blacksmith"- . .^. . . -example, sibeen blacksmitks at N(arllM>!cl ?
st< . M
:\-iiich square nut or boll < i
e<i
tS(ihandle set at a
Figure 90.
?
Scvthk found againstoutside of east wall. Structure H.
tubular, tinned, shect-iion .shaft handle which issecured by a brass ferrule to the head and biazedtogether with brass. The lower end is plugged withbrass, where a longer handle perhaps was attached.In 1748 Sydenham & Hodg.son, through William Jor-dan, imported for Mercer "A Sett Clockmakers tools."This entr\ is annotated, '"Rcturn'd to AP Jordan."Although the hannner cannot be related to this par-ticular set of tools, the ledger item suggests that finen(jik like clockmaking may have been conducted atMarlborough. This tool may have been \ised in theprocess.
Illustration 79.?Wrought-ironfrom plow. One-fourth. (U60.88.)
Illustration 80.?Hook used withwagon or oxcart gear. One-half.(U.SNM 60.9.)
Illustration 81.?Left, bolt with wingnut. One-hall.(USNM 60.145.)
Illustration 82.?Right, lashing hook from cart oragricultural equipment. One-half. (L'SNM 59.2030.)
FARMING, HORSE, AND VEHICLE GEARThe 1771 inventory is in some ways a more signifi-cant summary of 18th-century plantation equipmentthan are the artifacts found at Marlborough, sinceits list of tools is longer than the list of tool artifactsand is pin-pointed in time. However, artifacts definethemselves concretely and imply far more of suchmatters as workmanship, suitaljilily to purpose.
source of origin, or design and form, than do merenames. The Marlborough tools and equipment,moreover, correspond, as iar as they go, very closelywith the items in the inventory, thus becomingactualities experienced by us tactually and \-isually.For instance, the inventory lists 22 plows at Marl-borough. .Among the fiiicls is an iron colter from a
168
J-'igurc 91.?Iarm ut;AR: ii, part of roll.i|>siblifrom w hifllrlrcc; c. pari of bridle bii; d. ii
f. basf of handle of a currycomb; n. rivel and washer
,
i?ii hiiiN.-,hiM-s; and k. chain to which a strap w^i- .1'
colonial plow in which the colter was suspcndrd fromtiic i)cain and locked into the top of the share (^L'SNMtjO.Blt, ill. 79). The colter is bent and toin fromexhaustive use (Chapman, in 1731. htied a plow "??"?Iron" for Mercer). I'rom it we learn a ijood dealabout the size of the plow on which it wm-- um-.I in,
I
the shallow depth of the furrows it made.
I our chain traces were on the list, one ol wliitli !.<
.^presented by a length of flat links all-x'"'! '" -itriangular loop to w liich the leather poi
'
tr.ices was fastened (I SNM 60.64, fig. 'Mb;. 1 lie
halves of two m.itHc bits il .s\.M
It I.Bit:Mercer's pn
m.'m , lurv. 1
1
till tW- !J-
lt?'?
Illustration 83.?Hilling hoc. Onc-fourlh.(USNM 59.1848.)
Illustration 84.?Iron reinforcement
strip from back of shovel handle.One-half. (USNM 59.1847.)
wagon listed in the inventory is confined to nuts andbolts that might have been used on such vehicles. Along axle bolt (USNM 59.1802) measures 23 inches.A small bolt or staple, split at one end and threadedat the other, has a wingnut (USNM 60.145, ill. 81).A hook with a heavy, diamond-shaped backplate anda bolt hole was perhaps used on a wagon to securelashing (USNM 59.2030, ill. 82). A heavy, curvedpiece of iron with a large hole, probably for a devicepin, appears to be from the cud ol a wagon tongue,while a carefully made bolt with hand-hammeredhead (USNM 59.1821) and a short ri\et with washer(USNM 59.1881, fig. 91g) in place seem also to be\ chicle parts.The inventory listed four com()lete harnesses, theremains of which are probably to i)e foimd in foursquare iron buckles (USNM 59.1644, 59.1901, 60.131,fig. 91h), a brass ring (USNM 59.1678, fig. 83), andan ornamental brass boss (USNM 59.1878, fig. 83j).Twelve "Swingle trees" (whippletree, whiffletree,singletree) are listed in the inventory. The artifactsinclude three iron loops or straps designed to besecured to the swingletrees. One (USNM 59.2042,fig. 91b) still has two large round links attached.(In 1731 Chapman fitted ironwork to a swingletree.)Ten "Hillinghows," 17 "Weeding hows," and 8
"Grubbing hows" are listed. In the long Chapman
Illustration 85.?Half of sheep shears.One-half. (USNM 59.1734.)
account for 1731 we see that Mercer then purchased
"5 narrow hoes" and "2 grubbing hoes." The onh'archeological evidence of hoes is a fragmentary broadhoe (probably a hilhng hoe) (USNM 59.1848, ill. 83)and the collar of another.Thirteen axes are listed in the inventory. Againwe find Nathaniel Chapman providing a "new axe""in 1731 for five shillings, while William Himter soldMercer "2 narrow axes" and "4 Axes" in 1743. Onebroken ax head occurs among the artifacts, wornback from repeated grinding and split at the eye(USNM 59.1740, fig. 89c).There were four spades and an iron shovel at Marl-borough in 1771. An iron reinforcement from ashovel handle occurred in the site (USNM 59.1847,
ill. 84), while a slightly less curved strip of iron ma\-have been attached to a spade handle (USNM 59. 1 662)
.
Once more in Chapman's account we find evidence of
:o
^ss~
Illustration 86.?Animal trapOnc-lhird. (LSNNf 59.1715.)
llliKtrdlion 87.?Ir.fig. 91.
local workniaiisliip in an itrin for "I Spade."Thirteen .scythes were listed in 1771; perhaps tlie oneexcavated from the foinidatit)n of Strnclnrc H unI'otoinac Creek may have been aniunc; these (L'.SN.M
")'l.'240l), fig. 90). There were eight sheep shears;half of a sheep shears was found in Structure G
^US.NM .59.1734, ill. H.')). Ot the other items on thelist, a few, such as stock locks and hannners, ha\e
.drcady been mentioned, while the remainder of thelist is not matched by artifacts. .\n item for a chalk-line is supported by a piece of chalk (ISNM "i" H?H<,fig. (!4).A few specimens are not ni.iiclu'd tii tin- ihmmIiuxOne is a springtrap of haiKl-ln!i;.-d. lianH-rivtrd iron(US.NM 59.1715, ill. Hi.. I.m ..,i. i:: lU,Another is a fishhook (US.NM V* lnlU, i:i ?Nil)K one of 95 Injught in 1744. An iron still,the framework of a saddle is fitted with 10 n\cls lor
J
Illiuitralian ""(I '- h.iU
lllii-ii.iii.m K^ Br.?>? '{\,\v hjndir
171
securing the leather and upholstery (USNM 59.1847. design. An iron hinge bar is part of the equipmentfig. 91d). The third artifact is an elegantly designed for folding back the top of a chaise (USNM 60.178,brass fitting for a leather curtain or strap (USNM fig. 91a). There arc several horseshoes, two whole59.1736, fig. 83j, ill. 89). It is fitted with a copper shoes and numerous fragments (fig. 91i and j).
rivet at the stationary end for securing leather or Finally, the handle shaft and decorative attachmentcloth; just below the ri\et is a recessed groove and of an iron currycomb (USNM 59.2077, fig. 91f)
shelf, perhaps to receive a reinforced edge; to the recalls Mercer's purchase of "1 curry comb andlower part of this is hinged a long handle cut in a leaf brush" in 1726.
X I .\
Com ///S/0//S
Almost no exclusively 1 7tli ti-ntiuy iirtifacts werefoiind at Marlborounh; at least, thcii" wcir very fi'wsherds or objects that could not have orii^inated
e(niall\ well in the Dith century. The exceptions arethe foUowini;: Wcsterwald l)hie-and-\vhitc stoneware
witii i?ray-bufr paste; several sherds of delft andother tin-enaiueled ware, late 17th century in type,and an early 17th-centnry terra cotta pipcstcni.Othenvise, we find a scattering of things Ix'lonijitigto types that occurred in both centuries: North I)e\ontrravcl-tenipered ware, which was imported both inthe late 17th and early 18th centuries; ycllow-and-brown "combed"" ware, which elsewhere occurs mostcommonly in 18th century contexts; pewter trifid-handle spoons, the form of which dates from alwutItiyO but which may have been cast at a later datein an old mold (a wavy-end spoon in the style of171(1 may also ha\e been cast later). Fragments ofan onion-shaped wine bottle may date from the firstdecade of the 18th century, but the presence of suchbottles in the Roscwell trash pit shows that lH)ttle.s,being too precious to throw away, were kept around
until they were broken -in the case of Rosewellfor 60 or 70 years. Thus the Marll)oroui;h sherdscannot be excluded from the .Mercer period. Thesame may be said of a late 1 7th-century type offork. Thus, there is \ irtually no e\ id<-nee of the I'ortTown occupation, cxpecially as the lew I7th-ceniury
artifacts that were found may well have bclonRcd tothe .Mercers rather than to MarllMironRh's pre\ ionsoccupants.The ceramics and glass are the most readily datable
artifaci.s, and these coincide amthe period of John Nfrrrrr"* '.earthenwares arc pre<! ridc\%Buckley ty|jes, with a M.Ki.nnv of nr'which are recurrent among other 'Maryland historic-site artifact-t. Ntjemerges to suggest that there ' ?
.Stafford potter. Common sti ?a \ariety of types that no source oiattributed, although there is sonwork of William Rogers' shop in ^wald stonewares aregray varieties comnio.. ... .... -, j..,.,. ,18th centurv.There is Igreat d<-al o; ' ,the first kinds of Euelish refined wstoneware. .\oitwere used at N: ..awareness of current l.ila I
alti ,regarded as hand.some and Ci>meni uf .i plantation honsr th.it w.ti J m
I'oiiu.il stvle.
I M I pt for the white ? warr, which ??ii?p..
ceithe few datal?le i.ible-gl.tm I
niarilv fioni ilIHth- and earlshnrpiv in ntinil a inorr aiuirrr lilr .?t
173
Marlborough in its dcsccnl to an overseer's quarters. may be assumed to date from John Mercer's period.Later 19th-century wares are insignificant in quantity In general, the artifacts illustrate the best of house-or in their relation to the histor>- of Marlborough. hold equipment available in 18th-century Virginia,Tool and hardware forms are less diagnostic. Most of and the tools and hardware indicate the c.xtensive-them correspond to ledger entries and to the 1771 ness of the plantation's acti\-ities and its hea\y reli-inventory, so, without contradictory evidence, they ance on blacksmith work.
GENERAL COiXCLUSIONS

SIIIIIIII(IrJ of Findlilies
\ \
Marlborough's bcgi^l)i^^s as a lown in lh91 castilu- shape that has ciiduiTci in a few \estiges even untiltoday. The original survey of Bland and Bucknerremains as evidence, and in- it we are led to iK-iirsetiiat the courthouse was located near the "Outt" tothe west of the town, near a change of course that
aflTccted the western bonndar\' and all the north-southstreets west of Geoige Andrews' lots. Archeological
??xcavation in the area disclosed Structure B. whichMbse(|uent evidence proved to be the foundation of
.Mercer's mansion, built at the pinnacle of his careerbetween 1746 and I 7')U. .\o evidence exists that thisfoimdation was associated carliei- with the courthouse.Two years after the second Act for Ports was pas.sedin 170.5, the second surses' was made and was lostsoon thereafter. There is evidence that the housebuilt by William Ballard in I 70H. on a lot "ditched in"iccordini; to this plat, was also in the v icinity of theDurthou.se. .After Mercer moved into this house in1726, it Ijccanie clear that the two surveys were atodds, and a new survey was ordered and ina<le in1731. The maneuvers which followed make it fairlyclear that Mercer's residence was encroachintj u|)onthe two acres that had been set aside for the court-hou.se, which by .Xct of As.sembly had reverted to theheirs of Giles Brent after the courthouse hatl burnedmd been abandoned about I71H. The i7;ll pi " i>>">-ided a whole new row of lots alonjs the \-lK)undary of the town, while pushini; the oriqiii.il lutsslightly to the east. This device would li.ive .i.s.iMir(lthe integrity of the courthouse land, while rrliev
:
Mercer of the imcertaintv of his title When Merer
petition to acquire Marlborough w.i1747 (the 1731 plat still mnaincd noffered to buy the courlli' ' ' 'worth. .Since .Mercer \-
".Mr. William Brent, the Inlani," he v\to testify in ihiscapacily at the hear-Thus the courthou.se. Ballard's litmansion all appear to have t)crn invoi\ary dillicultv, and we may assume, :the roui thouse during its brief carrrithe spot where .Mercer later built !This dilhculty, in particular, ?detrrmiiiini; the shape nf the lown. llirwhich Men
arities that M
until \TxS that he was itown and b> that lijne Malready In-en fixed. We Ifeature, the mansion, wa*Ih
furnishe<l not onlv with
A .devel?>| fiercer lav U(InTk, vvitli >*i.
