LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS CiOSMOS MINDKLEFF 635 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Plate XXI. Plan of summer settlement 639 XXII. Plan of ruin showing long oceupancy 640 XXIII. Plan of Walpi, showing distribution of clans G-iS XXIV. Plan of Sichumovi, .showing distribution of clans 645 XXV. Plan of Hano, showing distribution of clans 647 XXVI. Plan of Mishongnovi, showing di.-itrilmtion of clans 649 XXVII. Plan of Shipaulovi, sliowing distribution of clans 650 XXVIII. Plan of Oraibi, showing distribution of clans 653 FuiURE 3. Plan of ruin showing brief occupancy 649 637 \- zu UJ -J H I- tiJ CO cr UJ S to z < — LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAX CLANS Bv Cosmos Mindeleff Of the many problems which perplex the student of the cliff ruins and other house remains of pueblo orig-in in the Southwest, two are of the first importance and overshadow all the others. These ai-e (1) the enormous number of ruins scattered over the country and (2) the peculiarities of ground-plan and their meaning. The two phenomena are so intimately connected that one can not be understood or even studied without the other. The ancient pueblo region extends from Great Salt lake to beyond the southern boundary of the United States and from the Grand canyon of the Colorado to the vegas or plains east of the Rio Grande and the Pecos. Within this area of about 150.000 square miles ruins can be numbered almost by thousands. Such maps as have been pre- pared to show the disti'ibution of remains exhibit a decided clustering or grouping of ruins in certain localities. INIuch of this is doubtless due to the state of our knowledge rather than to the phenomena them- selves; that is to say, we know more about certain regions than about others. Yet from the data now in hand it is a fair inference that ruins are generally clustered or grouped in certain localities. There were apparently a number of such centers, each the source of many subordinate settlements more or less scantily distributed over the regions between them. This distribution of ruins lends color to a hypothesis advanced by the writer some years ago, which affords an at least plausible explana- tion of the immense number of ruins found in the Southwest. The key to this problem is the extended use of outlying farming settle- ments. All lines of evidence—history, tradition, mythology, arts, industries, habits and customs, and above all the ruins themselves agree in establishing the wide prevalence, if not the universal use, of such settlements, as nuich in the olden days as in modern times, and as much now as ever. The ruins are of many kinds and varieties; no two are quite alike, but there are external resemblances which have led to several attempts 639 l)4U LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [eth.an.n.19 at cliissitiratioii. The results, however, arc not satisfactory, and it is apparent tlial \vc iimst look further into the .subject before wo can devise a good clas.siticatoiy scheme. It seems to the writtn- that all the plans of classitication hitherto jiuhlished have put too iinich stress on the external appearance of ruins and not enough t)n the character of the sites which they occupy or on the social and ti'ihal conditions indicated by such sites. I'uchlo arciiitecture is essentially a product of tlic plateau counti'v, and its hounds are, in fact, practically coincident with those of that peculiar region populai'ly linown as the mesa country. Peculiar geo- logical contlitions have produced a peculiar topography, which in turn has acted on the human inhabitants of the country and j)iv) even, ])lacid course of existence which conu's fi-nm the undis- turbed cultivation of the ground, with perhaps now and then some internecine war or bloody foray to ]\' tlie BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII PLAN OF RUIN SHOWING LONG OCCUPANCY MiNDELEFF] CAUSES FOK CHOICE OF MESA SITES 641 wilder spirits of the nomadic tribes; tields wei'e raided when ripe for the harvest, and the fruit of a season's labor was often swept away in a night. It soon l)ecaine unsafe to leave the village luiguarded, as a descent might be made upon it at any time when the men were away, and the stores accunudated for the winter might be carried off. But the detail of a number of men to guard the home was in itself a great hardship when men were few and subsistence difficult to obtain. Such were the conditions according to the ancient traditions. Under the pressure described the little villages or individual houses, located primarily with reference to the tields under cultivation, were gradually forced to aggregate into larger villages, and, as the forays of their wild neighbors continued