IL 
^^Fr^^^^^al 
? Nvill 
^ 1 
if. . . = ? . _ - . . . _ . ' , . . . _ . . . i _ . 
J W ^ . / W ':v. 
(??-?j^. , _ ? _ , . ,^ , ^ , ^ ~ : l - ' . ;-L? 
^ 
W - 4.'--'Ill 
k ^ (? - ' ' ? ? ? ! | h ^ ' ^ - . ?-"",'^.J V i - ' ^ ; ? : 
- - 1 ?'./??v.;;::: 
. ; ; : : * ^ ? - - - - ? ? - " 
FRONTISPIECE.-
number 25819.' 
25819.057. 
-Above, triptych wilh crest and finial depicting Saint Nicholas of Mozhaisk, Kunz collection 
88; below, triptych wilh crest depicting Saint Paraskeva Piatnitsa, Kunz collection number 
S M I T H S O N I A N S T U D I E S IN H I S T O R Y A N D T E C H N O L O G Y ? N U M B E R 51 
Russian Copper Icons and 
Crosses from the Kunz Collection: 
Castings of Faith 
Richard Eighme Ahlborn 
and 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 
EDITORS 
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS 
Washington, D.C. 
1991 
A B S T R A C T 
Ahlborn, Richard Eighme, and Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola, editors. Russian Copper Icons 
and Crosses from the Kunz Collection: Castings of Faith. Smithsonian Studies in History and 
Technology, number 51, 85 pages, frontispiece, 66 figures, 1 table, 1991.?This study of Old 
Russian metallic "traveling" icons features eight distinct discussions: Russia, 1600-1900 (a 
general history); Russian Orthodox theology and icons, 1600-1900; iconographic form and 
content in the Kunz collection; technology and conservation of metallic icons in the Kunz 
collection; icons in daily use (three commentaries); and Old Believers and the manufacturing of 
copper-alloy icons. The eight essays are followed by an illustrated catalog of the Smithsonian 
Institution's 1988 exhibit of Kunz collection pieces. There is also a table listing the content 
analyses of 22 metallic icons, an index of major iconographic subjects found in the Kunz 
collection, a glossary of terms used in this study, and a selected bibliography. It is projected that 
this presentation of technical and cultural information regarding metallic icons will provide both 
a reference source and the inspiration for additional technical, typological, and social studies. 
? 1991 by Smithsonian Institution. All rights reserved. 
OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is 
recorded in the Institution's annual report, Smithsonian Year. SERIES COVER DESIGN: Icon: 
Four-leaves with crests, depicting Church Feasts; Kunz collection number 25819.055. 
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 
Russian copper icons and crosses from the Kunz Collection : castings of faith / Richard Eigtime Ahlborn and Vera 
Beaver-Bricken Espinola, editors. 
p. cm. ? (Smithsonian studies in history and technology ; no. 51) 
Includes bibliographical references. 
1. Icons, Russian. 2. Crosses?^Russian S.F.S.R. 3. Copperwork?Russian S.F.S.R. 4. Christian art and syml>oI-
ism?Modem period, 1500 Russian S.F.S.R. 5. Kunz Collection. 6. Icons?Washington (D.C.) 7. Crosses? 
Washington (D.C.) I. Ahlborn, Richard E. II. Espinola, Vera B. III. Kunz Collection. IV. Series. 
NK1653.S65R8 1990 
730'.947?dc20 90-19630 
Contents 
Page 
INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 1 
Richard Eighme Ahlborn 
RUSSIA, 1600-1900 3 
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky 
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX THEOLOGY AND ICONS, 1600-1900 5 
Dmitry Grigorieff 
COPPER ICONS IN DAILY USE IN OLD RUSSIA 8 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 
ICONS AMIDST RUSSIAN OLD BELIEVERS OF OREGON AND ALASKA 11 
Richard A. Morris 
ICONS IN THE DAILY LIFE OF POMORIANS IN THE UMTED STATES 15 
Anton Serge Beliajeff 
OLD BELIEVERS AND THE MANUFACTURING OF COPPER ICONS 17 
Anton Serge Beliajeff 
ICONOGRAPHIC FORM AND CONTENT IN THE KUNZ COLLECTION 22 
Basil Lefchick 
THE TECHNOLOGY AND CONSERVATION OF THE KUNZ COLLECTION 29 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 
ILLUSTRATED CATALOG OF THE 1988 NMAH DISPLAY: "CASTINGS OF FAITH: 
RUSSIAN COPPER ICONS AND CROSSES FROM THE KUNZ COLLECTION" 41 
Iconographic Subjects 41 
Richard Eighme Ahlborn, with Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola and 
Basil Lefchick 
GLOSSARY 82 
REFERENCES 84 
Dedication 
This publication is dedicated to the memory and contributions of 
Dr. Anton S. Beliajeff, advisor, scholar, and respected colleague. 
Russian Copper Icons and 
Crosses from the Kunz Collection: 
Castings of Faith 
Introduction and Acknowledgments 
Richard Eighme Ahlborn 
In 1891, when George Kunz, agent for Tiffany and Company 
of New York, traveled to the annual fair in Nizhnii Novgorod, 
Russia, in search of gem stones and arts for his employer and 
private American clients, in part, he was responding to a 
well-developed American interest in Russian culture, a frag?
ment of a vast fascination with "the exotic East." 
Those vague lands, stretching from China to Arabia to 
Russia, were romanticized by better-educated Americans who 
were fleeing the grim reality of urban slums and unsafe 
factories. As American industrial and economic expansion 
continued, exposure to Eastern cultures fed American imagina?
tion, and an acquisitive spirit. 
Oriental porcelains and prints, Persian poetry and rugs, and 
Russian metal wares, enamels, and novels were welcomed into 
the late Victorian parlor. In the concert hall, Russian 
symphonies, ballets, and operatic themes created bold pattems 
and lyric richness to fuel the mechanism of exoticism. 
With Russia long out of Alaska and the Romanovs living out 
an illusion of regal authority, privileged Americans began to 
indulge themselves by collecting Russian furs, gem stones, and 
encrusted metallic crafts of the late nineteenth century. Kunz 
responded to this market for exotic Russian arts with regular 
journeys into that vast empire. But it was the collection Kunz 
made of 350 copper-alloy traveling-size icons that fulfilled the 
Smithsonian Institution's need for objects representative of 
religious and ethnographic studies. The icons were collected as 
documents of the popular maintenance of Eastern Orthodoxy 
through its 900 years among the eastern Slavs, with particular 
relevance to the Russian "Old Believers." They perpetuated 
Richard E. Ahlborn, National Museum of American History. Smith?
sonian Institution. Washington, D.C, 20560. 
rites and practices that were abandoned by the church reforms 
of the late seventeenth century, and they continued to make 
copper-alloy (e.g., brass and bronze) icons and crosses even 
after Peter the Great's 1723 ban on their manufacture or use. 
The fifty metal icons and crosses displayed in the National 
Museum of American History in 1988 are representative of the 
collection of more than three hundred. All but two of these fifty 
copper-alloy castings came to the Smithsonian Institution in 
1892. That year, the Smithsonian's Assistant Secretary, G. 
Brown Goode, received an offer from George Kunz conceming 
a sizeable collection of icons he had acquired at the August fair 
at Nizhnii Novgorod, Russia. 
Lacking funds to purchase the entire lot, the Smithsonian 
acquired what it could in 1892. In the following decades, the 
metal icons were stored away and studied as part of a general 
scholarly interest in comparing world religions. Several were 
described and illustrated in a posthumous publication of 
Smithsonian Assistant Curator Immanuel Moses Casanowicz 
(1929). 
It was not until 1981, however, that a thorough survey was 
undertaken of the metal icons and crosses at the urging of an 
American-bom professional conservator and student of old 
Russian culture, Mrs. Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola. She 
meticulously examined, re-numbered, cleaned, and re-housed 
all the metal icons; the most unstable received full conservation 
treatment. Supported by her Russian Orthodox and Old 
Believer heritage, Vera Espinola brought her linguistic abili?
ties, analytical skills, and colleagues in Soviet and American 
academic communities to focus on the Smithsonian Institu?
tion's metal icon collection. As a result, a new research and 
public education project came into being in 1985. 
The "Russian Icon Project" received the benefit of a 
1 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
scholarly Advisory Committee, invited by the Director of the 
National Museum of American History, Roger G. Kennedy. 
Committee members consisted of Dr. Anton S. Beliajeff, 
historian of the Orthodox church and the Old Believers; Prof. 
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky, scholar of Russian history; Mrs. 
Vera B. Espinola, conservator; Mr. Basil Lefchick, iconogra-
pher; Fr. Dmitri Grigorieff, Orthodox theologian; Dr. Richard 
Morris, anthropologist; and the co-editor, a curator of Christian 
artifacts at the Smithsonian Institution. 
By January, 1988, the Project planning included a display of 
representative metal icons and crosses, a brochure, a one-day 
symposium, and this publication. Earlier, specialists of Ukra-
nian Orthodoxy confirmed that the collection contained no 
Ukranian objects. Vera Espinola selected fifty icons and 
crosses for display, and each was carefully photographed at the 
Smithsonian by Dane Penland. Later, additional icons were 
photographed by Charles Rand, Collections Manager for the 
Smithsonian's National Numismatic Collection. At a series of 
meetings beginning in 1981, members of the Advisory 
Committee set out to write essays for this publication and to 
raise funds for the exhibition and publication of the catalog. 
Funding for the Russian Icon Project benefitted greatly from 
private interests. Marinka Bennett established the special 
project fund with its most substantial contribution. Subsequent 
support was generously given by The Congress of Russian 
Americans, Inc., Vera B. Espinola, The Association of 
Russian-American scholars in the USA, Inc., Marion R. 
Koehler, Natalia Solzhenitsyn, and Vladimir and Suzanne 
Tolstoy. 
The Russian Icon Project drew on the expertise of numerous 
scientists and scholars. These specialists have contributed 
directly to the Icon Project and are gratefully acknowledged for 
their generosity, skill, and knowledge: Gary Carriveau, Paul 
Angiolillo, and Lisha Glinsman of the Scientific Department, 
National Gallery of Art; Tom Chase of the Freer Gallery of Art 
and Sackler Gallery, who prepared Table 1; Robert Organ, 
retired, Martha Goodway, Walter Hopwood, and Joan Mishara 
of the Conservation and Analytical Laboratory, Smithsonian 
Institution; Scott Odell and the staff of the Division of 
Conservation, National Museum of American History; Pete 
Dunn of the Department of Mineral Sciences, National 
Museum of Natural History; Karen Preslock, Chief Librarian, 
Library Research Services Division, Smithsonian Institution; 
Robert Brill of the Corning Museum of Glass; John Patrick, 
who reviewed early drafts of the manuscript; David Osborne 
and Boris Boguslavsky of the Library of Congress; ethnologists 
Larisa Romanovna Pavlinskaya, Sergei lakovlich Serov, and 
Alexander Ivanovich Teryukov of the MAE Ethnographic 
Institute and USSR Academy of Sciences; Marina Sergeiivna 
Shemahanskaya, Head of the Metals Conservation Laboratory, 
AU-Union Scientific and Research Institute for Restoration, 
Moscow; and Maria Danilovna Malchenko and Sergei Vladi?
mirovich Tomsinsky, curators of the Kalikin collection of 
metal icons and crosses at The Hermitage Museum, Leningrad. 
These Soviet scientists, as well as Mikhail Ivanovich Chuva-
nov. Chairman of the Preobrazhensky Community of Old 
Believers, granted personal interviews to Vera Espinola 
between 1980 and 1987. 
Russia, 1600-1900 
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky 
This segment of Russian history possesses a certain unity, 
for it largely overlaps the imperial, or Petrine, period in the 
evolution of Russia. 
The empire of the Romanovs began formally in 1721, when 
Peter assumed the title of emperor, or, if one prefers, two or 
three decades earlier when he became the effective ruler of his 
country. The empire continued until 1917. Yet, the respected 
Russian historian Kliuchevsky and many other specialists 
regarded the seventeenth century as a period of transition, 
perhaps even more significant in certain major ways than the 
hectic years of the Petrine reform. The seventeenth century 
witnessed a slow and uneven "Westernization" of Moscovy, 
Moscovy expansion into the Ukraine, the fmal stages of the 
creative development of numerous elements of old Russian 
culture, and the only fundamental split in the history of the 
Russian Orthodox church (which separated the so-called Old 
Believers from the religious mainstream), a split that was itself 
connected to the new ideological and cultural currents of the 
time. 
The transition was a major one. Skipping the Renaissance, 
the Reformation, the sequence of overseas discoveries, and the 
scientific revolution, so prominent in Western history, Russia, 
or rather the Russian ruling circles and the very small but 
growing Russian educated public, moved out of the quasi-
medieval, church-centered world of Moscovy and into the 
European eighteenth-century Enlightenment as a result of the 
Petrine reforms. Not surprisingly, the nature and import of the 
Petrine reforms remain a cmcial issue of Russian historiogra?
phy. 
Possibly the best approach to that issue is to distinguish 
various aspects of Russian history and the changes resulting in 
those aspects. Peter the Great succeeded in modemizing the 
army and creating a fine navy. Indeed, he defeated Sweden in 
the decisive Great Northern War (1700-1721), gaining for 
Russia a permanent position as a major European and even 
worid power. However, it is generally agreed that Peter the 
Great did not transform either the Russian economy or Russian 
society. The administration and political structure in general in 
Russia suggests a more complex picture. The establishment of 
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky. Department of History. University of 
California at Berkeley. Berkeley, CA.. 94720 
the Senate, the Holy Synod, the colleges, the new provincial 
administration, and the Table of Ranks, together with numer?
ous other related reforms, gave Russia a novel, and unmistak?
ably Western, political structure. State-sponsored and irrevers?
ible intellectual and cultural transformations brought parochial 
and religious Moscovy into the universalist and secular Age of 
Reason. However, a question remains about the extent to which 
the Western style reforms changed, then and subsequently, the 
old Moscovite practices of largely personal and arbitrary 
official action. 
By most measures Russia proceeded to do well in its new 
role. Peter the Great's triumph over Sweden was followed later 
in the century by Catherine the Great's sweeping victories over 
Turkey and her cmcial participation in the three partitions of 
Poland, which eliminated that unfortunate state from the map 
of Europe. (Catherine, who mled Russia from 1762 to 1796, 
was originally a German princess devoted to the Enlightenment 
and with no Russian roots whatsoever.) Educated Russians 
continued to leam from the West and began to produce 
outstanding writers and other intellectuals and artists of their 
own. The cosmopolitan imperial Russian court in St. Peters?
burg, the city founded by Peter the Great, was fast becoming a 
leading center of the aristocratic culture and society of Europe. 
The city itself, principally a late eighteenth and early nineteenth 
century creation, remains one of the world's treasures. Even in 
such industrial items as the production of pig iron, Russia, prior 
to the development of the industrial revolution in Europe, made 
an impressive showing. 
The first half of the nineteenth century proved to be less 
fortunate for the empire of the tsars. Although eventually 
victorious over Napoleon, Russia assumed a defensive and 
static stance, particularly during the thirty-year-long reign of 
Nicholas I, 1825-1855. Unwilling to compromise the age-old 
but increasingly archaic key institutions of autocracy and of 
serfdom, the government tried certain palliatives and resorted 
to increased regimentation and control. Meanwhile, other 
European countries developed politically and, especially, 
progressed economically and technologically. Russian blun?
ders in foreign policy added their contribution; the result was 
the disaster of the Crimean War, 1853-1856. 
The inevitable reforms came shortly after, featuring the 
emancipation of serfs (half the peasant population of Russia; 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
the other half consisted of peasants on state lands) in 1861, 
followed by basic changes in the judicial system, local 
government, and the military. The emancipation has been said 
to be the greatest legislative act in history, meaning all human 
history; nor can the other "great reforms" in Russia be 
considered anything but major. But major did not necessarily 
mean successful. The problems of the mostly illiterate and 
chronically poor masses remained and even increased with the 
rapid growth of population, even to the point of large numbers 
starving because of drought as late as the 1890s. The 
emancipation reform included such questionable provisions as 
redemption payments for the land, which the former serfs did 
not meet, and the granting of the land in much of European 
Russia to peasant communes that stifled individual initiative. 
Large industry and the working class, in one word, capitalism, 
began to develop. A middle class began to emerge and so did 
the professions. The legal profession was in effect created by 
the reform of 1864. But all that development meant new 
difficulties and new tensions as well as new opportunities. With 
important accomplishments and rapid progress, but also with 
huge problems, obstacles, and mistakes, it remained difficult to 
predict whether the imperial Russian system had within itself 
the capacity to survive. After 1914 the added burden of the First 
World War made the verdict moot. 
For those interested in icons the most important divide is at 
the beginning of this account, when Russia, or rather the 
Russian govemment and leading circles, switched from their 
traditional religious culture to the modem secular one. Of 
course, imperial Russia remained officially Orthodox, just as 
other European states were officially Lutheran or Anglican. 
The link between the state and the church was, in fact, 
uncomfortably close. Nor was the new culture, whether one 
thinks of the Slavophiles or of Dostoevsky, unaffected by its 
Orthodox background. Still, one of the most direct legacies of 
the earlier and more religious age, so well symbolized by icons, 
remained in the churches and huts of the common people. It is 
with this fundamentally spiritural legacy that the govemment 
of the land will have to contend, in the days of Gorbachev and 
glasnost, and thereafter. 
Russian Orthodox Theology and Icons, 1600-1900 
Fr. Dmitry Grigorieff 
Icons are perhaps the most eye-catching objects identifying 
the Eastern Orthodox faith from other Christian denominations. 
They are the first thing one sees upon entering an Orthodox 
church. They are prominently placed in the homes of Orthodox 
Christians. They grace the glossy pages of gift albums studying 
Byzantine and Russian medieval art. 
Icons, usually paintings on wooden boards, but also murals, 
or embossments on metallic siu"faces, are organically connected 
with life and the teaching of the Orthodox church. 
Historically, the Orthodox church descends directly from the 
Christian church of the first centuries. It claims that it has 
preserved intact the dogmas and the Apostolic tradition rooted 
in the Holy Scriptures as defined by the Holy Fathers^ and the 
Ecumenical Councils. These dogmas and traditions, including 
veneration of icons, were accepted by Christianity before the 
split between Eastem and Western Christendom became final 
in the eleventh century. The schism occurred along the lines of 
division of the ancient Roman empire into two parts, the 
Western with its center in Rome and the Eastem with its center 
in Constantinople. 
Orthodox worship is an intricate combination of spiritual 
intensity and sensual perception. It is based on belief in the 
inseparable link of the spiritual and material aspects of 
humanity and the mystery of the Incamation. The Lord became 
man, walked among the people, entered the stream of Jordan, 
blessed the bread and wine, and thus began the sanctification 
and transfiguration of the fallen world and its retum to the 
Father, The divine process continues in the Church. The 
Orthodox believe that everything around them can be sanctified 
and serve to glorify God, including voices, gestures, poetry, 
fragrances, and colors. 
The idea of the icon is rooted in the concept of the 
Incamation. Father A. Schmemann wrote the following: 
No one has ever seen God, t)ut the Man Christ reveals Him in full. An image of 
the Man Jesus is therefore an image of God, for Christ is the God-Man. If the 
material universe and its matter can be sanctified by the grace of the Holy Spirit, 
and in feeding our bodies also the "whole man" in God's conception of him as 
an incarnate spirit; if the water of baptism grants us forgiveness of sins; if the 
bread and wine of the Eucharist make present to us the Body and Blood of 
Dmitry Grigorieff, Russian Orthodox Church of St. Nicholas of the 
Orthodox Church in America, 3500 Massachusetts Avenue. Washing?
ton, D.C. 
Christ, then a portrayal of Christ, the product of human art, may also be filled 
with the grace of His presence and power?may become not CMily an image but 
also a spiritual reality. In the icon there is at once a further revelation of the 
profundity of the dogma of Chalcedon [Fourth Ecumenical Council in 451 A.D. 
at which the Christian dogma of the Incamation was affimied, D.G.] and the gift 
of a new dimension in human art, because Christ has given a new dimension to 
man himself.^ 
Not only Christ's image may be painted on an icon. Every 
saint is a witness for Christ and His image. According to the 
Orthodox faith, their example has to be emulated by individuals 
in a constant effort of spiritual and moral self-perfection. In 
fact, every man carries the image and likeness of God in 
himself, which is tarnished and darkened by sins. 
I am the image of Thine ineffable glory, though I bear the brands of 
transgressions. Pity Thy creature, O Master, and purify me by Thy loving 
kindness.' 
According to Orthodox tradition the original icon was an 
"image not made with hands" of the Savior. The ancient legend 
tells how King Augar of Edessa in Asia Minor heard about 
Christ, believed in Him and wanted to have His image. He sent 
an artist to Christ to make a portrayal. The artist was unable to 
catch the features of Christ's face. Seeing his embarrassment 
Jesus applied a cloth to His face and His image was left on it. 
There is a parallel story of "Veronica's Veil" in the Westem 
tradition. A woman of Jerusalem, Veronica, filled with 
compassion at the sight of Jesus' suffering on His way to 
Calvary, wiped His sweating face with a cloth and His image 
remained there on the cloth. 
It is not the facts that are important in these stories or 
parables, but their references to the metaphysical connection of 
the divine and the human in the concept of iconography. Icons 
may be beautiful examples of artistic creativity. But they also 
are windows into the other world. The iconographer attempts to 
catch the innermost spiritual essence of a particular person, or 
an event (e.g., the Nativity) rather than extemal reflections of 
life. 
Besides its aesthetic value and its attempt to express visions 
of the world and life through specific artistic forms, icons may 
contain a deep theologico-philosophical meaning. This is 
particularly characteristic of Russian medieval religious art. 
Russian religious experience and mind were expressed consid?
erably more in iconography and church architecture than in 
SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
written theological works. Father George Florovsky pointed 
this out: 
.. .the Russian icon irrefutably testifies to the complexity and profundity, as well 
as to the genuine beauty, of old Russia's religious Ufe. With justice Russian 
iconography has been described as a "theology in colors."^ 
The icon of the Holy Trinity by Andrei Rublev, the foremost 
Russian iconographer, is probably the best example of Russian 
medieval iconography and its link with theology and philoso?
phy. Painted around 1408 by the venerable artist for the Trinity 
Monastery of St. Sergius of Radonezh in the place presendy 
known as Zagorsk, it is now kept in the Tretyakov Art Gallery 
in Moscow. 
There is a remarkable and revealing interrelation between the 
monastery, which became the center of Russian culture and 
spirituality, the Holy Trinity icon, and Russian medieval 
iconography. St. Sergius dedicated his monastery to the Holy 
Trinity, which for him was an image of transfiguration and 
unity of all creatures in God. The same ideal inspired 
old-Russian piety and iconography. "Overcoming of the ugly 
divisiveness of the world, the transfiguration of the universe 
into a temple, in which the whole creation is united in the same 
way as the three persons of the Holy Trinity are united in one 
Divine Essence, is the basic theme to which everything is 
subordinated in the old-Russian painting,"^ wrote Prince 
Eugene Tmbetskoy (died 1920), whose studies of the old 
Russian icons from artistic, theological, and historical angles 
are still unique. 
By an already existing tradition, Andrei Rublev depicted 
symbolically the Holy Trinity as the three wandering angels 
who appeared to Abraham by the oak of Mamre (Genesis 18). 
"The angels, seated at a low table, form such a closely knit 
group that it is impossible not to interpret it as embodying the 
ideal of peace and harmony."^ [For a similar treatment of this 
concept see description of icon 25819.225 on page 72. R.E.A.] 
Through the colors and composition of the icon a bright 
sadness emanates from the angels to something below them. St. 
Sergius, when he built his monastery church of the Holy Trinity 
in the dense forest, prayed that the cmel world surrounding 
him, divided by hatred and derisions, would be filled with the 
love and harmony reigning in the pre-eternal council of the 
triune God. 
Prince E. Tmbetskoy points out the contradictory impres?
sions often made by the simultaneous coexistence of cheerful?
ness and asceticism, joy and sadness in the icons. "However," 
he writes, "there cannot be Pascha (Easter) without the Passion 
week and one cannot bypass the life-giving cross of the Lord on 
the way to the joy of the universal resurrection. Therefore the 
joyous and sad, ascetic motives are equally indispensable in our 
iconography,"^ Also, the icon is an image of a future 
transfigured humanity, which we do not see around, but are just 
trying to perceive with our inner spiritual sight. The ascetic 
thinness of human features in the icons is directed against the 
principle of biologism and the primacy of flesh in our society. 
It attracts our attention beyond our world filled with bloody 
stmggle for material goods to the new form of life in the 
Kingdom of God, which "flesh and blood cannot inherit" 
(I Corinthians 15:50). 
The icon does not fail to embrace space in accordance with 
optical laws simply because artists were not skillful. The lines 
in their perspective, instead of crossing in the horizon, 
deliberately cross in the spectator himself. Everything in the 
icon, including perspective, facilitates the transfer of the 
spectator's mental perception from the world of phenomenon to 
the mystical dimension of Orthodox theology. 
The iconoclastic movement in eighth century Byzantium 
originated in some subtleties in church-state relations, in 
secular and ecclesiastical cultural contacts, in Islamic bans on 
human images and Hellenic "spiritualism," but probably most 
of all in some popular serious distortions of icon veneration 
resembling idol-worship. The prohibition against icons by 
imperial decree lasted over fifty years until the Seventh 
Ecumenical Council in 787 A.D. restored their veneration. 
Actually, the iconoclastic persecutions prompted the church to 
creatively rethink the whole problem and to come up with more 
lucid and substantial explanations of the icon. Much was done 
to clarify the dogma of the veneration of icons before the 
council by St. John of Damascus, a monk in the monastery of 
St. Sabbas in Palestine. 
In former times God, who is without form or body, could never be depicted. But 
now, when God is seen in the flesh conversing with men, I make an image of 
the God whom I see, I do not worship matter; I worship the creator of matter 
who became matter for my sake, who wiUed to take His abode in matter; who 
worked out my salvation through matter. Never will I cease honoring the matter 
which wrought my salvation. I honor it, but not as God.* 
St. John's theology of the icon is based on the Incamation of 
Christ and so is the dogma promulgated by the Seventh 
Ecumenical Council. 