east. In 1731. nprolKiblv <tlood near the ualrrsidr al I\vl "
vli
I, liiKr 1
"lerrrr cov V \<y\ I|1,U
177
the "tobacco houses'" must be repaired as soon aspossible. They were probably among the buildingsthat Mercer had constructed up to 1747, when hereported that he had "saved" 17 of the town's lots bybuilding on them. These lots comprised 8]i acres inthe southwest portion of the town.The windmill was built on land near the river shore,east of the mansion. It was probably located a con-siderable distance from the shore, although erosion inrecent times has eaten back the cliff. In the fall of1958, half of the stone foundations collapsed, leavinga well-defined profile of the stone construction.Fragments of mid-century-type wine bottles found inthe lower course of the stones support other evidencethat the mill was built in 1 746.Mercer mentioned his "office" in 1766. This mayhave been a detached building used for a law office.Oliver in 1771 listed a barn, a cider mill, two "grain-erys," three cornhouses, five stables, and tobaccohouses. He mentioned also that "the East GreenHouse wants repairing, the west d? wants buttmentsas a security to the wall on the south side."Besides the malthouse and brewhouse built in 1 765(which may have been situated at Structure H andthe 100-foot-long stone-wall enclosure attached to WallA), John Mercer in his 1 768 letter mentioned "Cellars,Cooper's house and all the buildings, copper & utensilwhatever used about the brewery," as well as the
"neat warm" house built for the brewer. When theproperty was advertised in 1791, "Overseers houses,"
"Negroe quarters," and "C!orn houses" also werementioned.The development of the area in the southwestportion of the plantation probably sustained?orestablished for the first time?the character originallyintended for Marlborough Town. The situation ofthe mansion was undoubtedly affected by this, asindeed must have been the whole plantation plan.The archeological evidence alone shows that the planwas abnormal in terms of the typical 18th-centuryVirginia plantation. The rectangular enclosureformed by the brick walls cast of the mansion doubt-less framed the formal garden over which the im-ported English gardener, William Black, presided. Itconnected at the northwest with the kitchen in sucha way that the kitchen formed a corner of the en-closure, becoming in effect a gatehouse, protectingthe mansion's privacy at the northwest from theutilitarian slave quarter and agricultural precinctsbevond. Walls A-I and AH, howe\er, related the
mansion directly to this plantation-business area andcaused it to .ser\e also as a gate to the enclosure.The position of the kitchen dependency northwestof the house is the only suggestion of Palladian layout,other than the garden. The southern aspect of thehouse and the rigid boundary to domestic acit\ityimposed by Walls A-I and A-II probably pre\cntedconstruction of a balancing unit to the southwest.Slave quarters, stables, and perhaps the barn appar-rently were located to the north.Since it was not until 1755 that Mercer came intofull title to the town, the town plan and its legal
restrictions were influential in determining the wayin which the plantation was to grow. The house andthe surroimding layout were, therefore, wholly pecu-liar to the special circiunstances of Marlborough andprobably also to the individuality of its owner. Theapproach to the house from the waterside was to thesouth end of the building, leading up to it by the
still-existing road from the creek and along the old
"Broad Street across the Town," which probablybordered Walls A-I and B-I. The mansion thushad a little of the character of a feudal manor house,as well as some of the appearance of an Englishtownhouse that abuts the street, with the seclusion ofits yards and gardens defended by walls. In manyrespects it only slightly resembled, in its relationshipto surrounding structures, the more representativeplantations of its period.The house was well oriented to view, \entilation,and dominant location. The veranda, which affordedcommunication from one part to another out-of-doors,as well as a place to sit, was exposed to the prevailingsouthwesterly summer winds. In the winter it wasequally well placed so as to be in the lee of northeaststorms sweeping down the Potomac. The view,hidden today by trees, included Accokeek Creek anda lengthy vista up Potomac Creek. Presumably,a road or driveway skirted the kitchen at the west andperhaps ended in a driveway in front of the house.The gate in Wall E south of the kitchen would havebeen a normal entrance for horses and vehicles.Within the garden was the summerhouse built byMercer in 1765. From the east windows and stepsof the house and from the garden could be seen thePotomac, curving towards the bay, and the flailing
"drivers" of the windmill near the Potomac shore.The excavated and written records of Marlboroughare a microcosm of Virginia colonial history. Theydepict the emergence of central authority in the 17th
[78
triitiiiN 111 tl>c fslahlisliiiifiit of the port town as a
cli'sici- to clivorsify the economy and control the col-licliiii; of cintics. In the failure of the town, theydemonstrate also the failure of colonial i;o\ernment toovercome the tyranny of tobacco and the lestrictivepolicies of the mother country. They ro on to show-in ureal detail the emergence in the Ulth century ofa familiar American theme the self-diiected rise ofan indixidual from obscure beginnings to high profes-sional rank, social leadership, personal wealth, andcultural influence. They demonstrate in Mercer'scareer the inherent defects of the tobacco economy asindebtedness mounted and economic strains stiffened.In .Mercer's concern with the Ohio C'oiupany andwestward expansion they reflect a colony-wide trend
as population increased and the need grew for more
.uable land and areas in which to invest and escapefrom economic limitations. They show that the warwith the French inevitably ensued, with its deiuandson income and manpower, while following this camethe enforcement of trade laws and the iiumediateirritants which led to rebellion. So Marllx)rough
uives a sharp reflection of \'irginia's history prior tothe Revolution. It was touched by most of what wastypical and significant in the period, yet in its owndetails it was unique and individual. In this seeminganomaly Marlborough is a true illustration of its age,when men like .Mercer were strong individuals but at
(he S.IIIM ;'ifying and cxprcuiiig llir iiiilicii inwhich liMercer's risic to wraith and Iradrrship occiiirrtl ata time wlirnprosjx-rity, \vopport(mitie.H for invrstnirnt. Il rrniaincd for ili.-xl>est able to takeself-training in iiability to organize placed him ainung Ihrae. Theimportance of hiship that he heldcourt; the brick courthouse on the hili ovrrlo<'>the upper reaches of I'ulomac C'l^ 'tcctural symlxil of this |H>sition. .'\<'income was derived from legal practice, it w.iplantation that was the principalinterests and his energies. Merccitypical of his peers, whose intellectual and pileadership, on the one hand, anr)business enterprise, on the other, fn;within the individual. The great piantaiion iiwith its sophisticated elegancies, its outward foii.i.n-ities, and its rich resort for the intellect in the form ofa varied library, was the center and spirit of tof which men like Mercer were leaders. \'. ..death of the system came the death of the irreat h.and the rise and fall of .Marllx)roughwell as anything can. the life cycle ... \..,. ^colonial plantation order.
179

Appendixes

Appendix AInvcntorv of" George Andrews, Ordin.irv Keeper
[Stafford County Will BiMjk I.ilxr Z lt>'jy I7(jy p. 168 ff.)
An Invcnion- of ihc Ksiatc of (.Jcorgr Andirws taken ihc(sLx) October 1698. 6 small fcathrr Ix-ads with Bolsirn 3Ruggs I Tiirkt-y Work I Carix-t 1 old >niall I 'boulstcr Rimg 4 pair Canvis Shooks J pair Cmvallcins 4 ChcsLs 1 old Tabic I Couch I (irral I nink
1 small ditto I Cupboard 2 Brass Kcldrs 1 picis I>nv|as2 spits I Driping pan & fcndrr 6 Iron I'ols 5 (>air Pol-hooks 6 dishes I bason 2 do/rn of plates 4 <made of kain 9 head horses f marcs 3 Colts of ieach 4 head Oxen 2 Chaine Staples 8 N'oakx 7 Cawt+ calves 1 Bull 2 barron cows 2 live year old ttean6 Beasts of a year old each 30 head of sheep brine ve\viand lambs 4 Silver spoons 1 Silver dram cup
vitac punch Bowl I Chatting Dish I Brass Mori.' iPestle 2 ditto & I great iron pestle I broad ax 2 narrowD? I Tennant Saw I \S'hips;iw I drawing knife 2augurs I Frow I pair Stilliards & too with Canhnoks ISaddle & Curb bridle 3 servants 2 Men I Woman 3years t- 6 months to nerve I Welshman 4 years to servethe other servant named Garrard Moore 13 months loserve I old Chest drawers 1 old plcv ? > fw heels w " a Cart 2 old Course I able i4 Towels I Gall" Pott 1 Pailc F'.Jtl 2 I I.. ? .'tankards a parsil of old Bottles I old Li>- , - IGrid Iron I Flesh fork & Skimmer I pair Spit hooksIron square 3 pair Iron tonics 2 NutnC'andlesticks I old (Ireal B?>.it old S.iil" IIlin I Box Iron I Warnung pan 2 p.i <Jurat in C'uri.i . i bvJohn \Vaui;h Jun'
18^
Appendix B
Inventory oi Peter Beach
[Stafford Couiitv Will Book?Liber Z? 1699-1709- p. 158-159.]
Estate of Peter Beach. Inventory taken l)\ William Downham, EdwardMountjoy, W"' Allen "-having nictt together at the house of Mr. PeterBeach."
'^Daivl BeachAle.x and Mary Waugh executors Nov. 20. 1 702"
To 4 three year old heifers. at 350 Tob" p I -400To 1 stear 6 years old at 600 To 5 D" 4 year old at 2000 2600To the 2 yr old at 2800 To 2 Bulls at 600 . 3400To 8 Cdxvs & C:;alves at 4000 To 2 Barron Cows 900 . , 4900To 1 Mare & Mare Filly at 1200 To 1 two year old horse 400To 1 D" 5 years old at 1000 To 1 very old D? at 150 . .To 1 Feather bedd + Bedstead + furniture 1500 To 1 do at 1200 .To 2 D? at 2000 To 1 Old Flock Bed + Feather pillow at 300To one servant Bot 9 years to serve 3000 to 4 stoolth 8 Chairs (?, 160- ,To 9 old flagg & boarded Chairs 130 To 1 small old table & stool 100 230To 1 old Standing Cupboard 1 50 To Looking Glass at 30 100To 1 pair small Stilliards at 60 to 1 Iron Spit + Dripping pan at 80 . ^ 140To 1 pair old 1 ongs and fire shovel at 30 To 2 Ladles + Chafing Dish 50 80To 1 old Narrow Ax + frow at 30 To 1 Box Iron & Heaters at 25 55To a passel of Glass Botdes at 40 To a Parcel of old Iron at 50 . . . 90To 8 old Pewter Dishes and three Basons Ditto at 228To 1 small Table Cloth + 6 Napkins at 50 to 4 Tinpanns 1 Copper Sawspan at 150 . 100To 2 2 quart Potts 1 Pewter Tankard Old 20To 1 old Warming Pan 20 To 1 Brass candlestick 1 Skimmer Old 15 35To pasl of Earthen Ware 50 To 3 Iron Potts 2 p' poithooks 250 To 1 BrassKettle at 300 600To 1 Brass kettle at 60 To 23 pewter plates old 1 10 To 4 old Chests 250 .... 420To 1 Frying Pan 1 Meal Sifter 15 To a parcel of old "1 ables and Cyder Cask 350
.
365To 1 Pewter Sheaf* 50 'Jo 1 old Gun 100 I o 2 Bibles at 40 190To 1 Pewter Chamber Poll 10 'I'o 3 Pewter Salts 1 Dram Cup 15 25To 1 pair Iron Spansils** at
1 6001150270023003160
50
Total [iic] 26010
Daniel Beach was janitor of the Court House, beine; paid 200 pounds tobacco an-nually 1700-1703:1700 and 1701?"'To Daniel Beach for cleaning the Court House"1702 and 1703?"To Daniel Beach for .Sweepinu- the Co\u-thousc."
*A cluster or bundle of tluuKS tied up tOK<-th<-r; a quantity of things set thick together. [NewOxford Dictionary)**SPANCEL: A rope or fetter for hobbling cattle, horses, etc.; especially, a short, rouud ropeused for fettering the hind legs of a cow during milking. |Ncw Oxford Dictionary]
184
Appendix CCharges to Account of Mosltv B.itt.ilcv tor Gix)ds Sold by Mercer[IVoin ledger B, p. I|
d.1725October12"' To Ball'", y Acco" BookA for (75) .To a Sword & BcliTo 1 SnuffTo 1 best worsted C.d\)To 1 p ' Ncats LcadicrSaddlebags. . .To 2 silk Romal handker-chiefs @ 3/To 1 p' SeersuckersTo 1 fine Hat N<> 7To Cornelius Tacitus in fol13"" To I p' mens white toptGloves .To 50 4" Nailsll"" To 5yi >"'? Broadcloalli at9/. .' . . .To7y'''Shallooneat2,To 8 Sticks Mohair at 3'To 7 doz Coatbuttons atHi"To 4 doz. breast d" at 3>iTo 3 hanks Silk at 9'To lUyJ-Waddintfal 10'To 1 p' Stone buttons setin Silver ....l.i"' To I p' large Scissar-To I p colH bindingTo 1 p h.To 6 ells li s NFat 2/11 . . .To I p' woiii'""^ w.i^'igloves
I'J"' lo I y' black rlbl..ind
I'o I horn I'i I\or\ kiiifr& fork
U)IIB5
12
(313137
714
21 lo I III.. I1..1 \ :1 o }? NTil 2 \ '? Nilk I riiiKinv
.11 .')
'
22 I o C'aili won on the Rare
2y I. ..illTo I q' Rum
I, < ? V
I.To 1^ sugar ?: I cj' Rum30 ToCln! ' " 'Novb' 20 lo I (|Dec' 13 To I n16 lo 12''30 lo 1 plo ItX) h< Nailsl? . , V, ... ,,j CILim?
I'cb 5 I
.
\ti ? ITioniA?
11 -^.