and even increased, these villages were moved to sites which afforded better facilities for defense. But through it all the main requirement of the pueblo builder—con- venience to and command of agricultui'al land—was not lost sight of, and the villages were always located so as to meet these requirements. Generally thev were placed on outlying spurs or foothills overlooking little valleys, and it should be noted that at the time of the Spanish discovery and conquest, three centuries and a half ago, a considerable number of the villages were so located. There seems to l)e little doubt that the first troubles of the pueblo builders, aside from those arising among themselves, which were not sufficiently important to influence their arts or architecture, were caused by the advent of some tribe or tribes of Athapascan stock. Afterward, and perhaps as late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Comanche extended their range into the pueblo country, and still later the Lite found profit in occasional raids over the north- ern border. It is quite probable, however, that in the beginning, when pueblo ar<'hitecture was still in an early stage of development, none of the tribes mentioned wei"e known in that country. Eventually the housebuilders found it necessary to remove their homes to still more inaccessilile and still more easily defended sites, and it was at this period that many of the mesas were occupied for the first time. The country is practically composed of mesas, and it was an easy matter to find a projecting tongue or promontory where a vil- lage could be l)uilt that would be accessible fi'om one side only, or perhaps would be surrounded by cliff's and steep slopes that could be scaled only after a long and arduous climb ovei' a tortuous and diffi- cult trail. Building material was everywhere abundant and could generally be found within a stone's throw of almost any site selected. Few of the villages at the time of the Spanish conquest were located on mesa sites, but numbers of them were on the foothills of mesas and sometimes commanded by higher ground. At that time Acoma occupied its present location on the mesa summit, one of the best if not the best and most easilv defended in New Mexico, as the r)42 LOOALTZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS [eth.ann.IO Spuniiirds found to tlnnr cost iifter an unsuccessful assault. Hut this location was sit that time unusual, and was doubtless due to tlic fact that the people of Aconia we)-(\ like the wilder tribes, predatory in th(Mr instincts and habits, and lived upon their neighbors. ^Vhcn tlic little settleuu'uts of the tirst stage of development were compelled to cluster into villages for better protection, a new element came into j)ueblo architecture. The country is an arid one, and but a small perctMitage of the ground can be cultivated. Except in the val- leys of the so-called rivers, arable land is found only in small patches here and there—little sheltered nooks in the mesas, or bits of bottom land formed of rich alluvium in the canyons. Easily defended sites for villages could l)e found everywhere throughout the country, but to find such a site which at the same time commanded an extensiv'e area of good land was a difficult matter. It must be borne in mind that the pueblo tribes in ancient times, as now, were first and fore- most agriculturists, or rather horticulturists, for they were not farm- ers but gardeners. Depending as they did upon the products of the soil, their first care was necessarily to secure arable lands. This was always the dominating re(juirement. and as it came in conflict with the clustering of houses into villages, some means had to be devised to bring the two requirements into accord. This was accomplished by the use of farming shelters, temporary establishments occupied only during the farming season and abandoned on the approach of winter, but located directly on or overlooking the fields under cultivation. The ultimate development of pueblo architecture finds expression in the great clustered houses wdiich remind one of a huge beehive. As the wilder tribes continued their depredations among the inoffensive villagers, and. with the passing of time, grew more numei'ous and more and more bold in their attacks and forays, the pueblo tribes were forced to combine more and more for protection, (iroups of related villages, each offering a point of attack for savage foes and rich plun- der when looted, were compelled to combine into a single larger puclilo. and as reliance was now placed on the size of the village and the lunulierof its inhabitants, these large villages were located in wide valleys or on fertile bottom lands, the people again returning to their original desire