The iconoclasts were afraid of idol-worship in the icons. 
However, there is a sharp distinction in the Orthodox tradition, 
between the words "veneration" (proskinesis in Greek, 
pochitanie in Russian) and "adoration" (latreia in Greek, 
poklonenie in Russian); the latter may refer to God only. 
However, both Greek terms, proskinesis and latreia were 
translated in Latin as adoratio. This caused a lack of 
understanding of the theology of icons by Latins, and in the 
West in general.' 
There has been a marked decline in Orthodox iconography in 
the last three centuries. The influence of the Renaissance and 
Humanism upset the delicate balance of the spiritual, theologi?
cal, and material elements of the iconographic tradition, and 
rather dull, realistic pictures, devoid of lofty symbolism and 
spiritualism, started to appear everywhere. Only the Old 
Believers, oppressed by the state authorities, preserved the 
tradition. Fortunately with the beginning of this century, a 
revival of the traditional church art has appeared. And that is an 
incalculable gift to the millennium of Russian Christianity. 
NUMBER 51 
Notes 
'The most important among the Fathers are St. Basil the Great, St. Gregory 
of Nasianzen, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. John Chrysostom, St. Athanasius of 
Alexandria, Sl. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Maximus the Confessor, St. John of 
Damascus, and St. Gregory Palamas, Archbishop of Thessalonica. 
^A. SCHMEMANN. The Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy, translated by 
L. Kesich (New York: Holt, 1963), page 202. 
^From the Orthodox Service For the Departed. 
"G. FLOROVSKY, Ways of Russian Theology, translated by R. Nichols 
(Belmont, Mass.: Nordland, 1979), page 1. 
^PRINCE EUGENE TRUBETSKOY, Ownozrenije v Kraskah (Paris: YMCA 
Press, 1965), page 20. 
^ANONYMOUS, Russian Icons from the Twelfth to the Fifteenth Century. 
Introduction by Victor Lazarev (New Yoik: Mentor-Unesco Art Book, 1962), 
page 20. 
''Tmbetskoy, op. cit., page 22. 
*ST. JOHN OF DAMASCUS, On the Divine Images, translated by D. Anderson 
(Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1980), page 23. 
^See I. MARKADE, "Dcona kak zerkalo trisolnechnogo sveta pravoslavija," 
NovyjZhurnal (New York), number 3, 1979, page 180-189. 
Copper Icons in Daily Use in Old Russia 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 
Copper icons were attached to grave markers, as illustrated 
by those nailed to wooden posts (Figure 1) in a nineteenth 
centiuy Old Believer cemetery in northem Russia.^ A more 
modem example is a brass cmcifix secured to an elaborately 
carved post on the 1927 grave of the renowned Russian artist 
Boris Mikhailovich Kustodiev, in the St. Alexander Nevsky 
Vera B. Espinola. National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560. 
cemetery in Leningrad. This type of old Russian post, with a 
little roof called a srub. was traditionally placed at the foot of 
the grave (Figure 2). 
Many of the icons and crosses in the Smithsonian's Kunz 
collection have bent edges and wings and round holes in the 
metal. Nails were driven through the metal itself, wedged 
between die wing and panel of a triptych, or bent over a panel. 
One icon of St, Nicholas (25819.227) still shows a mst stain 
from such a nail on its bent edge. 
FIGURE 1.?^Metal and enamel icon nailed to a grave marker in an Old Believer cemetary in northem Russia. 
(Courtesy of Alexander I. Teryukov, photographer) 
NUMBER 51 
FIGURE 2.?Wooden grave post and srub, with attached metal crucifix. (Vera 
B. Espinola, photographer) 
Almost all of the earlier icons in this collection have holes in 
the crests for suspension. Thin cords, often coated with resin for 
strength, were used to hang small icons and pectoral crosses 
around the neck. The remains of such a twisted string can still 
be seen in the crest of triptych 25819.130 (Figure 3). 
Copper icons and crosses were objects of veneration and 
were kissed, incensed, and had oil lamps and candles bumed 
before them. Some from the Kunz collection have old 
candlewax deposits that have tumed green from over one 
hundred years of contact with the copper. 
If the eyes of the metal figures were wom and could not 
"see," then these objects were no longer used for veneration. 
Icons and crosses were not thrown away, but when smooth. 
FIGURE 3.?^The back of triptych 25819.130 showing suspension loop and the 
remains of a twisted cord. (Photographer Smithsonian Institution or Vera B. 
Espinola) 
they were disposed of by burial in the ground or in a body of 
water, sometimes wrapped in a cloth.^ Many of the icons nailed 
to cemetary posts also had wom faces indicating another 
method of retiring icons that could not "see." These methods of 
disposal were practiced because of individual or regional 
reverential custom, which were neither demanded by religious 
function nor by church dogma. During Peter I's reforms, a 
resolution passed on 29 March 1721 stated that objects 
originating from the raskolniki (referring to the Old Believers 
as schismatics) should be thrown either into water or into fire.^ 
Many icons and crosses in the Smithsonian's Kunz collection 
are heavily impacted with silicious material, an indication of 
burial. Fire-rounded grains of sand were identified as quartz 
and feldspar.'* Interspersed with this material were occasional 
red textile fibers, white textile fibers, and sometimes bits of 
wood and charcoal. 
Icons from the Kunz collection were known as "travelling 
icons" and the Reverend W, Sparrow Simpson^ wrote in 1867 
about twenty-nine similar icons that were brought to England 
after the Crimean war: 
When a peasant is about to send his son to service in the Army, he often 
takes from his neck the icon that he and his forefathers have wom, and places 
it, with his benediction, on the young soldier's breast. To the soldier himself the 
icon becomes a memento of his country, of his family, of his religion. Of his 
country, because it usually t}ears the effigy of some Russian saint, veiy 
frequently, the patron saint, S. Nicholas; of his family, for this icon may have 
been an heirloom; of his religion, for when about to offer his prayers, he opens 
his triptych or diptych, and kneels before it as a portable altar. He carries il, 
suspended round his neck, through the vicissitudes of a campaign; and when, 
his labours ended, he retums to his native parish, he often hangs his cherished 
possession upon the iconostasis of his village church, as a votive offering to 
commemorate his preservation. 
10 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Notes 
^Personal conversations (March, 1986, and September, 1987) with 
Alexander Ivanovich Teryukov, ethnographer. Institute of Ethnography, USSR 
Academy of Sciences, Leningrad. Icons were found buried in the ground above 
the deceased in this cemetery. Sometimes they were found lying on the surface 
where they had fallen from posts. Alexander Teryukov took color slides of 
nineteenth century Old Believer cemeteries in Northem Russia (R.S.F.S.R.) in 
1979. 
^Personal conversations (Moscow, April, 1980, and September, 1987) with 
Mikhail Ivanovich Chuvanov, chairman of the Transfiguration {Preobraz?
hensky) Ccanmunity of Old Believers in Moscow and co-editor of the Church 
Calendar of the Be2popovtsy Old Believers. A renowned scholar and 
bibliophile, he is said to have the most complete collection of rare Old Believer 
books as well as works of Holy Scripture and works by Church Fathers and 
teachers such as SS. Augustine, Basil the Great, and John Chrysostom. In 1987, 
Mikhail Ivanovich was ninety-seven years young and active in his woric. He 
died in April, 1988, after a short illness. 
'M.N. PRINTSEVA, "K Voprosu ob Izuchenii Suroobryadcheskovo 
Mednovo Litya v Muzeinikh Sobraniyakh," Nauchno-Ateisticheskiye Issledo-
vaniya v Muzeyakh, Izdaniye GMIRiA, Leningrad, 1986, page 51. 
"?Mineral identification by Dr. Pete Dunn, Department of Mineral Sciences, 
National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, 1983. In 1982, 
Dr. Robert BriU of the Coming Museum of Glass examined the sand on 12 
representative icons and stated that the edges of some of the quartz and feldspar 
are fire-rounded. 
5REV. W. SPARROW SIMPSON, "Russo-Greek Portable Icons of Brass" (The 
Journal of the British Archeological Association, London, June 30,1867), page 
114. 
Icons Amidst Russian Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska 
Richard A. Morris 
Among the Slavic peoples of the United States are some 
6,000 Russian Old Believers, Of recent immigration, they have 
settled in Oregon and Alaska to live, work, and raise their 
families according to the pre-seventeenth-century rite of the 
Russian Orthodox church. As a traditional religious group, 
their beliefs and practices give an important historical insight 
into the place and role of Orthodox icons in America. 
The Old Believers presently living in Oregon and Alaska 
began arriving in 1964 from various parts of the world in search 
of a place where they could preserve their religion and way of 
life. They first settled in the mid-Willamette Valley, an 
agriculturally rich, rural region in westem Oregon, Later, 
several families decided to move to Alaska, where they 
purchased a square mile of land on the Kenai Peninsula, The 
village they founded attracted other Old Believers and has 
grown to some 70 families, approximately 600 people. 
Over the centuries. Old Believers have characteristically 
sought remote, isolated regions where they could establish a 
village, build a prayer hall, and become a self-sufficient 
community. Insulated from the surrounding society, they were 
free to practice their religious convictions and way of life. For 
some 330 years, the faithful adherents have survived, scrupu?
lously holding to the Old Rite that was prevalent until the 
Church Reforms of 1651-1667. 
The Church Reforms, instituted by Patriarch Nikon in the 
mid-seventeenth century, revised church books and elements of 
the Service ritual. Many people of the day interpreted the 
reforms as sacrilegious, and refused to accept them. Nonethe?
less, Tsar Alexei approved the reforms, and by doing so, 
alienated large segments of the faithful from their church and 
crown. This period in Russian history has become known as the 
Great Schism, or Raskol. Those who insisted on keeping the 
Old Rite became known as Old Ritualists, or. Old Believers. 
Old Believers in old Russia were periodically persecuted, 
and occasionally cajoled or forced to rejoin the dominant 
Orthodox church. But despite persecutions, subsequent politi?
cal turmoil that has pushed many of them from their homeland, 
the adversities of successive migrations, and the need to 
accommodate their religious services to circumstances that 
Richard A. Morris, Russian and East European Studies Center. 
University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon. 
would not permit the full practice of the Old Rite, Old Believers 
have persisted and preserved what they could over three 
centuries. 
In Oregon and Alaska, three disparate groups of Old 
Believers have come together to form a larger community. 
Despite their experiences of a diaspora that stretched from 
Europe to Turkey to China, only minor differences are noted 
between the groups in their obedience to the Old Rite. 
Through disciplined living, encouraged by their religious 
ethic. Old Believers have secured homes, built prayer halls, and 
acquired good land in Oregon and Alaska. Already they are 
relatively self-supporting within their families and community. 
In Oregon, unable to secure enough land for a unified colony, 
they have spread across two counties, buying farms on which to 
raise their characteristically large families. The movement of 
some families to Alaska underscores their desire to avoid 
contact with urbanization and its dismptive influences. There 
they have integrated the seasons for fishing, hunting, and 
planting into the rhythm of their religious calendar. 
Interre lationships 
The American Old Believer "villages" have regular contact 
with others in Canada, South America, Australia, and, less 
frequendy, with the sizable number of Old Believers through?
out the USSR. In each area, the Old Rite of Russian Orthodoxy 
persists. 
However, the dispersion of Old Believers over tfiree 
centuries has resulted in local interpretations of doctrinal 
issues, and differing degrees of accommodation to surrounding 
cultures. Members of congregations with a given doctrinal 
viewpoint are considered "in union" {vmeste), while those from 
congregations that practice differing interpretations would have 
to go through a purification, and conform to the local 
understandings and ways, in order to be accepted in such cases 
as marriage, etc. 
Icons in America 
An important feature of Orthodoxy involves the veneration 
of icons, images of holy persons. The veneration has a special 
intensity among the Old Believers in the United States. Icons 
11 
12 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
are present in most daily activities and have a special 
importance at cmcial events of life, e.g., marriages, blessings, 
funerals, and remembrances. At church services, icons vener?
ated by the congregation encourage the worshippers to feel the 
presence of the personages depicted. The worshippers show 
respect to, and seek protection from, the personages by bowing 
and crossing themselves before the icons, and often kissing 
them. 
Periodically throughout the day, prayers are made before one 
or another icon of the home. With their prayers Old Believers 
characteristically cross themselves with two fingers of the right 
hand. It is important to note that one of the Nikonian reforms of 
the seventeenth century changed the manner of crossing one's 
self: from using two fingers to using three fingers. This issue 
became an identifying symbol of resistance for the Old 
Believers, who still refuse to desecrate the right hand by 
touching the thumb to the first two fingers. [For a discussion of 
the seventeenth century liturgical reforms see page 31. R.E.A.] 
The principle family icons are kept on a special shelf in an 
eastem comer of the main room. This "beautiful comer," 
draped with curtains, holds the family icons, illuminated by one 
or more oil lamps and surrounded by colored eggs. The eggs 
have been blessed at the previous Easter Service and carefully 
brought home and placed near the icons for the ensuing year. 
Prayers for special occasions, and before and after meals, are 
made before the icons. A guest to the home, upon entering, 
often without knocking, prays and crosses himself, bowing 
three times in the direction of the icon comer. The host of the 
house supplies the "Amen"; the guest is then welcome to greet 
the residents. Prior to the "Amen," no words have been 
exchanged. Icons are also placed in the eastem comers of other 
occupied rooms. In each bedroom, the occupant performs 
moming and evening prayers and bows toward the icon. 
Narratives 
There are personal stories among the Old Believers relating 
how an icon helped them in a moment of need, or how the 
mistreatment of an icon, even accidental, resulted in a problem 
for the individual or family involved. More frequent are the 
accounts in which an icon has resolved a crisis. One story retold 
by a woman of the Harbin group, relates how she succeeded in 
reaching China in the 1930s. She and her husband decided to 
leave the Soviet Union. On the way, her husband was arrested, 
and fell deathly ill in prison. She continued as they had 
planned, taking with her only a small, metallic icon of the 
Mother of God. She tied the icon to her breast as she slipped 
into the Amur River, which marks the boundary between the 
Soviet Union and China. To cross the wide river, she lay on a 
small board. A Border Patrol boat passed close without 
noticing her, but its wake caused her to lose the board. Cold and 
growing weaker, she clutched the icon and prayed for help. 
Shortly, the board appeared near her, and she was able to reach 
the far shore. As she tells the story, her gratitude is directed to 
God, the Mother of God, and the icon itself 
Although common among the Old Believers, diese stories 
are told only to selected listeners, i.e., people who are not likely 
to attempt to discredit them. Outsiders seldom receive all the 
details; particulars of the miraculous parts are reserved for 
those who will accept and respect them, usually those with 
whom one is "in union." 
Personal Icons 
A personal attachment with an icon starts at the time of 
marriage. Until then, the young person has been surrounded 
with family icons, but not one that is personally his or hers. 
Prior to the wedding, both sets of parents acquire an icon to 
give their respective offspring at the ceremony. Care is taken to 
find an old icon that conforms to the Old Believer style, and 
that might come from Old Believer hands. Otherwise, the 
parents can request an icon to be "written" (painted) or 
"poured" (cast) by one of the local Old Believer iconographers. 
At the wedding ceremony, each set of parents presents their 
icon to the couple, blessing the marriage in the process. The 
groom's parents usually present him with a metal icon of Christ 
on the Cross, The bride's parents usually give her an icon of the 
Mother of God. As the Old Believers make no distinctions 
between the spiritual quality of a metallic or wooden icon, 
either type may be presented. 
After die ceremony, the couple, holding their icons in white 
handkerchiefs, take them to a room in the home of the groom's 
parents. There the young couple will live for a year or so, until 
the first child arrives. Once the couple becomes a family, they 
usually move into a home of their own, taking their icons with 
them. As more children are born into the family, additional 
icons are acquired for the occupied rooms of the home. 
The icons received at their wedding remain intrinsically 
special for die new parents. Icons acquired later may eclipse the 
original pair in size and grandeur and become more prominent 
in the icon comer. Nonetheless, the original icons, having 
received the blessing for the wedded pair, are held in special 
regard and are displayed in places of honor in the home. 
The personal icons of the couple make an important 
appearance again at the end of life. At the funeral service of 
either party, kin place the personal icon at the head of the open 
casket, and, later, pass it to a young kinsman to carry at the head 
of the procession to the grave site. After completing prayers 
and circling die grave, the relatives place the lid on the casket 
and lower it into the grave. Then, at the foot of the grave, diey 
place an Orthodox cross in cement. They afix the personal icon 
of die deceased to die cross, where it remains until the 
memorial service on die 40lh day after death; at that time it is 
believed diat the soul has departed from the grave. The icon can 
dien be removed and retumed to the family. Later, it could 
become a valued, personal icon at anodier wedding. [See also 
the Pomorian tradition, pages 15, 16. R.E.A.] 
Traditionally graveside crosses were of wood and were made 
NUMBER 51 13 
during the gadiering for die funeral. However, die crosses are 
now made of square metal pipes. The eight-ended cross 
remains at the foot of the grave. It is not an icon, as it depicts no 
holy figure, but it is of considerable importance. The grave 
cross is oriented toward die east, toward the Second coming of 
Christ. These Old Believers explain that the dead will simply 
rise up to stand next to their cross to face die retuming Christ. 
Additional Icons 
Many Old Believers strive to acquire additional icons for 
dieir homes and other purposes. A person will often obtain an 
icon of the saint for whom he or she has been named. Families 
also bring icons to the church or to the prayer hall and display 
them on the sanctuary screen, the iconostasis. These icons 
remain the property of die family, and go widi them should they 
leave. 
In a church served by a priest, the iconostasis, covered with 
icons, separates the holy altar area from the sanctuary and 
congregation. In a prayer hall served by a lay pastor, the eastem 
wall of the building serves as die iconostasis, there being no 
priestly altar area to separate from the sanctuary. [For 
background information on the acceptance of a priestly 
hierarchy see page 17. R,E,A,] 
Until very recently, the Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska 
had no priests to sanctify the altar area behind the iconostasis, 
or to bless the church building itself Instead, they built prayer 
halls, where they worshiped under die leadership of a "spiritual 
leader" (dukhovnyi nastavnik'), an elder approved by general 
consent. This leader received the blessing from die previous 
leader, a method of approval dating back to a time when an Old 
Ritualist priest bestowed a blessing on their Old Believer 
ancestors. 
Recently a group of the Old Believer elders, after lengthy 
deliberation, decided to recognize die Old Ritualist Metropolia 
located in Romania, and sent two of its members to become 
ordained as priests. Upon their retum, die congregation of each 
priest built a church (one in Alaska and one in Oregon) 
complete with an altar behind an iconostasis. Others in the two 
communities have not recognized diis priesthood, and continue 
to attend prayer halls. 
Making Icons 
With the increase of population of the Old Believers, 
additional icons are needed. The contemporary Orthodox 
church would seem an obvious source of bodi metallic and 
painted, i,e,, "written," icons at reasonable prices. But only in 
die last few years have the Old Believers accepted diese icons. 
They are, however, particularly careful to have diem blessed by 
Old Ritualist authorities. 
There is a distinct preference, however, for older icons from 
dieir own community, or for new ones produced within it. 
Several Old Believer men have gone to great lengths to study 
and leam the methods of making icons in an acceptable manner 
for their communities. Young men who show an artistic talent 
are encouraged to assume the responsibilities by preparing 
themselves to "write" icons on wood, or "pour" metallic icons. 
It is well understood in die Eastem church diat die making of 
icons is not simply a matter of artistic creation. A person 
selected for the task assumes a major, spiritual responsibility. 
The preparation of die board, or die melting and pouring of die 
metal is done in a posture of prayer. The entire process becomes 
a sacred act. The icon maker, in the minds of die Old Believers, 
is ranked equal to a priest or nastavnik in spiritual status; his 
behavior in life must befit a pious man. 
In the traditional, patriarchal ediic of the Old Believers, it is 
a man's duty to make icons. Likewise, it is a woman's duty to 
clean them. These men and women must be "in union," 
meaning, ritually clean and living properly. There are addi?
tional requirements on the women who clean them. 
The woman preferred to clean icons should be a "widow," 
meaning a woman past child-bearing age who is free of 
conjugal intimacy. In extreme cases, a pre-puberty, virgin girl 
could perform icon cleaning, but a widow would have greater 
respect for her duties. The cleaning of icons occurs just before 
ChrisUnas and Easter, when the entire house, inside and out, is 
cleaned. A widowed relative comes to the home and carefully 
"dusts" the wooden icons widi a soft, clean clodi. For the 
metallic icons, she prepares a soup-like base by boiling down 
yellow beans, which is cooled slightly. The widow soaks die 
icon in the base for one and one half hours, then rinses it. 
Icons on Display 
When die Smithsonian Institution requested through die 
audior that a local maker of metallic icons cast one for die 
display, the iconographer refused; it was known in advance that 
this example icon would not be used "properly." Justifying 
himself, die iconographer quoted from his Scriptural under?
standing: "Damned is he who does the work of the Lord 
casually or carelessly" (translation). 
Nonetheless, as an ethnographer living among the Old 
Believers, I had the opportunity to show many elders 
photographs of die Smidisonian's Kunz copper icon collection. 
They were interested in die history of their acquisition and 
eager to see diem. 
On viewing the photographs, the Old Believers recognized 
die icons and crosses and quickly distinguished between diose 
acceptable to them and those not. Unacceptable were those diat, 
they insisted, are characteristic of icons used by die Pomortsy. 
That faction of Old Believers, shortly after die Reforms of the 
seventeendi century, took a doctrinal position that a valid 
priesthood no longer existed. Pomortsy of this persuasion are 
also called Bespopovtsy or "priestless ones." However, there 
are many odier Old Believers who descriptively, as opposed to 
doctiinally, refer to themselves as bespopovtsy. inasmuch as 
they had no priests available to them for many decades. 
14 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Nonetheless, the Old Believers of Oregon do not accept the 
tenets of the Pomortsy Old Believers, and dierefore, do not 
recognize what they consider to be Pomortsy icons. 
In rejecting the Pomortsy icons (i.e., 25819.026), the Old 
Believers of Oregon and Alaska point out that, on a Pomortsy 
icon, die dove above the head of Christ, symbolizing the Holy 
Spirit, is missing. Also, die figure that should portray God at 
die top of the icon is portrayed by the "Image Not Made with 
Hands," an image said to have remained on a cloth with which 
Christ had wiped his face. According to Oregon Old Believers, 
the Pomortsy insist diat, as no one has seen God or the Holy 
Spirit, one should not portray them with life-like objects. Thus, 
the life-like dove symbol of the Holy Spirit is omitted on 
Pomortsy icons, and die figure of God is replaced by the cloth 
image. Pomortsy and other Old Believer groups may not agree 
with these delineations. [For further discussions on 
distinguishing Pomorian icons see page 18. R.E.A.] Thus, these 
definitional interpretations illustrate once again how interpreta?
tions and understandings vary from group to group and region 
to region. 
Of additional interest to the Oregon Old Believers are die 
crosses diat display die sun and moon on the crossbar. A pagan 
tribe, they say, had converted to Christianity, but had requested 
that they be allowed to retain the sun and moon symbols. 
Inasmuch as the tribe is now Christian, the Old Believers have 
no objection to diese crosses. 
Lastly, die icons of St. Nicholas (25819.088) are of special 
significance to those Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska who 
have recendy accepted the line of priesthood from the Old 
Believer Metropolia in Romania. This saint, known as die 
"Protector of die Church," is considered to have been 
instmmental, dirough a vision, in establishing in die 1840s die 
Old Believer Metropolia in the Romanian part of Austi-o-
Hungary. 
The Old Believers of Oregon and Alaska are intrigued by die 
Smidisonian Institution exhibit of icons and crosses, which 
may represent the work of some of their ancestors. Some Old 
Believers feel a protective responsibility toward diese, or any, 
icons. They are impressed, however, widi die proper care given 
die icons in die display, and, furdiermore, with its coinciding 
with the 1,000-year anniversary of die Christening of Old Rus'. 
[See The Grand Prince of Kiev, page 23. R.E.A.] 
As preservers of the Old Rite, Old Believers value and 
respect icons widi a special intensity. As described above, icons 
play an intimate and important role in their religious 
observances at home and at church. Whenever a solemn or holy 
occasion arises, icons are fervently desired and required. Their 
presence imbues any occasion with solemnity, beauty, and 
grace. 
Icons in the Daily Life of 
Pomorians in the United States 
Anton Serge Beliajeff 
The Orthodox icon or cross is ever-present on the body (die 
baptismal cross), in the house (usually in every room), in die 
church, and often in die car. 
For the sake of comparison, the focus of this section will be 
on die use of icons among die Old Believers in the United 
States, with special emphasis on the Pomorians. [For discus?
sions of Russian Pomorian communities see pages 17, 31. 
R,E,A,] 
Among the many religious questions discussed in these 
communities, issues conceming icons and the way to honor 
them are undoubtedly the most common. This is because icons 
are everywhere and are constantiy tumed to during the daily 
round of activities. At a 1969 conference of Pomorians in Erie, 
Pennsylvania, more dian a fourth of the proceedings dealt with 
icon questions. The discussion confirmed that photographic or 
lidiographic reproductions are not rightfiil icons. Correct icons 
are "either painted on die boards, or metallic, made of brass by 
casting. The metallic Icons are still made by our Christians and 
are available for everyone."^ Regarding metal icons, the 
conference cited the 1909 Pomorian Council held in Moscow, 
which stated that "crosses cast of brass, as well as painted on 
wood in the eight-edged shape, are to be accepted by the 
Church for purposes of worship."^ At the 13di Annual 
Conference of Old Orthodox Parishes held in Detroit, 
Michigan, in 1968, it was emphasized diat icons are not idols, 
the honor due to the icon goes to die saint depicted, and that 
electrical lamps do not properly "feed" icons. 
Other questions that arose at die Erie conference concemed 
the required height of candles and oil lamps (lampada) in front 
of icons and whether in a newly built house it is die rooms or 
only the icons contained in them diat are to be blessed.^ 
The focus on icons at Old Believer conferences reflects their 
importance in daily life. At the start of Christian life, at 
baptism, one is given a baptismal cross on a cord to wear 
around the neck. This cross remains with die person until deadi. 