Mar 5 lo O'
21 lo I q' Rum & I* Sugar\p' 3 ro2q"n-?t I > 'Mu<ilinlo I q? l>- 10 llio-BenwnV .? If..- (> ' V ' ni...'..rf
1 .1
III
trt5
Appendix D
"Domestick Expenses"[From Ledger B]
1725Sept' 9"- To Cash for Exp- at Stairord& SpotsylvaniaTo lYi y^' Grown LinnenSarah & PittsTo 1 1 fowls & 1 quarterbeefTo 100-^ Sugar to this dayexpended 2To Cash for Exp= Urbanna .To Horsehire &cTo p"* John Marnix for bring-ing my Sloop 2''To p* his ferrageTo Cash for Exp ? PoplarSpringTo Exp? at Bowcocks ....To Exp^ at M". Powers's . . 1To a man to cart down Cook& barberTo Exp" at Gibbons's ....To Exp" at Dalton'sTo given Serv" at Col"Page'sTo 1 H doz. red Port at 22/6 . 1To 1/2 doz. mountain at 30/[Note 1] 2To Exp ? poplar Spring . . .To 1 bar' tar & pitch for theSloop 1To 50' porkTo 25 ' bisquetTo 1 China punch bowl . . .To 6 GlassesTo 8' CandlesTo given .Servants at M'Standard'sTo Ferrage & Exp" Piscatta-way & Hob's Hole ....To Exp" Essex C:ourt &Ferrage at KeysTo p"" William WarrellWages 1To p"i Patrick Cowan D? . . 1
d. ? s.To horsehire from \'ork ... 2To a Trunk 6To a Saddle & Furniture
self 3 15To lij yd Cotton 2l~o 1 horsewhip 6To 1 p' Shooes & bucklesPitts 6Ocf 2 To 2 silk Romall handker-cheifs [Note 2] 6To 6 loaves 9" 38^i ^ doublerefin'd Sugar 2 18To 2' Tea at 15/ 1 10To 6' Chocolate 15To 15K' Castile .Soap at 13" . 17To 15' Gunpowder at QJ. . . IITo 1 mans worsted Cap ... 3To 1 Wig Comb & Case. . .To 1 purse wrought withSilver 2To 2 pf buttons set in .Silverat 3/ 6To 1 p'^ gd 14^4 Ells baghollandat 7/10'2 5 14To 2 p ' mens fine worstedhose at 6/ 12To 2 p' mens fine thread T>?
at 5/ 10To 1 p ' womcns silk D" . . . 12To 1 p ' womens fine worstedD" 5To 1 p' Scissars with silverChain 10To ! box Iron & heaters. . . 9To 1 fine hat n? 6 12To 1 fine Dandriff C^omb . . 1To 1 ounce fine thread . . .To 1 fine hat N" 7 9To 30 ydB fine Dutch Checkat 2/6 3/15To 1 in? pins 1To 2 p'' tape 22 11 To 1 hat N? 5 gave Sam. . . 2
1

? >-. d.To 1 lea table I?To 1 brass chatBng dish . 5To 6 coi^per tart pans .... 6Nov' 4"' To 1 p f mens yarn hose ... 2
']V) 1 silk roinall handker-chciC :^
'lo Expenccs SpotsylvaniaCourt &C . - 17 4To 1 p' bellowsTo 2 funnellsTo Coffeepot, teapots, &c . . 7lo 1 Seabed Sheets TableLinnen &c 3 10
'Jo Cash to Pitts to bearExpences at Court 2 9To a pack of Cards . . 9To 1 pair mens Shooes ... 5
() lo 1 silk Romall handker-eheif 3To 6y> y''? Cantaloons @ 9'' . 4 8HTo 16 q' 22 y''? Scoteh Cloth@ 20''K I 17 lliTo p'' William Warrell VVaoesfor this day 1 6 8UTo 6'4' tallow ^ 6'' . . . 3 16To 311 yi' Cantaloons & 40'coU'd thread 3 4To 1 maple knife & Ibrk 1To 154' pork at lU . 19 3To 91 'D" at \]i . . II 4HTo 2 p' wom" Shooes ... 11
'I'o Cash for Lost at Cards &sundry Expenses 1 1 H 19To p'^ Thomas Morris forpork 6 7 5To p'l Pitts Wages tillFebruary . 4 19 9'iTo p** Thomas Collins D"
till March 18 2To 3 Ells yd w'l Carlix 3/ . 9To sundi\s from M' Cromp-ton p' Ace* 1lo 1 q' rum 27 4 q'- D" . .To 2 q<?Do5. 1 q' D" 7.2q?-D?8"'. oq-'D" . .To2q"D<>To sundry Exp ? lo this Day . 1To 2 q'Rum 12th 2 q'-D"15th 2 q'?D" 9To 5 p'? Rum 1 1 Sugar & 2yi' Check 7 fiTo 7 gall ? Rum & 16' Sugar . 2 9 (iTo Cash for taking up W'"Hall's horse 10
1117
20
22
25Dec 19X 'mas
leb 20Mar 2
10
197
15
15
18
.? s. d.To D" at Stallord Coui I . 4To Sundrys to W'" Dimn I 17 6func 1 I To cleaning out the house . . 6 9To 1500 lO'i Nails used about
ii 11 31 o 1 doz. Canary 1 10To p'' Tho' Collins his Wagesto May 11 3To 2 doz & 8 bottles Claret 2 8To 3 Cows & Clalves & 1featherbed 11To 1 [?] Chints 18To21i., yJ? coll'i blew at 2.6 , 2 13 I'/oTo 15 y''? course Check at16<i .' 1To 12 yJ^best D" IBTo Account Rum &c to thisday 2 10To Wheat Corn fowls S:c . . 3 2 3To sundrys of M' farlane asp'AcC 5 11 ]'/.To sundrys of Alex " Buncleasp'D" 15 17 9%To 7% yJ^yi w-i C:heck (g2/to W- Dunn 15To 2)2 yJ" brown linnen (?lOdtoD" 2 1To p'' M^' Bomne forsundrys 5To p*" for a Coffin & diggingye Child's grave 1 5To sundry Expences forfowls &c 17 4To John Chinn's Ace ' fer-rages &c for going toW-^'burgh 2 5 6To 2 p ' Andirons 2 Trunks&c 2 7 6To 2 dishes & 4% y^' IndiaPersian 1 13 l|iTo 1 p' Shooes & buckles . . 6To Cash to Bates to go for myhorse 7 2To D? lost at Race & gaveScarlett Handcock .... 2 12To Cash for Exp ? 3 9To John Barber for going toCloucester 11 6To gave W"' John.son .... 7'.To paid for Apjjles 6To paid Eliz" Rowsey Wages . 6 9To 5 gall' Rum 1 5To sundrys bought of ThomasHudson as by his account 12 6 10
J 38
f
'I'o I \ '' |>uii. t - l.iimcn \\ ??JohnsonTo Cash for H doz. .S|H)ons&cTo D" for Exp* on a Journi-yto \V"'"bini?h Ilo Moslcy Battali-y's Ace' forhis h-c for 1 726 2To allowed him for <-\ii:iiir-dinary service . 4To Pclcr Whitings Ai lountPalms & Sail Xci-dlcs561 Cordage Ilo Cha" .\rClelland'sAccount for sundiysGoing to Col" Mason'sfor Eliz RowscyGoing to York & sundiys IGoing lo Nich" Smith'sTo Rob' Spotswood'sAccoimt for sundrys ITo Geo. Rust's Ace ' for IIronpotTo John Daggc's Ace ' ofsundrys
I Oven .Bringing over 10 Sheepfrom Simin"To John Randolph's Ace' forLawyers fees . 4To Esme Stcwan's D" forToys . .To George Walker D" forLaw Charges .4To 2 (lall* Rimi of SimonPeirsonTo John Maulpti.s's Aee' for2 bar'* C^orn . . ITo Thomas Hudson's D" for2 bar'' D"lo Joshua Davis's D" for paidIhonias JefTeries for a (Jun 2lo M' Graeme's Ace" forsundn' books 2lo Jn" Quarles's D" for I p'sm' Stilliards
I o Hen Woodcock's I)" furIVrrageslo ii.iif\ nrM-.i<\\ n ic.iLavTo Rob Willi's Aci " luisundr\s
I'.)
Id
If)
28
10510
17
Ifi
l.'>
III'
J.'i
' l>bu?h" \\lo Peirr I {..iv- I'<undr\'>
lol(^UllK MI t)ll^nd .
lo C^ish Alo Ra\vlcii;n ( ninii > \.
.
for !iundr>?KrcjiiiiK mv hofM- for ,
I
I .
I).Will 1
1
Plowihi; ?\ Inii 111^ ,;
( taidrnA (iunlo Alexand' M'fj?rUn?-'. \. . 'A C.iddow \ I |>!
I .1*^ (iiin|imvdrr ? lO*-Shot
I \vom?n< Ixiund l<':i
> 1." Gun|Kn?der & 20'shotnil. . Arc' for 5(iri k- !
1. |a- Wh.illr%'. D- for 7lim l?o Ja" llor>irnailc'? D* for
.undiA*
,, |?|... II. .1.11 r. ?..lor I
.. |..|,:; I1.^1.!.-
"II ? Arc ' for a
IH
I 19
18
l?0
? s. d.To Ralph Falconer's D? forD" 1 10To Tho" Eves for fowls ... 4 6To 1 olives 5To 1 jiair mens Shooes W"Dunn 5To 3 Klls Dowlass D? . . 5 6To IH bush' Corn 3To 3% yJ" Check for findingmy Saddle 5To 10 yd- fustian 2/6 ... I 5To 5% doz Coat ButtonsKl'i 4 2
To 3 hanks silk & 2 hanksmohair 3
'I'o 4 Soosey handkercheifs[Note 9] 12To 12 yd" Check &: I p'mens gloves 4To 2 yd' Wadding 1To 6)4 bush'" Corn 13To 2 Ji bush'" pease 11To 2 bush ' = potatoes .... 4
?285 ^A
190
Appendix E
Mercer's Rc.idini; 1726 1732[From l-cclpcr R]
Atr. John Gtatmt1726 By sundry Book bo' of him belong' to ihc Hon*"' Col? S|>oU\vood.The niston' of England 3 volsClarendon's Histor\' 6 volsTillotson's Works 1 5 vol . .Plutarch's Lives 5 volDrydcn's Virgil 3 volCowley's Works 2 vol ....Milton's Paradise LostSecret MemoriesChambcrlaync's State of EnglandWilkin's Mathematical WorksPctroniusTilly's Orations .tBible
Viz.
HudibrasCallipocdiaDunstcr s Horace .Dc Gcnnes \'oyagc .Banquet of XenophonCongreve's Plays . .Lock's Essays . . .Evelyn's Gardening .tLittleton's Dictionary
^Present State of RussiatScdley's WorkstXew N'oyagcstNcw TravelstColc's Dictionar\-
2 vol
X4. 2
Account of Books lent & to whom (1730)
History of the Netherlands Jn? SavageJuly 13 Coles's DictionaryHistory of the Royal Society Col" FitzhughRochestcrs Works Andrew ForbesEvelyn's Sylva Ralph FalknerWoods Institutes 1"' Vol Parson RoseMathcsis Juvenilia 1Ozenam's Mathem. Recreations JCockers Arithnietick Robert Jones30 Mariners Compass rectified M' Savage
'Fravels thro' Italy c&c Cap' HedgmanDal tons Justice D?
Edmund Bagge
A Catalogue of the Books bought Miirclt I / M) of M' Rob' BeverleyCoke's Reports temp Eliz" Reg i . 10Dalton's Officium Vicecornitum 1
.
Coke upon Littleton ICokes 2'', SVS: 4'" Institutes 2.4Cooks Reports 1 .Laws of Virginia fol" printed two .... 1.4Compleat Clerk . 12.Swinburne [18th-century author] .... 12.Laws of the Sea 14.Godolphin's Orphans Legacy 9.Symboleography 14.Sheppards Grand Abridgment 1.10.Three Sets of Wingates .\bridgm' ofStatutes 15.Instructor Clericalis in 7 parts 1.15.Woods Institutes 2 vol 8vo 12.Placita Generalia 5.Tryals per pair 5.Practical Register 6.Law of Obligations & Conditions 3.6Reads Declarations 4
.
Clerks Tutor 6.Prasca Cancellaria 6.Fitzherbcrts new Naturalirevium .... 6.Brownlows Declarati')ns 6.Clerks Guide 3.6
Melloy de Jure maritime 6.Groimds of the Law .... 3
.
Compleat Attorney 5.Terms of the Law 5
.
Finch's Law 3Doctor & Student. .... 3.Greenwood of Courts 3 . (Law of Conveyances 3
.
Practice of Chanceiy 5English Liberties 2.Reports in Chancery 3.Meriton 3.E.xact Constable 1 .Littletons Tenures 2Written Laws of Virginia 25.
?46. 7.6Woodbridge of .AgricultureThe Compleat AnglerSalmons DispensatoryThe accomplished CookHistory of the Royal SocietyMarch y" 4th 1730, I promise to deliver the abovementioned books being fifty two in number to M' JohnMercer or his Order on demand.Witness my hand the day & year abovewritten.Rob'. BeverleyTest John Chew Copy
Appendix FOcdir side of Mercer's .iccount with X.itli.micl C".h.ipman
[From Ledger B. Nathaniel Cliapinaii was Supcrintciulcni i.f ilu- An (.Ln-L Ir.>ii \V..rl. 1
1731Sep 9 By Ball', bro: from fol 3t.By 501) 2' Nails @ 2/5 p 2 ??2 >By 500 3' D"
Appendix GOvefwharton Parish Account[From Ledger B]
1732April
Overvvhaiton Parish Dr.1730March To a Book to keep the Parish Register . ?1.11.To drawing Bonds between Blackburn& the Chmchwardcns ab' buildingthe Church 1 .To fee V Moss 11.8BallangerCabnct
15 To 1/3 W"" Holdbrooks'sfine ... 1.13.4To 1/3 Eliz? Bettr's D"To fee V Franklyn 1
.
To paid Burr Harrison by Ord"Vestry 2.10,
Ball" ?8.11?1.4
?9.15
To fee V Coulter ? .15.
Contra1730March 15 By VV? Holdbrook's fine for Adul-teryBy Ebenezer Moss's for swearing &Sabbath breakingBy Edward Franklyn's for swearingwhen reced
1732March 25
?5.
1.15.
?9.15.
By Ball'By Eliz" Ballengers fine for a bas-tardBy Alice Jefl"eries' D?By Ann Holt's D"
1 4
i94
Appendix HColonists Idcnrilicd h\ Ntcrccr According to Occupation(From LedE[cr CJ)
\\ illi.uu 1 luntcr
Appendix I
Materials Listed in Accounts with Hunter and Dick, Frederickshursj
Alphabetical Smiuuary of Materials listed iuLedger G in Mercer's accounts with William Hunterand Charles Dick, merchants of Fredericksburg.Definitions are based on information in .1 .NewOxford Dictionary, Webster's New International Dic-tionary (second edition, unabridged), Every Day Lifein the Massachusetts Bay Colony, by George F. Dow(Boston, 1935), and a series of articles by Hazel E.Cummin in Antiques: vol. 38, pp. 23-25, 111-112;vol. 39, pp. 182-184; vol. 40, pp. 153-154, 309-312.