to live upon the lands they worked. Under modern conditions, when the depredations of the wild tribes have been terminated by the intei'ference of a higher and stronger civilization, the houses arc nverting to the primitive type from which the great pueblos developed. But so late as ten or twelve years ago the Hopi or Tusayan villages were vuider the old conditions and were sul)- jected to periodical forays from their immediate neighboi's, the Navaho. Young warriors of the latter tribe ravaged the fields of the Hoj)i. more perhaps for the pi(>asure it afforded them and on account of the old tra Puel)los for at least some centuries was of this nature, annoying rather than actually dan- geroas. No doubt thei'e were also occasional invasions of the country of more tiian usual magnitude, when from various causes the nomadic tril)es had either an abundance or a scarcity of food. and. knowing the character of the villages as storehouses of corn and other products, or impelled by old grudges growing out of former forays, a whole tribe might take part in the incursion, and perhaps try themselves by an assault on some village of considerable size. But such expeditions were rare; the pueblo tribes were annoyed rather than menaced. Eventually, however, they found it necessary to provide against the ever-present contingency of an invasion of their country, and the great valley pueblos were developed. As aggregation of the little settlements into villages and of villages into great valley pueblos continued, the use of farming shelters grew apace. No matter what the conditions might be, the crops nuist be grown and harvested, for the failui'c of the crops meant the utter annihilation of the people. They had no other resource. They were compelled to coml)ine into large pueblos containing often a thousand or fifteen hundr(Hl souls, a condition which was at variance witii their requirements and manner of life; but they were also compelled to till tile soil or starve. The lands about the home villages were never suthcient for the needs of the people, and in consequence a consider- able portion of the population was t'ompelled to work fields more or less (listant from them. Thus, in the ultimate stage of puehlo devel- opment the use of farming shelters was as nuu'ii or more in evidence, and as nuu-h a necessity to the people, as in tlie prior stages. This sketch of the d(>velopment of pueblo architecture exhibits a secpience; but it is a cultural, not a chronologic, one. The data in hand will not ])crmit the determination of the latter now, but within a given group sequenc(> in culture and sequence' in time are practically synony- mous. The time relations of the various groups, one to another, must be determined from other evidence. The use of farming shelters has lieen a most important factor in producing the thousands of ruins which dot the mesas and canyons of the Southwest, while another factor, the localization of clans, has worked with it and diri'cted it, as it were, in certain channels. All the evidence which investigation has revealed, from traditions to the intrinsic evidence of the ruins themselves, concur in establishing the fact that the pueblo trilies were in slow but essentially constant move- ment; that movement has continued down to the present time and is even now in progress. Viewed across long periods of time it might «;44 LOCALIZATION OV TUSAYAN CLANS [eth.ann.19 be rcyurdcd as a iiii<;r!iti(>ii. Init the tfi'iii luis nut the isuiiic iiH-aiiiiig here that it ha.s wlien applied ti) the movements of great masses of hiiinanity M'hicli have takc^i piac(> in Europe and Asia. In the ])uehlo country migration was almost an individual movement; it was iiardly a tribal, certainly not a national, exodus. Outlying- farming settle- ments were established in connection with each important village. In the course of time it might come about that some r as practically all the rites and dances take place after the harvest IS gathered and before planting time in the spring—that is, at the sea- son when the men have some leisure—they are performed in the home pueblos, and only such villages have kivas. When, from prolonged peace or for other reasons, some families allowed the inconvenience of moving back and forth to dominate over counter motives, and remained throughout the y(>ar at the summer place, they might build a ki\'a or two, and gradually, as others also decided to remain, the summer place would become a home village. As the population grew by increment from outside and by natural increase this village would put out farming shelters of its own. which in the course of time might supplant their parent in the saiiie way. The process is a continuous one and is in progress to-day. The sum- mer