It must be four-edged on die outside widi a smaller eight-edged 
cross inscribed widiin the borders. On the obverse is written die 
ArUon S. Beliajeff (deceased), Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 
20540 
prayer: "Let God arise, let his enemies be scattered,.. ,"'^  
The eastem comer of a room is the icon comer. Icons are 
placed on shelves and are never hung. Upon entering a house 
one should make three bows at the waist to the icons, always 
making a sign of the cross each time (right shoulder to left 
shoulder in the Orthodox manner, using two fingers in the case 
of the Old BeUevers). Only after the bows are made does one 
greet the people present. 
An Old Believer home contains many more metal icons dian 
an Ordiodox home. Old Believers prominently display embroi?
dered clodis around the icons. In die main room, the icon comer 
has a large metal cross as well as icons of St. Nicholas and the 
Theotokos (Bogoroditsa).^ 
Family members gather before the icons for regular moming 
and evening prayers. When they bow to die ground before the 
icons dieir foreheads touch a square prayer clodi (podruchnik). 
They keep count of the prayers they have said with a lestovka 
(prayer rope, or rosary) made out of clodi or leadier. The 
various groups of "beads" of the lestovka represent the nine 
choirs of angels, the twelve apostles, the 33 years Christ was on 
Earth, etc. At the bottom are four triangles of cloth or leather 
representing the four Evangelists, 
Prayers in front of icons precede all events of the day. They 
take place upon rising, before and after meals, before going to 
work or school, and before leaving on a trip. A Pomorian leader 
states that "every prayer must be said before the Icons. On 
Sundays and Holidays the oil lamps before die Icon must be 
lit."^ When marriage ceremonies take place at home, the couple 
to be married kneels before the icon and candles.^ 
Over the doorway of a chapel or church, there is a metal icon 
or cross, usually in a frame. Old Believer chapels have 
proportionately more metal crosses and icons than Orthodox 
churches. The icons stand on shelves, as in the home. 
Pomorians often frame or box crosses and icons under glass. 
The oil lamps in front of icons are constantly refilled and 
adjusted before and during a religious service. In many cases 
die families of the community keep some of dieir family icons 
in die church building. 
The cross at the grave site of an Old Believer is at the feet, 
not die head, die idea being diat the deceased would gaze upon 
die sign of salvation.^ In Oregon, a metal icon is sometimes left 
15 
16 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
on the grave cross until the traditional memorial service held on 
die 40th day, but it may be left on if someone is tending die 
site.9 [See also pages 8, 9,12,13. R.E.A.] 
Crosses and icons are placed at any point considered 
important by Old Believer communities. For example, a cross, 
icon, or at least a written prayer appears over thresholds in an 
Old Believer house. In the north of Russia before die 
Revolution, Old BeUevers went to the bania (the steambadi) 
with a cross and a belt. They made sure to cross diemselves at 
the door, to prevent the evil spirit, die baennyi. of the bania 
from harming people or carrying off children.^^ 
Some Old Believers today, as in the past, accept only 
copper-alloy icons. This is true, for example, of one small 
group in Oregon. ^ ^ 
All Old Believers agree that only properly made icons should 
receive the veneration and bows. For example, Archpriest 
Avvakum, a leader of the Old Belief in the seventeenth century, 
said that one should not bow to icons made in the Latin manner, 
but only to correcdy made icons. He taught that one should 
even bow to correcdy made icons when they happened to be in 
churches that followed the new rules and practices.^^ 
Notes 
'Minutes of the 14th Annual Conference of the Old Orthodox Parishes held 
in Erie, Pennsylvania, on 31 August 1969, page 2. One of those who cast metal 
icons and crosses was Paul Zatkoff of Detroit, Michigan, who used the lost-wax 
process. Roger Zatkoff, 22 June 1987, personal communication. 
^ i d . , page 2. 
'Ibid., f)age 5. 
''ANONYMOUS, " O pochitanii i noshenii Sviatogo KresU Gospodnia," 
Tserkov' (Lidcombe, N.S.W., Australia), number 3, 1980, page 30. The prayer 
comes from Psalm 68 (67 in the Orthodox Bible), verse 1 (2). L. Dal' reported 
on a folk belief that the baptismal cross had to be of copper as Moses raised the 
snake on a copper "cross." L.V. DAL" "Zametka o mednykh grivnakh XII 
veka," Drevnosti?Trudy Moskovskogo Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva, 
volume rv (1874), page 76. 
^Examples in the exhibit are 25819.003. 25819.102. and 25819.106. 
Embroidered cloths are illustrated in Suzi Jones, editor, Webfoots and 
Bunchgrassers: Folk Art of the Oregon Country (Salem, Oregon, 1980), pages 
122, 123. 
*V. SMOLAKOV, Instruction about the Sacrament of Baptism and the 
Dogmas of the Greek Old Orthodox Faith (Erie, Pennsylvania: Greek Old 
Orthodox Church of the Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ, circa 1960). 
^Icon blessing (ikonnoe blagoslovenie) is even mentioned in 1840s 
Moscow police reports on Old Believers, "Dnevnyia dozomyia zapisi o 
Moskovskikh raskol'nikakh," Chteniia v Imperatorskom Obshchestve istorii i 
drevnostei rossiiskikh. 1886, book 1, page 176. 
^ANONYMOUS, " O kreste na mogUe umershikh," Tserkov', number 20, 
1984, page 25. 
'R.A. MORRIS, 14 August 1987: personal communication. 
'''N.V. TRET'IAKOVA, " K probleme reUgioznogo sinkretizma v staroobriad-
chestve (Na materialakh Pechorskoi etnograficheskoi ekspeditsii 1971-1972 
gg.)" (Problemy Istorii SSSR, Moscow. 1973), pages 390, 391. 
"In earlier days, representatives of the official church thought some Old 
Believers bowed only to metal icons, see V. TETERIATNIKOV "Mednye kresty 
i ikony v narodnoi zhizni," (Novyi Zhurnal, number 129, December 1977), page 
167. 
'^L.C. BUNOFF, editor and translator. Life and Thought in Old Russia 
(University Park: Pennsylvania Stale University Press, 1961), page 143. AUNE 
JAASKINEN offers a longer discussion of Archpriest Awakum's position in her 
Ikonimaalari uskon ja mystikan tulkki (Porvoo, Helsinki, Juva: Werner 
Soderstrcm Osakeheydo, 1984). pages 117-125. For priestly Old Believers 
quoting Awakum, see ANONYMOUS, "Kakim ikonam ne podobaet poklo-
niat'sia," Tserkov', number 13, 1983, page 26. 
Old Believers and the 
Manufacturing of Copper Icons 
Anton Serge Beliajeff 
Considering the ubiquitousness of metal icons in die life of 
Orthodox believers, and considering die millions of icons that 
were cast during the past three centuries, it is remarkable that 
on 31 January 1723 the Holy Goveming Synod of die Russian 
Orthodox church under Peter the Great forbade the casting and 
selling of holy images from copper alloy, die only exception 
being baptismal crosses wom around die neck. To justify this 
prohibition, the audiorities claimed diat the images were not 
skillfully executed and poorly portrayed the saints and, 
therefore, deprived the saints the honor due to diem. Those 
copper-alloy icons that were in use were to be locked in the 
sacristy; those on sale in the markets were to be confiscated and 
sent to the main magistracy of each town.^  In May of the 
previous year, the Holy Synod had also forbidden churches to 
have icons of any material that were carved, hewn, or sculpted, 
or that were painted unskillfully or were not in agreement with 
Holy Scripture.^ 
There is no indication in the literature that the prohibition 
was originally directed against the Old Believers. It may, in 
fact, have reflected the govemment's need to conserve copper 
for military and minting purposes. Eventually, die prohibition 
came to be directed primarily against the Old Believers, who 
made the most use of copper-alloy icons in dieir religious 
observances. 
Copper icons and crosses, which had acquired deep roots in 
Russian religious history, held great importance for die Old 
Believers, who regarded themselves as die true keepers of the 
traditional Russian Orthodox faith. The Old Believers, as a 
group, came into existence during the reign of Tsar Alexis as a 
result of the decisions of the Moscow Councils of 1666-1667, 
which "reformed" the established liturgical texts and practices. 
During the reigns of Tsar Alexis and his successors there were 
enacted a variety of laws and decrees limiting die social and 
religious rights of die Old Believers. 
For dieir part, die Old Believer community split into 
competing groups; the principle division being between those 
who accepted a hierarchy of priests and bishops and those who 
Anton S. Beliajeff (deceased). Library of Congress, Washington, D.C, 
20540 
did not. The bezpopovtsy rejected hierarchy because diey 
believed diat the changes instituted by the established church 
had broken the Apostolic Succession by heretical practices. 
The popovtsy accepted hierarchy because they believed that 
some legitimate succession was possible nonetheless.^ 
Nineteendi-century records from Nizhnii Novgorod testify to 
the central role of copper-alloy icons in the religious practices 
of both major Old Believer groups. An 1854 estimate of die 
number of Old Believer metal icons and crosses in Nizhnii 
Novgorod province speculates that if they were all melted 
down they would provide enough copper to cast cannon for at 
least one artillery brigade. An indispensable feature of an Old 
Believer's house was a copper "eight-edged" cmcifix (exam?
ples of which are prominendy featured in the exhibit) or an icon 
over a gate. Popovtsy always had at least a brass cmcifix in the 
icon comer. Among the Pomorians, a bezpopovtsy group, a 
greater proportion of both icons and crosses were of metal. 
Some of the smaller bezpopovtsy groups, such as the 
filippovtsy, had an even larger proportion of brass icons and 
sometimes used diem exclusively. These icons often were 
embedded in wooden tablets.'* 
Despite die production of hundreds of thousands of cast 
icons, the authorities had not altogedier abandon the prohibi?
tion against them. Police reports on Moscow Old Believers as 
late as 1846 note that "the casting of copper icons, as is known, 
is forbidden by law."^ Though die selling of copper-alloy icons 
and crosses remained technically illegal, trade in them was 
conducted openly. The one exception was crosses made by the 
Wanderers, stranniki. a small Old Believer group considered 
dangerous by the govemment because of their strident 
anti-establishment views.^ 
Attempts by the authorities to control die Old Believers 
included die seizure of both metal and non-metal icons from 
Old Believer chapels and homes. RI. Mel'nikov (who, 
ironically, wrote ethnographical novels about Old Believers 
under the pen name of Andrei Pecherskii) participated, by his 
own account, in the closure of chapels and the removal of "tens 
of diousands of icons."^ An ukaz of die Holy Synod, dated 30 
April 1858, mandated die seizure of icons and books during 
searches of suspected Old Believer homes and chapels. Private 
17 
18 SMITHSONTAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
icons that were deemed sufficientiy Ordiodox were sent back to 
die owners, while diose from chapels were eidier desd-oyed or 
handed over to parishes of the edinoverie. a branch of Old 
Believers diat joined the official Ordiodox church and dius 
were permitted to follow the old ritual.^ One example of these 
seizures occurred on 2 January 1854, when the head of the 
Nizhnii Novgorod province took cast copper icons from a 
house occupied by an Old Believer monk and nuns.^ Old 
Believer icons being sent abroad were also sometimes seized at 
die borders of die Russian Empire. ^ ? 
Legal prohibitions notwidistanding, die manufacture and 
trading of copper-alloy icons continued unabated in the 
eighteendi and nineteenth centuries. While die industrial and 
commercial history of copper-alloy icons has yet to be written, 
enough material does exist to give a good idea of their quantity, 
geographical disd^ibution, and value in die marketplace. 
The earliest center of Old Believer copper-alloy icon 
production was in die north, in die region called Pomor'e by die 
shores of the White Sea. This region gave its name to one of the 
branches of the bezpopovtsy. the pomortsy or Pomorians. 
Andrei Denisov, one of the founders of the Pomorian Vyg 
Community, located on the Vyg River, drew up the following 
mles for its treasurer: 
In the copper foundry the treasurer must check that all work, whether copper or 
silver, is done under his authority. The treasurer must write down how much 
copper is given to the copper foundry as well as how many leaves [of diptychs 
and triptychs] and crosses are obtained from it and how many are distributed to 
the brotherhood." 
Only a few Old Believer metal icons carry dates. The earliest 
dated metal icon from die Vyg Community was made in 1719. 
This triptych includes, among other saints, SS. Zosima and 
Savvatii, who were especially venerated in die Nordi as die 
founders of die Solovetsk monastery. Anodier dated icon from 
Vyg, a deesis, carries die date 1731. The metal used at Vyg was 
brass (latun), and some icons were given a golden sheen by 
passing diem dirough fire. The earliest ones were not enameled, 
however, enameling soon became the general practice. Icons at 
Vyg were cast at two fumaces. Polishing and enameling took 
place in a separate building. Tradition says that the covers and 
buckles for books were also cast at Vyg.'^ 
Historians know the names of some casters of copper-alloy 
icons. For example, Vasilii Evsd^atov from Novgorod is known 
to have worked widi his nephew at Sheltoporozhskii skit, a 
Pomorian hermitage near Vyg. At Vyg itself, Vasilii Petrov and 
Gorbun cast icons of the Twelve Feasts, as well as small icons 
with and widiout enamel, ^ ^ 
The guiding rule for icon-painters and casters at Vyg was 
enunciated in the 1780 Confession of Faith of the Pomorian 
Fathers: 
We order that icon masters paint and copper masters cast from ancient models 
according to church tradition upheld by all. with the royal and theological 
inscriptions as they are on holy, miracle-working crosses, namely?King of 
Glory Jesus Christ Son of God, etc.''' 
The ti*ade in metal icons at Vyg was sustained, in part, by Old 
Believer pilgrims from other areas. The Vyg Community also 
sent out its own agents to sell copper-alloy icons and odier 
religious goods throughout the Empire, As die traffic in metal 
icons grew, the role of the Vyg Community shifted from 
production to distribution.^^ By 1835, some years before die 
Tsarist audiorities suppressed the monastic community, Vyg 
had organized die casting of metal icons in various parts of die 
surrounding Povonets uezd. That year, Vyg obtained 5,000 
mbles from the sale of copper-alloy crosses alone.^^ 
Pomorian crosses, such as those produced at Vyg and die 
surrounding uezd. have certain distinguishing characteristics. 
The Vyg leader, A. Denisov, argued that the Pomorians 
followed die old Ordiodox tradition of casting copper crosses 
without Pontius Pilate's inscription. This is the major distinc?
tion between Pomorian crosses and other Orthodox and Old 
Believer crosses. Yakov Sergeev, who visited the Vyg 
Community in 1737, wrote, "Pomorians do not bow to a cross 
with the inscription 'Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews'... but 
make diemselves cast ones with the inscription 'King of 
Glory', and to those they bow."^'' Pomorian crosses, in place of 
die initials IHUH corresponding to INRI in Latin, have 
IC XC UPb CBbI (Jesus Christ King of Glory). At die 
top of a Pomorian cross, a Vernicle replaces die Sabaoth.^ ^ The 
best way to understand diis is to refer to a cross (25819.026), 
where the inscription board contains the letters IC XC. 
Above the board are die letters LI,Pb CBbI and below it die 
usual letters CHT, B ^ I H (Son of God). 
Unlike the Pomorians, other Old Believer groups agreed 
with the position of the official Orthodox church that die proper 
inscription, or titlo. on die cross should be IHI^H. For 
example, the popovtsy joumal Tserkov' points out that 
die IHUH is based on Scripture and is mentioned in die 
Catechism, The same article goes on to acknowledge that die 
Pomorian inscription "Jesus Christ King of Glory" was also in 
use prior to the changes initiated by Patriarch Nikon in die 
1650s. However, it concludes that the veneration of die Cross 
per se is more important dian the specific inscription on it,^' 
The Theodosians (fedoseevtsy), a bezpopovtsy group, origi?
nally used IHUH, but gradually adopted the Pomorian 
inscription, also known as UC IX CB, However, a minor?
ity of die Theodosians still retained the original "four-letter 
dogma" after 1791, a distinction that gave them dieir name of 
titlovshchina. By the end of die nineteenth century, titlovshch-
ina were concentrated primarily in the provinces of Novgorod 
and St, Petersburg.^ 
The Pomorian Vyg Community was permitted to prosper 
under Peter die Great because of its contribution to die cmcial 
iron and copper industries. As these industries spread into die 
Urals during the eighteenth century, Old Believer metallurgical 
masters from Vyg and elsewhere migrated with it. The 
bezpopovtsy, located primarily in die nordi, tended to move east 
along the established frade routes. The popovtsy, who were 
concentrated more in the soudi, went eastward to die Urals and 
NUMBER 51 19 
Siberia along the Volga and Kama Rivers.^* 
The Old Believers clearly played a dominant role in the 
eighteenth-century Russian metallurgical industry. Their domi?
nance was particularly sfrong in the Urals, where they provided 
much of the labor force and most of the skilled masters. 
Building on their expertise and group solidarity, they soon 
established themselves as managers and owners as well. One 
Old Believer family, die Demidovs, controlled most Urals 
metallurgy by die early eighteenth century. They maintained 
close ties with the original Pomorian community at Vyg and 
supplied it with copper, gold, sdver, money, and stores. 
Extensive Demidov properties were later sold to Savva 
Yakovlev, a Theodosian. In fact, most of the metallurgical 
specialists, both in die Urals and in odier noted centers such as 
Olonets, Velikii Ustiug, and Tula, persisted in the Old Belief 
well into die nineteenth century .^ ^ 
Moscow, as can be expected, also became an important 
center in the manufacture and d-ading of metal icons, especially 
after 1771, when both the popovtsy and the bezpopovtsy 
became firmly established in die capital. Rogozhskoe cemetery 
became the focal point for the popovtsy and Preobrazhenskoe 
cemetery for the Theodosian bezpopovtsy. Crosses were cast at 
the Theodosian cemetery soon after its establishment.-^ 
Moscow was important in the manufacture and trade of a 
whole variety of religious goods. For example, the manufacture 
of hand-held copper censers with a cross on top, which were 
used exclusively by Old Believers, was concentrated in 
Moscow and Tula, the latter city having an ancient metal 
working tradition,^ 
Some names of Old Believers who cast copper-alloy crosses 
and icons in Moscow appear in police reports from the 1840s. 
The same reports indicate a large Old Believer demand for 
baptismal crosses. The Theodosian Ivan Trofimov was engaged 
in casting icons with his assistant Emel'ian Afanas'ev. One of 
Trofimov's colleagues, Vasilii Peterov was exiled to Siberia, 
where he continued to cast copper-alloy crosses and icons for 
Siberian Old Believers at a merchant's house in Tiumen'. Ignat 
Timofeev cast icons in large quantities for die bezpopovtsy. His 
icons and crosses were sold by merchants in places as diverse 
as St. Petersburg, Saratov, Kazan', and Tiumen'. The cast icons 
and crosses were sent from Moscow in units of poods. One 
pood, or 16.3 kilograms, was worth 75-80 mbles.^^ 
Minor Old Believer groups also had dieir own locations for 
casting eight-pointed crosses and icons. For example, the 
Wanderers {stranniki) appear to have done most of dieir casting 
near the village of Borodino in Tver' province.^^ The major 
spiritual center for diis group, the village of Sopelki, near 
Yaroslavl', also produced small metal icons. The Wanderers 
refused to venerate icons and crosses made by non-Wanderer 
hands.^^ 
By die middle of die nineteendi century the major areas for 
casting metal icons and crosses were the provinces of Moscow, 
Olonets, and Yaroslavl', as well as a number of places in die 
province of Nizhnii Novgorod, specifically Lyskov, Mu-
rashkino, and Mareseevo.^ Anodier manufacturing center was 
U'inskii Pogost, located in Guslitsy, a region not far from 
Moscow. The Kalikin collection, in The Hermitage, Leningrad, 
has a number of eighteendi-century Guslitsy icons that were 
cast from older, sixteenth century, bone or wood icons with a 
Vemicle on top. (Small icons of stone, wood, and bone were 
often used to make forms for metal-icon casting.)^^ 
The main center for die buying and selling of copper-alloy 
icons was the annual Nizhnii Novgorod Fair (iarmarka). The 
major sources for metal icons at die Nizhnii Novgorod Fair 
were Moscow, Pomor'e, and the provinces of Kostroma, 
Yaroslavl', and Nizhnii Novgorod. Collectors of antique 
religious objects came to the fair regularly. There were also 
year-round dealers in copper-alloy icons, prayer-ropes, and 
books, one such being Aleksii Vasil'ev Meledin, from 
Semenov in the area of Nizhnii Novgorod.^^ 
At the Nizhnii Novgorod Fair, traders sold their goods 
(icons, books, and religious items relating to the Old Belief) in 
die Sunduk Row, die stone arcades, and at the stalls near die 
Fair Bridge. In 1853 approximately 50 mbles worth of 
copper-alloy icons and crosses were bought by those with an 
historical interest and 1,500 mbles worth by Old Believers. The 
figures for painted icons were much higher. Old Believers paid 
a premium for painted icons showing dieir two-fingered sign of 
die cross and dieir spelling of die name of Jesus (IcycT> vs. 
regular iHcyc'b).''^  
The evidence clearly indicates that Moscow was the second 
most important center for trade in metal icons. Merchants 
routinely went on to Moscow following die Nizhnii Novgorod 
Fair.^ 2 For other areas diere is less information. There must 
have been a large workshop in the Baltic region at the end of die 
nineteendi century to account for die large number of 
copper-alloy icons and crosses unique to that area. These icons 
tend to be larger in size than any found in Russia proper and, 
according to one researcher, incorporate late nineteenth-
century elements.^^ 
One category of nineteenth-century copper-alloy icons 
called novodely (new goods) must be mentioned. Novodely 
were made for sale to people interested in antiquities and 
nostalgia. They fall into two categories: counterfeits made with 
old molds, and stylized objects made in an "Old Russian" style 
diat would deceive only a naive buyer. Bodi tended to differ in 
metal composition and color from die originals and tended to 
be relatively crude looking. They were often stamped rather 
dian cast.^ "^  
Old Believer copper-alloy icons are, according to one 
researcher: 
easily recognizable due to their refined precise decoration, detailed preparation 
of the surface. Old Believer articles never show signs of carelessness, 
conventionality, and vulgarization, such as one sometimes meets with in copper 
castings of other schools. Old Believer craftsmen . . . carefully retouched wilh 
a cutting tool wom casting molds. Therefore, their pieces always look as if they 
were made as one of a kind.^' 
20 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Notes 
'ANONYMOUS. Polnoe sobranie postanovlenii po vedomstvu pra-
voslavnogo ispovedaniia [Complete Collection of Regulations in the Depart?
ment of the Orthodox Faith], volume 3, number 999. St. Petersburg, 1875, 
pages 31, 32. For a decision regarding the poor quality of painted icons see 
volume 3, number 1076, pages 114, 115. 
^ i d . , volume 2, number 625, page 293. Such icons continued to survive 
in the churches, especially in the north and Siberia. See also A. SULOTSKH, 
"Istoricheskie svedeniia ob ikonopisanii v Sibiri." Chteniia v Imperatorskom 
obshchestve istorii i drevnostei rossiiskikh (ChOIDR), 1864. book 3. Smes', 
pages 45, 46; N.N. SEREBRENNIKOV, Permskaia dereviannaia skul'ptura 
(Penn', 1967), 97 pages. Much later, in May 1841, the Tomsk Spiritual 
Consistory forbade, in an order relating to the certification of icons, the selling 
of cast icMis and ordered the removal of such icons by civil authorities. One 
reason given for the clergy to discourage the use of cast or carved icons was the 
similarity of such use to Roman Catholic custom. Nevertheless, copper-aUoy 
icons were in widespread use in westem Siberia, and especially so among the 
local Old Believers, whose icons were occasionally confiscated by authorities. 
N.G. VEUZHANINA, "Novye dokumenty o reglamentatsii ikonopisaniia v 
Zapadnoi Sibiri," In Istochnikipo istorii russkogo obshchestvennogo soznaniia 
perioda feodalizma [Original Sources on the History of Russian Social 
Cognition in the Feudal Period] (Novosibirsk, 1986), pages 151, 153. 
^For a history of the eariy period of the Old Belief see S.A. ZENKOVSKY, 
Russkoe staroobriadchestvo. (Miinchen, 1970). The major Old Believer leader, 
Archpriest Awakum, was concemed about the matters of icon painting, see 
AWAKUM, "Selected Texts from the Book of Discourses,'^ Slavic (and East 
European) Review, volume 8, number 23 (December 1929), pages 249-258; N. 
ANDREYEV, "Nicon and Awakum (?i Icon-painting ,"/?evu? des Etudes Slaves, 
volume 38 (1961), pages 37-44; A. Jaaskinen, Ikonimaalari uskon ja mystikan 
/M/*A:/(Helsinki. 1984), pages 117-125. 
"?RI. MEL'NIKOV, "Otchet o sovremennom sostoianii raskola v Nizhego-
rodskoi gubemii," Deistviia Nizhegorodskoi Gubernskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi 
komissii (DNGUAK), volume 9. (1910). pages 260. 261. 264, 265. 
^ANONYMOUS, "Dnevnyia dozomyia zapisi o Moskovskikh ras?
kol'nikakh," ChOIDR, 1886, book. 1, page 151. [DaUy police reports on 
activities of Moscow Old Believers.] 
^ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK [Govemment reports], volume 9 (1910), page 
320. 
^P.I. MEL'NIKOV, "Zapiska o msskom raskole," O raskol' nikakh pri 
Imperatorakh Nikolae I i Aleksandre II (Berlin, 1904), page 81. 
'ANONYMOUS, "Zhumaly nizhegorodskogo gubemskogo statislicheskogo 
komiteta" [Reports from the Nizhnii-Novgorod State committee], Nizhne-
gorodskii sbornik, volume 6 (1877). pages 276-278. Family or private icons 
were still kept in Old Believer chapels as can be seen in the request of the 
peasants of the Danilov settlement (Vyg) in 1843 to obtain their personal icons 
from those seized at the chapel. ChOIDR, 1862, book 4, pages 48, 49. 
'ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 162. [Govemment 
rqwrts.] 
'"M.I, USPENSKII, V.I. USPENSKII, and A.I. USPENSKII. "Ocherk tserkov-
nykh drevnostei goroda Rigi," Trudy 10-go arkheologicheskogo syezda v Rige, 
volume 3 (1896). pages 139. 140. 