Allapine: .\ mixed stutT of wool and silk, or mohair andcotton.BoMBAYs: Raw cotiou.Bombazine: A twilled or corded dress material of silk andworsted, somelimes also of cotton and worsted, or ofworsted alone. In black, used for mourning.Broadcloth: A fine, smooth woolen cloth of doublewidth.Buckram: A kind of coarse linen or cotton fabric, stiffenedwith gum or paste. Murray quotes Berkeley, Atitphr . . .(1832), "One of our ladies . . . stiffened with hoops andwhalebone and buckram."'Calamanco: A light-weight material of wool or mohairand wool, sometimes figured or striped, sometimesdyed in clear, bright colors, and calendered to a silkygloss to resemble satin.Calico: Murray defers to Chambers" Cydu(>aedui definition(1753): ".An Indian stuff made of cotton, sometimesstained with gay and beautiful colours . , . . Calicoes areof divers kinds, plain, printed, painted, stain'd, dyed,ehints, muslins, and the like." It is not to be conhisedwith the modern material of the same name.Cambric: A fine white linen or cotton labric, much usedfor handkerchiefs and shirts, originally made at C:aml)ra\-in Flanders.Camlet: A class of fine-grained material of worsted ormohair and silk, sometimes figured, sometimes "watered.""Moreen is one of its subtypes.Check: .Any checked, woven or printed, material.Di-ffel: a woven cloth with a thick nap, synonymouswith \/ii^. Made originally at Dufi'el, near .Antwerp.In a passage quoted by Murray, Defoe (.1 Tour af Grral
Briliiiii) mentions its maiuiracture at Witney, '"a Yardand three quarters wide, which are carried to .\ewEngland and Virginia.""Frieze: A coarse woolen cloth with a nap on one side.(tARH.x: Linen made in (Jorlitz, .Silesia, in several shades ofblue-white and brown.Holland: A linen material, somelimes glazed, first madein Holland.Kersey (often spelled "Cresoy"' by Mercer): A coarse,long-fiber woolen cloth, usually ribbed, used for stockings,caps, etc.Shalloon: .\ closely woven woolen material used forlinings.Prunella: .A stout, smooth material, used for clergymen'sgowns, and later for the uppers of women"s shoes.T.^MMv: .A plain-woven worsted material, with openweave. Used plain, it served for Hour bolts, sou]) andmilk strainers, and sieves. Dyed and glazed, and some-times quilted, it was used for curtains, petticoat linings,and coverlets.Tartan: Woolen cloth woven in Scotch plaids.In addition to these fabrics, there are listed "ChinaTafTety," "Silv"' Vellum," ''worsted," "PonieraniaLiniien," "Russia Bedtick," "Irish linnen,"' '"1 yd.India Persian," "worsted Damask," "Mechlin lace"(a costly Belgian pillow lace, of which Mercer pur-chased nine yards of "No. 3" at five shillings, andeight yards of "X" 4" at six shillings), "sprig Linnen,"and "G silk laces at iji"For trimming and finishing, one finds white thread,black thread, nun's thread, brown thread, bluethread, red thread, colored thread (all bought In thepound), gingham and hair buttons, "gold gimpribband," "pair Womens buckles," i'ringe, coatbuttons, \est buttons, scarlet buttons, siher coatbuttons, shirt buttons, '"mettle" vest buttons, "fine"'
shirt buttons, "course" shirt buttons, "Card sleevebullous,"' siKer sleeve buttons, and cording. Tiierewere .sexeral purchases of haircloth, used principallyin stifTening lapels and other parts of men's clothing,but used also for towels, tents, and for (li\ing m;iltand hops.
Appendix JAccount ot George Mercer's Expenses while Attending the College ofWilliam .ind Mary
(I-roiii Ix'cl^cr CJ]
1750April 3
Son's Maintenance at Williamsburg, FJr.
To CashTo D" p'' M'. Robinson for F.ntranci-M '. Ciraenic D"M'. Prt-ston DM '. Davcnjiori ])Hoiisclii-epiTfor Clandicsfor Pocket iiionev
t
Appendix KJohn Mercer's Libr.irv[From Ledger G]
"The prices arc the first Cost in Sterling money exclusive of Commission, Shipping or other Charges."
SterlingLAW BOOKS
AbridgmentsCases in Rquily abridged ? 18.Danvers's Abridgment 3 vol 3 10.Viner's Abridgment 6 vol 8 K
.
Davenport's Abridgm' of Cloke onLittleton 2.Hughes's Abridgm <? 2 vol 10.Ireland's Abridgm' of Dyer's Reports 2.Rolle's Abridgm' interleaved 2 vol . . 5Salmon's Abridgm ' of the State trials . . 1.15.Statutes abridged by Cay 2 vol . . . . 2.10.State trials abridged 1 vol 5.6Virginia Laws Abridged 8.ConveyancingArs Clericalis 1 vol 4.6Compleat Conveyancer 5.Clerk's Guide 5.Clerk & Scriveners Guide 8.Heme's Law of Conveyances 2Lawyer's Library 3.6West's Symboleography 5.Courts & CourtkeepingAttorneys Practise in C B 6Attorney's Practise in B R 2 vol .... 12.Coke's Institutes 4"" Part 15.RK Crown Circuit Companion 6History of the Chancery 2.6AR Practise in Chancery 2 vol 7Practick Part of the Law 6.GI Rules of Practise commonplaced ... 4.Practise of Chancery 1672 1.6AR Harrison's Chancery Practiser .... 6.Crown Coke's Institutes 3rd Part 15.Hale's History of the Pleas of the Crown2 vol/ 2.10.Hawkins Pleas of the Crown 1.10.Hale's Continuation of the CrownLaws 2.6Sutton de Pace Regis 5.DictionariesConsell's Interpreter 10.Jacobus's Law Dictionary 1.0.Law I'rench Dictionary 6.
198
SterlingRI Students Law Dictionary ? 5.
.\R Term's de la Loy 5.Entries Aston's 3.TA Brown Lows' Declarations 12.AR Bohun's Declarations 6
.
Brown's modus intrandi, 2 vol .... 12.Cliffs 1 II)Coke's 11.Lilly's 1.5.Mallory's Quarer Impedit 17.Placila generalia & specialia 3Rastallo 1.1.Robinson's 10.Read's Declarations 3.Vidiano 10.Thompson's 1 .Justices oj PeaceJusticio vade mecuni 2Keble's .Assistant to Justices 5
.
Manual for Justices 1641 2.Maxims Doctor & Student 3.6p'inch's Law 4.Francis's Maxims of Equity 8Hale's History & Analysis of the Laws . 6Hale's Hereditary Descants 1.6Hawks's Grounds of the Laws of England 3
.
Perkins's Laws 2.6Treatise of Equity 8.6Woods Institutes of tin- Laws of Eng-land 1.5.AliscellamesBooth's Real .\ctions 8GI Baron & feme 6.Billinghurst of Bankrupts 1.6Britton 5.Brown of fines & Recoveries . . . 5Coke's Institutes, Comments on Little-ton Part 2 3
.
GI Cane's English Liberties 2GI Curson's Laws of Estates tail 4.6Domat's CHvil Law 2 vol 2 10.
GIGI
GIGI
GI
GI
GIGI
c;i
Dugdalc's Originc's ,f udiciulcsDuncomb's Trials pcrpaisEjcclincnls, Law ofErrors, Law of .Ever>'man his own LawyerEvidence, Laws ofJacoba's Lex MercatoriaJus or Law of Masters & ServantsLandlord's LawsLaw QuibblesLaws of Liberty & Propert\ ...March's Actions for Slander & Arbitra-tionsMolloy dc jura maritiini & navali . . .Obligations Laws ofSea LawsTreatise of Trover & Conversion . . .Trespasses (Law of) Vi & armisX'irginia Laws Pur\'is's . . .N'irginia Laws by Parks 2 \'olUses & Trials (Law of)L'sur)' (Law of)Freeholders CompanionTurnbuU's System of the Civil Law 2
vol ... 'Jacobs's Collection of Steads for com-monplacesChronica luridicialia abridgedNaval Trade 2 vol . . .Law & Lawyers laid openFreeholders Companion . .Law of Devises & Revocations .PifTendorTs Law of Nature & NationsViews of Civil & Ecclesiastical Law-Study & Body of the Law .Treatise of Bills of ExchangePiirliamtntCases in ParliamentHunt's PostscriptRtaiiingsAllcyne'sAnderson's .Barnardiston'sBcnLscs & Dalison'sBridgman'sBulslrodc'sBrownlow's & Goldcnborough nCarter's .Carthcro'sCases in Chancer^' ;J P"Cas<-s in R R & n C from 2-' W- 12ModCases in Law & Lipnty i>y Macclesfield10 Mod
GI
Sterling
SterlingSkinner's. ?1.10.Styles's 1.10.Talbot's Cscs in Equity 15.I'othiirs Transactions in Chanceiy . . 1.6Vaughan's . 2.10.Vcntris's 1.15.Vernons 2 vol 2.5.W'ynch's .... 16.William's 2 vol . .2.16.Year Books 9 vol 3.76Yelverton's 5
.
Zouch's Cases in the Civil Law .... 2.6Cases in Chan & B R in Ld Hardwick'stime 12.Special & Select Law Cases 1641 . 6.Shcrijfs Treatise of Replevins ... 3 .Statutes Keble's StatutesStatutes concerning BankruptsTables Index to the ReportsRepertorium luridicum7 ilhes & Laws of the ClergyHughes's Parson's Law .
] nils Ex" &cGodolphin's Orphan's Legacy ...Meriton's Touchstone of WillsAR Nelson's Lex TestimentariaGI Swinburne of last WillsWcntuorth's Office of Executors .Writs
.\R Bohun's English LawyerFilzherbert with Hale's Notes . .Fitzherbert's Natura Brevium .Registrum BreviumOmitted Laws of ManlandStatutes of Excise . .OTHER BOOKS
Arts & SciencesAllan's Tacticks of War ....Smith's Distilling & FermentationWeston's Treatise of Shorthand .Weston's Shorthand Copybook .ClassicksJOreek Grammar[Greek TestamentMartialDictionariesColgrave's French Dictionary . .Salmon's Family Diet
2.10.2.6
12.
1.6
12.
1 .67.6.2.
5.166.
. 1.
1.6
2.6
15.6.
SterlingBailcN-'s I'.nglish Diet ? 7.GM Schrevclii Lexicon 7.6Echard's Gazetteer's Interpreter. . . . 3.6Cole's English Dictionary 2.6Divinity Tillotson's Sermons 3 vol 2.10.Bibles trua 1 .10.Leigh of Religion & Learning .... 10.Stillingfleck's Origines Sacra 1 .Life of King David 6
.
Newton on Daniel 3The Sum of Christian Religion .... 10.Weeks Preparation 2.6Whole Duty of Man 2.6The Sacrament explained 2.The Country Par.son's Advice 1.6Addy's Shorthand Bible 10.
.Atterbury Lewis's Sermons 2 vol . 10.6Atterbury Francis's Sermons 4 vol ... 1.2.South's Sermons 6 vol 112.6
.\S \Varburton's divine Legation of Moses 2vol 16.6Revelation examin'd with C^andour 2vol 9.6Scott's Christian Life 1 .History L'niversal History 4 vol 9.11.6Rushworth's Collections 8 vol 8.16.Rapin's History of EnE;land 2 vol . . , 2.10.Keating's History of Ireland 1.1.Burnet's History of his own Times 2vol 2.10.Purchas's Pilgrimage 1 .Cop's History of Ireland 2 vol .... 2.10.History of Europe 13 vol at 5/ .... 3. 5.Historical Register 26 vol at 3/ .... 3.18.Antiquitatum variarum Auctores ... 2.6History of the Turks 4"' vol 4.6Jeficry of Monmouth 4.Burnet's History 3 vol 9.Bladen's Caesar's Commentaries ... 4.6History of the Fifth General Council . . 12.Machiavel's History of Florence .... 4
.
Roman History Echard's 5"' vol ... 4.Lehon tan's Voyages 2'' vol 4.Description of the 1 7 Provinces .... 2The English Acquisitions in Guinea&c 2.Burnet's I'lavcls 1.6Heylyn's Help to English History ... 3.6History of Spain 1.6Catholick History 2.History of Virginia 2.6DuStalde's llislorv of China 4 vol ... 1.
i,"J
GM
Huibnndry & GardeningQuintinyc's GardenerWoodbiidne of Agricultiiri-r.velyn's SylviaMounhton's Husbandn- -i volBi.iflli-v's Hu.sbaiidr\- 3 vol .Gardening 2 volnew Improvements .ancient husbandrypractical DiscoursesFarmer's DirectorLadies DirectorHop Garden .Dictionarium RusticumCD Monarchy of the BeesA Discourse of SalletsPocket FarrierMiscellanies of the Dublin SocietySpectator 8 vol . .Tader 4 vol ...Addison's Works 4 volGuardian 2 volPope's Letters 2 vol . .Present State of Great Britain .Persian Letters 2 vol ....Scdley's Works 1 volCarson's Lucubrations .
.?\cc' of Society for Reformation ofManners
.Xristarchus Anti BentlianusDissertation on the Thcbaan Legion
.Secret History of Whitehall . .The Western Martyrology(>M Memoria Technica . . .Erasmus's Praise of Folly .Turkish Spy 5 & 6 vol . .Tom Brown's Letters from the Deadthe LiN-ingThe Intelligencer .Rone's Lives ...The Dublin .Mnianack .Maxims & Reflections on I'lavsReport about Silver CoinsEs.say for .\mendment of themFeltham's ResolvesThe Minister of StateIreati-se of Honourl.yropadia . .Hutchinson on \iriur . .
1 . Scott on the PassionsLan.sdownc's Worlw 3 volWorks of the Learned I.? volBoyle's AdventuresLeisure Hours .\mu.?'ment
Sterling
SlerlingPla\<s & PoetryKilligre\v"s Plays ? 10.Ignoramus Latin & English 3.6Shakespcars Plays 8 vol ...... 1.5.Ben Johnsons Works 10.VVychcrley's Plays 5.Blackmore's Elize 8.DuBartas's Works 12.Prior's Works . . 3
.
Pope's Works 9 vol 1.5.GM Homers Iliad 6 vol 15.Homers Odyssey 5 vol 12.6Savage's Poems 2.6GM Thomsons Seasons 2.6Rochesters Poems 2'' vol 3.Caroley's \V"orks 3 vol 9Lauderdale's \'irgil 2 vol 5Theocritus 1.6Broome's Poems 3.6Ovid's Art of Love 3Creech's Lucretius 2 vol 8.Barbers Poems 5.Wallace 2.Sandys' Paraphrase on the divinePoems 6.
Trade
OmittedGB
Sterling
Roberts's Map of Gommerce ?1.Davenant on Trade & Plantations 2
vol 8.
Annesley's Trial 5.6Speeches at Atterbury's Trial 5
.
Ladies Physical Directory ..... 2.6Calvins Sermons 2.6Nunnery Tales 4Wingate's .^rithmetick 4.Lloyd's Gonsent of time 7.6Memoirs of secret Service 2.6Views of France 2Account of the Treaty of L'xbridge . . 2.6May's Cookery 3The Triumphs of Peace 1.6
.S '. Walter Raleigh of a War with Spain 2.6The Romish Horseleech 2.6Conjectura Cabbalistica 2.Miscellanies by Swift & Pope 4 vol . . 3.The Syren 4.The Musical Miscellany 6 vol 18.