village of Ojo Caliente, 15 miles from Zuiii, and attached to that pueblo, has within tlie last decade become a home village, occupied throughout the year ))y several families, and during the farming sea- son 1)y many others. Eventually kivas will be built there, if this has not already been done, and Ojo C'aliente will In-come a real home vil- lage and put out farming shelters of its own. Such is also the case with th(> pueblo of Laguna. which is gradually being abandoned by its inhal>itants, who are making their jterniaiH'nt Iiduics at what wei-e for- merly only summer villages. It will thus be seen tiiat a i-omparatively small band might in the course of a few centuries leive behind them the remains of many vil- lages. In the neigh})orho()(l of the llopi towns there are at least 50 ruins, all. or practically all. of which were left by the people who found their present resting ))lac(>s on the sununits of the rocky mesas of Tusayan. And with it all it is not necessary to assume great periods of time; it is doubtful whether any of the ruins of Tusayan are much more than foui- Imnilri'd years old. and some of tlieni w(>re i)ai'tly CO z< _) o li. o z o m DC h- z 5 o X in > o 2 Z> X o CO z< C3 o MINDELEFF] CHARACTER <)K MIGRATIONS 645 inhabited so lato as titty years iigo. Iiicludiiiy the proscnt location, tliree sites of Walpi, one of the Hopi towns, are visil>U' from tli(^ sum- mit of the mesa. Aceording to the native traditions the last mo\eiii(>iit of this village, only completed in the present century, was comm 'need when the kSpaniards were in control, over two centuries ago. It is said that the movement was brought about l)v the women of the village, who took their children and household goods up on the summit of the mesa, wher(^ a f(>w outlooks had been built, and left tiie men to follow them or remain where they were. The men followed. Among the inhabited villages the home pueblo can be distinguisiied from the summer establislnnents by the presence of the kivas, and often the same distinction can be drawn in th(> case of ruins, in many of the latter tiie kivas are circular and are easily found even when much liroken down. Aside fi'om this the plans of the two classes of villages can often i)e distinguished from each other through llirir general character, tlie I'esult of the localization of clans ))re\i(>usly alluded to. The migratory movements of a hand of village builders oftcMi c(jn- smned many years or many decades. During this time sul)ordinate settlements were put out all along th(> line as occasion or nec-essity demanded, and were eventually abandoned as the majority ol the people moved onward. Hopi traditions tell of such mo\-en)ents and I'ests, when the people remained for man^' plantings in one ])lace and then continued on. .\s ;i ride there was no definite plan to such a movement and no int(Mition of going to any place or in any direction: the people simply drifted ac-ross the country nmcli as cattle drift before a storm. They did not go back because they knew what was back of them. })ut they went forward in any direction without thought of where they were going, or even that they were going at all. It was a little trickling stream of humanity, or rather many such streams, like little rivulets after a rain storm, moving here and there as the occurrence of areas of cultivable land dictated, sometimes cond)ining, then separating, })ut tinally collecting to form the pueblo groups as we now know them. There is no doubt tliat in addition to this unconscious drifting migration there were also more important movements, whei} whole villages changed their location at one time. Such changes ai'e men- tioned in the traditions and evidenced in the ruins. There is a nudti- plicity of causes which bring about such movements, many of them very trivial, to our way of thinking. While the climate of tht> pueblo country is remarkabh' ecjuable and the water supply, although scant}', i.s practically constant over the whole region, local changes often occur; springs fail at one place and l)urst out at another; some seasons are marked by comparatively alnuidant rains, others l)y severe droughts. The failure of some particularly venerated spring would I'.l ETH, PT 2 fi 646 LOCAMZATIOX OF TUSAYAX CLANS [eth.ass.19 bo deemed yood taiise for the aliiuidoniiieiit of a villiijjfe situated near it. or tlie oeeiiiTi^iu-e of several years of di-oiiiilit in siieeessioii would l)e eoiistrue(i as a mark of disfax'or of the o'ods. and would 1m' followed bv a movement of the peojile from the village. Kv(>n a seri(\s of l)ad dreams which miyht he intlictecl on some ))rominent medicine-man by ON'ci'inilulu-eiK'c in certain arli<-les of food woidd be regard(>d as omens indicating a necessitv foi- a