"V.G. DRUZHININ, " K istorii krest'ianskogo iskusstva XVIII-XIX vekov v 
Olonetskoi gubemii (Khudozhestvennoe nasledie Vygoretskoi Pomorskoi 
obiteli." Izvestiia Akademii Nauk SSSR (IAN), 1926. page 1484. See also the 
January section of Staroobriadcheskii tserkovnyi kalendar' (STK) [Old 
Believers' church calendar]. 1973. page 10. For a full-length study on the Vyg 
Community see R.O. CRUMMEY. The Old Believers and the World of Antichrist 
(Madison. 1970), 258 pages. 
'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926), page 1483. 
'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926), page 1485. The location of the foundry is 
shown in an eighteenth-century Pomorian plan of the Vyg settlement, see STAT 
(1968) [Old Believer church calendar], page 9. The collection of Fedor 
Antonovich Kalikin (1876-1971). an Old Believer himself and a restorer, 
contains a number of Vyg icons, whose dates he established, including an 
eighteenth-century Mother of God "Passion" icon with a jutting crown, see 
M.N. PRINTSEVA. "Kollektsiia mednogo lit'ia F.A. Kalikina v sobranii Otdela 
istorii msskoi kul'tury Ermitazha." Pamiatniki kul'tury - Novye otkrytiia 1984. 
1986, page 405. On Kalikin, see M.I USFENSKH, and V.L UsPENSKII. "Pamiati 
F.A. KaUkina," STTK (1973), pages 79. 80. 
'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926). page 1486. 
'^ANONYMOUS. Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' [Encyclopedic Dictionary], (St, 
Petersburg, volume 7a, 1892), page 487. In the north. coH>er-alloy crosses were 
attached to chasoven'ki. wooden posts or crosses, placed beside roads, at 
crossroads, and at the entrance to villages. In the cemeteries, posts with 
triangular tops had crosses attached to the top and small icons nailed to the post 
itself, see S.I. DMITRIEVA. "Mezenskie kresty." Pamiatniki kul'tury - Novye 
otkrytiia 1984, 1986. page 465. 
' ^ e medium of exchange in thirteenth century Russia was the drivna. The 
word mble comes from the Russian rubit', which means "to chop." The mble 
was equal to '/2 of a drivna. A drivna was worth 200 grams of silver, therefore, 
one mble was worth 100 grams of silver. In the sixteenth century one mble 
equaled '/3 of a drivna; in the seventeenth century one mble equaled 48 grams 
of silver, in 1698 it was worth 28 grams of silver, and in the eighteenth century 
one roble was worth 18 grams of silver. 
'^ANONYMOUS, IAN (1926). page 1484. Regarding other images, the 
Pomorian Ignatii Beglets (meaning ranaway or fugitive) taught that copper-
alloy panels depicting the Twelve Feasts should not be venerated, thereby 
forming a separate group within the Pcwnorians, N.I. KOSTOMAROV. "Istoriia 
raskola u raskol'nikov." Vestnik Evropy, 1871. book 4, page 515. 
'*S.V. MAKSIMOV, Brodiachaia Rus' Khrista-radi. In Sobranie sochinenii 
[The Collective Woiks of S.V. Maksimov]. volume 6 (1896). page 170. See. for 
example. Kunz collection number 25819.026. Pomorian cast icons are 
mentioned by M. Gor'kii in his V liudiakh (Moscow. 1948), page 158. See also 
the 21 Febmary 1848 entry in ChOIDR, 1892, book 2. page 178. 
"ANONYMOUS, Tserkov', 1912, number 52, page 1256. 
^^P.S. SMIRNOV, Istoriia russkogo raskola staroobriadchestva (St. Peters?
burg, 1895), page 110; Johannes Chrysostomus OSB [Order of St. Benedict], 
"Weniger bekannte Gmppen imder den mssischen Altglaubigen." Kirche im 
Osten, band 21/22 (1978/1979). pages 249. 250. 
^^S. ZENKOVSKY. "Staroobriadtsy tekhnokraty gomogo dela Urala." Zapiski 
Russkoi akademicheskoi gruppy v SShA, volume 10 (1976). pages 158. 159. 
22lbid., pages 161. 166.171. 
^F.V. LIVANOV. Raskol'niki i ostrozhniki (St. Petersburg, 1872). volume 4, 
page 35. 
2^AN0NYM0US, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910). page 266. [Govemment 
Report.] 
"ANONYMOUS, ChOIDR, 1885, book 3, page 52; 1886. book I. pages 125, 
126. The published version of the police reports was poorly edited according to 
a later researcher. In the actual document, Ignat Timofeev appears as Ignat 
Timokhin, see P.G. RYNDZIUNSKII, "Staroobriadcheskaia organizatsiia v 
usloviiakh razvitiia prcmiyshlennogo kapitahzma (na primere istorii Mos-
kovskoi obshchiny fedoseevtsev v 40-kh godakh XDC v.)," Voprosy istorii 
religii i ateizma, volume 1 (1950), page 223. 
^V. SKVORTSOV, Ocherki tverskogo raskola i seklanstva (Moscow. 1895). 
page 50. 
^^MAKSIMOV. op. cit, pages 258, 259. In some provinces bezpopovtsy 
preferred copper-alloy icons exclusively, while popovtsy accepted painted and 
cast icons, see Obozrenie Permskogo raskola (St. Petersburg, 1863). pages 175. 
176. The same author also says that the bezpopovtsy did not accept crosses with 
images of Sabaoth or the Holy Spirit. 
^RI. MEL'NIKOV, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 261; ANONYMOUS, 
DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910). page 325. [Govemment reports.] 
2'PRINTSEVA. op. cit., pages 405, 406. 
^"ANONYMOUS, DNGUAK, volume 9 (1910), page 314. [Govemment 
report.] 
"Ibid., pages 321-323. 
' ^ i d . , page 320. 
NUMBER 51 21 
''M.M. KRASILIN, "Obsledovanie pamiatnikov izobrazitel'nogo iskusstva 
na territorii Latviiskoi SSR (drevnerasskaia zhivopis' i ee traditsii v XVIII-XX 
w.)," Khudozhestvennoe nasledie, volume 10, number 40 (1984), page 215. 
'"?Printseva, op. cit., page 406. 
^^Ibid., page 405. An extreme position was taken by Afanasii Ivanov 
Nokhrin, an Old Believer who taught in the village of D'ino, near the Lower 
Urals, and insisted that one should not bow to copper-aUoy cmcifixes and icons, 
for they are idols, N.N. POKROVSKn, AntifeodaV-nyi protest uralo-sibirskikh 
krest'ian-staroobriadtsevv XVIIIV. (Novosibirsk, 1974), pages 189, 190. For 
a thorough discussion and additional information on Old Believers and 
copper-alloy icons, see the following articles by M.N. PRINTSEVA: "Pamiatniki 
melkoi mednolitoi plasdki v sobranii Gosudarstvennogo muzeia istorii religii i 
ateiTinei," Nauchno-ateisticheskie issledovaniia v muzeiiakh (Leningrad. 1983), 
pages 35-49; "K voprosu ob izuchenii staroobriadcheskogo mednogo lit'ia v 
muzeinykh sobraniiakh," Nauchruj-ateisticheskie issledovaniia v muzeiakh 
(Leningrad. 1986). pages 47-68. 
Iconographic Form and Content in the Kunz Collection 
Basil Lefchick 
We may encounter the "minor" devotional crosses and icons 
of die Kunz collection unaware that they are, in microcosm, 
embodiments of a vast and profound reservoir of art only 
recendy "discovered" by die West. It is an art form almost 
exclusively religious in content and function?a Christian art 
intended to move believers to prayer, meditation, and "change 
of heart" (metaruyia in Greek), The primary sources of its 
content are the Old and New Testaments, and die liturgical 
texts and the hagiography of the Orthodox Catholic church. 
Iconography Defined 
"Iconography" is die term used to identify this representa?
tional art of Christian content. The term "icon" derives from the 
Greek word for "image" (eikon). Used as a technical term, it 
designates the sacred liturgical art of the Orthodox church that 
fused elements from Rome, the Hellenistic world, and from the 
East "welded together and tempered by the direct influence of 
die new Christian faith."^ 
"Byzantine Art" is the conventional tide identifying this art 
of the Orthodox church. While conventional, the term 
"Byzantine" is a modem scholarly invention not used by diose 
it means to identify. From the fourdi to the fifteenth centuries 
the representatives of this tradition would have identified 
diemselves simply as "Romans." 
Historical Overview 
The main center of Byzantine art was die city of Constantin?
ople, "New Rome," as it was called. Due to its location "at die 
very eastem extremity of Europe, and on the only direct sea 
route between Russia and the Black Sea to the north and 
Greece, Syria, Italy, Egypt, and all die rich and powerful area to 
die south,"^ developments widiin die artistic currents of 
Constantinople radiated out along the d^ ade routes to shape die 
work of artists throughout the Byzantine world. 
Aldiough icons were executed in mosaic, fresco, and egg 
tempera and ranged in scale from monumental mosaics to 
miniature illuminations in manuscripts, sculpture was reduced 
Basil Lefchick. Center for the Arts and Religion, Wesley Theological 
Seminary, 4500 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C. 
to a minor role. Sculpture was deemed unsuitable for the 
interior decoration of churches as they had to be kept 
unobstmcted for liturgical purposes. 
Byzantine Art Theory 
The underlying theory of art embraced by Byzantine artists 
was based on Plotinus who was, as Steven Runciman points 
out, "obsessed" with light: "Beauty of colour derives from the 
conquest of the darkness inbom in matter by the pouring-in of 
light, the unembodied."^ The Byzantines, so fascinated by the 
varying effects of light, "equated colour with the intensities of 
light.'"^ For this reason, mosaic was considered the perfect 
medium through which to express the "Light" of the Gospel. 
While the mosaic medium and its monumental application 
were pafronized by no less dian the emperor himself, the need 
for "accessibility" led simple believers and sophisticates to 
seek personal icons for their own domestic devotions. This led 
to the development of "minor" religious art diat mimicked in 
reduction the monumental art of the church. 
Typical Aspects of Byzantine Art 
Found in the Kunz Collection 
Although I shall not attempt an exhaustive analysis of every 
item in die collection, it is hoped that a selection of die main 
"types" of images will provide a sense of the interaction of 
theology and art unique to diis tradition. One should derive a 
sense of the collective creative mind behind these devotional 
objects. 
ICONOGRAPHIC INSCRIPTIONS.?It will be noted diat inscrip?
tions appear in either Greek or Old Church Slavonic letters. 
This is understandable when it is recalled that Christianity was 
brought to Russia by Greek missionaries sent from Constantin?
ople. These missionaries brought not only the faidi but also a 
culture and the prerequisites for literacy. 
During the second half of die nindi century, two Greek 
brothers from Thessalonica, St. Cyril and St. Mediodius, were 
sent as missionaries to the Slavs. In order to translate the Bible 
and service books into Slavonic, they first had to invent a 
suitable Slavonic alphabet. Based on the Greek alphabet, their 
"Cyrillic" alphabet opened the world of literature to the 
22 
NUMBER 51 23 
Russians and other Slavs. 
Not only literature but die world of art was opened to die 
Slavs. The Grand Prince of Kiev, Vladimir, was converted to 
Christianity around 988. He began in eamest the process that 
would eventually make Ordiodoxy die state religion of Russia. 
Greek artists were summoned to create die mosaics and 
frescoes to adom newly built churches. Initially, the Greek 
artists probably executed their inscriptions in Greek. Later, 
Greek and parallel Old Church Slavonic inscriptions existed 
side by side. Eventually, when Russian disciples became 
master iconographers themselves, widi few exceptions dieir 
inscriptions were in Old Church Slavonic alone. 
Inscriptions identifying images of Christ and the Mother of 
God retained the Greek. This conservative attitude toward 
Greek inscriptions for the most important figures does serve to 
show an historical continuity with the origins of Christianity in 
Russia. 
THE CROSS.?As the historically preeminent symbol of 
Christianity, the image of the cross was always a devotional 
priority for believers. This was d^e for Russians as well as 
Greeks. The present collection contains eight examples varying 
in compositional detail and degree of omamentation. All are 
traditional eight-pointed designs. The simplest (25819.037) 
shows die figure of Christ with two attendant angels. The most 
complex version (25819.006) surrounds the corpus with a 
framework of miniature panels depicting individual saints. 
Four of the pannels depict Dominical Feasts: the Meeting in die 
Temple, the Entrance into Jemsalem, the Resurrection, and the 
Ascension of Christ, In addition, there are two renderings of die 
Holy Trinity, one "canonical" and one "noncanonical" in form. 
Among the cmcifixes exhibited, diere appear to be two 
divergent styles used to render the corpus. The first depicts die 
corpus in a highly stylized, almost "stick-figure" form 
(25819,003; 25819,004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 25819.054). 
In two cases (25819.006 and 25819.009) die corpus is 
surrounded by multiple figures. None of these multiple figures 
exhibit the peculiarly skeletal rendering of the corpus. The 
question arises as to whether this d'eatment of die corpus is 
intentional, and if so, what is the rationale behind this 
rendering? 
One possible answer is that die emaciated depiction of die 
corpus was used to emphasize the aspect of Christ's suffering 
on the cross. If so, how does interest in Christ's suffering fit 
into the dominant tradition of de-emphasizing the physical 
sufferings of Christ on die cross in order to stress His 
"exaltation" on the "Life-giving" Cross? 
Bodi 25819.032 and 25819.037 show a remarkably "natural?
istic" approach to rendering Christ's body. The corporeality of 
Christ's figure is firmly stated. The figure suggests both weight 
and bulk; it has none of the "dematerializing" stylization of die 
previously considered crosses. These two "naturalistic" render?
ings would be at home in the context of Westem religious art. 
This last observation raises the issue of the influence of 
Westem religious art on die iconographic d-adition. The 
Westem image of the cross emphasizes both the corporeality of 
Christ's figure and die aspect of physical suffering. That this 
Westem tradition affected Orthodox iconography is very clear 
from history. In 1551 die great "Council of die Hundred 
Chapters'' was held in Moscow precisely to curb the growing 
influence of sects and die dissemination of Westem forms of 
piety and religious thought. The reign of Peter the Great 
(1682-1725) has been described as "an age of ill-advised 
westemization in Church art. Church music, and dieology."^ 
It is beyond the scope of the present commentary to explore 
this issue fully. The question does recommend itself as an apt 
research project bearing on the religious and cultural interac?
tion of Orthodox (Eastem) and Latin (Westem) piety, religious 
thought, and artistic expression. 
Despite the range of variation of detail, certain features are 
found consistently in all die crosses discussed above. These 
common features are the keys to understanding the particular 
"vision" of the cross inherited by the Russian church from 
Byzantium. 
The basic configuration of the crosses (three horizontal bars) 
reflects a very ancient tradition considered "die most authentic 
one in die East as well as die West."^ The topmost crosspiece 
corresponds to die phylactery bearing Pdate's inscription: 
"Jesus the Nazarene, King of die Jews." The lower crosspiece 
is a foot-support (suppedaneum) to which both feet were nailed 
separately. The use of four nails in the cmcifixion scene is 
found as far back as the illuminations of the Rabbula Gospels, 
written at Zagba in eastem Syria in 586 A.D. 
The oblique inclination of die suppedaneum upward to 
Christ's right, and downward to his left, has been given various 
symbolic readings; a "balance beam" of justice, for example, 
weighing the repentance of the "good" thief against die 
obduracy of the unrepentant thief. 
In addition to the phylactery inscription, other traditional 
inscriptions appear. Five of the crosses (25819,003; 25819,004; 
25819,006; 25819,009; 25819.026) bear the Johannine text: 
"And when I am lifted up from the earth, I shall draw all men 
to myself" (John 12:32). This is one of the "keys" to die heart 
of the Orthodox church's vision of the cross. This vision is 
based fundamentally on the gospel of John. For John, Christ's 
cmcifixion is his glorious exaltation. In this moment he 
destroys the power of sin and death over mankind with his own 
perfect act of self-sacrifice. 
Anodier telling detail of Russian Orthodox crosses is the 
posture of the figure of Christ. It is not die posture of a body 
slumped in defeat but, on the contrary, it is a figure that stands 
in an open-arm gesture of embrace and self-offering. 
Christ's divine nature is affirmed by die Greek letters (OOH 
inscribed widiin His halo. Taken from the Greek version of the 
Old Testament (Septuagint), this inscription quotes Exodus 
3:14 in which, in response to Moses' request to know God's 
name, the Lord identifies Himself as " WOH ": "I am; that is 
who I am" (New English Bible). Found exclusively on images 
of Christ, diis inscription expresses Orthodox christological 
24 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
and Trinitarian doctrine. 
In addition to the element of John's dieological vision is die 
Pauline contribution: Jesus, on the cross, "emptied himself" 
{ekenosen eauton) of his divine glory and took upon himself the 
"condition" or "form" of a servant (Philippians 2:5-7). This 
notion of "kenosis" became a powerful and distinctive feature 
of Russian Orthodox spirituality from medieval times. 
Anodier Johannine feature of the typical Russian Orthodox 
cross is the inseparability of Cross and Resurrection. Several 
crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 
25819.026) bear the inscription: "Before your cross we bow 
down, O Master, and your Holy Resurrection we glorify." This 
is a citation from the liturgical text for the feast of the 
Exaltation of the Cross (14 September) and the diird Sunday of 
die Great Fast preceding Easter. The preeminent position of the 
Resurrection in the dieological, liturgical, and artistic life of the 
Russian Orthodox church is attested to by these crosses. 
Other details are noteworthy. The depiction, for example, of 
a stylized Sun and Moon (25819.026) or "Day" and "Night" 
represents die visible world stmck dumb by die death of die 
"Source of Life." The antiquity of diis detail is demonstrated by 
die Rabbula Gospels (586 A.D.). These two symbols, redolent of 
die Genesis Creation, express die Pauline emphasis on die 
"cosmic" dimensions of Christ's death and resurrection. 
Victory over Death and Hades (Sheol in Hebrew) is 
symbolized by a cavem at the foot of the cross, below the rocky 
summit of Golgodia. John Chrysostom"^ (344-407), bishop of 
Constantinople, mentions die belief that the skull within 
Golgodia's cavem was that of Adam. As John points out in his 
Gospel (John 19:17), in Hebrew, "Golgodia" means "the place 
of the skull." 
In spite of its apocryphal origin, this detail reflects a 
significant New Testament christological theme: " The redemp?
tion of the first Adam by the blood of Christ, die New Adam, 
who made himself man to save the human race."* 
The Cyrillic initial letters " MAPB " at die foot of the cross 
stand for the words: "die place of the skull became Paradise." 
This reinforces the image of the triumphant King who 
transforms the barren execution grounds into Paradise. This 
additional note of victory is repeated in the Greek inscription: 
" IC XC HMKA" ?"Jesus Christ Conquers" (25819.003; 
25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 25819.032). 
A pair of angels hover above the figure of Christ in a number 
of crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009; 
25819.026; 25819.037; 25819.054). Their attitude is portrayed 
in the services of Great and Holy Friday: "Before your precious 
cross, O Lord, the angelic hosts were stunned while soldiers 
mocked you..." (Third Hour, 4th Plagal Tone). The detail of die 
cloaks diey hold suggests dieir role as attendants in service to 
dieir Lord now crucified. The heavenly hosts are additionally 
depicted in the six-winged seraphim (25819.004; 25819.006; 
25819.009; 25819.026; 25819.032). 
Several crosses (25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 
25819.009) are crowned by "noncanonical" images of God die 
Father. He is depicted as an old man identified by the tides "the 
ancient of days" or "the Lord Sabaodi." Other crosses 
(25819.026; 25819.032; 25819.037) depict the image of 
Christ's face "Not Painted by Hands," also known as the "Holy 
Napkin" (Mandylion in Greek). 
THE IMAGE "NOT MADE WITH HANDS",?^The image of 
Christ's face "Not Made with Hands" was believed to be a 
miraculous imprint of the face of Christ discovered at Edessa, 
Syria in 544, In the West, diis is known as the legend of 
"Veronica's Veil," Once "discovered," die original was 
transferred to Constantinople in 547, It dien became die 
palladium of the city. 
Despite die shell of legend, die dieological core of this image 
is die affirmation that Christian iconography was to depict 
revealed Tmth "Not Made with Hands." This is the foundation 
of die Church's "program" for its art. 
THE TRINITY ICON.?^That the "program" or "Tradition" can 
be violated is illustrated by the previously mentioned images of 
die Fadier. The canonical tradition of iconography stricdy 
forbids die direct depiction of God die Father except through an 
image of His Son. This prohibition is based on the words of 
Jesus: "To have seen me is to have seen the Fadier, so how can 
you say, 'Let us see the Father?'" (John 14:9), 
The "canonical" image of the Father was created by 
depicting Christ endowed with an awesome expression 
suggesting die Creator's visage. This is Christ "Pantocrator" 
("All Powerful"). Traditionally, diis image occupied die central 
dome of churches to stare down upon the faidiful far below as 
diey looked up at an image of the Creator and Judge of the 
world. 
Perhaps die principal factor leading to the break with die 
canonical tradition was the person of Peter the Great 
(1682-1725). Peter's forceful imposition of Westem culture 
upon Russia included the introduction of Westem religious art 
that conflicted with die canonical tradition in both style and 
content. 
Historically, diese noncanonical images of die Holy Trinity 
depicted the Father direcdy for the first time. Several crosses in 
the Kunz collection depict the noncanonical version 
(25819.003; 25819.004; 25819.006; 25819.009). An old man 
represents the Fadier in the company of Christ the Son and die 
Spirit in the form of a dove. 
In at least one case (25819.006), the noncanonical version 
appears along widi die canonical image of the Trinity in die 
form of die three angel-visitors to Abraham and Sarah. The 
canonical version represents the three divine persons symboli?
cally. As Leonid Ouspensky points out: "The almost identical 
faces of the Angels emphasize the single nature of die diree 
Divine Persons and also show that this icon in no way pretends 
to represent concretely each person of the Holy Trinity."' 
The canonical Trinity appears on the crests of several icons 
in the present collection (25819.088; 25819.091; 25819.099; 
25819.101; 25819.102; 25819.139; 25819.141; 25819,269; 
25819.271). It is noteworthy diat, despite the condemnation of 
NUMBER 51 25 
die noncanonical image of the Trinity by the great Moscow 
Council of 1667, this entrenched version has endured to this 
very day. 
THE RESURRECTION ICON.?As previously mentioned, die 
dieological complement to the Cmcifixion image is that of die 
Resurrection (25819.262). While illustrations of die Resurrec?
tion first utilized the Gospel narrative of die myrrh-bearing 
women at the tomb (Dura Europus, 232 A.D.), die second 
earliest form was die "Descent into Hades." This image is 
found on one of the ciborium columns of St. Mark's in Venice, 
Italy, dating from the 6th century. 
Because the New Tbstament is silent about the actual 
moment of Christ's Resurrection, this moment is never 
depicted in the canonical fradition. The scriptural "locus" for 
diis image was found in I Peter 3:18, 19: "In the body he was 
put to death, in the spirit he was raised to life, and, in the spirit, 
he went to preach to the spirits in prison," 
The copper icon of die descent into Hades (25819.262) 
shows Christ trampling underfoot die shattered gates of Hades 
to set free its captives?all who have died from the time of 
humanity's protoparents, Adam and Eve. Christ extends his 
hand to raise Adam from the open tomb as Eve looks on. 
Usually, space permitting, the figure of Christ is surrounded by 
die kings of Israel David and Solomon, Moses, John the 
Baptizer, and the righteous women and men of the Old 
Testament. They are depicted in the moment of recognizing the 
triumphant Messiah whom they prophesied and for whom they 
had waited. 
This event, taking place in die "depths" of the earth, 
expresses the "depdi" of Christ's abasement (kenosis) and die 
cosmic dimensions of His victory over sin and death. 
THE ICON OF CHRIST IN GLORY.?While dieologically of 
paramount importance, the images of Cross, Resurrection, and 
Trinity are numerically in the minority compared to images of 
die Virgin. Icons of the "Mother of God" ("Theotokos" in 
Greek) indicate die prominent place of the Virgin in the 
devotion and religious psychology of the Russian church. To 
explain die widespread popularity of her image, we must tum to 
die image at die very core of the Byzantine religious mind?the 
image of Christ "in Glory" (25819.142; 25819.144; 
25819.273). 
The most awesome version of the Christ in Glory is that of 
die Pantocrator. As G.P. Fedotov has noted: 'The Pantocrator 
icon leads us to die very heart of Byzantine piety. It is the 
worship of the transcendent Almighty God whom sinful man 
can approach only in awe and terror."^^ 
At the point of being overwhelmed by the "Mysterium 
Tremendum" it is die image of the Theotokos to which 
believers tumed. Orthodox piety saw her as the humanly 
accessible advocate who could call on her Son's filial love to 
have mercy rather than to pass judgment. 
THE THEOTOKOS AS INTERCESSOR.?The first icon in die 
collection depicting the Theotokos as Intercessor is the icon 
entitled the "Protection of the Mother of God" (25819.269). 
The icon's details are derived from the life of St. Andrew, "die 
Fool in Christ" (died 956). His vita^^ recounts the appearance 
of the Theotokos in the church of Blachemes in Constantino?
ple. The Russian church, celebrating this event annually on 
October 1st, has always commemorated the "Protection" with 
special solemnity. 
In the account of St. Andrew, the Theotokos appears in the 
church's center, extending a shining veil of her protection over 
the faithful gathered widiin. As Queen of Heaven she is 
surrounded by a procession of saints. Below these figures 
stands die central figure of St. Romanos the Melodist. He holds 
an open scroll containing a Christmas hymn in honor of the 
Theotokos. 
The two key widiesses to the appearance, St. Andrew and St. 
Epiphanius, stand to die right of St. Romanos. In the top left 
comer is the figure of Christ in heaven, inclining toward the 
Virgin in response to her prayer. 
A second version of matemal intercession is the icon entitied 
"Joy of all who Sorrow," in Russian (25819.066; 25819.099; 
25819.146; 25819.281). This type of icon typically shows die 
central image of the Theotokos full-lengdi with outsd-etched 
arms. In her right hand she holds a scepter signifying her 
authority and power as Queen of Heaven. Flanking her are two 
angels whose obeisance expresses her exalted status above all 
"heavenly Powers." 