[The following are evidently subsequent additions to the library, which seems thus far to have been catalogedbefore 1746. The following books listed are referred to the accounts on which they were purchased.]1746April To Maj '. John Champe for sundrys viz.Viner's Abridgment 4 vol ?5.16.
GIARGIAR
Ld. Raymond's Reports 2 volFreeman's ReportsLilly's ConveyancerComyn's ReportsDalton's Officium VicicomituuiSwinburne [18th-cenlury author] of WillsHeme's PleaderPetyt's lus ParliamentariumTrcmaine's Pleas of the CrownWood's Institutes of the Civil Law . . .Trott's Plantation LawsReports B R 4, 5, 6, 7, & 8 Ann . . . .Duke's Law of Charitable UsesAbridg ' State Tryals 9 volPractising Attorney 2 volNaval Trade 2 volAttorney & Pleaders' i'reasury 2 vol . . .Compleat SheriflfOrders of the Court of Chancer\- . . . .
15.15.10.2.
19.18.15.13.12.12.10.
.16.9.9.10.5.65.6
202
Gl ^AW O
SterlingHistory of Pelci ilic Cn-nt 3 vol ? 13.Nature displayed 4 vol 12.Treatise of Money & Kxehangcs 10 6English Compendiiun 2 vol 10 6Irish & Scotch each 7.6 15.London Magazine for 174:5 & 1744 13.2Present State of Great Britain 5.6C;i' Dyeke's Dictionary 5.6Blandy's Tables 4.6Geography reformed 3.6Hewit's Tables 1.8Trunk Matt & Cord 14.
GM 'Jo William Parks for Ainsworth's DictionaryMemoirs of Pope's Life &c
?1. 5.
M'"tl> lo Mis. tii.icc Mcmr for siindns \izClark's Roincr 2 vol ...Murphy's Lciician. LucianRobcrlson's LexiconPassons Lexicon . .C;M I lapij's \'iri;il 3 volKcnnct's AntiquilicsPotter's Antiquities 2 volSaliist MinelliiRowc's SaliistBrown's Roman IlisioiTAin.s\vorth's Dictionary-Gcographia ClassicaButton's IntroductionGM (Erhard's Terence . .Plutarch's Lives 8 vol(Francis's Horace 4 volGay's Tables . . .GB Tom Brown's Works 4 vol .PS Dclaney's Sermons . .Subscription to Shakespear
To D" for Residue of Subscription to Shakesi>carTo Sydenham & Hdttson for sundns \'iz
.\M Conduct of the Dutchess of MarlboroughThe other side of the QuestionPractise of the Ecclesiastical CourtsIR Motts Geography 2 vol. fol. maps IxjundContinuation of Rapin 3 vol folSalmon's modern History 3 vol 4"Hoppncs Architecture 4"
.Salmon's Palladio Londoncnsis 4Palladio's .Xrchitecture 4"Langley's City & Countrv- BuilderLondon Magazine 1745, 6, 7 . .Winer's Abridgment 3 vol folMilton's Political Works 2 vol fol. \ IVlX
Sirrlinc
f I f
WB
.5
.Sterling Cun'1750 Nfay To W'" Parks for sundrys 7.19Aug To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys ?49.8 stt-rl" '26 pC ' 49 . 8
439. 7. 9 91.13.11J'225 pC 109 16 ll'j 549. 4. 8'^
640.18. Jji
1 746 [Currency]Feb. By Gabriel Jones for sundiys marked GJ 13.19. 81749May By \V'? Walker for Grey's Hudibras 16. 11750May By John Sutherland for Coeltagon's Dictionary 8. 1 4June By George Mason for Rollins belles Letters 15. 23.12. 1
?617. 6. 6%1750
.\pril To W" Parks for simdrys VizNoblemens Seats by Kip (38) ?1.2.6Johnson's Lives of Highwaymen &c 1. 2. 6Willis's Survey of the Cathedrals 3 vol 1.19.Select Plays 16 vol 3. 3.8 Views of Scotland 12.Aug' To Lyonel Lyde for sundrys bo' of Osborn VizUniversal History 20 vol gilt ?9. 8. 6Merian of Insects 2.10. 9Gallia et Helvatia Urbes 1.16.3Theatrum Urbium Germanis 2 vol 4.11.4Noblemen's Seats by Kip (80) 1.16. 3Churches Palaces & Gardens in France 5.1.6Pozzo's Perspective 116.3Perrier's Statues 2.5.8100 Views of Brabant ft Flanders 1.10. 6150 Prints of Ovid's Metamorphosis 1.10. 6Cases in Parliament 8 vol 18.5.5Father Paul's History 15. 3 51. 8. 2
To D" for sundrys bo' of George StrahanAR Ld Raymond's Reports 2 vol 4. 7Barnardiston's Reports in BA 2 vol 2.18IP Freeman's Reports 2.12. 2
.\R Comyns's Reports 2.3.6\'incrs .\bridgment 14"' vol 2. 3. 6
.\R Barnardiston's Reports in Cane" 1.12.I'orlescues Reports 1.9.
.\R lalbot's Reports 1.1.9AR Shoner's Cases in Parliament 18.10Goldesborough's Reports 5.Catalogue of Law Books 2. 2 19.12 11
2<.lb
lo M'" tir.uc MtTcor lor sundiys \ uGM Preceptor 2 volCounty of WatcrfordCounty of Devon . .Life of King David .Lives of the Poik-s I ? ' volDelany's SermonsPractise of Farmini; .Practical farmer 2 pan>Dublin Societies Letters .AM Her\e\'s MeditationsLondon BrewerHopsBeesGrass Seeds . .FlaxSaffronWoollen Manufacture
Cun'
8 3
?. 2
To Cash as paid for sundrss \'izCatalogue of Plants .Political ViewHistory- of AmphitheatresXorthern Memoirs . . .Life of Oliver Croinwell .The FoolThe CitizenGrcavcs's Origin of Weights &cSteele's Romish Histor\-D' Heniy Wooten's PiecesAccount of Naval N'ictoriesTennent's Physical Enquirii^D' Ratcliffes Life . .Extract of Cheyncy's Life & WritingsHistory of Nadir ChaCourt RegisterDescription of the microscope EcRichmond Rarities
10 62
I *
I ?.
To John Mitchclson for sundry's \izLife of the Duke of Arg>-lc . . .Parncll's PoemsYoung's Night 'HioughlsFarquhar's Works 2 volFenton's PoemsDevil on Crutches 2 vol ... .HistorN- of the Royal FamilyGM 2 Fer's Geography . .Hughes's History of Barb.idoe* .
J .4 ?5 ?
9
I I)
7%*t
207
By Gerard Fowke for Dyckc's DictionaryBy Sons for the Preceptor 2 vol .Fer"s Geography .
By Profit & Loss for Freeman's ReportsUniversal History 20 vol
By Robert Roseby by his Bro. AlexanderLd. Raymond's Reports 2 volComyns ReportsBarnardiston's Reports in CanrJ'albot's ReportsShower's Cases in Parlianirnt
CONTRA
1750 By Sons for the following Books CUn-r'Thomson's Travels 4 volThomson's SeasonsPope's Homer 6 volRollins Ancient History 13 \()1Trap's Virgil 3 volEchard's TerenceAinsworth's Dictionary . .Spectator 8 . .Tatler 4 . .Addison's Works 4Guardian 2Rollins Belles Lettres 4 .Hankey's \'irgilTerenceHoraceBuxtorp's Hebrew LexiconHeerebord's BurgersdiciusClark's Homer 2 volMurphy's LucianRobertson's LexiconPassor's LexiconKennet's AntiquitiesPotter's Antiquities 2 volSalust MinelliiRowe's SalustBrown's Roman HistoryGeographica ClassicaButton's IntroductionPlutarch's Lives B volFrancis's Horace 4Greek GrammarGreek TestamentSchrevelii LexiconMemoria Technica
15.
Appendix L
Botanical Record and Prevailing Temperatures
Dates when flowers, trees, and plants bluoiiicd in 1707, with trmprraturcs, extractedfrom John Mercer's journal, in back of Lrdi{er B
March2\
Temp. Temp.May
Appendix MInventory of Marlborough, 1771
[John Mercer's widow, Aim Roy Mercer, died atMarlborough September 2, 1770. By the nextspring, James Mercer was operating Marlboroughas one of four plantations owned by him. Theoverseer was Thomas ()li\'er. .^t the end of May1771 Oliver drew up a statement of the conditions ofihe plantations and made a detailed inventory,
riiis document has been reproduced in facsimile in
.1 Documentary History oj American Industrial Society.*The following e.xcerpts consist of the inventory,as it applied to Marlborough only, and of ()li\er"sstatement at the end. The "return," as he called it,covered the period from May 1 to May 31, 1771.The reference to advertising the "sale" is apparentlyconcerned with one of the unsuccessful public salesof John Mercer's personal property.]56
2 Drawing knives7 Broad Axes
1 Gouges
1 Compasses3 Augers2 2 Yard Rules
1 Chalk lines3 Sawfiles
1 Curriers knives
1 Tanners knives
1 Tobacco Cask Branding Irons3 Iron Polls for Negroes
I Grinding Sloans6 Scyth Sloans
1 Sarvants29 Negroes in (^rop25 Negroes out of Crop9 Hyerd out63 Total amount of Negroes
X.B. the Casualily in sheap are 11 sold to M ''Lowery. 1 to Doct'' CUeincnse. 1 held for the house,dy'd a little time after being Castrated 5 (18) as inthe Collein of decress. I Calfe dy'd fi\e days afterBeing Cult, the remainder of the stock in goodCondition, two mares excepted, the work of theMill going on as well as Can be Expected till \l[Drains is better, the Schoo and Boat unfit for AnySarvicc whatsoever till repaired, if Capable of it.
the foundation of the Malt house wants icpairing.the Manor house wants lead lights in some of thewindows, the East Green Hou.se wants repairing,the west d" wants buttrnents as a security to the wallon the south side, the Barn, tobacco houses atMarlborough & Acquia must be repaired as soon aspossible. The two tobacco houses at Belvaderra arein good order, five stables on Marlborough planta-tion must also be repair'd before winter, we have
sustai'd no damage from Tempests or Floods, it
will Expedient to hyer a Carpinder for the woorkwanted can not be accomplish'd in time, seeing theCarpenders must be taken of for harvest which isLike to be heavy. I will advertise the sale at StaffordCourt and the two parish Churches to begin on the20th of June 1771. this is all the intelligence thismonth requiers. P.S. The Syder presses at eachplantation & Syder Mill at Marlbrough to tallyExpeuded .... Negro Sampson Marlbro CompanySick of the Gra\el. Negress Deborah Sick of aComplication of dis? Negro Tarter acqui CompanySick plurisy. Negress Phillis sick Accokeeck CompanyKings E\il Xegro Jas Pembcrton at Marlb'' SickWorme fe\er. ThS. OlixerForJa! Mercer Esq''
oi 9
Index
Abridgment of the Lawi of Virginia, 24, 62-63; second edition,50. 53Accokcck: plantation, 12, 62; ironworks, 23, 24, 25, 47.162, 193Act for Encouraging .\dvcnturcrs in Ironworks, MiTct-r'sprotest against, 23\cts for Towns 0662), 5; (1680), 5. 7
.\ct for Ports (1691), 7, 10, 34; suspension of. 8
.Xct for Ports (1705), 8, 12. 22, 45, 83, 177; siis|xnsion
of, 9
.\dic, Hugh, 118
atfricultural implements:hoc, 25, 170 (illiistr.)plow, 25; drill plow, 59; iron for, 34; colter for, 73,168-109 (illustr.)scythe, iron, 113, 114. 168 (illustr), 171spade, 170-171Alexander, Robert, 12, 22Alexandria, 50, 52, 53Alexandria Library-, viiiAllan, William, 34\ll<n, William, 184\inbliT, Richard, 16\mcrican Philosophical Society, vii, viii, 69; I'far Bonk of,
viii\mson. Doctor, 46iinusements:cards, 51dancing, 33, 34game counters, 26 (illustr.)horse racing, 20, 26, 43loo, 20, 26lottery, 34music, 33, 34; books on. 43pitching, 20quoits. 20
I.I ?<-citied), 17\\ .1
xvreslling, 26\iiderson, Thomas (brickmakcr,) 28, V'liiidirons, 17, 162 (illiutr.)\ndrcws, (, t,2>. <4,ni.177; w.\ntigua Ship," 47
a|x>thfi medicine iAquia 'i
.\quia Church (Stt under church)
.\quia Creek. 11, 12archeologiral techniques, 70arches, 36,91, Warchitect, 36 (See also yoincr; carjirnirriarchitecture, books on, 37, 38. 43. 'Atchiledure of .1. I'alladio, 98 (Uhi?tr. Itoiii/
art. books on. 13. 2<K1
.\shby, , 53
.Xshby. Thomas, vii
.'Vstbury, I'liomiis (Staffordshire [wtiriAstburv', Thomas, Jr. (.Staffordshire poliri , 1 .!'_?