change of location. Such instances ai'e not uidut these will sufKce to show upon what slight and often ti'ivial grounds great villages of stone houses, the result of nuich labor and the ])icture of permanence, are sometimes abandoned in a day. I)ut while such movements en masse are not unknown, they have been comj)arati\"ely rare. The main movement of the people, which was a constant one. was accomplished through the custom of using out- lying farming settlements. Such settlements were eonnnonly single houses, but where the conditions permitted and the area of cultivable land justified it, the houses were grouped into villages. Th(>se were always located on or immediately adjacent to the land which was worked, and in some instances attained consideral)le size, but as a rule they were small. Th(> practice was universal throughout the length and breadth of tlic pueblo country, and the farming shelters took various forms as the innuediate toj)ogi'aphic environiuent dictated. Even the cliff ruins are believed to be farm shelters of a type due to peculiar physical con- ditions, but as this idea has been exploited elsewhere ' by the writer it need not be developed here. The occupancy of farm shelters, whethei- individual rooms or small villages, was necessarily more or less temporary in character, and as the po])ulation moved onwai-d the jilaces would be finally and completely abandoned. It would often be ditlicidt to obtain from the study of the ground-i)lan of a ruin, generally all that is left of it. any idea of the people who iidialiited it and of the conditions undei' which they lived; liut there is anotln>r element by the aid of which the length of time during which the \illage was inhal)ited and of the conditions under which such ()ccui)ancy contiiuiecl may often be ai)i)roximated. This is the localization of (dans, to which allusion has been made. The constant movenn'nt of the tribe, due to th(> use of outlying farm- ing settlements, which has be(Mi sketched al)OV(\ has its analogue within each village, where th(»re is an equally constant movement from house to house and from row to row. 'l"he clans w liicli inhabit a villag(> are com))ined into larger units or groups known as phratries ; locall^ysuch 1 The ClilT Kiiiiis (if CanVDll Uf (.'belly, in the Sixteenth Atiniml Keport of the Hnreati nf .Vmerienn ElhiioldK.v. I I- z CO z< o z o m a: wI- CD z o X < X uilt adjoining and connected with those already occupied. Therefore in each village there are constant changes in the plan; new rooms are added here, old rooms abandoned there. It is in miniature a duplication of the pro- cess previously sketched as due to the use of outlying shelters. It is not unusual to find in an inhabited village a number of rooms under construction, while within a few steps or perhaps in the same row there are rooms vacant and going to decay. Many visitors to Tusayan, noticing such vacant and al)andoned rooms, have stated that the popu- lation was diminishing, but the inference was not sound. On the other hand, the addition of rooms does not necessarily mean growth in popidation. New rooms might be added year after year when the population was actually diminishing; such has been the case in a number of the villages. But the way in which rooms are added may suggest .something of the conditions of life at the time of building. 648 LOCALIZATION OK 'I'llSAYAN CLANS [i:rii. an.n.19 The iulcliliuii of rooms o)i the o-i-oiiiul lloor. and tlio coiiscciuciil (•xt(Mi- sion of tlic groiiiul plan of a house cluster, iiidieates dirt'erent coiidi- tioiis from those wliieli must have prevailefl when tlie viUage. without exteiidiiio' its >)Ouiids, gj'ew more and more eompaet hy tiie addition of small rooms in the upper stories. The traditions eoUected finm the Hopi by the late A. M. Stephen, part of which have been published,' present a vivid picture of the conditions under which the people lived. The ancestors of the pres(>nt inhabitants of the villages reached Tusayan in little 1)ands at various times and from various direi'tions. Their niiiii-atit)ns occupied \ cry many years, although there were a few movements in which the peojjle came all together from some distant ])oint. Related clans conuuoidy built together, the newcomers seeking and usually obtaining permission to build with their kindred: thus clusters of rooms were formed, each inhabited b\ a clan (n- a phratry. As occupancy continued over long periods, these clusters became more or le.ss joined together, and the lines of division on the groiuid became more or less obliterated in cases, ])ut the actual division of the people remained the same and the quar- ters were just as much separated and divided to those who knew where the lines fell. But as a rule the