Clustered beneath her outstretched arms and prosdate at her 
feet are supplicants seeking her heavenly aid. If, as noted, the 
Byzantine image of Christ Glorified stressed the inaccessibility 
of the Transcendent One, accessibility and warmth were found 
in die image of the celestial Mother. 
G.P. Fedotov's commentary on the Theotokos is relevant 
here: 
The Russian Mary is not only the Mother of God or Christ but the universal 
Mother, the Mother of all mankind. In the first place she is of course Mother in 
the moral sense, a merciful protector, and intercessor for men before the 
heavenly Justice, the Russian version of redemption. But in another ontological 
sense she was really believed by the folk to be the Giver of Life to all 
creatures The extension and significance of her cult is evidenced by the 
number of churches consecrated to her name, her feasts celebrated, her icons 
venerated.'^ 
ICONS OF THE MOTHER AND CHILD.? In addition to die 
specifically intercessory images of the Theotokos, the present 
collection contains five of die main "types" of images showing 
die Theotokos and Child. I wdl begin with the most "formal" 
type and end with the most "intimate" type. The first depicts the 
Theotokos as "Queen of Heaven" and the last presents her as 
die ultimate "Modier." 
In the type called Hodigitria (a Greek tide die derivation of 
which is uncertain; in the Kunz catalog it is tided The Smolensk 
Mother of God), the Christ Child appears seated, erect, on his 
modier's left arm (25819.136; 25819.217). He is die Child-
Immanuel, rather dian a babe: his face reflects wisdom far 
beyond his tender years. The right hand of the Hodigitria is 
raised in a gesture of formal presentation, while she conveys a 
26 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
feeling of majestic detachment and imperial dignity. 
The Kazan Theotokos (25819.078; 25819.271) style first 
appeared in 1579 at Kazan, die capital of Tator Khanat. This 
icon played a significant role as die palladium of die Russian 
ttoops who liberated Moscow from the Poles in 1612, and in 
die War of 1812. 
The Kazan style icon is probably die most widespread icon 
of die Theotokos in Russia. It depicts her inclining her head 
toward her Child-Immanuel in a gesture of greater intimacy 
than die Hodigitria. She is characterized more as "Modier" than 
as "Queen." 
The Theotokos of the Passion (25819.139; 25819,141), 
Strastnaia, in Russian, first appeared in fourteenth century 
Serbian frescoes. Two angels bearing the instmments of 
Christ's Passion hover about modier and child. With both 
hands, the frightened child clutches his mother's right hand as 
he stares at the symbols of his coming fate. The inclined head 
of the Theotokos bespeaks a moumful resignation. 
The Theotokos of the Sign (25819.220; 25819.245) belongs 
to the "Orans" ("Praying") type of image as indicated by die 
figure's uplifted hands in a gesture of prayer. Christ appears on 
her breast eidier in a "mandorla" (circular or oval "glory") as in 
25819.220, or without the mandorla as in 25819.245. This type 
of image of die Theotokos is found as early as die fourdi 
century (Roman catacomb of "Cimitero Majore"). 
The image of the Theotokos with the Child-Immanuel in her 
bosom is the "sign" announced by Isaiah: "The Lord himself, 
therefore, will give you a sign. It is this: the maiden is with 
child and will soon give birth to a son who she will call 
Immanuel" (Isaiah 7:14). 
The Vladimir Theotokos (25819.106; 25819.130) is a type 
deriving its name from the Constantinopolitan painting brought 
to the Russian city of Vladimir in 1155. It was enshrined in die 
ancient Russian Chronicles where its every move was recorded. 
The Vladimir Theotokos was considered the palladium of the 
Russian people: "Throughout die centuries this icon gives its 
protection to the Russian people and is venerated as the greatest 
holy treasure of die nation."^^ 
The distinctive feature of the Vladimir icon is die intimate 
posture of modier and child. This feeUng of mutual "loving 
kindness" (Umileniye. in Russian) contrasts sharply with the 
solemn imperial majesty of the Hodigidia. 
The Vladimir Theotokos, as all "loving kindness" types of 
images of die Theotokos, had the greatest appeal for die 
Russian soul. Believers, often living through great national 
crises and personal afflictions, found deep psychological 
comfort in her image. The Virgin's compassion for her 
cross-destined son was transformed into motherly compassion 
for all creatures for whom her child would willingly give his 
life. 
The Russian believer saw in her the source of a joy for all 
created beings whose creatureliness she shared. It was a joy 
"derived from the consciousness and belief in die motherly 
intercession of the 'merciful heart' diat cannot bear die 
suffering to which these created beings are subjected."^"^ 
THE DEESIS.?The Deesis icon, while still including die 
element of the intercession of the Theotokos, is usually set 
apart to occupy a special place of its own. The tide "Defisis" is 
a Greek term meaning "prayer." It refers specifically to die 
grouping of the Theotokos to the right of the central figure of 
Christ in glory, with John the Baptizer to Christ's left 
(25819.142-25819.144; 25819.273). 
Frequendy in Russian icons the figure of the Theotokos is 
accompanied by the inscription: "On your right hand stands the 
Queen" (Psalm 44:9). This scriptural reference emphasizes die 
role of the Theotokos as the Heavenly Queen, 
St. John is included in die Deesis grouping as the last 
representative of die Old Testament prophetic witness to die 
coming Messiah. The open Gospel in Christ's hand proclaims 
the fulfillment of the prophetic expectation realized in his 
words and works. The configuration of Christ's right hand is an 
iconographic convention indicating die act of speaking; in this 
case, Christ speaks the words contained in the Gospel. 
A lower register in three of die Deesis icons (25819.142-
25819.144) contains busts of individual saints. In one case 
(25819.273), the enthroned Christ is surrounded by archangels 
and saints in the same Deesis posture of prayer. 
IMAGES OF SAINTS.?The intercessory role of saints? 
acknowledged paradigms of Christian life?springs from die 
directive found in die Epistle of James:".. .pray for one anodier, 
and this will cure you; the heartfelt prayer of a good man works 
very powerfully" (James 5:16,17). The logic of Ordiodox piety 
reasoned that if, as St, James teaches, the prayer of a "good 
man" works "very powerfully," how much more powerful will 
diat prayer be when that good man has passed dirough death to 
stand before God's throne among the "chosen"? For this 
reason, die Russian believer attached himself or herself to 
acknowledged heavenly victors over evil to obtain their aid. 
SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIZER.?The fact diat John is included 
in die Deesis unit is an indication of his special place in the 
hierarchy of the saints. Catalogue item 25819.083 depicts John 
as die winged "Angel in the Resh," an image expressing his 
ascetic (angelic) life and his role as "foremnner" of Christ. 
Some of die iconographic detads such as his untrimmed hair 
and beard, and his camel skin garment, are illustrations of his 
scriptural descriptions. 
In John's left hand he holds a bowl containing die infant 
Christ identified both by his cross-inscribed halo and the open 
scroll announcing: "Look, there is the lamb of God..." (John 
1:29). The imagery here links the biblical "spotless lamb" of 
Passover sacrificed to save Israel with Christ, die "Lamb of 
God" whose sacrificial ministry John announces. 
SAINT NICHOLAS.?Among Russians, St. Nicholas die 
"Wonderworker" has always been one of the most popular 
saints. His appeal was based on his depiction in die 
hagiography portraying him as a "kind and loving fadier ready 
at any moment to come to the rescue of those who call on 
him."i5 
NUMBER 51 27 
According to tradition, St. Nicholas accepted ordination to 
die episcopacy: "in order that one should live no longer for 
oneself but for others."^ ^  This "life for odiers" was die 
endearing feature of this beloved figure. 
The two traditional versions of the image of St. Nicholas are 
illusti-ated in the present collection. In the first (25819.066; 
25819.156; 25819.226; 25819.227; 25819.279; 1986.0574.01), 
die central image of Nicholas is flanked by the Savior with 
Gospel on one side and die Theotokos holding the bishop's 
identifying vestment, the "omophorion" (pallium), in her hand. 
The icon depicts a story told by St. Methodius (Patriarch of 
Constantinople, 842-846) of a vision of Christ and the 
Theotokos that Nicholas had before he was elected bishop. In 
the story, Christ hands Nicholas the Gospel while the 
Theotokos places the bishop's omophorion on his shoulders. 
The second version (25819.088; 25819.102; 25819.140) 
usually depicts a full-length Nicholas with a sword in his right 
hand and a church in his left. "The sword, the symbol of his 
spiritual armament, and the church emphasize here St. 
Nicholas' significance as an implacable fighter for purity of 
faidi and as protector from heresies of die flock entmsted to 
him,"i7 
SAINT PARASKEVA PL\TNITSA.?One of the most popular 
female saints among all Slavs from antiquity was the Great 
Martyr St. Paraskeva Piatnitsa (25819.057; 25819.223). To die 
Greek name "Paraskeva" given her at baptism to honour Friday 
(the day liturgically dedicated to Christ's Passion) is added its 
Russian translation: "Piatnitsa" (Friday). The use of this 
translated name added to the Greek baptismal name serves to 
link Paraskeva's death to the sufferings of Golgotha, 
The collection's icons show Paraskeva holding in her right 
hand the "weapon of her victory?the cross, symbol of 
following after die passion of Christ,"^* In her left hand an open 
scroll announces the "Symbol of Faith" (the Creed). This is a 
statement of her martyr's faidi. 
The Russian faidiful regarded St. Paraskeva as die patron of 
women's work and, as Friday was market day, she became the 
pafron of trade. 
THE ICON OF SAINT GEORGE.?Saint George ("husband?
man" in Greek) was the patron of agriculture, herds, flocks, and 
shepherds. One of the most popular icons of diis saint depicts 
him as "St. George the Victorious" sdiking down die legendary 
dragon who was worshipped widi child sacrifice. 
St. George appears dressed as a Roman, mounted, military 
commander. The fact diat his triumph is God-given is signified 
by the hand of Christ extended toward George out of an orb 
representing heaven. The Greek inscription for Jesus Christ 
usually makes this identification explicit. In the majority of 
instances, the spear George wields is surmounted with a cross 
to reinforce the statement that all victory over evil comes from 
Christ, The example at hand (25819,254) reduces die conven?
tional composition to its fundamental elements. 
THE ICON OF SAINT TIKHON.?Saint Tikhon of Zadonsk 
(1724-1783) was first a monk and later Bishop of Voronezh, 
He was known for his spiritual writings as well as his life of 
prayer and dedication to the poor, and in particular, to those in 
prison for crimes. It has been pointed out that Dostoevsky was 
inspired by this saint to create the Tikhon in his work, "The 
Possessed," The icon (25819,135) depicts the saint in his 
monastic dress holding a scroll representative of his writings. 
He was formally canonized in 1860, 
COLLECTIVE ICONS,?The term "collective icons" is applied 
to icons in which multiple figures of saints are grouped 
together. In our collection, these groupings frequendy appear 
on the outer panels of diptychs (25819.066; 25819.106; 
25819.130; 25819.136; 25819.139; 25819.141). Usually, die 
selection of the individual saints who were to be included was 
determined by die individual ordering a particular icon. A 
"Family Icon," for example, is a collective icon depicting the 
patron saint of each family member. 
THE TWELVE MAJOR FEASTS.?^There are twelve major 
feasts in the liturgical calendar of the Ordiodox church. These 
feasts celebrate major events in die life of Christ, His modier, 
and the life of the early church. They are celebrated on the 
following days according to die Gregorian calendar, or 13 days 
later according to the Julian calendar. 
The Nativity of the Mother of God (8 September) 
The Exaltation (or Raising Up) of the Honorable and 
Life-Giving Cross (14 September) 
The Entrance of the Modier of God into the Temple (21 
November) 
The Nativity of Christ (25 December) 
The Baptism of Christ in die Jordan (6 January) 
The Meeting of Our Lord in the Temple (2 Febmary) 
The Annunciation of the Modier of God (25 March) 
The Entrance of Our Lord into Jemsalem (Palm Sunday) 
The Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ (40 days after 
Easter) 
Pentecost (50 days after Easter) 
The Transfiguration of Our Saviour Jesus Christ (6 August) 
The Dormition (Falling Asleep) of the Modier of God (15 
August) 
With the sole exception of the Feast of Pentecost, die twelve 
major feasts are portrayed in icon 25819.055. The identity of 
these feast images would be apparent to one familiar with die 
Gospel narratives they illustrate (e.g., the Nativity of Christ, die 
Baptism of Christ, die Annunciation, etc.). 
The difficulty of identifying individual figures may be 
instanced in 25819.055. Two monks named "Anthony" and 
"Theodosius" flank the image of the Hodigitria Mother of God. 
In theory diese could be Anthony of Egypt (died 356) and 
Theodosius die Cenobiarch (died 529), both monks. In die 
context, however, of a Russian icon they are undoubtedly die 
Russian St. Anthony who founded the most famous monastery 
in all Russia (the Monastery of the Caves at Kiev, founded in 
1051), and St. Theodosius, Anthony's disciple, who is 
considered the founder of Russian monasticism. 
28 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Notes 
'DAVID TALBOT RICE, Byzantine Art (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin 
Books, Inc., 1960), page 16. 
^ i d , page 34. 
^STEPHEN RUNQMAN, Byzantine Style and Civilization (Marmondsworth. 
Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. Ltd.. 1981), page 37. 
"Ibid. 
'TIMOTHY WARE, The Orthodox Church (New York: Penguin Books, Inc.. 
1980). page 128. 
^LEONID OUSPENSKY AND VLADIMIR LOSSKY. The Meaning of Icons 
(Basle, Switzeriand: Otto Walter, Ltd., 1952). page 183. 
'JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. "On St. John. Homily 85, 1." In J.R Migne, editor. 
Patrologia cursus completus, series Graeca, volume 59, column 459. Paris, 
1862. 
^OUSPENSKY AND LOSSKY. op. cit.. page 205. 
Ibid, page 203. 
"HJEORGE P. FEDOTOV, The Russian Religious Mind (New Yoric: Harper 
and Row, Publishers. 1960). page 30. 
^"^Patrologia Graeca, columns 627-888. 
'^Fedotov. op. cit., page 361. 
'^OUSPENSKY AND LOSSKY op. cit.. page 94. 
'"Ibid, page 93. 
'^Ibid.page 124. 
'^Ibid.page 123. 
"Ibid. 
'?Ibid. page 138. 
The Technology and 
Conservation of the Kunz Collection 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola 
General Historical Background 
Small, cast copper-alloy Christian icons and crosses were 
known in Kiev by die tenth century. They arrived with 
Byzantine travellers, soldiers, and prisoners even before the 
Baptism of Rus' in 988. [For further discussion on die Baptism 
of Rus' see page 23. R.E.A.] 
Among the earlier examples of cast metal icons found in 
Russia are circular two-sided amulets called zmeeviki.^ These 
came to the attention of Russian scholars in the last century 
when they were uncovered by farmers plowing the land. Most 
zmeeviki are alloys of copper, lead, and tin, aldiough a few are 
reported to be made of gold or silver (Figure 4). One side of the 
medallion has a Christian symbol, such as the Mother of God, 
Christ, the archangel Michael, or a saint. The obverse side 
shows either entwined snakes, a human head with Medusa-like 
snake hair, or full human figures with snakes wrapped around 
them. The lettering on the medallions is frequendy Greek. 
Recent archeological studies of sites near Novgorod date these 
zmeeviki to the early twelfth century.^ 
Writing in the Journal of the Moscow Archeological Society 
in 1874, L.V. Dal' stated that rare zmeeviki icons were often 
found among Old Believers.^ He cited die biblical account of 
Moses who made a bronze serpent on a pole to explain why 
serpents often appear on these old copper icons, and he 
atdibuted die early popular belief that pectoral crosses should 
be made of copper to the same biblical source: 
Then the Lord told him. "Make a bronze replica of one of these snakes and 
attach il to the top of a pole; anyone who is bitten shall live if he simply looks 
at it!" So Moses made the replica, and whenever anyone who had been bitten 
looked at the bronze snake, he recovered! (Numbers 21:8. 9.) [See also note 4 
on page 16. R.E.A.] 
"But if you don't even believe me when I tell you about such things as these 
that happen here among men. how can you possibly believe if I tell you what is 
going cm in heaven? For only I, the Messiah, have come to earth and will retum 
to heaven again. And as Moses in the wilderness lifted up the bronze image of 
a serpent on a pole, even so I must tje lifted up upon a pole, so that anyone who 
believes in me wiU have eternal life. For God loved the world so much that he 
gave his only Son so that anyone who believes in him shall not perish but have 
etemal life. God did not send his Son into the world to condemn it. but to save 
it." (John 3:12-17.) 
Vera B. Espinola, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, D.C 20560. 
Metal crosses and icons excavated from twelfth century 
Moscow burial mounds (kurgans) attest to the rise of 
Christianity in the Moscow-Klyazma river basin area during 
that era. Some of these eleventh and twelfth century artifacts, 
however, retain pagan symbols such as a moon with a cross and 
a sun god, interpolating them with standard Christian images. 
This appears to confirm the presence of dvoyeverie or "dual 
belief," a practice diat persisted for some time despite die 
stmggle of die fledgling eleventh century Kievan church to 
suppress it. 
These recent archeological excavations yielded about forty-
two metal crosses and icons associated with the second half of 
die twelfth century. Among them are a dozen unique pectoral 
crosses, all of which are four-ended, with none bearing the 
figure of Christ."* Several have rounded ends, and one in 
particular is similar in shape to modem Russian baptismal 
crosses. Similar types of cruciforms were also excavated in 
Kiev and Novgorod (Figure 5). 
Information about the metals is limited, aldiough one cross is 
described as bronze and several as having designs in niello. 
Some crosses are said to be enameled, without any mention of 
type or color. Other cmciforms found in the Moscow region are 
called "Scandinavian" types, similar to those found in Latvia, 
Lithuania, Estonia, Norway, Sweden, and Finland.^ 
The Moscow sites also yielded six small twelfth-century 
bronze icons, diree of diem sfraight-edged and three round. The 
icons include one rare early example of the popular "Mother of 
Tendemess" or Umileniye type that represents the Mother of 
God and the Christ Child gazing upon one another widi loving 
kindness. The reverse of diis rare icon shows a six-ended 
cross.*^  
Mongol invasions of the thirteendi century dismpted the 
production of metal icons. During this time, miniature icons 
and crosses were carved of slate, steatite, wood, and bone.^ 
Ancient hoards, buried in moments of danger during the 
Mongol period (1237-1380), indicate not only die route of die 
incursions, but also provide scholars with valuable information 
about materials and technology. 
The old tradition of copper casting persisted until die 
seventeenth century in Novgorod and Pskov where the hordes 
of Khan Batu failed to penefrate. Some of these Novgorodian 
icons of the Mongol period and later can be seen in The 
29 
30 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
FIGURE 4.?^Three zmeevikiicons showing both sides; top and middle are copper, bottom is silver. (Tolstoy. 1888) 
NUMBER 51 31 
FIGURE 5.?^Twelfth century type four-ended baptismal cross, left (Tolstoy, 
1888); modem Russian baptismal cross, right. 
Hermitage collections in Leningrad.^ One distinctive feature is 
a "twisted rope" design in a flat border widi a small four-ended 
cross in a rhombus on the crest, similar to the icon of Saint 
George Slaying the Dragon (25819.254) in die Kunz collection. 
The end of the seventeenth century brought cultural and 
religious change and Westem influence to the Russian church 
and state. Some of diese events initiated a popular backlash 
from religious conservatives who came to be known as "Old 
Believers." In the century-and-a-half diat followed. Old 
Believers founded enclaves where they nurtured old Russian 
cultural and religious traditions and also came to dominate the 
production of copper icons and crosses. 
The Old Believers 
By 1666, liturgical changes and ensuing docti^ inal disputes 
separated the Russian church into two principal factions: those 
who adhered to the "old belief" championed by Archpriest 
Avvakum, and those who accepted the "reforms" diat Patriarch 
Nikon introduced in the established, state-approved Church. In 
1695, Old Believers fleeing from Novgorod established a 
self-sufficient secular-religious community in the basin of die 
river Vyg in the isolated Olonets region. The Vyg community 
was situated about 40 kilometers above the nordiemmost tip of 
Lake Onega in the general area of today's Baltic-White Sea 
Canal (Figure 6). 
Aldiough persecuted and heavily taxed by the State, the Vyg 
priestless (bezpopovtsy) Old Believer Pomorsky Community 
(Vygovskaya Pustyn') survived for 150 years until the 1840s. 
They were an industrious and economically successful people. 
Many were outstanding artisans, illuminating manuscripts and 
painting icons, binding books, carving wood, embroidering 
textiles in silk and gold, and casting in copper and enameling. 
Citing a so-called "decline" in their theologically "correct" 
appearance, a decree was issued by Czar Peter I on 31 January 
1723 forbidding the casting and sale of copper icons and 
crosses as well as dieir use in churches. It also called for die 
confiscation of all copper objects except for crosses wom on 
the person. Ignoring the bans, the casting of copper-alloy icons 
and crosses continued in Old Believer communities and 
became a Vyg specialty. 
Pomorsky Castings 
The Vyg community began casting copper-alloy religious 
objects at die tum of die eighteenth century and soon became 
noted for the excellent quality of dieir crosses, icons, Gospel 
covers, and clasps for religious manuscripts. The production 
volume was large enough so that Vyg artisans cast in two 
fumaces and polished and enameled the objects in a separate 
building. On 8 Febmary 1780, the Pomorian church fathers 
wrote that icons and crosses should be cast from old examples 
that retained their traditions, and that the crosses should have 
die abbreviation for: "King of Glory, Jesus Christ, Son of God," 
UPb CBbI IC XC CHTJ B ^ I M .9 The Pomorian direc?
tive was in response to the appearance of the in?
itials IHUH on some crosses, reflecting a growing Westem 
influence in eighteenth century Russia. This inscription was a 
literal tiranslation of the Latin initials I.N.R.I.: "Jesus of 
Nazareth, King of die Jews," the tide written in Latin, Greek, 
and Hebrew that Pontius Pilate had affixed to the cross. 
Documents from 1835 tell of entire villages in die 
copper-producing Povonets area diat cast copper icons and sold 
them to the leaders of die Vyg Community, who in tum 
distributed diem throughout Russia.^^ 
Folding icons with two, three, and four panels figured 
prominendy in the Pomorsky tradition. According to Druzhi?
nin, die style of the triptych covers denoted the period of 
manufacture.^ ^  The earliest covers were smooth. Those of the 
next period were engraved with a cross, occasionally encircled 
with an omamental frame. In the third period, the cross and the 
circle were cast in relief, and an image of the wall of Jemsalem 
appeared in the background. In die fourdi period, the circle 
became omamented and the image of the cross and the wall was 
enameled. Finally, the entire cover design changed: the cross 
was placed into an oval border widi twisted wires (skan), more 
omamental skan' appeared in the design, and die whole was 
enameled. 
Documents relating to the Vyg Community^^ describe 
devyatki (niners), which are diptychs portraying nine figures. 
Larger triptychs, depicting twelve feast days on diree panels, 
usually have a fourth panel illusd'ating four miraculous icons of 
the Mother of God. These often have a kokoshnik crest over 
each panel with yet another icon. An example is 25819.055 in 
die Kunz collection. The Vyg casters liked to make large and 
small icons of saints who were popular in the Novgorod area, 
such as St. Paraskeva Piatnitsa; SS. Flor and Lavr; St. George 
and the Dragon; and St. Nicholas, the Miracleworker. They also 
produced die Deesis, images of the Holy Trinity, the 
Crucifixion, and icons of die Mother of God of the Sign.^ ^ The 
Vyg Community also made pectoral and benediction crosses of 
various dimensions, some with added minature cast icons cast 
in high relief and added to the crosses. 
32 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
FIGURE 6.?Location of the Old Believer communities of Novgorod and Vyg in Russia. (Courtesy of Valerie 
Smith) 
Many of the copper-alloy icons and crosses were mercury 
gilded and decorated with polychrome champleve enamel. 
Early Pomorsky enamels were transparent, glass-like, and 
evenly placed, sometimes with added specks of white, black, or 
primary colors. Later enamels became more opaque and lost 
dieir clarity of color. ^ "^  
Pre-nineteenth century Pomorsky casting is technically 
outstanding. Fine details include the curl of the hair, geometric 
and floral designs, precise definition of facial features, and 
miniature architectural scenes. The nineteenth-century revival 
of popular interest in old Russian culture greatly increased the 
demand for copper icons and odier traditional religious objects, 
resulting in a decline in quality. Nineteenth-century icons 
became coarse and heavy. They were also sand cast, but the 
finished objects were not chased, such as triptych 25819.066 in 
die Kunz collection. Mid-nineteenth century icons were also 
manufactured by stamping or electrotyping and are recognized 
by their diin metal, sometimes just pure copper with an applied 
patina, such as icon 25819.226. 
Physical Examination of the Kunz Collection 
MATERIALS.?The Kunz collection of Russian metal icons 
and crosses, accessioned by die Smidisonian Institution in 
1892, consists of 282 objects. About fifty-five are enameled, 
and a few are gilded. These copper-alloy objects represent a 
span of 200 years and include manufacturing methods and 
styles used by die Pomorian and Moscovite bezpopovtsy, as 
well as by the popovtsy of Guslitzi and other priestist 
communities. 
NUMBER 51 33 
Most of die icons and crosses are technically a yellow brass, 
mainly a copper-zinc alloy widi small amounts of tin and lead. 
Alloys vary according to the date of manufacture. Some 
seventeendi century brass objects are redder in color, heavier in 
weight, and softer in physical composition due to a higher 
lead-zinc: copper ratio. This caused deterioration problems not 
common to the collection as a whole, such as lead segregation 
with the formation of surface lead carbonates, as well as 
dezincification. 
ANALYSES,?Seventeen icons and five cmcifixes were 
analyzed by energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence specti-ome-
try (XRF) at die Scientific Depardnent of die National Gallery 
of Art in Washington, D,C,, by conservation scientists Paul 
Angiolillo and Lisha A, Glinsman (Table 1), The results were 
interpreted and correlated by Tom Chase, Head Conservator of 
die Technical Laboratory of the Freer Gallery of Art and the 
Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smidisonian Institution, Washing?
ton, D.C. 