Bacon, Nathaniel. !??Bagge, Edmund, 17, 192Bailey, (brrwer), ^^Bailey. Worth, viiiball, masket, 155, 157 (illusir iBallard. Ihomas. 12. 14, 17. 22Ballard, William. 1 77Balthrop, -- . .MB.irlj?T. WillB.irrad..ll V!B.irr>. 1B.irrN. IIxivild
l>^tsin.s. 2.'>.B.lsnill. MmB. taillr). M
I .'? tBaylev, AmiBeach, Daniel. !?Be.i, Ii, P.i.i. I-.',B-l>rt 1 ^ ? . . - ' I > ' . ?lird I Hid. I "Brii llliT. |i''
IW-ltlrlli. St-Brlle I-
?C
licrkric-^, fc?*j>fiiwM,
-,22Benynian, ?beverages: ale, 33, 55, 5(); arrack, 145; Barbadoos spirits,145; beer, 55, 145, 146 (Bristol); bottles for, 145-152;brandy, 36, 145; chocolate, 32; cider, 16, 33, 62, 145,146, 149; citron water, 146; claret, 17, 18, 33, 46, 145;
coffee, 32; corn, 145; gin, 150-151; lime juice, 17;Lisbon, 145; Madeira, 25, 145; "Mint [water]." 146;
"Orange flower [water]," 146; porter, 56; punch, 13145; rum, 17, 33, 42, 145; sherry, 145; "Tansey,'146; tea, 32; wine, 33, 145, 145 (Fyall) {See alsobottle; cup; glass; chocolate pot; teapot)Beverley, Robert, 8, 21, 51, 97, 192biography, books of, 43birds, singing, 33; birdcage, 33Biscoe, VV., viiBlack, William, 33, 178Blacke, William (gardener), 58blacksmith, 35, 167, 174 {See also ivonwoykf,)Bland, Theodorick, 7, 8, 10, 177Blane, John, 25boat, 62; canoe, 25; "Schoo" (schooner), 62, 177; sloop,15, 16, 32,42, 177bones, animal, 1 1
1
bookplate, John Mercer's, iv (illustr.)books, 14, 17. 20, 33, 34, 36, 42; Mercer's reading, 191;purchase of, 191-192, 198-208; sale of, 61-62Booth, John (weaver), 32botanical record, 209-210 {See also garden)bottles, 25, 56, 145-152; canary, 145; cider, 149; closurefor, 145; gin, 112, 150-15! (illustr.); medicine, 152,153 (illustr.); methods of making, 146-149; octag-onal, 149 (illustr.); scent, 152; smelling, 32; snuff,32, 151 (illustr.), 152; spirits. 111, 150 (illustr.);stoneware, 39; wine, 72, 107, 111. 112, 119 (illustr.),145-149 (illustr.), 173, 178; wine, seal for, 31 (illustr.),73, 111, 14(^149 (illiLstr.)bowl: creamware, 141; delftware, 137 (illustr.); earthen-ware, 124 (illustr.), 127 (illustr.); porcelain, 144;redware, 125, 126, 128; stoneware, 136; whiteware,143bo.x iron, heaters for, 17, 162 (illustr.) {See also smoothingiron)Boyd's Hole, 18, 35, 51Braddock, General, 52Braintree (Mass.), 151brands, on tobacco casks, 29-30brass, 17, 39, 59, 72, 73, 108, 155 (See also specific forms)Braxton, Colonel, 26Brent, George, 12Brent, Giles, 7, 12, 22; widow of, 12; heirs of 177Brent, Giles, Jr., 7Brent, Robert, 12Brent, William, 23, 26Brent, William (infant), 45, 177; house burned, 63brewer, 55, 58; house for, 178
biTwery, 55, 56-57, 61,1 78; sale at, 56; sale of 61 ; still, 26,61 {See also Marlborough, buildings)brewing, books on, 43Brick House (village in New Kent Coimty). 27bricklayers, 35, 36, 103-104, 118bricklaying, 94-95; 103-104. Ill, 112: Meinish bond, 72,121brickmaking, 35 {See also building materials)bridge, 35bridle, 25; bit for, 73, 169 (illustr.). 171 (illustr.)Bromley, William (turner), 36, 38, 39. 50, 98Bronough, John W., 64Brook (village), 28, 67Brooke. William, 26Brooks (ship), 26broom, hearth, 39Brunswick Town (North Carolina). 108brush, curry, 18, 1 72bucket, 39Buckland, William, 52buckle: brass, 72, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illustr.); iron, 170;pewter, 52; silver, 32Buckley ware {See under earthenw are)Bucknell (Oxford Coimty), 58Buckner, William, 7, 8, 21, 22, 177 {See also Marlborough,survey 1691)Bucks Coimty Historical Society, viii, 28building materials:ballusters, 36, 96bricks, 9, 11, 18, 35, 36, 67, 68, 71, 72, 91, 94, 102, 107,109 (ilkustr.), 112; .sizes of, SO, 95, 104, 121clapboards, 25concrete, 92 (illustr.), 93 (.illustr.)flagstones, 35, 86, 97, 101, 102, 121gold leaf, 36, 95lime, 9, 35, 69linseed oil, 36lumber, 9, 18, 25, 34, 36marble, 96mortar, 35, 69, 102, 162
oyster.shells, 16, 18, 35, 69. 107, 108, 111paint. 36plaster, 96, 97 (illustr.), 102, 121shingles, 34
stone, 35, 36, 68, 71, 72, 86, 87, 89, 91 (Ulustr.), 92(illustr.), 94 (illustr.), 101Bull Run Quarters, 29, 30, 42; slaves at, 41, 58bullet {See ball)Buncle, .Mexander, 17Burges, Joseph (house painter), 36Burwell, Carter, 35buttons, 25, 42, 47, 52, 155; brass, 155; copjjcr, 155, 156(illustr.); horn, 58; Sheffield-plated, 155; shell, 155;
silver, 155; white metal, 42, 58, 156 (illustr.)Byrd, William, 46
n4
ciibiiiftinakcrs, 25, 35, 4<)candle, 40; bt-cswax for. -11; iiuiilr u.i\ lor, 11; (allow. Hcandle bo.\, 20candlcmolds, 1
7
candle-Slick, 14, 17, 20 (brass), 39, 10, 41, 153 fi{la.-?,illustr.) {See also sconce)
cano<", 25Canlon. Mark, 42Clanlrcll, William (st-rvant), 58Clarlylc, John. 30t;arlylc, Sarah, 30tlarolinc Courthouse, 27, 28car|x:ntcr, 36, 50, 62, 91, 118; apprentices, 50
car[K-t, 13cart (See under vehicle)C:artcr, Charles, 28(barter, Lucy, 118; marriai^e to Nathaniel Il.irrison, 118Carter, Robert ("King"), 118carver, 36, 40f.isks. 29, 30, 55, 56, 61, 145, 146; hogsh.-.ids. 26, 30, 31,33, 145; "pipes," 33, 145( .iv.iiiaugh, Philemon, 17Cave. John, 13,23, 28, 42( .'aywood. Louis, 97
I edar Point. 18
It, Indian. 73, 119 (illustr.)
ceramics, 68, 105, 125-144; Indian, 108; methods of manu-facture, 135-136 {See also specific forms and types)hair {See under furniture)haisc {See under vehicle)Lhalk, 155, 171chamber pots: stoneware, 88, 132 (illustr.); yellowwarc, 126Chambers, John, 18Champe, Major John (merchant), 31, 35, 54Chapman, Nathaniel, 25, 35, 49, 162, 166, 169, 170-171;Mercer's account with, 193
( hargcr, delftware, 137; pewter, 39
> hariot {See under vehicle)
charities, John Mercer's, 47Charles City Courthouse, 9Charleston, George (tailor), 32
chclloes, 18
chest (See under furniture)Chew, John, 192chimney, 12, 20, 36, 97, 102, 105 {See also mantel, luepl..china, 39, 144 (Str ,iL? iMinrl.iiiriC;hinn, John, 2i'Chinn, Rawleigh, 17, 20, I'j
chinoiscrie, 136, 137, 140 (illn.ti V 142ChLswcll's Ordinary, 51Chiswell Plantation, 97chocolate [>ot, cop|x-r, 39Chotank Church, 10
church:\,.,,, ,77 17 l._ I ' -.1 I ?
Chiitaiik. Illllanovrr. 35Matlajxini. 35New Kent, 35Pohirk (Tairfaxl. 37
'*'" '>, 54 (St* aim Uvrrwhanon PSl.ir Ichurch, brick, 44)rider press, <''Clark. |ohii(:!
. iti
rl.. breeches, 34, 42, .52, 58. 59; -Ru'children's, 34coat. 42; i;rcatcoal, 31, 59gloves, 18, 31, 34; millent, 34handkerchief, 31hat, 17, 18, 2.5, 31, ,52, 58, 59; '(hose, 18indentured servant apfuirrl,jacket, 58, .59liveries, 42muurninK, 47nerkclolh, 52|K-tliioal, 31
shirts, 52, 58shoes. 17. 18,31,34,42,52,58slave ap|>arel, 42, 58, 59stockings, 31,34, .52, .58. 59
suit, 31, 32trousers, 52
vest, 34uaisiroal. 32(.SV.
coiirh < 'coachman. 42aii' ' '""'. liW
c..' 17
C" '(.
rolanci'
( ..llegr ... Viii.i.uii an.' *' " ' '" "' ' iof ( Iriirvr Mm ?l?9
,( 18Uint, Inc., viii. 30. 149
'
, horn, .*?. i<v<>. I's
Combr.
2li
Cooper, Macartney, Powcl & L>cli', 40Copcin, William (mason), 37, 91copper, 17, 55, 103. 119, 178 {See also spccilic items)
corks, 56, 145court: Spotsylvania, 27: Williamsburg, 27courthouse:Caroline, 27, 28, 53Charles City, 9, 121, 122Elizabeth City, 9Hanover, 98, 118 (illustr.), 121, 122Kins William, 23 (illustr.), 51, 53, 98. 120 (illustr. floorplan), 121, 122Marlborough, vii, 8, 11, 45; (1691), 28; cleaning, 13,184; construction of, 11; contract to build, 10;destruction of, 9, 1 1 ; location of, 11, 44, 67; trial in, 12;iVcw Kent, 27, 28, 51Potomac Creek, vii, viii, 7, 10, 11, 20, 28, 49, 99, 177;architectural analysis of, 121; artifacts from, 119-121;burning of, 118; excavations, 115-122; excavationplan of, 118; historical background, 115-118; mapshowing location of, 116, 117; surveys, 1 15Staflford {See Potomac Creek)Warwick, 1
1
Westmoreland. 54Williamsburg, 121York (1692), 11, 121courthouses, brick, 11, 118Covington, ? (dancing master), 34cows, 17,20, 61Craig, James (jeweler), 47creamwarc {See under earthenware)Crcsap, Thomas, 49Ci'ichton, Robert (merchant), 32crops: barley, 56; corn, 42, 56, 57; hops, 56, 62; malt, 55, 56;pea.s, 59; rice, 57; turnips, 59; wheat. 59 {See iilso food;tobacco)Cumberland (ship), 31cup, 39; chocolate, 17, 144; cofTee, 39, 144; custard, 17, 144;dram, 13; fuddling, 137; handle, 137; tea, 17, 72, 1.36,144; dclftware, 137; earthenware, 127 (illustr.),porcelain, 72, 144; silver, 13, 39; stoneware, :39, 144;ycllowware, 128 (illustr.)curry comb, 18, 169 (illustr.), 172 (and brush)curtains, 13;bed, 13;fittings, 172; rings for, 13, 156 (illustr.),162-163Custis, Daniel Parke, 3!Cuslis, John, 31
Dade, Francis, 26dancing master, 32, 33, 34Daniel, Peter, 27, 52Darlington Library, viiiDarrcU, Sampson, 10, 11, 28Darter, Oscar H., vii, viii, 67Davis, Boatswain, 35
Dekeyser,dclftware. (dancing master), 33107, 114, 136-137, 173; English, 111. ]U(illustr.), 136, 138 {See also specific forms)Dcring, William (dancing master), 32, 34Dick: "Mr. Dick's Quarter." 53Dick, Alexander, 51Dick, Charles (merchant), 31, 34, 39, 132, 144, 165, 167;textiles listed in Mercer's accounts with, 196Dick, William, 51dish, 39; chafing, 17; oblong, 136; sugar, 39; brass, 17;pewter, 25, 39, 160 (illustr.); silver, 39; stoneware, 136doctor, 41, 46 {See also medicine)Dogge, John, 17Donaldson, Captain, 31door knobs, 39; brass, 167doors, 37, 38 (illustr.)Downham, William, 184Drains, Mr., 62ducks, 25Dulaney, Daniel, 31Dunmore, Lord, 63
earthenware. 13, 16, 17, 20, 25, 129
"agate," 108, 173black-glazed, 119, 139Buckley, 72, 107, 111, 113, 114, 126-128, 130 (illustr.),173combed ware. \2b. 173creamware. 111, 141, 173marbled, 138-139molded-rim type, 125-126North Devon gravel-tempered. 111. 126, 173pearlware, 140 (illustr.), 141polychrome, 140, 143queensware, 139 (illustr.), 140redware, 114, 125-126, 128shell-edged, 140, 141-142Tidewater type, 73, 111, 124-125 (illustr.), 173tortoiseshell ware, 128 (illustr.), 139transfer-printed, 143-144whiteware, 112, 140 (illustr.), 173ycllowware, 107, 111, 126, 128 (illustr.){See also specific forms)Edgeley, , 16education, 34; hornbook, 33, 34; slate, 156, 158: slatepencil, 111, 156, 158; tutor, 34 {See also College ofWilliam and Mary)Edwards, Elizabeth, 39Elizabeth (ship), 26Elizabeth City Courthouse, 9Elliot, George (turner), 36, 96Elzey, Thomas, 1 1
7
Eino, IjOrd Leonardo, 98
Fairfax, George, 49Falkner, Ralph, 192
216
I'alliiioulli (Niri^inia), 33
I'ViiL-iison. John (overseer), 42fcri7, Polomac Creek, 8, 1;5tiddler, 34lireback, iron, 1 7lireplates. 12, 20. 41, 94, 96, 97, 11)1, 102, UM, 105 {.See alsochimney; mantel)Fisher, George, 51fishhooks, 42, 111. 171 (illusir.)fishing, 32, 42, 54, 64; drumlincs, 42; perch lines, 42; seine,42, 54
1 iu, Captain, 32Fiuhugh, Colonel, 192Fiizhui;h. Ann, 16
1 iizhuuh. Henr>-. 21, 25, 31, 1 18; widow of. 1 18Filzhuuh, William. 5, 7. 8. 10. 11. 12. 31. 51Fitzhugh. William. Jr.. 9Fitzhugh. William III. 16F'itzpairick. John (weaver), 32flagon, stoneware, 132 (illustr.)floors (See pavement)flower pots, 62; earthenware, 129 (illustr.)Foard (Foward), John, 25fixKl. 192; cinnamon, 32; fish. 32; lemons. 26; limes, 33;lime juice. 17; mace, 32; molasses, 17, 32-33; nutmegs,32; oysters, 32, 40; pork, 32, 57; spices, 32; sugar, 17,32, 33 (muscovy); venison. 25; wild game, 25 (See
also crops)Forbes, .\ndrew. 192forks, 111, 159 (illustr.); wooden handled. 17F'orman, Henry Chandlcc, 12Fort Frederica (Georgia). 126Foward (Foard). John (merchant), 25, 26, 167Foward. Jonathan. 26Fowke, Chandler. 18Fowke, Gerard, 31, 52Foxhall, Joseph, 32Fredericksburg, vii. 28. 30. 31, 34, 42. 43, 46. 53. 55, .59,62, 196freckled ware (See under stoneware)F'rench, Hugh, 18In,. C:olonel, 49funnel, 17Furnea"s (Fumau's) Ordinary, 27, 28furniture:beds, 13, 20, 25, 40; bolsters, 13; covers, 39; feather. 13,17; flock. 13; tick. 18
chairs, cane. 13; child's. 20; Irath. " '' sc.it. 13. 25
chi-st, handle for. 163 lilluslr I. 1'. dr.iwrr>, 13cradle, 25cupboard. 13couch. 1
3
desk, 17; re|>air of, 25
escritoire, 25, -M), 165looking glass, 39
furn 'mtud)
i '
s^ilr iif, til 62
"I. 41
stoui:t, 1
3
table. 13. 17: in..rl)lr. 39
garden. W; Uji.inuai rr?-ord of, 209 210gardener, 58, 1 78Garner, A. M., 137Garvan, Anthony N. B., viiigalc\s'ay, 80, 81 ; pintle for, 73, 81Crorge Mercer Pafiers /ielalinf to the llhiu Lonifmnji oj I ittiria.