separation of the clusters is ap])arent to evervone; it can nearly always be ti'aced in th<> gmund ])lans of ruins, and e\('n in the great valley pueblos, which were proljably iidial)ited continuously for several centuries, the principal divisions ma\' still be made out. In the simpler plans the clusters are usually well separated, and the ii'regularities of the ])lan indicate with a fair decree of clearness the apjjroximate length of tiuK^ during which the site was occujiii^l. A i)l;ui of this character is reproduced in figure :>. showing a ruin near Moenkapi. a farming settlement of the people of Oraibi situated about 4."i miles from that \illage. There wen> altogether iM rooms, disposed in three rows so as to partially inclose three sides of an op(m space or court. The rows are di\'ided into four distinct clustei-s. with a single room outside, forming a total of ti\'e locations in a \illage which housed at most twenty-tive or thirty ])ersons. The contiiuiity of the wall lines and com])ai-ati\-e regularity of the rooms within each cluster, the uniformity in height of the rooms, which, if the ilel>ris upon the ground may be accepted as a ci'itei'ion. was one story, and the general uniformity in the character of the masonry, all suggest that the site was occujiied a short time only. This suggestion is aided by the almost complete absence of pottery fragments. It is a safe infei'enee that persons of at least ti\c ditl'erent clans occuj)ied this site. A plan of interest in connection with the last is that shown in plate x.M. which illustiates the modern village of ^Joenkapi. occu[)ied only during the summer. Here we have two main clusters and two ' A StiiUy ol l^ueblo Arclutucluru, iu lliu iuguui .lUiuiuU Kupuii oi Ihu liuicuu ui Eiliuology. CO < o D m tr co Q CJ 2 5 o I CO > O z o z o I (O < -J o o MINDELEFK] CLAN LOCALIZATION AS SHOWN liY PLANS (U9 detached hou.scs. hut the chisters are not nearly so reL)-idar as in the plan above, nor are the wall lines continuous to the same extent. This place is spoken of hv the people of Oraihi as of recent establish- ment, but it has certainly lieen occupied for a nuich lonuer period than was the ruin near it. It is apparent fi'om an inspection of the j)lan that the clusters were formed by the addition of room after I'oom as year by year more people used the place in suuuuei'. It will l)e noticed that the rooms constituting the upper right-hand corner of the larger cluster on the map. while distinct from the other looms, are still attached to them, while twfi other rooms in the inuuediate vicinity / '\T^^- ^^"> SceJe I Ti I , I I I I 1 I I I r^-i Fig. 'i—Plan of ruin .showing brief occupancy. are wholly detached. This indicates that the cluster was occupied by one clan or by related families, while the detached houses were the homes of other families not related to them. Thus we have in thi.s village, comprising about the same number of rooms as the ruin first described, at least four distinct clans. Detached rooms, such as those shown on these plans, always indi- cate a family or person not connected directly with the rest of the inhabitants, perhaps the representative of some other clan or people. A stranger coming into a village and wishing to build would be required to erect his house on such a separate site. In the village of Sichumoxi (shown in plan in plate xxr\') there are two such detached 650 LOCALIZATION OF TI'SAYAN CLANS [eth.ann.19 houses directly in trout of tlic iiuiin row. One liafl Itccn linilt and was inhabited at tiic time when tlic inaj) was madf by a white man who made his home tliere. whih' tiie other, wliich iiad been abandoned and was falling into ruin, was ])uilt some years before by a Navaho who wished to live in the villaj>e. The formtn- was subse(|uently sur- rendered by the white man and occupied by some of the natives. The localization of clans worked both ways. Not onl}- was a member of a clan requii'ed to build with his own people, but outsiders were required to build outside of the cluster. The same requirement is illustrated in plate xxii, which shows the plan of Hawiku. one of the ancient "Seven Cities of Cibola," near the present Zufii. The standing walls which occupy the .southeastern corner of the ruin are the remains of an adobe church, while the build- ings which stood near and to the noi'th of it. now marked oidy by lines of debris, were the mission buildings and othces connected with the church. Thej' are pointed out as such bj^ the natives of Zuni to-day. All these l)uildings were .set apart and were distinct from the village proper, which occupied the crest of the hill, while the buildings mentioned were on the flat below. This was the first discovered city of Cibola.' the first pueblo village seen