GILDING.?A few icons in this collection still have dieir 
gilding intact. The gilding on others is patchy and wom from 
centuries of abrasion, handling, or corrosion of die underlying 
metal. Some icons retain traces of gilt in the crevices of figure 
details or under spots of candle wax where it was protected 
from mechanical wear. Gilding can also be seen under enamel 
where there are fractures and losses. 
The icons appear to have been mercury gilded. Mercury 
amalgam gilding forms a thin wash that sometimes may only 
cover the face of the icon and over-mn parts of the reverse. The 
XRF studies done at the National Gallery of Art detected 
mercury and gold on three eighteenth-century icons 
(25819.102; 25819.146; 25819.227), which corroborated Druz?
hinin's statement that icons had been mercury gilded.'^ 
Other Russian sources^^ give another formula for gilding 
copper that did not use the toxic mercury mediod: 
Take two spocms of linseed oU, one not-too-full spoon of neft (petroleum) 
and a pinch of red lead. Put all this together in a copper or clay pot and mb the 
mixture with a finger on the place of the copper to be gilded. After applying, 
place it in a pot so it won't bubble. When removing from the heat, put il in the 
wind and rab with the finger so it will dry. When it is dry. put on the gold and 
mb it with a rabbit's paw and don't put it in the fire. 
ENAMELS.?In the Kunz collection, fifty-one icons (or 
portions such as wings or panels) and four crucifixes from die 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have champleve enamels in 
varying stages of loss. These provided an opportunity for 
examination and study. In the Kunz collection, die range of 
colors are light blue, dark blue, white, green, and occasionally, 
yellow, although not necessarily all on one icon, XRF analyses 
of enamel on icon 25819,206, circa 1800, showed lead in die 
blue enamel and lead widi some tin in the white enamel. 
Microscopically, the enamel often has small, open depressions 
like burst air pockets, which have become receptacles for 
deposits and debris, contributing to the surface opacity. After 
cleaning, many enamels may still be considered opaque, but 
now have a glassy sparkle. The dark blues often acquire a 
transparency after conservation. 
Gilding is sometimes seen under fractured or lifting enamel, 
such as on cmcifix 25819.003, indicating that some were gilded 
prior to enameling. The metal under broad enameled surfaces is 
frequendy textured or has geometric or linear designs. This 
type of base may have been designed to provide a more 
tenacious grip for the fired frit. Icons where only a textured 
background remains, possibly had been enameled at one time. 
An eighteenth-century icon of St. Paraskeva Piadiitsa, 
25819.223, has a textured background and appears to have no 
enamel at all. Under the microscope, however, remains of a 
transparent, light blue enamel and bits of charcoal can be seen 
on the lower PR (proper right) comer, as die photomicrograph 
in Figure 7 illusdates. This example of almost completely lost 
enamel is one of the reasons why extreme care should be 
exercised in the examination, conservation, and handling of old 
Russian metal icons and crosses. 
MOLDS.?Little precise information exists about old Russian 
icon casting techniques, although it is said^^ that early Russian 
molds for icons and crosses sometimes were made by the 
imprint of the image in a wet clay or eardi mixture, and that 
special large birch-bark mushrooms called chaga were also 
used for this purpose. Old Russian casting forms were also 
made of slate (slanetz) with the shape and detail of the icon 
carved into it as a negative image. These finely carved molds 
made the casting very precise, even without chasing. The 
casters employed a brown plant powder in the mold to prevent 
sticking. 
Tom Chase, Head Conservator of the Technical Laboratory 
of the Freer Gallery of Art and the Ardiur M. Sackler Gallery, 
examined ten icons and crosses from the Kunz collection for 
clues to the method of manufacture and made the following 
observations: 
1. The icons and crosses, representing objects from the 
seventeendi, eighteendi, and nineteenth centuries, were sand 
cast, widi die exception of 25819.226. Defects common to sand 
casting can be seen on a number of icons. Grains of sand, 
sometimes trapped on die surface of die molten metal, were 
identified as quartz and feldspar in 1983 by Dr. Pete Dunn, 
Department of Mineral Sciences, National Museum of Natural 
History, Smidisonian Institution. 
2. One icon, 1982.0007.31, has a casting fault where die 
lower half of the icon was not completed and the metal flowed 
instead into a bulbous lump on one side. The plaque was sand 
cast from a metal model. In the model, the multiple seraphim on 
die crest were individually cast and soldered on, as seen on die 
reverse where "tabs" overlap the joints. The casting fault was 
due to a "cold shot" where die metal poured in but didn't flow 
dirough completely. According to Vera Espinola's earlier 
examination, this deformed icon was not discarded when new. 
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NUMBER 51 35 
FIGURE 7.?^Photomicrograph of icon 25819.223, revealing remnants of transparent, light blue enamel and bits of 
charcoal in lower proper right comer. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 
but appears to have been gilded and was venerated. Candle wax 
on the icon has tumed green from contact with the copper-
alloy. When the eyes were wom from use the icon was buried, 
as seen by the distribution of impacted silicious burial debris. 
3. Suspension loops were part of the original castings and a 
hole was drilled or punched after die object was cast. 
4. Some icons have depressions on the reverse that mirror the 
figure on the front. On an eighteendi century triptych, 
25819,099 (Figure 8), it appears that depressions on the back 
were tooled into die original model both to economize on metal 
and to prevent tearing due to shrinkage as the metal cooled. Hot 
tearing is visible on icon 25819,281, This occurs when die 
section of die casting has thick and diin areas next to each other. 
The thin areas solidify first dien are pulled while hot when the 
metal shrinks in the thick area. The founders got around this 
problem by recessing die backs on the icons as described 
above. 
5. Some icons have evidence of spme marks on the sides. A 
few icons also show mold marks around the sides from 
two-piece molds. 
6. Three identical-appearing center triptych panels, 
25819.142; 25819.143; and 25819.144, are from the seven?
teendi century. Actually, only icons 25819.142 and 25819.144 
are identical and from the same model. Icon 25819.143 is from 
a different model as can be seen by slighdy different detaUs in 
the book of the bottom PR figure as well as other minor 
differences. 
7. One icon, 25819.226, is not sand cast, but electrotyped, a 
process developed in die mid-nineteenth century. It is pure 
copper widi an applied patina on the front and a lead-tin solder 
on the reverse. There is no loop for suspension. This is a good 
example of how the quality of metal icon production 
deteriorated when demand increased and rapid manufacturing 
methods were introduced. 
36 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
FIGURE 8.?Icon 25819.099 with back depressions. (Vera B. Espinola, 
photographer) 
8. The icon reproduction of St. Nicholas, 1986.0574.01, 
made in the United States in the 1980s was sand cast from an 
old model. The face of St. Nicholas has distinct features, but die 
other four faces are wom smooth, suggesting diat only die 
principal figure on the old icon was reworked before casting. 
SHAPES AND SYMBOLS.?The crosses in diis collection are 
mosdy eight-ended crucifixes widiin eight-ended crosses. A 
few are distinguished by die addition of vertical bars, with 
standing figures of Mary, the Mother of God, with Mary, die 
modier of James, together on the proper right of Christ, and St. 
John and St. John Longinus, the Roman soldier, together on 
Christ's left. Odiers have several small metal icons alongside 
the main cross. Many cmcifixes in this collection have prayers 
cast into die reverse, but some are so wom that they are hardly 
visible, such as 25819.006. Eighteenth century crucifixes often 
have seraphim adoming die top, and still others show God 
Sabaoth and die letters IHUH. The sun and die moon symbols 
frequendy appear on either side of Christ's outsfretched arms. 
The skull of Golgotha is seen below die feet of Christ, The wall 
of Jemsalem is depicted in cmcifixes of die eighteendi century 
and later in diis collection. The feet of Jesus are nailed 
separately, unlike many Westem cmcifixes, where one foot is 
atop die odier widi a single nail driven dirough bodi. Odier 
symbols are the spear and the sponge on a reed, represented as 
long, diin, vertical objects on either side of Christ's body. 
Archeological evidence^ ^  indicates that die familiar eight-
ended Russian cross gradually evolved from four-ended and 
later, six-ended cmciforms.^' The eight-ended cross appeared 
with greater consistency after the fifteenth century, with die 
slant of the lowest bar varying sometimes from a horizontal 
position to a left or a right slope. The traditional Russian cross 
is now identified as eight-ended, widi the lowest bar slanting 
from Christ's right foot down to the left foot. 
The shapes of the triptychs and plaques in this collection 
range from a seventeenth-century curved top (25819.268) to 
seventeendi and eighteenth-century straight edges (25819.142; 
25819.251). There are early eighteenth-century crest shapes (a 
bochka, 25819.057), and eighteendi-century ogee arches 
{kokoshnik shape, 25819.055). Some eighteendi-century icons 
(25819.279), triptychs (25819.088), and crucifixes 
(25819.006) have multiple seraphim soldered to die tops. 
Printseva^ states that seraphim were added to cmcifixes by the 
priestist Old Believers of Guslitsi. 
HINGES AND CRESTS.?Icons in this collection are either 
triptychs or single panels, with the exception of one four-panel 
hinged icon. The seventeenth and early eighteenth century 
triptychs have pinde hinges (25819.141), whereas nineteenth 
century triptychs have piano hinges (25819.066). 
The icon crests and the loops for suspending them on die 
body also vary. The "Image Not Made with Hands" appears on 
many icons and crosses throughout die three represented 
centuries as though a standard. Seventeenth century circular 
crests depict die "Old Testament Trinity" with an "Image" crest 
above it, as illustrated by 25819.271. Eighteenth and nine?
teenth-century icons and crucifixes in this collection, such as 
25819.057, show figures of "God Sabaoth." They also poru-ay 
die "New Testament Trinity," as shown in 25819.055. 
Modification of crest styles, inscriptions, and symbols mirror 
Westem religious influences in Russia as well as changes 
among the Old Believers themselves, such as the acceptance of 
priests. 
Loops for suspending the icons were also altered. In die 
nineteenth century, crests were often omitted entirely and 
replaced by a simple, pierced metal projection through which a 
cord is direaded, such as 25819.156. Odier such metal 
projections, as on icon 25819.174, became imperforate and lost 
dieir function entirely, remaining only as "deaf ears." 
NUMBER 51 37 
Conservation of the Kunz Collection 
The conservation and research of the Kunz collection began 
with microscopic examinations of each object to evaluate die 
condition of the metal and enamel and to study details not 
otherwise visible. This systematic probing became a type of 
"micro-archeology" as it uncovered evidence of use and aided 
in die diagnosis and treatment of deterioration problems. 
CORROSION PRODUCTS.?The most serious problem en?
countered was bronze disease, a deterioration of the copper 
caused by the destmctive action of chlorides. The source of 
chlorides can be water, soil, perspiration, saliva, or any 
combination thereof. On an eighteenth century cmcifix, 
25819.004, bronze disease was concentrated on the face of 
Christ. Bronze disease localized only in one area suggests that 
it may be use-related. For example, it may be accelerated by the 
saliva from the religious practice of kissing one spot in 
particular. Some icons had heavy concentrations of bronze 
disease only along the raised border at the base, where droplets 
of saliva could have collected. 
The next most serious corrosion product was the formation 
of lead carbonates. This was caused by the preferential 
corrosion of lead not completely alloyed with the copper. 
Segregated lumps of lead near the surface corroded on some 
seventeenth-century icons, such as 25819.141, with a lead 
content of about 6%, and 25819.142, with a lead level of about 
9%, producing the toxic white powder, lead carbonate. Lead is 
toxic in very small amounts .?^ ^ Extreme care should be 
exercised to avoid ingestion of even minute lead particles 
through touching contaminated gloves or hands to the mouth, 
or by the religious practice of kissing the affected objects. 
There is no permanent remedy for this corrosion problem. 
Objects with a high lead level should be kept in a nonacidic 
environment with a temperature of about 65? F and 46% 
relative humidity. 
Another deterioration problem is dezincification. Dezincifi?
cation is the preferential corrosion of zinc usually found in 
brasses widi less than 85% copper. Faults or breaks in die metal 
combined with oxygen-resdicting impacted debris are factors 
which accelerate a breakdown of the zinc. On triptych 
25819.099, areas of dezincification were concentrated under 
tiny, innocuous-looking flat brown plaques not seen at less dian 
x40 magnification. When this "lid" was lifted, die deteriorating 
metal was an unmistakable orange-red copper color, porous, 
and soft as butter to die probe. 
Green copper carbonates, sometimes accompanied by red 
copper oxides, affected many objects in the collection. Green 
copper oleates, formed from the reaction of candle wax 
drippings with copper, were also present on many of the icons 
and crosses. Russian liturgical candles, often made of beeswax, 
are u-aditionally lit near icons as part of a reverential practice. 
Wax drippings on an icon often indicate this type of 
ethnographic use. Wax becomes a sealant on die area where it 
has fallen. This is bodi good and bad. It is good when die wax 
protects and preserves the only remaining patch of a wom 
gilding or adheres some enamel fragments diat otherwise might 
have been lost. It is bad when the wax is in contact widi the 
copper for a very long time and the fatty acid of the wax 
combines with die copper to produce a lumpy, green copper 
oleate. The form and substance of this foreign deposit can 
dismpt the adhesion between the enamel and the metal, causing 
the enamel to dislodge. 
Another frequent deposit on the Kunz collection was a 
britde, white polymeric substance. The deposits were fragmen?
tary and adhered to edges, borders, and other places hard to 
detect. The frequency and distribution pattems suggested that 
this polymeric material had been used to make molds for icon 
reproduction. X-ray diffraction and chemical analyses done by 
the Smithsonian Institution's Conservation Analytical Labora-
tory^^ confirmed diat the material was a synthetic paraffin wax 
combined with zinc oxide. This was not commercially 
available before 1946. Remains of this molding compound 
filled cracks and faults in the metal, sealing the surface and 
excluding oxygen. An anaerobic environment accelerates die 
deterioration process of bronze disease and dezincification. 
Copying old icons and crosses carries the danger of leaving 
even microscopic remains from a molding compound. This, in 
tum, can create oxygen-excluding barriers where unnoticed 
deterioration of the metal may already be in progress. 
Unfortunately, there is no documentation in the Smithsonian 
Institution records to indicate when or why the molding was 
attempted. 
Anodier foreign deposit was a dark brown organic substance, 
soluble in ethanol, that appeared to be an early (perhaps 
nineteenth century) attempt at conservation. These opaque 
resinous deposits seem to have been used for readhering loose 
enamel. An example is 25819.174, a nineteenth-century icon of 
the Nativity of the Mother of God, where no enamel was visible 
before conservation (Figure 9a,b). Complicating the problem 
on diis icon were deposits of the white molding compound over 
the dark resins with green copper oleates under it all. This 
indicated that the icon had candles buming nearby and diat it 
was probably covered with a clear resin (possibly shellac) that 
later tumed dark. Some time in the second half of this century, 
die icon was reproduced using the white synthetic paraffin. In 
diis case, the resin preserved the enamel that might odierwise 
have been removed by the ravages of time and the copying 
process. During conservation the deposits were photographed 
for documentation, removed, and the blue and white enamel 
stabilized. 
Rust deposits were found along the deformed edges of icons 
and crosses indicating diat iron nails had been used to secure 
them to anodier object. This can be seen on icon 25819.083. 
PRESERVE AND PROTECT.?Metal artifacts should always be 
handled with gloves. Acids deteriorate metals, and die fatty 
acids from normal skin contact will contribute to this process. 
38 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
FIGURE 9a.? I^con 25819.174 before conservation. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 
NUMBER 51 39 
^-,^^ia.ai..,?ltm\'' <vJ^ ' .^ -W^O. .- '?? ^*^^ "-^Sll 
FIGURE 9b.? I^con 25819.174 after conservation. (Vera B. Espinola, photographer) 
40 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Old metal icons and crosses in need of conservation should 
not be cleaned by home methods. Commercial cleaning 
compounds can scratch die surface, dislodge enamel, remove a 
naturally acquired patina, leave deposits in crevices, seal in 
corrosion products, and remove evidence of ethnographic use. 
Icons and crosses were made for active religious use, but 
very old ones are vulnerable to deterioration and require extra 
care. If in storage, the environment should be stabilized at 
68? F. and 50% relative humidity and made nonacidic 
by excluding acidic papers (such as newspaper), woods (such 
as oak), and vapors from acidic adhesives (such as may be used 
in plywood). Polyethylene bags, ventilated to avoid condensa?
tion and properly identified, are effective for storing individual 
icons and crosses. The bags are transparent for viewing and the 
protected objects can be handled without gloves. To avoid 
mechanical frauma, pad triptychs and enamels with acid-free 
paper. 
Notes 
' C O U N T I.I. TOLSTOY, " O Russkikh amuletakh, nazivayemikh zmee-
vikami," Zapiski Russkago Arkheologicheskago Obshchestva (St. Petersburg), 
volume 3 (1888), pages 363-394. 
^M.V. SEDOVA, "Novgorodskie amuleti-zmeeviki," Kultura Drevnei Rusi 
(Moscow: Nauka, 1966), page 243. 
^L.V. DAL", "Zametki O mednikh grivnakh XII Veka," Trudi Moskovskago 
Archeologicheskago Obshchestva (Moscow), 2nd edition, volume 4 (1874), 
page 76. 
"?D.A. BELEN'KAYA, "Kresti i ikonki iz kurganov Podmoskov'ia." In 
Sovetskaya Arkheologia (Moscow: Akademiya Nauk, 1976), number 4, pages 
89, 90. 
^Ibid, page 94. 
% i d , page 96. 
''LtHDMILA DMrTRIEVNA LiKHACHEVA AND IZILA IVANOVNA PLESHA-
NOVA, Drevnerusskoe dekorativno-prikladnoye isskustvo v sobranie Gosu-
darstvenogo Russkogo Musea (Leningrad: Isskustvo, 1985), page 214. 
*M.N. PRINTSEVA, "Kollektsiya Mednogo lit'ia F.A. Kalikina v sobranii 
Otdela istorii msskoi kul'tury Ermitazha," Pamiatniki Kul'tury, Novyye 
Otkritiia, 1984 [Collection of articles published by the Ministry of Culture, 
RSFSR, Govemment Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism], 
(Leningrad: Nauka, 1986), pages 396-407. 
' V A S I L Y GRIGORIEVICH D R U Z H I N I N , " K Istorii khristyanskovo iskusstva 
XVIII-XDC vekov v Olonetskoi gubemii." Izvestiia Akademii Nauk USSR 
(Moscow, 1926), page 1486. 
i%id . 
"Ibid, page 1488. 
i^Ibid, page 1487. 
"Ibid, page 1483. The Vyg Community also made a triptych with the Deesis 
in the center panel; Metropolitan Phillip (of Moscow and AU Russia, 1569), S L 
Nicholas the Miracleworker and St. John the Evangelist on the left panel; and 
the Guardian Angel, St. Zosima (1478), and St. Savatiy, two saints held in high 
regard by the PcMnorians, on the right panel widi the dale of the casting, 1719, 
in relief on the exterior. They also made another Deesis triptych dated 1731. 
'"Ibid, page 1488. 
'^Ibid. 
'^A.I. PENTKOVSKY, "New Sources on the History of Gold and Silver 
Working" (Moscow: The Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences, 
1984), page 125. 
'"'Personal interviews: Maria Danilovna Malchenko, curator. Division of 
Russian Cultural History, The Hermitage, Leningrad, 2 October 1987; Larisa 
Romanovna Pavlinskaya, ethnogrpaher, USSR Academy of Sciences, MAE 
Ethnographic Institute, Leningrad, October, 1987; and Marina Sergeiivna 
Shemahanskaya, Head, Metals Conservation Laboratory, AU-Union Scientific 
and Research Institute for Restoration (VNIIR), Moscow, 1980, 1986, and 
1987. 
'^BELEN'KAYA, Op cit. 
"Novgorodian cross dated 1280. This is a large, six-ended wooden cross 
with relics, covered with thin sheets of gilded silver (bas'ma). Conservation 
by Nikita Yurevich Sharkov, the Metals Conservation Laboratory of the 
AU-Union Scientific and Research Institute for Restoration (VNIIR), Moscow, 
1979. 
^M.N. PRINTSEVA, " K Voprosu ob Izuchenii Staroobryadcheskovo 
Mednovo Litya v Muzeinikh Sohiamyakh,"Nauchno-Ateisticheskiye Issledo-
vaniya v Muzeyakh (Leningrad: Izdaniye GMIRiA, 1986), page 68. 
^ ' A L F FISHBEIN, M.D., ET AL, "Lead Poisoning in an Art Conservator," 
(Journal of the American Medical Association volume 247, April 9, 1982), 
pages 2007-2009. Analyses of lead carbonates by The Smithsonian Institution, 
Conservation Analytical Laboratory, 1984. 
^^Smithsonian Institution Conservation Analytical Laboratory, report 
number 4369, 1983. 
ILLUSTRATED CATALOG OF THE 1988 NMAH DISPLAY: 
"CASTINGS OF FAITH: RUSSIAN COPPER ICONS AND CROSSES 
FROM THE K U N Z C O L L E C T I O N " 
Richard Eighme Ahlborn, with 
Vera Beaver-Bricken Espinola and Basil Lefchick 
In addition to the iconographic subject, each icon in the 1988 
display in the National Museum of American History is furdier 
identified by its display number, from 1 to 57, and by a 3-digit 
number from .001 to .281. When diis 3-digit number is added 
to the icon collection's inclusive accession number, 25819, 
each icon has an exclusive Kunz collection number for 
reference to data in the Museum's files. There are eight 
exceptions: icons with display numbers 4*, 12*, 23*, 24*, 29*, 
37*, and 47* are illustrated for textual reference, but not 
exhibited; and the last two icons, display numbers 56** and 
57**, bear die NMAH catalog numbers 1986.0574.01 and 
1982.0007.31, respectively. Each entry in the catalog contains 
the display number, type of form, Kunz collection number, 
iconographic subject, fabrication method and materials, dimen?
sions of height (H), width (W), and thickness (T) in 
centimeters, time period, negative number for photograph, and 
a brief description. The iconographic subjects are identified by 
Old Church Slavonic titles, such as "The Mother of God" for 
the Virgin Mary. 
The following tabulation lists all the icons in die catalog by 
subject matter. Each icon is identified by display number and, 
in parentheses, the last three digits of the Kunz collection 
number. 
Iconographic subject 
JESUS CHRIST 
The Holy Trinity 
The Nativity of Jesus Christ 
The Baptism of Jesus Christ 
The Image Not Made widi Hands 
Crucifixion of Jesus Christ 
Display no. (Kunz no.) 
41 (.225) 
17 (.101) 
32 (.169) 
36 (.201) 
1(.003). 2 (.004), 
Richard E. Ahlborn, National Museum of American History, Smith?
sonian Institution, Washington, D.C, 20560. 
Vera B. Espinola, National Museum of American History, Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, D.C. 20560. 
Basil Lefchick, Center for the Arts and Religion, Wesley Theological 
Seminary, 4500 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C. 
The Resurrection (The Descent 
into Hades) 
Deesis 
Jesus Christ Enthroned: King 
of Glory 
MOTHER OF GOD 
The Mother of God of the Buming 
Bush 
The Nativity of die Mother of 
God 
The Annunciation 
The Dormition of the Mother 
of God 
The Protection of the Mother of 
God 
The Mother of God: Joy of All Who 
Sorow 
The Mother of God of the Passion 
The Mother of God of the Sign 
The Vladimir Modier of God 
The Tikhvin Mother of God 
The Smolensk Mother of God 
The Kazan Mother of God 
SAINTS 
Saint John the Baptizer 
Saint George Slaying die Dragon 
Saints Julitta and Cyricus 
Saint Nicholas die Wonderworker 
Saint Nicholas of Mozhaisk 
Saint Nicholas of Zaraisk 
3 (.006), 4* (.009), 
5 (.026), 6(.032), 
7(.037), 8 (.054) 
49 (.262) 
27 (.142), 28 (.143), 
29* (.144) 
53 (.273) 
45 (.245) 
33 (.174), 47* (.251) 
44 (.230) 
15 (.091) 
51 (.269), 57** (.31) 
11 (.066), 16 (.099), 
30 (.146), 55 (.281) 
24* (.139), 26 (.141) 
39 (.220) 
19 (.106) 
35 (.198) 
23* (.136), 38 (.217) 
12* (.078), 52 (.271) 
13 (.083) 
48 (.254) 
20 (.130), 37* (.206), 
46 (.249) 
31 (.156), 42 (.226), 
43 (.227), 50 (.268), 
54 (.279), 56** (.01) 
14 (.088), 18 (.102) 
25 (.140) 
41 
42 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
Saint Paraskeva Piatnitsa 
Saint Antip 
Saint Sergius of Radonezh 
Saint Tikhon 
Church Feasts 
10 (.057), 40 (.223) 
21 (.133) 
34 (.181) 
22 (.135) 
9 (.055) 
25819.003 
1 Three-bar Cross 
CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 
25819.003 
Cast brass with blue and green champleve enamel over gilding 
H: 16.00; W: 9.80; T: 0.21 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5664-12 
At top appears a frontal view of the torso of God die Father 
with His arms raised above clouds. Direcdy below in the top 
crossbar is a bird, symbol of the Holy Spirit, and at each end, a 
descending angel with cloth-covered hands. A smaller, three-
bar cross, with the corpus, is set into the larger; four Cyrillic 
letters in the top bar stand for "Jesus of Nazareth, King of 
Jews." Surrounding this small crucifix are long inscriptions in 
Old Church Slavonic (see OCS in Glossary), die Greek-letter 
abbreviation for "Jesus Christ," and traditional elements of die 
Crucifixion: Jerusalem's walls, sponge-on-reed, spear and a 
skull set on stones marking die site as Golgotha, "place of die 
skull." Twisted cords or wire, skan , appear as arches in die 
slanted, foot-rest crossbar and base, and as three peaks below 
die dove. 
The haloed head of Jesus slumps, but His emaciated body 
25819.004 
NUMBER 51 43 
suggests no weight or pain. The diree-bar cross is also known 
as an eight-ended cross. 
Inscribed prayers in OCS and file marks appear on die back 
of die casting. 