viii, 15, 59Gilmer, George (a|X)thecar>'), .J6glass, 17 (and rover). t?. 145 154; bowl i i"< ' =J ? ..?i^l ..brum, 153 (illusir.), 154; decani'mirror, 153 (illustr.),(illiLstr.). 15-^; window1.54 (See alio bottle)glas.ses, 17; cordial, 152 (illustr.). 154; looking. '*" " ?39, 41, 154; tumbler. 152, 153 (illusir), IM107, 152 uIIm 154gla.s.shou.se. 5(); Bi i ^n. 151gla.s.smaking technique*. 14b, I4? 149, 151-152. IMGooch (ship), 40goose, 25Graham (Ctr.t-Ciraham, Wiligrater, nutmeg, 13(;ray, William. 28greenhouse. 62. K)9. 178Gregg, 1boi'Grenzhausen (Germanv), 129gun tlinUi, 42, 155, 157 (illaiir.)gun|>owder, 18. 25, 42
llamitt. Willi. 1111 25Manuui ??, 7, 12llampliin \ in.ini.il, 9, 47llaiibui-\, CU|>el. 53hand mill. 55H.u ' ' rvh. 35U.i itv. 35ll.ipiK-l. K.ilph. li?. 115hardware, 1**'Mt, m. 11"! lilluv(illuttrbrad. 34.
? li.iin, lt>9. Im
19141
<). 14. 21. 22 (Set .Uu, .Mari-
:\
hardware {continued)hasp, 164 (ilhisU-.), 166hinge, 25. 39, 163 (illiisir.). 164 (illustr.). 165-166; butt.164 (illustr.); HL. 21). 10:5. 163 (illustr.), 165; H, 163(illustr.), 165hook. 166 (illustr.), 168 (illustr.). 170key. 111, 163 (illustr.), 167latches, 25, 163 (illustr.). 164 (illustr.). 166locks, 17, 20, 25, 39, 163 (illustr.). lt>6 167
nails, 17. 18, 25, 34, 72, 102, 121, 165 (illu.sir.), 167nuts and bolts, 1 70pin. 166 (illustr.)pintle, gate, 73
rivet and washer, 169 (illustr.)shutter fastener, 88
slab, 105 (illustr.)
spike. 165, 167
staples, 163 (illustr.). 166swingletree loop, 73. 170; chain, 169tie bar, 87, 94 (illustr.)Harmer & King, 41harnes.ses, 61, 170; fittings for, 73, 156 (illustr.). 169 (illustr.),170Harrington (ship), 31Harrison, Colonel, 53Harrison, Lucy Carter. 1 1
8
Harrison, Nathaniel, 1 1
8
Hartley, Green & Company, 1 40 -111. 1 43Harvey, John, 33Harwood, Thomas, 185Hayward, Joseph, 12; hotise of, 12Hayward, Nicholas, 12Hayward, Samuel, 12hearth (See fireplace)Hedgman. Major Peter, 23, 24, 51, 53Historic .American Buildings Survey, viii, 120history, books on, 20, 43, 191, 200Hogans, Francis (wheelwright), 30hogs, 20Holbrook, Janet, 33Hold brook, , 51Hooe, Rice, 15Hoomes, George, 28Hopkins, Mr., 22Hoppus, Edward, 37horn, objects made from, 32, 58 {See also specific items;musical instruments)hornbook, 33 (illustr.), 34horses, 17, 20, 26, 56 (and colts), 61, 63; Ranter, 57, 61-62(sale of)horseshoes, 169 (illustr.), 172houses:Alexandria, Carlyle house, 30Carter's Grove, 35Corotoman, 1 18
houses {continued)Eagle's Nest, 118Essex County?Elmwood, 98; Blandfield, 103Gloucester County?.\bingdon glebe house, 97; Fair-field, 97Greenspring, 47, 97, 102Gunston Hall, 12, 52, 97Hanover, Scotchtown. 97Henrico County, Turkey Island, 97Jamestown, Isaac Watson's, 12Joseph Hayward's, 12King George County, Brandon, I 18Marlborough, 9, 12-13, 17John Mercer's (1730), 18, 22, 45John Mercer's "Manor House," 45; construction of.34-38, 62, 177, 178; excavation of, 84-99; insurancepolicy for, 64, 96; inventory of, viii. 62, 88, 96, 109,168, 177, 211-212; plan of, 96 (illustr.)Morrisania (New York), Lewis Morris House, 126Mount Airy, 103Mount Vernon, 98, 103, 105
.Salvington, 28Shalstone Manor, 40Stratford, 51, 102, 103Spotsylvania County, Mannsfield, 102, 103Williamsburg, Brush-Everard House, 32Yorktown, Digges house, 12house, brick, 12, 63house, glebe, 35, 97house, wooden, 12, 20Hubbard, Benjamin, 27Hudson, J. Paul, 131Hudson, Thomas, 20Hull, Sigrid, viiiHumble, Green & Co., 140-141Hunter, James, 55Hunter, William (merchant), 30-31, 33, 34, 39, 42. I()7,170; textiles listed in Mercer's accoinit with, 196luMiting, 42; hunting horn, i'ihusbandry, books on, 43Hyndman, John (merchant), 32
indentured servants, 14, 32, 52, 53, 58; apparel of, 52, 58,59; Thuanus (weaver), 32Indian, 158; celt, 73, 119; pottery. lOH; trial of NanticokeIndians, 12indigo, 42Innes, Enoch, 20in.surance policy, 64, 88-89, 95, 97; house plan drawn on,96 (illustr.)inventory: George .\ndrews, 183; Peter Beach, 184; Marl-borough (taken by Thomas Oliver, 1771), viii, 62,88,96, 109, 168, 177. 211-212iron, 121, 161-167; slab, 104. 105 {See also specific items;hardware; tools)
218
ironworks: Accokcck, 23. 24, 23, 47, 162, 193; Mercer'sprotest against Act for Encouraging Adventure* in,23-24ivor>', 16, 32
Jackson, Rolx-rt (silversmith), 46Jamestown, 9, 12, 126, 158jar: cover, 125, 127 (illustr.); storage, 128 (illusir.); earthen-ware, 125, 127, 128; Buckley ware, 126, 129 (illustr.);stoneware, 131 (illustr.)Jer\'ci-s, 18Jervis, James (widow of), 18jeweler, 47, 167-168; jeweler's tools. 111, 167-168jewelry: earrings, 47; ring, 47, 63jockey, 20Johnson I'und, viiJohnson, Richard, 16Johnston, , elected as burgess, 53Joiner. 36, 38, 50Jones, Booth (overseer). 42Jones, Charles, 32Jones, James, 18Jones, Robert, 192Jones, Ihomas. 32, 41Jordan, William (merchant), 31, 39, 168jugs, 39; delftware, 138; stoneware, 131 (illustr.), 134;white salt-glazed, 135 (illustr.), 136
Kecoui;htan, 126, 158Kemp. Peter, 16Kernodle, G. H., 149kiln. 36; malt kiln. 59King, George Harrison Sanford, viii, 115Kinij. William (silversmith), 39, 55King, William (brewer), 55King William Courthouse (See under courthouse)kitchen (.9cc Marlborough, buildings)knife. 17, III, 158 (illustr.), 160butcher, 39chopping, 88. I.')8 (illu.str.), 162
clasp. 25and fork. 1 7. 39, 1 59ix-n. 17. 25, 32. Ill, 15.5, 1.58 (illu.str.)shoemaker's, 16agate-handled. 119horn-handled, 39Shenield-handled. 1 Isilver-handled. 32wooden-handled, I 7
, 1 1)0 (illu.slr.)
lanterns, 1 7, 39laundry imn*. 1law, Ik"iI<? onledg<
account) for domoi:I-ec, Captain. 31Lee, Dr. .Arthur, 54Lcc, General Charles, 63; death of. ?.<; will of, hiLcc, George, 31Lcc, Colonel Philip I.udwell, 51f^eoni, Giaromo. 98Lewes (I>laware), 126Lewis, Fielding, 34, 47library: CUilonel .Spotswood's. 20; John SI?61-62 (sale of), 198 2(? (}>uriha?-
vices, 40. 41 (.V// also candle; cuxllctiKk
.13Linton, Anthony, 18, 25literature, English, books of, 43Little River Quarters, 53l<xim. 32 (.SV^ ri/so weavers)I.udwell, Philip, 47Lyde. .Major Cornelias, 4<)Lyde, Lyonel (merchant). 40Lyndon. Captain Roger. 36. 39. 41, 109Lynn. Doctor, 41
Macl^ne. Hugh (tailor). 31malt. 55, 5<); m.i' ' ' ? ' , ?_
mantels, 36, 37maps, 6, 19,44, Mb. 117h.ilk. 155, 157 (illustr )hipi. 36. 109Markham, James, 21, 26MarlK
al .1 of. II
;i, ' ^6Ivrbarn. 62. 113. 178
t ' 114, 178
-a
-? 178
laces, 18ladle, iron. 162 (illustr.)l^unb's Creek (plantation), 31I-iuid Book. John Mercer's, vii, 6, 8, 45, 82I-iini;ley. Batlcy, 39l^ngton, Richard. 39
:i9
Marlborough {continued)buildings {continued)
stablfs, 62. 1 78summer house, 58, 1 78warehouses, tobacco, 62, 1 I ;i, 1 11, 1 If), 177-178windmill. 35, 52, 64, 67, 178excavation plans, 44, 74, 75, 84, 100, 106, 113, 118inventory, viii, 62, 88, 96, 109, 168, 177, 211-212maps, 6naming, 9surveys
?