2 Three-bar Cross 25819.004 
CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass with blue and white champleve enamel 
H: 15,50; W: 9.50; T: 0.25 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5664-7 
The cross displays the same overall design as 25819.003, but 
with the addition at each end of the top crossbar of a post 
surmounted by a seraphim head. 
The seraphim head design is traditionally surrounded by 
three pairs of crossed wings, as noted in the Book of 
Revelation. 
3 Three-bar Cross vjdth Crest and Panels 25819.006 
CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass 
H: 25.50; W: 11.30; T: 0.26 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5657-20 
Same basic design as 25819.004 but with an additional 
pierced crest of four seraphim-head posts and seven panels. 
Each subject is identified by OCS inscriptions; those of the 5 
square icon panels are, clockwise from lower PR: "Meeting (of 
Jesus and Simeon) in the Temple;" "Entry into Jerusalem;" 
"The Resurrection," also known as "Descent into Hades;" "The 
Ascension;" and "The Old Testament Trinity." The upper 
register of each panel hanging from the end of the central 
crossbar displays paired busts of a saint and an archangel. 
Below on PR are full-lengdi figures of "The Mother of God" 
and a second Mary; on PL (proper left) are the saints John die 
Evangelist and the Roman centurion St, Longinus, 
A faint text and file marks appear on the reverse. 
25819.006 
44 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.009 25819.026 
4* Three-bar Cross 25819.009 
CRUCIFIXION OF jESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass 
H: 16,70; W: 10.30; T: 0.27 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5657-33 
Same design as 25819.006, but without the paired busts in 
the hanging panels. Greek letters in the halo of Jesus stand for 
"He who is." A casting fault appears in the PR end of the central 
crossbar. Despite this imperfection in casting, microscopic 
remains of candle wax and copper oleates suggest that the cross 
was used for religious purposes. 
Prayers are engraved on die back. 
5 Three-bar Cross 25819.026 
CRUCIFIXION OF jESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass 
H: 16.80; W: 10.90; T: 0.28 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 87-5664-16 
The design is similar to 25819.004, except the uppermost 
figure has been replaced by "The Image Not Made with Hands" 
(see Glossary). Also, the ends of the center crossbar display die 
sun widi open eyes (PR) and the moon, with closed; the twisted 
wire motif is absent, and die slanted crossbar reveals walls of 
Jerusalem (PR) and hillocks with tufts of grass. 
A suspension loop and a plain, raised border appear on die 
back. 
NUMBER 51 45 
25819.032 25819.037 
6 Three-bar Cross with Finial 25819.032 
CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass 
H: 11.50; W: 7.00; T: 0.22 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5657-26 
The finial panel displays the "Image" motif. A winged head 
marked "cherubim" in OCS appears at the top of the cross. 
There is an inward-facing bust at each end: the Mother of God 
(PR) and St. John the Evangelist. On die inset cross, Greek 
letters above and below the corpus stand for "Jesus Christ/ 
Conquers," and Jesus is identified by " ?OH ," Greek letters 
in the halo, for "He who is." A raised, square molding outlines 
the front of the cross. 
A rear attachment provides for suspension. 
7 Three-bar Cross with Finial 25819.037 
CRUCIFIXION OF JESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass 
H: 16.20; W: 9.80; T: 0.43 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5657-30 
This cross is similar in design and subject to 25819.032. 
However, die Image finial is smaller, and drilled for suspen?
sion. In addition, the top crossbar displays two descending 
figures (see 25819.003), "angels of the Lord," which replace 
die cherubim head. The back is recessed. 
46 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
8 Three-bar Cross with Finial (?) 25819.054 
CRUCIFDQON OF JESUS CHRIST 
Cast brass, possibly enameled at one time 
H: 15.50; W: 10.00; T: 0.36 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5664-9 
This is similar to the inset cross of 25819.037, except that die 
element (finial?) is broken off the top and the design of centt^ al 
crossbar is different. It displays an OCS inscription above die 
outsd-etched arms of Jesus; below are paired busts representing 
die subjects shown full-length in the hanging panels of 
25819.006. A raised molding surrounds die cross, and die 
ground is hatched. 
The hatching probably helped to secure enamel. Thin hair, 
enlarged extremities, narrow rib cage and limbs, and linear 
loincloth imbue the corpus with an intense expression. 
25819.054 
NUMBER 51 47 
25819.055 
9 Icon: Four-leaves with Crests 25819.055 
CHURCH FEASTS 
Cast brass, with blue and white enamel 
H: 17.00; W: 39.40 (10.50 closed); T: 0.26 (open) 
About 1775 to 1825 
Negative number 87-5656-17 
Each leaf is a rectangle divided into quadrants and 
surmounted with a raised, ogee-arch, kokoshnik. crest. Attached 
by piano hinges, leaves close over one anodier from both ends; 
die two outer backs bear an Ordiodox design. Scratched into die 
back is "40,10," perhaps the price in rubles and kopecks asked 
for at die Nizhnii Novgorod fair in 1891. Each of die twenty 
reserves contains numerous figures, usually in a landscape. 
Lettering crests from PR and numbering each set of quadrants 
clockwise from the upper PR, iconographic subjects are as 
follows: 
A The Crucifixion of Jesus Christ 
1. The Annunciation 
2. The Nativity of Jesus Christ 
3. Entrance of the Mother of God into die Temple 
4. The Birth of die Mother of God 
B The New Testament (Noncanonical) Trinity 
1. The Meeting in die Temple 
2. The Baptism of Jesus 
3. The Entrance into Jerusalem 
4. The Transfiguration of Jesus 
C Exaltation of the Cross with SS. Constantine and Helen 
1. The Resurrection 
2. The Ascension 
3. Dormition of the Mother of God 
4. The Old Testament Trinity 
D The Praise of the Modier of God 
1. The Tikhvin Mother of God widi SS. Alexander and 
Cyril 
2. The Vladimir Modier of God widi SS. Maxim and Basil 
3. Mother of God of die Sign with SS. Andiony and 
Leonty 
4. Smolensk Mother of God with SS. Anthony and 
Theodosius 
48 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.057 
10 Icon: Triptych with Crest 
SAINT PARASKEVA PIATNITSA 
25819.057 
Cast brass, gilded under blue and white champleve enamel 
H: 10.50; W: 14.80 (7.50 closed); T: 0.14 (open) 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5656-9 
The cendal, modified, ogee-arch crest presents God die 
Father (see 25819.003) surrounded by clouds; each lateral 
half-crest contains a full-lengdi figure: archangel Gabriel (PR) 
and the Modier of God, forming "The Annunciation" subject. 
The central subject is represented by a V4-length, frontal figure 
of a haloed and robed woman; her PL hand holds a scroll, her 
PR raises a three-bar cross. Each wing displays two scenes, one 
over one: on PR, "Entrance into Jerusalem" above "Meeting in 
die Temple" and, on PL, "Descent into Hades" above "The 
Ascension" (see 25819,006 and 25819.055). Each subject is 
identified by an OCS inscription. Border reserves of champleve 
enamel are defined with a twisted-wire design. The half-width 
wings pivot on pintie hinges, widi a flange on the PR closing 
over die PL when die wings are folded. 
NUMBER 51 49 
25819.066 
11 Icon: Triptych 25819.066 
PR LEAF: SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
CENTER: THE INTERCESSION (THE MOTHER OF GOD: THE 
JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW [Radost]) 
PL LEAF: SAINTS JULITTA AND CYRICUS AND FIVE SAINTS 
(THE SEVEN SAINTS) 
Cast brass 
H: 6.10; W: 16.30 (6.00 closed); T: 0.54 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5650-20 
Two posts on central leaf are not drilled for suspension. "The 
Intercession" is depicted by a haloed, robed woman (Mother of 
God), who stands widi her arms extended outward, over figures 
kneeling at her side; above appear clouds widi OCS inscrip?
tions and God the Fadier; plants fdl the background. On PR 
leaf, St. Nicholas holds the Gospel and gives a blessing. His 
bearded head is flanked by half-length figures of Jesus Christ 
(PR) and the Mother of God. Below stand two male saints; all 
but die latter are identified by OCS inscriptions. When closed, 
the back of the PR leaf becomes the front of the icon, displaying 
a three-bar cross, spear, sponge, and inscription. The leaves 
pivot on piano hinges. On PL leaf, Julitta and her son, Cyricus, 
appear in lower PL comer; a bishop and deacon or monk stand 
beside them. Above appear three half-lengdi figures: St. 
Paraskeva (PR), Eudokia, and Barbara. OCS inscriptions 
identify all seven saints. 
50 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.078 25819.083 
25819.078 13 12* Icon: Triptych (central leaf only) 
THE KAZAN MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass 
H: 4.50; W: 4.50; T: 0.32 
Early nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5659-22 
At die top, two pierced knops provide for suspension; upper 
and lower cylinders at each side indicate that the missing leaves 
hung on piano hinges. There is a wide border pattem of 
dot-in-concentric-rings. In this advocation of the Mother of 
God, she is portrayed as a frontal bust with covered head. The 
head covering is marked widi a six-point star, and the head is 
tumed slighdy to PL where a frontal, V4-length figure of a 
standing child, the Infant Jesus, extends His PR hand in 
blessing. Both figures display large haloes and are identified by 
Greek letters. 
Icon: Triptych (PL leaf only) 
SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIZER 
25819.083 
Cast brass and tin plated 
H: 6.80 W: 6.30; T: 0.40 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 87-5653-5 
The recessed-border frame reveals two cylinders of a piano 
hinge on PR. Leaves fill the ground behind die central figure. 
The saint is portrayed as a frontal, half-length, elderly man with 
wings, wearing a long-haired garment. His PL hand holds a 
bowl containing an infant widi flexed legs and raised PR hand; 
die saint's PR hand points toward die Infant Jesus. At the top 
are OCS inscriptions. 
This piece underwent XRF (see Glossary) analysis in 1985. 
The leaf could be from an icon portraying "The Deesis" (see 
Glossary, chapter by Lefchick on iconography, and 
25819.142). The top and bottom edges are indented widi mst 
spots, probably from nails diat once held diis icon fragment in 
place. 
NUMBER 51 51 
25819.088 
14 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 
SAINT NICHOLAS OF MOZHAISK 
25819.088 
Cast brass with gilding under blue and white champleve enamel 
H: 10.30; W: 18.00 (6.20 closed); T: 0.17 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5650-24 
Image finial (see 25819.032) crowns a crest composed of a 
tulip-shape reserve with diree seated figures, The Old Testa?
ment Trinity (see 25819.055, C4), with an OCS inscription 
above and a winged seraphim head at each side. The central leaf 
shows the saint as a frontal figure standing in priestiy robes 
with arms extended; the PL hand supports a model of a church, 
his PR raises a sword. A diamond pattem represents the floor, 
while a band of circles and tendrils fills the space behind. A 
bust appears at each side of the saint's head: Jesus Christ (PR) 
and die Mother of God (PL). The half-width wings are attached 
by pinties and each displays two scenes, vertically, with die 
same arrangement of subjects as 25819.057. 
52 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.091 
15 Icon: Triptych with Crest 
(PL wing missing) 
THE DORMITION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass with blue and white enamel 
H: 9.80; W: 8.50 (5.50 closed); T: 0.21 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5651-16 
25819.091 The design of die crest with Image finial resembles 
25819.088. The central leaf displays several grieving aposdes 
and angels widi Jesus Christ standing behind the central prone 
figure of the "sleeping" Modier of God, and holding a figure 
symbolizing her soul. The scene is framed by a recessed border 
of dots and zig-zags. Held by pindes, the surviving PR wing 
repeats die design of 25819.088. 
NUMBER 51 53 
25819.099 
16 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.099 
THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 
Cast brass 
H: 10.00; W: 12.40 (6.20 closed); T: 0.20 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5656-1 
Finial, crest, and bodi wings are similar in consd-uction, 
design, and subjects to 25819.088, but finial is slightly raised. 
The central leaf repeats the subject of the advocation of the 
Mother of God (see 25819.066), but reverses her figure, and 
removes the figure of God the Fadier, the inscription, and die 
plants, replacing them widi Cyrillic letters and a hatched 
ground. The back leaf shows depressions behind the central 
figures and frame, and a suspension loop. 
Microscopic examination identified fire-rounded grains of 
quartz, probably from the original sand casting, and white 
molding material, probably from a later impression (see "Tech?
nology and Conservation...", "Molds" by VeraB. Espinola). 
54 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.101 
17 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 
THE NATmTYOF JESUS CHRIST 
25819.101 
Cast brass 
H: 10.40; W: 12.20 (6.50 closed); T: 0.20 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5650-27 
The finial, crest, and both wings are similar in construction, 
design, and subjects to 25819.088. At die top of die central leaf 
appear an OCS inscription and star; in the center, the Modier of 
God reclines with the swaddled infant Jesus at her PL shoulder. 
To the PL are an angel, shepherd, ox, and ass; to PR are another 
angel and die three Kings. Two groups appear at the bottom: St. 
Joseph, seated, and the Tempter (PR); die two women on die 
PL are midwives attending the newbom Jesus. The back reveals 
file marks, a depression, and a suspension loop. 
NUMBER 51 55 
25819.102 
18 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 
SAINT NICHOLAS OF MOZHAISK 
25819,102 
Cast brass with gilding 
H: 10.90; W: 10.00 (6.70 closed); T: 0.24 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 887-5661-35 
The icon reveals the same consduction and subjects as 
25819.088, but PL wing is missing. The background of the 
central leaf is hatched and surrounded by a zig-zag border. 
This icon underwent XRF analysis in 1985, which revealed 
gilding by mercury-amalgam method. The design of the figure 
of St. Nicholas resembles that in the popular painted icon in 
Mozhaisk. 
56 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.106 
19 Icon: Triptych with Finial 
THE VLADIMIR MOTHER OF GOD 
25819.106 
Cast brass 
H: 6.40; W: 9.30 (4.80 closed); T: 0.20 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 87-5651-9 
An Image finial surmounts a square central leaf with a 
dot-in-diamond border. The half-length figure of die Modier 
turns to PR and raises her PL hand. She holds the embracing 
infant Jesus in her PR arm; his foot may be seen. Above appear 
diree pairs of Greek letters; the ground is banded. Attached by 
pindes, each wing displays diree registers, each with a pair of 
saints identified by OCS inscriptions. From top to bottom, PR 
wing contains Peter and archangel Michael, George and Basil, 
and Peter of Moscow and John Chrysostom; PL wing shows 
Paul and archangel Gabriel, Gregory and Dimitri, and an 
unidentified bishop and Blaise. A projection on the back of die 
finial was not pierced for suspension. 
NUMBER 51 57 
ff^ifW^i^'^'i J 
g^M 
iirovimmmfi 
^il^isH^^rr^ 
n^mp/jAuoiHZi 
s?i?i6.?aEia?*^--?^i'^Tw5 
^M 
Wi^ymj 
5 3 (? 
pMnaHmiatas^ 
f'?Smirvt,lf?HI!^ 
25819.130 
20 Icon: Triptych with Finial 25819.130 
SAINTS JUUTTA AND CYRICUS AND THREE ICONS 
Cast brass 
H: 6.80; W: 10.10 (4.80 closed); T: 0.17 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5651-5 
The finial and bodi wings represent die same subjects as 
25819.106. The quadrants of die central leaf represent, 
clockwise from lower PL: SS. Julitta and Cyricus (see 
25819.066, PL leaf), and icons of "The Modier of God of die 
Sign," "The Image Not Made widi Hands," and "The Vladimir 
Mother of God." 
The back reveals deep scratches from an earlier, inept 
cleaning; a modem, painted inscription, "21163/ Aleutian Is/ J 
G Swan," refers to an earlier Smidisonian numbering, its 
atdibuted origin, and die collector. The suspension loop once 
retained a fragment of twisted cord. 
58 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.133 25819.135 
21 Icon: Triptych with Finial 
(central leaf only) 
SAINT ANTIP 
25819.133 22 
Cast brass 
H: 6.50; W: 4.8; T: 0.19 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 88-1649-3 
Image finial has suspension loop on reverse. Wide-scored 
and dotted border encloses hatched ground. OCS inscription 
identifies frontal, half-length male figure as a "healer"; he holds 
die Gospel in PL hand and extends two fingers of PR in 
blessing. 
Microscopic study revealed red siliceous deposits; hatched 
ground was often used as a base for enamel. This saint was 
popularly held to be a healer of tooth problems. 
Icon: Triptych with Finial 
(central leaf only) 
SAINT TIKHON 
25819.135 
Cast brass 
H: 5.90; W: 4.60; T: 0.13 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5654-9 
Image finial and pintle hinge loops project from low-relief 
surface. Both lateral leaves are missing. In the central leaf, a 
frontal, half-length, bearded man holds a staff in PL hand, a 
goblet in PR. A Greek cross appears on his stole, cowl, and 
each shoulder. The ground contains Cyrillic letters at bodi sides 
of head and an over-all pattem of horizontal lines and dots. This 
type of textured background provided a good base for enamel. 
The back has a loop for suspension. 
NUMBER 51 59 
25819.136 
23* Icon: Triptych with Finial 
THE SMOLENSK MOTHER OF GOD 
25819.136 
Cast brass 
H: 6.90; W: 10.10 (4.70 closed); T: 0.21 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5651-13 
The Image finial and pinUe-hung wings represent die same 
design, construction, and subjects as 25819.106 and 
25819.130. In the central leaf, a frontal, half-lengdi woman 
raises her PR forearm and turns her head toward an infant 
seated in her PL hand; a set of Greek-letter panels identify the 
pair as "The Modier of God" and "Jesus Christ." The ground 
displays inscribed leaves. 
The faces are well-wom. The suspension loop on the back 
remains unpierced. The central back of the central leaf reveals 
a depression matching the front figures, and scratches from an 
earlier, inept cleaning. 
60 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.139 
24* Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.139 
(PR wing missing) 
THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE PASSION 
Cast brass 
H: 12.00; W: 10.00 (6.80 closed); T: 0.32 
Probably seventeenth century 
Negative number 87-5656-5 
Finial and crest are similar in design and subject to 
25819.099, except the seraphim heads are absent. In die central 
leaf, a half-length woman in robes and a scalloped crown tums 
to PL; her PL hand supports a seated infant Jesus, and her PR 
hand holds His hands. The sole of His PR foot is exposed, and 
He tums His head to look up to an angel carrying a spear and 
sponge, implements of His suffering and death. The Passion. 
An opposing angel carries a three-bar cross. Greek and Cyrillic 
letters appear in blocks. Hung on pindes, die surviving PL wing 
displays two standing figures identified by OCS inscriptions: 
St, John the Baptizer (PR) and St. Nicholas. 
The Image finial is perforated for suspension. Bends in die 
upper and lower rim are probably from attachment nails. The 
back of the wing displays a hatched border. 
NUMBER 51 61 
25 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.140 
(central leaf only) 
SAINT NICHOLAS OF ZARAISK 
Cast brass 
H: 10.2; W: 5.80; T: 0.37 
About 1700 
Negative number 88-1647-1 
Crest and finial similar in design and subjects to 25819.088, 
except the seraphim heads are absent; finial is pierced for 
suspension. Skan-like, border encloses a hatched and floral 
ground, and creates an aureole around die figure standing on a 
mat. He holds a cloth and the Gospel in extended PL hand and 
gives a blessing with PR. Figure is identified in OCS plaques at 
sides of head. 
Reverse bears recessed image of the saint. 
25819.140 
62 SMITHSONL\N STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.141 
26 Icon: Triptych with Crest and Finial 25819.141 
THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE PASSION 
Cast brass 
H: 11.60; W: 13.20 (6.50 closed); T: 0.26 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5650-31 
Finial and crest are similar in design and subject to 
25819.099, Image and Old Testament Trinity, but the crest is 
rounded into a disk and lacks the seraphim heads. Central leaf, 
PL wing, and pindes are the same in design and subject to 
25819.139. The PR wing displays two standing male saints 
identified by OCS inscriptions as Barsonouphius, Bishop of 
Tver; and Gurik, die first archbishop of Kazan (see Jeckel, 
page 50). 
This icon underwent XRF analysis in 1985. Microscopic 
study revealed quartz from sand casting, and charcoal dust 
mold dressing (see Vera B. Espinola on icon manufacture). 
Lead corrosion products, caused by its high lead content, make 
this icon toxic to handle. 
27 Icon: Triptych with Finial 
(central leaf only) 
DEESIS 
Cast brass 
H: 8.80; W: 6.20; T: 0.35 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5652-20 
25819.142 
NUMBER 51 63 
25819.142 
The finial is a raised, flanged block with a seven-dot rosette. 
The cendal leaf is divided into two registers. The upper 
displays the Deesis subject: Jesus Christ enthroned in glory, 
accompanied by die Modier of God (PR) and St. John die 
Baptizer. The central, seated figure holds a book and raises His 
PR hand in blessing. The lower reigster contains four 
half-length figures of saints: (from PR) Sabbas, Nicholas, 
Leonty, and Zosima; each holds a scroll. Identifying inscrip?
tions in OCS appear above both registers. The missing wings 
were hung on comer pintle rings, and the finial block was 
perforated for suspension. 
XRF analysis (1985) gave alloy percentages as Cu 76.38, Sn 
4,09, Pb 8,64 (relatively high), and Zn 9.84. Microscopic study 
recorded white molding material from a modem casting, red 
clay and other burial debris, and ethnographic candle wax, 
which had reacted with die copper to form copper oleates. 
64 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.143 
28 Icon: Triptych with Finial 
(central leaf only) 
DEESIS 
Cast brass 
H: 9.00; W: 6.20; T: 0.33 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5653-17 
25819.143 This icon displays die same design, construction, and 
subjects as 25819.142. 
The 1985 XRF analysis gave alloy percentages as Cu 78.55, 
Sn 5.55, Pb 3.73, and Zn 11.65. Top and side rims are bent, 
probably from nails used to hold the icon in place. 
The back displays a rectangular oudine. Microscopic study 
reveals burial debris, mold dressing of charcoal, quartz grains, 
NUMBER 51 65 
25819.144 
and, on die base, candle wax, perhaps used to hold the icon in 
an upright position. 
29* Icon: Triptych with Finial 25819.144 
(central leaf only) 
DEESIS 
Cast brass 
H: 7.20; W: 6.20; T: 0.24 
Seventeenth century 
Negative number 87-5653-9 
This icon displays die same design, constmction, and 
subjects as 25819.142 and 25819.143. 
The 1985 XRF analysis gave alloy percentages as Cu 89.76, 
Sn 4.14, Pb 5.32, and Zn 0.8. Microscopic examination 
revealed fractures in upper pinde sockets; burial debris of earth, 
textile, and wood; and bits of white molding material remaining 
from modem copying. The upper rim was distorted from 
nailing. The missing finial probably also displayed a rosette. 
Careful comparison of the three Deesis icons reveals that one 
was not cast from the same mold, and that each was made from 
a different alloy. Despite these differences, the presence of 
similarly rounded quartz grains in these and in most of die odier 
metallic icons in the Kunz collection, suggests a common 
environment, perhaps a burial zone near a lake or river in die 
Nizhnii Novgorod area. 
66 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.146 
30 Icon: Triptych (Crest and 25819.146 
PR wing missing) 
THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 
Cast brass with gilding 
H: 5.10; W: 7.70 (5.20 closed); T: 0.22 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5651-1 
The central leaf and PL wing repeat die subjects, design, and 
constmction of 25819.099, except tendrils replace hatching in 
the background of the central leaf. 
A 1985 XRF analysis identified mercury, gold, copper, and 
a high zinc content (28%). The upper PR pintle ring is broken 
dirough and die PL wing is distorted, suggesting that die top of 
the center leaf was cut off. Microscopic study reveals evidence 
of a later re-gilding and also candle wax from its religious 
usage. 
NUMBER 51 67 
25819.156 25819.169 
25819.156 32 31 Icon: Plaque with Knop 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
Cast brass with gilding under blue enamel 
H: 6.20; W: 5.30; T: 0.35 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5655-24 
A facetted knop is pierced for suspension. The plaque bears 
the same subject as the PR wing of 25819.066, as well as a 
simUar design, except the lower, flanking figures are replaced 
with an asymmetrical pattem of square-petal rosettes. 
Icon: Plaque with Knop 
THE BAPTISM OF JESUS CHRIST 
25819.169 
Cast brass with blue enamel 
H: 5.60; W: 4.90; T: 0.37 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 88-1648-24 
The knop is not pierced. God die Fadier and the Holy Spirit 
(symbolized by a dove) appear in reserve in top center. In 
landscape below are several figures. The one at PR, St. John die 
Baptizer, pours water over the head of Jesus, who stands in a 
stream, the River Jordan. Three angels representing the choirs 
of Heaven appear on PL. An OCS inscription on the upper 
border proclaims Bogoiavlenie. "manifestation" (of Jesus as 
Son of God). 
68 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.174 
33 Icon: Plaque with Knop 25819.174 
THE NATIVITY OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass with blue and white enamel 
H: 6.10; W: 5.20; T: 0.40 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5654-17 
The facetted knop is not pierced for suspension. The top of 
the wide frame carries an inscription in OCS. The design 
presents an architectural setting of five figures in three spaces. 
On PR are two chambers, one above the other, both of which 
are framed widi wide comices and columns. The upper PR 
chamber shows St. Anne in a birthing bed with an attendant; die 
lower room reveals an attendant bathing an infant. On PL is a 
tall room with an aedicule crest containing a single seated 
figure, St. Anne, die mother of Mary, the Modier of God. 
NUMBER 51 69 
25819.181 25819.198 
34 Icon: Plaque with Knop 
SAINT SERGIUS OF RADONEZH 
25819.181 
Cast brass with blue enamel 
H: 6.30; W: 5.30; T: 0.37 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 88-1648-32 
The knop is not pierced. The double-recessed border of the 
plaque is intermpted at the top center by an image of die Holy 
Trinity rising from die aureole of a V4-lengdi male figure. At 
his neck appears a "great schema," a garment indicating high 
ascetic achievement. The open scroll in his PL hand begins 
with "Be not sorrowful,,,," The OCS inscription on the floral 
background identifies the saint as a "miracle worker." Saint 
Sergius founded the Holy Trinity Monastery in Sergeiev posad, 
now the center of the Russian Ordiodox Church in die U.S.S.R. 
The reverse is decorated with an incised design of a 
medallion surrounded by comer rosettes nearly linked by floral 
arabesques. This design and its hatched ground are enclosed by 
a deep border of grooves, dots, and a spiral. 
35 Icon: Plaque with Knop 
THE TIKHVIN MOTHER OF GOD 
25819.198 
Cast brass 
H: 6.30; W: 5.10; T: 0.38 
Nineteenth century 
Negative number 88-1649-15 
The knop is not pierced. A quadmple-recessed border 
encloses a hatched ground and relief skan-like omamentation. 
In diis advocation, die Modier of God is shown as a /^4-length 
figure with covered head. A six-point star is on her forehead 
and shoulders. She faces, slightly to PL, where a frontal, 
V4-length Infant Jesus sits upon her PL forearm. The sole of His 
PR foot appears beneadi His gown, and His PR hand rises in a 
blessing. Greek and Cyrillic letters identify die figures. 
70 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.201 25819.206 
36 Icon: Plaque with Knop 
THE IMAGE NOT MADE WITH HANDS 
25819.201 
Cast brass 
H: 6.20; W: 5.20; T: 0.30 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 87-5649-35 
The facetted knop is partially pierced for suspension. The 
traditional design shows the frontal face of a bearded man, 
Jesus Christ, imposed on a clodi with knotted, upper comers. 
Greek letters appear in the cross of the halo; an OCS inscription 
mns along the base. 
Beginning widi cross 25819.026 and icon 25819.088, this 
popular motif is cited in the Glossary and in Lefchick's chapter 
on iconography. 
37* Icon: Plaque with Knop 25819.206 
SAINTS JULITTA AND CYRICUS AND FIVE SAINTS (THE 
SEVEN SAINTS) 
Cast brass with gilding under blue and white enamel 
H: 5.90; W: 5.00; T: 0.48 
About 1800 
Negative number 87-5655-21 
The knop is not pierced. The design and subjects are die 
same as PL leaf of 25819.066, except die two rosettes in die 
lower PL comer are replaced by a vertical lozenge, and die 
rosette above, by a circle. Both are of twisted wire design, as in 
the inner border. 
Microscopic study observed a modem white molding 
material on both sides; this later material accelerated bronze 
disease and a loss of enamel. 
NUMBER 51 71 
25819.217 
25819.220 
38 Icon: Plaque with Loop 
THE SMOLENSK MOTHER OF GOD 
25819.217 39 
Cast brass 
H: 5.60; W: 4.80; T: 0.27 
Probably eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5654-1 
The loop is pierced for suspension. The design is of a frontal, 
half-length woman raising her PR forearm and tuming her head 
toward the infant Jesus seated in her PL hand; a set of 
Greek-letter panels identify the pair. This plaque also adds an 
encircling OCS inscription: "All my hope in you/ I place. 
Mother of God;/ Keep me in your/ Protection," 
Icon: Plaque with Loop 
THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE SIGN 
25819.220 
Cast brass 
H: 6.30; W: 4.20; T: 0.21 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5658-17 
The loop is pierced for suspension. The design presents a 
frontal, half-length figure of an orans-type woman, her 
forearms raised in prayer. Between her arms appears a frontal, 
half-length child in an aureole; this figure of Jesus holds a scroll 
in His PL hand and raises His PR in blessing. Large Greek 
letters flank die Mother's head. The ground is hatched and may 
have been enameled at one time. 
72 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.223 
25819.225 
40 Icon: Plaque with Loop 
SAINT PARASKEVA PIATNITSA 
25819.223 41 
Cast brass, originally enameled 
H: 5.30; W: 4.50; T: 0.26 
Probably eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5659-24 
The loop is pierced for suspension. The subject is the same 
as die central leaf of 25819.057, but in this icon, die saint holds 
up a diree-bar cross in her PR hand and in her PL, a scroll 
beginning widi the Nicene Creed, "I believe in...." A 
half-lengdi figure of a saint appears at each side of her head. 
The ground bears a pattem of dotted depressions. 
Microscopic study reveals remains of blue enamel in die PR 
comer at die base. The icon background was once enameled. 
Icon: Plaque with Loop 
THE HOLY TRINITY 
25819.225 
Cast brass 
H: 5.10; W: 4.00; T: 0.23 
Probably eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5658-9 
The loop is pierced for suspension. The icon may have been 
gilded and enameled at one time. The subject is the same as in 
a panel on cross 25819.006, in icon 25819.055 (crest B), and 
die crest of 25819.088. Three winged figures, each with a 
three-prong staff, sit on stools around a table with six cakes. 
Behind diem appear crenellated walls and a dome. 
The subject is based on a traditional Russian interpretation of 
Genesis: 18, in which three figures appear to Abraham at die 
oak tree of Mamre: the central figure is Jesus Christ; God die 
Father is on PR; die Holy Spirit is on PL. 
NUMBER 51 73 
42 Icon: Plaque with Finial 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
25819.226 25819.227 
Electrotype copper; plated with tin-lead solder on reverse 
H: 6.30; W: 4.70; T: 0.16 
About 1850 to 1890 
Negative number 87-5654-13 
The Image finial and pattemed ground repeat 25819.135. 
The subject is diat of 25819.156, but die OCS inscription has 
been raised above the saint's head, and a diree-bar cross 
replaces the book in his PL hand. 
Microscopic study revealed a while polymeric molding 
material on both sides, suggesting a post-1946 copying. The 
icon is electroplated, showing copper with a lead-tin solder on 
die back; the copper face is artificially patinated to appear 
older. The icon represents the deterioration of the craft when 
rapid manufacturing methods were introduced to meet an 
increased demand. The absence of a suspension loop suggests 
diat this later icon was not intended to be worn around the neck. 
43 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819,227 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
Cast brass, mercury gilded 
H: 6.50; W: 4.30; T: 0,46 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5655-30 
The subjects of die finial and plaque are the same as 
25819,226, but the ground is hatched rather than textured with 
horizontal lines and dots. 
Top and bottom rims are bent from attaching nails. The back 
shows an indentation approximating the front design. 
74 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.245 
25819.230 
44 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819,230 
THE ANNUNCL\TION 
Cast brass 
H: 5,90; W: 4,00; T: 0.31 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5659-28 
The finial subject is again the Image, as on 25819.227. A 
wom OCS inscription occurs on the upper frame. The plaque 
design shows a room divided by a column and decorated with 
cornice, wall panels, and floor tiles. At die top, a dove, 
symbolizing the Holy Spirit, beams light down onto a woman 
standing on PL, die Mother of God. The archangel Gabriel 
approaches her on PR. 
The impact of Renaissance art is seen in the naturalism of 
posture and drapery and in spatial perspective. White molding 
material suggests that a copy was made of the icon. 
45 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.245 
THE MOTHER OF GOD OF THE BURNING BUSH 
Cast brass 
H: 6.90; W: 5.10; T: 0.30 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5653-1 
The Image finial is raised and perforated for suspension. The 
central design presents a diamond in a square. In die center, a 
V2-lengdi, frontal figure of a woman repeats die subject of 
25819.220, die Mother of God of die Sign; but the small figure 
appears on a twisted part of her mande. In each comer triangle 
is a symbolic winged figure (clockwise from upper PR): angel, 
eagle, calf, and lion. The identity of each saindy evangelist 
appears in OCS: Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The emblems 
for Mark and John were officially reversed in Russian 
Orthodox practice after 1666 and die animal emblems were 
reduced to figures widi human faces by church order in 1722 
(Printseva, 1986:62). A well-known "Hymn to the Modier of 
God" from eighth century Constantinople refers to her as a 
"buming but unconsumed bush," relating to her virginity 
(Jeckel, 1981:90). 
NUMBER 51 75 
25819.249 25819.251 
46 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.249 
SAINTS JUUTTA AND CYRICUS 
Cast brass 
H: 5.80; W: 4.20; T: 0.36 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5659-32 
The raised, Image finial is pierced for suspension. The 
subject isolates the main figures of 25819.130 in a wide frame. 
A floral motif appears in the lower PL comer. Casting failures 
appear in the finial and lower PR corner. 
47* Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.251 
THE NATIVITY OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass 
H: 6.50; W: 4.50; T: 0.39 
Eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5655-32 
The subject is die same as 25819.174, but the knop has been 
replaced with a raised, Image finial pierced for suspension. The 
OCS inscription at die top reads, "The birdi of die most holy 
Mother of God." 
76 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.254 
48 Icon: Plaque with Loop 
SAINT GEORGE SLAYING THE DRAGON 
25819.254 
25819.262 
Cast brass 
H: 7.40; W: 6.20; T: 0.33 
Early eighteenth century 
Negative number 87-5653-12 
The loop is pierced for suspension. The plaque displays a 
man astride a leaping horse. He is seated in a high-ended saddle 
secured by breast, rump, and belly straps. Widi his raised PR 
arm, he plunges a spear into the mouth of a coiled dragon. 
Between two arcs in die upper, PL corner appears the PR hand 
of Jesus Christ giving a blessing. Dots give texture to the saint's 
hair and die dragon's body, and hatching fills the wide frame. 
The back reveals a raised edge and an outiine of the frame. 
49 Icon: Plaque with Finial 25819.262 
THE RESURRECTION (also known as THE DESCENT 
INTO HADES) 
Cast brass 
H: 6.30; W: 4.40; T: 0.29 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5654-5 
The Image finial is raised on a fluted post. The plaque 
displays a central figure of Jesus Christ, stepping to His PR and 
bending toward a kneeling man, Adam. There are diree 
standing figures on PL and a winged figure on PR. The thick 
groundline rests on two supports and peaks in die center. The 
top of the frame, decorated with large circles, carries the OCS 
inscription, "The Resurrection of Christ." The subject is 
repeated in 25819.055 and in the upper scene of PL wing of 
25819.057, 25819.088, 25819.099, 25819.101, and 25819.146. 
NUMBER 51 77 
25819.268 
50 Icon: Plaque 25819.268 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
Cast brass 
H: 4.30; W: 3.90; T: 0.34 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5658-3 
A crest or finial is broken off. The sides of the plaque slant 
inward and the upper comers are rounded. The central figure is 
a frontal, half-lengdi, bearded man wearing a scalloped yoke, 
tsata. He holds die Gospel in his PL arm. Cyrillic letters appear 
at his shoulders. The wide frame is hatched, similar to 
25819.254. 
In die Kunz collection, this design of St. Nicholas appears 
less often dian odiers, but the subject is second in frequency 
only to diat of die Mother of God. 
25819.269 
51 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Finial 25819.269 
THE PROTECTION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass 
H: 13.30; W: 7.50; T: 0.36 
Seventeenth century 
Negative number 87-5652-28 
The design and subject of the crest and finial are the same as 
25819.141. The top of die frame carries an OCS inscription. In 
the scene, 21 figures appear in two registers; most face PR. In 
the upper, PR comer, a half-lengdi figure of Jesus Christ 
radiantly faces a woman widi raised hands; behind her are a 
throng of 13 saints. Below appear six figures, more widely 
spaced; diree face PL. The floor is set widi rounded stands and 
covered widi tiles in perspective. 
78 SMITHSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
25819.271 
52 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Finial 25819.271 
THE KAZAN MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass 
H: 11.70; W: 6.60; T: 0.39 
Seventeendi century 
Negative number 87-5652-24 
Crest and finial design and subjects are die same as 
25819.141 and 25819.269. Widiin a hatched frame appears die 
bust of a woman with her head tilted and tumed to PL. There 
stands a small, V4-length figure of Jesus Christ with His PR 
hand raised in blessing. Bodi figures are identified in Cyrillic 
and Greek letters above their heads. 
As on odier metallic icons, the design is derived from a very 
popular, older image painted on wood; the image for this 
devotion was originally located in the city of Kazan. 
53 Icon: Plaque with Gallery 
JESUS CHRIST ENTHRONED: KING OF GLORY 
25819.273 
Cast brass 
H: 16.30; W: 10.00; T: 0.51 
Nineteendi century 
Negative number 87-5652-31 
The pierced crest consists of six seraphim heads raised on 
posts. A shield appears in the top, center of the leaf-engraved 
frame. Within the shield is seen God the Father as He appears 
in 25819.003, with raised arms and an orb with a diree-bar 
cross. Below Him is a small diamond with a dove, symbolizing 
die Holy Spirit. In the main scene, Jesus Christ is seated in a 
scalloped-back throne. He is flanked by eight standing and four 
kneeling figures of saints. At His feet are Nicholas and Basil 
(PR) and Sergius and Savatii. Standing on PR are John die 
Evangelist, Peter, archangel Michael, and the Mother of God 
holding a scroll; on the PL are Paul, John Chrysostom, 
archangel Gabriel, and John die Baptizer, also with a scroll. 
OCS inscriptions identify most of the figures, including diat in 
die shield as the "Lord of Hosts." 
Each side has dents, probably from attachment nails. 
NUMBER 51 79 
25819.273 
25819.279 
54 Icon: Plaque with Crest and Gallery 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
Cast brass 
H: 12.60; W: 7.60; T: 0.28 
Early nineteenth century 
Negative number 87-5662-31 
25819.279 A pierced gallery, similar to 25819.273, crowns a raised, 
ogee-arch crest recalling those on 25819.057. Greek and OCS 
inscriptions identify the figure with open arms as "Jesus 
Christ/King of Kings." The main subject of the plaque is that of 
25819.156, 25819.226, 25819.227, and 1986.0574.01. 
The treaunent of die subject is die most crisp in die 
collection. 
80 SMrraSONIAN STUDIES IN HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY 
55 
25819.281 
Icon: Plaque with Crest and Gallery 25819.281 
THE MOTHER OF GOD: JOY OF ALL WHO SORROW 
Cast brass 
H: 13.60; W: 8.10; T: 0.33 
Eighteendi century 
Negative number 87-5660-35 
The gallery is similar to 25819.279, but reduced to three 
seraphim heads. The design and subject of die ogee-arch crest 
is die same as 25819.279, except diat a panel has been added at 
each upper comer. Each displays a half-length, inward-facing 
figure holding a three-prong staff and a disk; they represent the 
archangels Michael (PR) and Gabriel. The main subject repeats 
25819.099 and 25819.146, but here the head of die Mother of 
God tums to PR. Also, die sun and moon appear in the upper 
corners. Below them are large blossoms, two banners with OCS 
1986.0574.01 
inscriptions, and fifteen small figures of saints and angels. 
The back shows a depression of the front design, and a 
suspension loop. 
56** Icon: Plaque 
SAINT NICHOLAS THE WONDERWORKER 
1986.0574.01 
Cast brass-colored metal with red and white champleve enamel 
H: 5.10; W: 4.80; T: 0.85 
Late twentiedi century 
Negative number 87-5659-36 
The subject repeats the PR leaf of 25819.066, 25819.156, 
25819.226, and 25819.227. The back displays a small 
suspension loop and die stamp of die maker: G-in-square. 
This was made in Rhode Island by die Greenbriar Company 
and acquired by the Smidisonian Institution in 1986. The wom 
faces of the comer figure suggests that an older metal-alloy 
icon was used as the model for the new casting, and only die 
face of St. Nicholas on the original was reworked before it was 
used as a casting model. 
57** Icon: Plaque with Gallery 1982.0007.31 
THE PROTECTION OF THE MOTHER OF GOD 
Cast brass 
H: 13.3; W: 10.7; T: 0.335 
About 1800 
Negative number 88-1650-28 
NUMBER 51 
1982.0007.31 
Seven seraphim frame a modified kokoshnik {bochka) crest 
with a geometric border. The crest depicts a noncanonical 
d-inity: God the Father and God the Son sit facing each odier 
across an orb and cmcifix; a dove, symbolizing the Holy Spirit, 
hovers above the crucifix. 
A wide border around the plaque is covered with OCS 
inscriptions. Hands outsfretched, the Mother of God stands 
slighdy PR from the center of the plaque, looking toward God 
die Son in the upper PR comer. "Clouds" at her feet and around 
die upper PR comer signify spiritual radier than material 
presence. Five saints stand at the PL; three angels, one depicted 
only by a halo behind die other two angels, stand behind and 
above the saints. Below at die PR edge, a smaller haloed figure. 
Saint Helena, appears under a canopy. 
The lower portion of this plaque is missing, die result of a 
"cold shot" casting, when die molten metal flowed incom?
pletely into the mold. Neverdieless, candle wax and pattems of 
wear indicate diat the icon was placed into reverent use. 
Glossary 
aedicule.?^In art, a small, temple-like facade used as a crest, 
apocryphal.?Based on texts or oral traditions whose historical 
audienticity is dubious, 
aureole.?^Radiance from head or figure of sacred person. 
bochka.?^Russian for barrel, refering to an arched crest shape 
on an icon, 
brass.?^Metal alloy of copper and zinc, with other trace 
elements, 
bronze.?Metal alloy of copper and tin. 
Byzantine.?^Pertaining to the Christian Roman Empire initi?
ated by Constantine the Great in A.D. 330, and lasting 
untd the fall of Constantinople in 1453. 
Byzantium.?Ancient name of the Greek city-state founded in 
die eighth century B.C. at die junction of die Golden 
Hom and the Sea of Marmara, 
canon.?^From Greek, meaning "mle" or "standard" by which 
to measure or evaluate somediing. 
canonical.?Applied to icons, it means that they conform to die 
early theological and esthetic requirements of die 
Orthodox church, 
ciborium.?A stmcture made up of four pillars supporting a 
dome set above the altar of early Orthodox churches. 
corpus.?^Latin for "body," referring to the cmcified figure of 
Jesus on the cross. 
crest.?A decorative motif that surmounts die main body of an 
art object. 
Cu.?^The chemical abbreviation for copper. 
Deesis.?Greek for "prayer," used as title for icons showing 
Jesus Christ in glory widi Theotokos (see below) to 
His right and St. John the Baptizer to His left, both 
tumed toward Him in an attitude of prayer, 
dominical.?^From Latin, "Dominus," pertaining to "the Lord." 
dormition.?A reference to death as "falling asleep," as in die 
iconographic subject "Dormition of the Modier of 
God." 
egg tempera.?^Traditional paint for Orthodox icons in which 
egg yolk is used as the binding medium, 
fresco.?^Painting executed on plaster. 
God Sabaodi.?^From die Hebrew, tsebaoth, plural of tsaba, 
army; hosts. 
Golgotha.?Hebrew for "place of the skull," referring to the 
location of the cmcifixion of Jesus Christ. 
Great Fast.?A period of fasting beginning seven weeks before 
Easter in the Orthodox church, 
hagiography.?Writings describing the lives of die saints. 
Hodigitria.?Greek for the icon subject depicting the Modier 
of God holding Jesus as die "Christ child" in a formal, 
regal posture, 
icon,?Greek for "image," a sacred representation for the 
Orthodox church. 
IC XC .?Greek- and Russian-letter abbreviation for "Jesus 
Christ." It is shown on Old Greek icons. 
Image.?Fully, "The Image Not Made with Hands," die 
popular iconographic subject depicting die face of 
Jesus Christ on a cloth used to wipe it on His way to 
Golgodia; also known as "Veronica's VeU" from the 
Latin for "tme icon." 
kenosis.?Greek for "self-abasement," used in die New 
Testament to describe Jesus Christ's acceptance of die 
human condition and death. 
kokoshnik.?^A Russian term for a headdress and for an ogee 
arch; a modified form of the arch is barrel-shape and 
is called a bochka. 
leaf.?A single panel of a triptych (see below), 
mandorla.?An iconographic convention of a circle or oval 
symbolizing die spiritual glory of the figure it 
surrounds. 
metanoia.?Greek word referring to a radical change in one's 
heart and way of life. 
Metropolitan,?^Primate of an ecclesiastic province, 
mosaic.?Design built up with small pieces of colored stone, 
glass, etc. set in cement. 
OCS.?Abbreviation for Old Church Slavonic, the language 
using Cyrillic letters to form most inscriptions on 
Russian icons, 
ogee.?In art, a reverse curve, often opposed to create an arch 
called kokoshnik in Russian, applied to an icon's crest 
or ouUine of an onion-shape dome. 
Old Testament Trinity.?A subject represented by diree angles 
diat is generally identified as die Holy Trinity. [For an 
explanation of the canonical versus noncanonical 
image of the Trinity see page 24. R.E.A.] 
omophorion.?In the Orthodox church, a bishop's principal 
vestment; a pallium in the Roman Catholic church, 
orans-type.?A gesture of supplication; a figure with arms 
outstretched in supplication. 
Orthodox Catholic church.?Phrase identifying mainstream 
Christianity of the east, developed during die post-
Constantinian era of doctrinal disputes. 
Palladium.?From die Greek, a sacred image believed to 
protect its host city. 
Pantocrator.?^From Greek for "all powerful," applied to an 
image of Jesus Christ when His awesome features 
suggest the image of God the Fadier. 
Pb.?The chemical abbreviation for lead, 
phylactery.?On a typical Russian cross, the top, horizontal bar 
representing the plaque Pilate had nailed to it; in the 
Latin Church, it bears "INRI." 
piano hinge.?The articulation of two pieces secured by a pin 
mn through a series of small cylinders altemately 
attached to each side, 
pinde.?A pin or a bolt, especially one upon which somediing 
tums, as in a hinge. 
PL and PR.?^Refer objectively to "proper left" and "proper 
right" side of an object, often opposite to a viewer's 
side, 
plaque.?A single plate, widiout side leaves or wings. 
Radost.?A Russian term for die Mother of God as the "Joy of 
All Who Sorrow," 
82 
NUMBER 51 83 
register,?In art, a horizontal band that appears above another. 
Resurrection.?^Iconographic subject also called "The Descent 
into Hades," the subject is the visitation of Jesus 
Christ to a dark region and His rescue of Adam. 
Russian Orthodox church.?The official state religion of 
Russia from A.D. 988 to 1917. 
seraphim.?Six-winged angels of die highest rank believed in 
ancient Judaism to guard God's throne. 
skan'.?A round or flattened silver, gold, or gilded silver wire, 
eidier twisted or braided, used to ouUine enamels or to 
embellish metalwork. 
skit.?A religious community; an hermitage. 
Sn.?The chemical abbreviation for tin. 
spme marks.?^Residual impressions on metal caused by an 
opening in a mold into which molten metal was 
poured. 
suppedaneum.?Greek for die foot support represented by die 
slanted lowest bar on a Russian cross. 
Theotokos.?Creek for "Mother of God" and endorsed as a 
technical theological term by die diird ecumenical 
Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431. 
diree-bar cross.?The typical Russian cross, also called 
"eight-ended." 
diptych.?An art object consisting of three panels, either 
overlapping when closed, or with two lateral wings 
half die widdi of the central panel. 
uezd.?An old Russian term for a small geographic entity, such 
as a region or area. 
ukaz.?Usually rendered in English as ukase; it is an official 
decree or edict, usually by the Tsar or other high 
audiority, 
umileniye.?Russian for "loving-kindness," used as a title for 
icons of the Modier of God and Child dominated by an 
expression of intimacy and tendemess, 
wing,?One of the two lateral panels of a triptych. 
Zn.?The chemical abbreviation for zinc. 
References 
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 
Billing ton, James H. 
1966. The Icon and the Ax: An Interpretive History of Russian Culture. 
New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 
Crummey, Robert O. 
1970. The Old Believers and the World of the Anti-Christ: The Vyg 
Community and the Russian State. 1699-1855. Madison: University 
of Wisconsin Press. 
Fedotov, G.R 
1960. The Russian Religious Mind. New York: Harper and Row, 
Publishers. 
Mel'nikov, P.L 
1910. "Otchet o sovremennom sostoianii raskola v Nizhegorodskoi 
gubemii." Deistviia Nizhegorodskoi Gubernskoi uchenoi arkhivnoi 
komissii, part 2, 10:1-155. 
Riasanovsky, Nicholas V. 
1969. A History of Russia. 2nd edition. New York: Oxford University 
Press. 
Runciman, S. 
1975. Byzantine Style and Civilization. Middlesex, England: Marmond?
sworth. [Also see 1981 edition published by Penguin Books.] 
Sherard, P. 
1966. Byzantium. New Yodc. 
Ouspensky, L., and V. Lossky 
1952. The Meaning of Icons. Basle, Switzerland: Otto Walter, Ltd. 
Pleshavona, LV. 
1985. Drevnerusskoe dekorativno-prikladnoe isskustvo v sobranie Gosu-
darstvenogo Russkogo Muzeia. Leningrad: Iskusstvo. 
Rice, D .T 
1962. Byzantine Art. London. 
1963. Art of the Byzantine Era. New York. 
Salko, N. 
1982. Early Russian Painting. Leningrad. 
Saltykov, A.A. 
1982. Muzei Drevnerusskogo iskusstva imeni Andreia Rubleva. Leningrad. 
Schug-Wille, C. 
1969. Art of the Byzantine World. New York. 
Tmbetskoi, E.N. 
1973. Icons: Theology in Color. New York. 
Vzdomov, G. 
1972. Art of Ancient Vologda. Leningrad. 
1976. Freski feofana greka v tserkvi spasa preobrazheniya v Novgorode. 
Moscow. 
Z.E.Z. 
1986. "Ob ikonakh Sviatitelia Nikolaia, chudotvortsa Rossiiskogo." 
Koster [Bulletin Interieur de TAssociation des Vitiaz, Paris], 
141(June):8-13. 
EASTERN O R T H O D O X I C O N S 
Alpatov, V.M. 
1977. Frescoes of the Church of the Assumption at Volotovo Pole. 
Moscow: Isskustvo. 
Antonova, V.L, and N.E. Mneva 
1963. Katalog drevnerusskoi zhivopisi. 2 volumes. Moscow: Isskustvo. 
Bank,A. 
1965. Byzantine Art in the Russian Collection. Moscow. 
Beckwith, J. 
1961. The Art of Constantinople. London: Penguin Books. 
1979. Early Christian and Byzantine Art. London: Penguin Books. 
Cavamos, C. 
1977. Orthodox Iconography. Belmont: Massachusetts Institute for Byzan?
tine and Modem Greek Studies. 
DanUova, I. 
1970. The Frescoes of St. Pherapont Monastery. Moscow: Isskustvo. 
Espinola, Vera B. 
1987. "The Technical Examination of Russian Icons and Oklads." In 
International Council for Museums (ICOM) Committee for Conser?
vation, 8th Triennial Meeting, Sydney [Preprint], 3:1105-1108. 
Grabar, A. 
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