(1691), 6, 21, 44, 67, 68, 82-83, 177(1707), 9, 14, 21, 22, 45, 82-83(1731). 6. 21, 22, 45, 82, 177(1743), 117{See also houses, Marlbor(Mit;h: slaves)Mary Washington College, viimason, 37. 91Mason, /\nn, 28. 47Mason, Catharine. 16Mason. George, 9, 12, 13Mason, Captain George, 10, 12Mason, Colonel George III, 15, 16, 20, 21, 24. 26, 28Mason, George \\\ 24, 52, 53. 63, 97; elected as btu-gess, 53mathematics, books on. 43Mattaponi church. 35McClelland, Charles. 1 7McFarlane. Alexander. 17. 18McKenzie, Doctor Kenneth. 46medicine, 41, 46; books on. 43, 201; bottles for, 152; AquaLinnaean, 46; British oyl, 46, 152; Daffy's Elixir, 46;Euphorbium, 46; gum fragac, 46; Holloway's Citrate,46, 152; oil of cinnamon, 46; Opadeldoc, 152; opium,46; rattlesnake root. 46; rhubarb, 46; spiritsof lavender, 46; sago, 46 (See also doctors; apothecary)Mercer, .'\nn Roy, 48; death of, 61, 211; portrait of, 47(illustr.)Mercer, Anna, birth of 53Mercer. Catesby, death of 53Mercer, Catherine, 17, 18, 146. 147; death of 47Mercer, Elinor, 51; death of, 53Mercer, George, 33, 34, 49, 52, 53 (elected as burgess), 54,56, 59 {See also (ieorge Mer,:er Papers . . .)Mercer, Grace Fcnton, 15, 51Mercer, James, 33, 34, 49. .50, ,52, 53, 54, 57. 61, 62, 63;death of, 64Mercer, Captain James, 52; death of 53Mercer, John, fnissim; portrait fjf, 47 (illustr.); death of 59Mercer, John (father of John Mercer of Marlborough), 15Mercer, John 111, birth and death of, 53Mercer, John lenton, SA, 34, 49, ,52; death of 52Mercer, John I'rancis, birth of 53, 63, 64, 142Mercei', Maria, birth of 53Mercer, Mimgo Roy, 51Mercer, Sarah Ann Mason, 28, 33
Meese, .Anne. 12microscopes, 43
mill, 35, 62; windmill, 35, 52; hand mill, 55Mills, James, 30Mills, William (weaver), 32Minilree, David (bricklayer), 35, 36, 91, 95Mitchelson, John, 33mold: bullet, chalk. 111, 155, 156 lillustr.), 157 (illustr.);candle, 17; tart, copper, 17Moncurc, Reverend John, 27, 28, 47, 52Monday, William (carpenter), 36, 91Monroe, .Andrew (overseer), 31, 55, 57Monroe, James, 55Monroe, Thomas, 31Moore, Bernard, 39mortar and pestle, 20mother-of-pearl, 26Mountjoy. . 51Mountjoy, Edward, 184mug: creamware, 141; delftware, 137; earthenware, 124(illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); stoneware, 88, 131(illustr.). 132 (illustr.). 134, 135 (illustr.), 136mull slick, 39music, book on, 33musical instruments: horn, French, 33 (illustr.); fiddle
strings, 34; trumpet, 33Mussen, James, 1
1
Mutual Assurance Society of \'irginia, 64, 96 {See alsoinsurance policy)
Nanticoke Indians. 12National Park Service. 121, 126needles, 25Negroes, 25, 41; "Negro Ship." 47; skipper, 42 {See alsoslaves)Nevill's Ordinary, 53Newbery, Bob (London bookseller), 59New Kent Church. 35New Kent Coinnhouse (See under coiuthouse)Nicholson, Captain Timothy, 36, 58Niemeyer, Mabel, viiiNisbett, William, 25Noel Hume, Ivor, viii, 126, 131Norfolk, 9, 33, 47, 55, 59
Occacjuan warehouse, 30occupations, colonists identified by Mercer according to,195 {See also specific occupations)Ohio Company of Virginia, 25, 49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 59, 1 19,122 {See also George Mercer Papers . . .)Oliver, Thomas (^overseer), inventory by. viii. 62. 88. 96,109, 168. 177. 211-212Omwake. H. (Jeiger, 126
ordinaries. 8. 1 1, 12. 13, 27. 28. 51, 53; inventory of ordinarykeeper, 183
220
ovi-n, 17, 36, 102, 104, I Of)Ovcnvharton Parish, lb, 2ii, 2i. lb, 1 Ij; Juliii Mmci'saccount for, 194 {Sre also churchrs, Potomac and
.?\quia)
painter: house, 36; portrait, 16, 32paintini;. 36 (.SVc ?/?; [xirtrait)Palladio, Andrea, 37. 98-99Palladia Londonensis (book), 37, 38Pamunkcv River, 35pan: baking. 128 (illiislr.); fryinR, 18, 25; milk, 20, 124(illustr.), 125, 127 (illustr.); sauce. 25, 39; Buckleyware, 126, 127 (illustr.); copper, 25; rcdware, 125(illustr.); Tidewater-type earthenware, 124 (illustr.),125; tin, 39pafx-r, 18Parks, William, 21.43Parry, , 22Partis, Captain, 5Passapatanzy. 17, 29, 35, 61Patterson, , 36pavement, KH, 105; brick, 85, 102-103; stone, 86, 97,101, 121Peace Point. 7Peale, Captain Malachi. 7. 8. 12PcmlxTton, James. 62pepper box, 20Perry, Captain, 31Perryman. C!aptain. 31pestle, 20pewter, 13, 17, 52. 119, IbU l()l (.frr a/jo specific items)Phipps. Reverend John (tutor), 34, 40Pi|x-. , 53pif)e {Ste tobacco pipe)pistols, 63pitcher: creamware, 141 ; stoneware. 133, 135 (illustr). 13ti:whitcware. 143plasterer, 36plastering, 18; plaster cornice moldini;, 96, 97 (illustr.) (.SV
also building materials)plates, 20, 39; "basket," 136; cake. 136; pie, 129; creamware, 119, 141 ; delflware, English, 136 (illustr.), 137;pewter. 111, 161; p<jrrelain, 144; tortoiseshell ware140; white s.-ill-i;lnzed. I 19plate warmer, 39platter: creamware. 141; qurensware. 140 (illu>ir.l; whii-
s;ilt-glazed. 1 19 (illustr.)Pohick Church (Fairfax). 37Pope, , 22porcelain. Chinese, 107, 112. 114. 140. IH. 173; Wue andwhite, 142 (illiistr.l. 141 (illimr ); imi- ' ??Lowestoft, 144; ixiKchmmr. 140(illustr.). 144 {Stt also s\yr<r\t\c forms)|)orringer, 25, 39Port Roval (\irKinia). 28, 47. 51
iv?, LM; marbi'
port (owai. 5 iStt alto Acu for To?nt*>[xirtrail. Mrrccr, I'
.Mr[xjMet (xit: delftw.iiware, I I't. Hj, i[Jot: lid, 73, 162 (illu.it(illustriron. I",Polawomake (Indian village i. vii, 67Potomac Chui. 'Potomac Creo u>inac Crrrk)Potter, Doeior llenr\. 2Hjjotteries: Burslcm, 133, 134; Lilllr ('?-.i? I 'i'- si.ii.-.t.shire, 135, 138; Yorkiown, k|X)wder (Set gtm|xiwderlPower, Jame>. 39Powers, John, 27prison. 12punchbowl. 39, 119; delfiwarr, 119; hgmm ril^, 13;[xircelain, 17. \\\Purefoy, Henry, 40
Ranisav. William. 31Randoljih. William. 31
razor, 17, 32; strop, 32Rcid, James. 26
"Retirement, The" (plantation), 12Reyant, Pat, 24Richards. Nfourning, 47
rings: braw. III. 170; curtain, 13, 156 (ilh. 'hi(See also jewelry)Ritchie, Mr.. 42Robinson. - .21Robinson. BriTNm.in, Pope tt Parrv', 22Robinson. John. 55
! (rr), 16, 125, 131. 171
. 126, 131. 144. 147. 148. IS2. IM.I73K...... i;_..... ....Roy, .Ann. marriage to John Mrrrer. 48
' .rf.53 54
kox
kiisl. ??e?)nf'". I
'
l.iH-r, HiM
^1 ...n, Willi...
18
I ' I 1
sauceboat: silver, 39; stoneware, 136saucer, 17, 39, 144; Chinese porcelain, 144 (^illiistr.)Savage, James (overseer), 42Savage .John, 7, 8, 21, 82, 116, 192 (See also Marlborough,sui-vey 1 73 1 and 1 743Scarlett, Martin. 12Schumacher, Edward G., viiiscience, books on, 43, 192, 200
scissors, 25, 39, 155; "Salisbury," 17, 161; steel. 111. 161(illustr.) [See also shears)
"sconce glass," 39, 41Scott, Reverend Alexander, 16Scott, Jack, viiiScott, James, 49
seal: wine bottle, 31 (illustr.), 73, 146 149; "G R," 131, 132(illustr.); tobacco cask, 30, 148seed boxes, 59Selden, Mr., 53, 54, 58Selden, Joseph, 28Selden, Samuel, 28Setzler, Frank M., vii, 67Seward, Nicholas (overseer), 42Shaw, Simeon, 135shears, sheep, 108. 170 (illustr.), 171sheep, 1 7, 20
sheets, 59shipping, 15, 16 (See also boat)shot, 18, 25, 42
sifter, 18; hair sifter, 39
silver, 32, 39, 159; church plate, 46; sale of, 61, 62-63:Sheffield, 111,1 55, 1 59 (See also specific items)silversmith, 39, 46Simm, Edward, 18Simpson, John (wheelwright), 30
skillet, bell metal, 25skimmer, 20
skins, deer, 16, 31 (buckskin)
slate, 156, 158 (illustr.); slate pencil. 111, 156, 158 (illustr.)
slaves. 16, 25, 41, 57; carpenter's apprentices, 50; clothing,32, 42, 58, 59; expen,ses regarding, 59, 160, 162;number of Negroes born at Marlborough, 54; punish-ment of, 41; purchase of, 24, 53, 55, 58; quarters of,64, 178; sale of, 16-17, 64; suicide of, 41 ; Bob, 24, 42;Boatswain, 42; Caesar, 25; Captain, 42; Cupid, death
of, 53; Deborah, 24, 41; Dublin, 24; Esse.x, 50; Frank,41; George, 24; Joe, 41-42; Lucy, 24; Margaret, 24;Marlborough, 24; Nan, 24; Nero, 24; Peter, 24, 50;Phillis, 24; Poll, 53; Sampson, 62; Sarah, 17; Stafford,24; ?remi)le, .58; Tom (death of). 53; Will, 24, 25sloop (See under boat)
-Smith, Thomas, 18Smith's ordinary, 51smoothing iron, heaters, for, 25 (See nlsu box iron)Snake (ship), 26Snicker's Little River Quarters, 53
snuff: bottle, 32; box, 32, 25 (repair of)snuffers, candle, 17; iron, 88, 163 (illustr.)Spencer, Doctor, 43spices (See food)spinning: reel, 62; wheel, 25, 32, 62spoons: soup, 39; tea, 39, 88, IfiO; iron, 162: pewter. 111,160 (illustr.), 161 (illustr.), 173; silver, 13, 39. 88,159, 160 (illustr.)Spoore, Ann, 28Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, 20, 26, 191Spotswood, Robert, 20spurs, 18
stables, 62Stafford County, port town for, 7Stafford Parish Church, 10Stafford Rangers, 12Stafford Survey Book, 8Stamp .Act, 54, 55; George Mercer, stamp office , 54steelyards, 17Stevens, Samuel, 25Stevenson, William (merchant), 26Stewart, T. Dale, vii, viii, 67
still, 26stoneware, 39, 125, 129, 131-136;basaltes ware, 112, 138 (illustr.), 142brown-banded, 88
"Crouch" ware, 135drab, 133
"freckled ware," 134Nottingham, 88, 111, 132-133, 173salt-glazed, 114, 131-132
"scratch-blue." 133 (illustr.), 135Westerwald, 39, 73. 88, 107, 111, 129, 131, 132, 173white salt-glazed, 72, 88, 108, 111, 133 (illustr.), 135-136, 173Stotham, Mat. 191Strother, Widow, 58Suddath, Henry, 18Sumner's Quarters (plantation at Passapatanzy), 17, 29, 30surveys (See under Marlborough)Sussex Archeological Society, 126
.swans, 25swords, 63Sydenham & Hodgson, 30, 31, 39, 99, lt)8
.Sydenham, Jonathan, 30
tailors, 31. 32 34,42,47Talbott, Mark, 33Taliaferro, Colonel John, 27,Taliaferro, Richard. 31tankard, pewter, 13Tappahannock (town), 9, 30tar, 42Tayloe, George, 31I'ayloe, Colonel John, 53
28; \sife of. 43
222
Taylor, James, 43Taylor, Robc-rt, 34loapot: and frame, 39; handle, 139; lid for. III, 135(iilusir.), 140, 160 (flluslr.), Mil (illustr.l; earthen-ware, 139; jx-wler, I II, KiO, jii -i. -r, 39; stoneware,135; tortoiseshell ware, I4iilenipcratures, '209teNiiles, 32; listed in accounts, 193, 196; blankets, 17, 42, 59cotton, 32; counterpanes, 39; drill, 58; dutfcl, 42haircloth, 59; linen, 39, 58; '-ozenbrigs," 42, 59sheets, 59; silk, 31; velvet. 32; wool, 25, 32, 62worsted, 31 (See also clothing; weaving; spinniriL;thermometer, 59thimble, 155 (illustr.), 156 (illastr.lIhompson. Matthew, 7Thomson, William (tailor), 34, 42, 47Thornton, I'rancis. 49Thornton, Major George, widow of, ti?Thornton, Colonel Presley, 53Threlkeld, William (weaver), 32tobacco, 5, 7, 8. 9, 10, 1 1, 13. 15, 16, 17, 18, 25, 26, 30. 31,4 1 , 42. 45, 46, 5 1 , 1 1 8 (See also warehouses)tobacco task symbols, 29 (illustr.), 30tobacco pipe, 119, 156, 157 (illustr.); kaolin. 111. 157(illustr.); terra-cotta. 157 (illustr.). 158, 173lodd. Robert, 33I'ooke, William (merchant), 53tools, 193;adze, 34
auijer, 34ax, 17, 34, 166 (illustr), 170bimg extractor, 72, 166 (illustr.)
chisel, gouge, 166 (illustr.). 167 (illustr.); mortice, 34;paring, 34hammer, blacksmith's, 167 (illustr.); jeweler's. 111. 167(illustr.)hollows and roimds. 36knife, draw, 25, 34plane, 34, 36. 166 (illustr.), 167
scraping, iron, 72, 166 (illustr.), 167 (illustr.); stone.119 (illustr.)
shovel, 170 (illustr. I
socket gouge, 34tomahawk, 25wedges, 25wrench, 167lorbutt, William (()Vimni'<'i i. 12toys, 33; marbles, 1,'>.'), I .')7 iillu-.ci >trap, animal. 111, 171 (illustr.)tray, 39; silver, 39; stoneware, 136trees, 62Trinity College, 15Triton (ship), 2(>trunk, 13; handle for, 163 (illustr.), lO'i
I I. kcr, Major Robert (vnen i
" I'urkey work," 13turner, 36twine, ship's, 42Tyler, Henry, 30Tyler, ITiomas, 32, 34
I ylen, 27
University of Pennsylvania, viiiUniversity of Pittsburgh, Darlington l.ilUniversity of Pittsburgh I'n-^v vniLniveniity of Virginia, .Mary Wasliinglun CxjHn^r. vii
\'aulx, Robert, 51vehicles:carriage, tittine for. 169 (illustr.)cart, tumlil-chaLse, 28.chariot, 28. 30; sale of, 62coach, 61, 62wai;on. 58. 170
ver.ii -?6, 97, 178X'ictoria and .Mbert MiLsetim, 139N'irginia, map of, 19 (illustr.)\'irginia Committee of .Safety. 63Virginia State Library, viii
wagon (See under vehicle)Wain. Joseph (servant), 58Waite. William (car|xrnter). 50, 52
' tray)
> I: (brewer), 55Walker. Robert (cabinetiruiker). 40Walker. Major William (rabinelinaitcr). 25, .'46. 14-JWall. 'W.ili. 'warehouse: (Xcaquan, 30; loUirru, 25, J4, 4'.'177. 178Wa^^^ irk ( UjurthoUM*. 1
1
\^ ???\\ .W.isliini^tiin. Jiihii. 31
:\v4rr, I.''J ^tllutir.)
16, 17. 18.2116
223
weavers, 32, 42, 59Wedgwood, Josiah, 139, 111). Ill, 142West Point (Virginia), 27
^^harf, 25Whecland. W ilUam, 42wheels, 30wheelwright, 30Whieldon, Thomas, 108, 138, 139Whid'en. Marcus, 35, 121whip: horse, 16, 17, 18; hunting, 25; thong, 41Whitehaven (England), 32whiteware {See under earthenware)Whiting & Montague, 16Whitticar, Ralph, Jr., viiwig, 34; comb for, 25Wigley, Job (mason), 37Williams, Jacob (plasterer), 36Williams, T. Ben, viiWilliamsburg, 27, 32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 41, 47, 48, 52, 53, 54,57, 58, 126; capitol, 35, 99, 121; courthouse, 121;General Court, 27; student life in, 34, 197 {See alsoCollege of \Villiam and Mary)
Wilson, Captain, 32, 34Winchester (Virginia), 53windmill, 35, 52, 64, 67, 178; sails for, .59windows, 38 (illustr.). 62, 96-97 {See also glass, window)wine {See beverages)Wine Trade Loan E.xhibition. 149, 154Withers, John. 7, 12, 30W'lilf (sloop of war), 58Woodford, William. 32Woodstock, 12wool cards, 32Wormley, Mr., 53Wright. Ed\vard, 39Wroughton. Ki'ancis (merchant). 50. 51Wythe, George, 31
yarn, 18yellowware {See under earthenware)yoke, 39York (County), 33; courthouse (1(592), 1 1Yorktown, 9, 1(3. 47. 125. 173
224

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