In' the friar Niza in 1.539, and the lirst village stormed by Coro- nado and his men in lo-iO. It was abandoned about 1670 ( ? ) on account of the depredations of the Apache. The plan shows that the site was inhabited for a long time, and that the village grew up by the addition of room after room as space was needed by the people. Notwithstand- ing the fact that no standing walls remain, and that the place was aban- doned over two centuries ago, six or seven hou.se-chisters can still be made out in addition to the buildings erected by or for the monks in thv required to produc^e such a plan. The long and com- l)aiative!y narrow row to the left of the main cluster suggests an addition of much later date than the main i)ortion of the village. The maps of the villages Walpi, Sichumovi, Hano, Mishongnovi. Shipaulovi, and Oraibi, which are presented herewith, show the dis- tril)ution of the clans at the time the surveys were made (about 18.S8). At flrst glance the clans appear to lie located with the utmost iri-egularity and ajiparently without system, but a closer study shows that notwith- standing the centuries which have elapsed since the period covered by the old traditions of the ari'ival of clans'- the latter are in a measure corroborated l)y the maps. It is also apparent that notwithstanding the breakdown of the old .system, whereby related peoples wei-e retiuired to build touether. traces of it can .still be seen. It is a matter of reerret 'See Hodge. First Discovered City ol Ciboltt, in American Anthropologist, VIII, April, ISai. = Thesc Iriulitinns iiro Riven in detail in tlic preceding paper.—Ed. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY NINETEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI PLAN OF SHIPAULOVI SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF CLANS MINDELEFF] CLAN DISTRIBUTION IN TUSAYAN (551 that the data are incomph^te. The accompanyini;- table shows the dis- tribution of the t'aniilies within the villages at the time of the surveys, but some of the clans repi'esented. whieh do not appear in the tradi- tions collected, are necessarily given as standing alone or belonging to unknown phratries, as their phratral relations were not deter- mined. The clustering of houses was a requirement of the phratry rather than of the clan. Dlslrihiilio)! (if fiiiniliei' 052 LOCALIZATION OF TUSAYAN CLANS ieth.annM9 dctt'i'iiiiiio tlic relationships of nciirly 4(i(» families, and the work was brought to an end before it was entirely tinished. lUit the inap.s illustrate a j)liase of life of the \illaofe builders which has not hereto- fore attracted attention, and which has had a very important etl'ect on the architecture of the peoj)le. Through the operation of the old custom of localizini;- clans, although it is now not rigidly adhered to as formeidy, the plans of all the \illages have l)cen modified. The maps here presented show them as they were in 1883, but in a few cases known to the writer th(> changes up to 1888 are shown by dotted lines. Tf now or in the future new surveys of the villages be made and the clans be relocated, a mass of data will lie obtained which will throw nuich light on some of the conditions of pue])lo life, and especially on the social conditions which ha\'e exercised an iiupoi'tant influence on pueblo architecture. The table showing the distribution of families in the \illages ])resents also the number of families. The most numerous were the AVater people, comprising in various clans no fewer than 121 families, or over a third of the total number. These were among the last people to arrive in Tusayau and they are well distributed throughout the vil- lages. It will ])e noticed, also, that whil(> a scattering of clans throuo-h- out tli(> villages was the rule, some of them, generally the older ones, were confined to one village or were concentrated in one village with perhaps one or two families in others. The Snow people were found only in Walpi, but these may be properl_v Water people and of recent origin. The Snake people wei'e represented by 5 families in AA'alpi and 1 in Oraibi, although they were among the first to arrive in Tusayan, and for a long time exercised proprietary rights over the entire region and dictated to each incoiuing clan where it should locate. The largest clan of all. the Kee families in Walpi and 25 in ()raitii. a total of ;'>1 families, oi-, by applying the general average of persons to a family, by 155 jiersons. In Oraibi, the largest vil- lage, there were 21 distinct clans, although 7 of them were represented by only 1 family each. In Shipaulovi, the smallest village, there were 2(1 families of -J clans, and three-fourths of the iidialiitants belonged to on(> of tlicni. In addition tliere is oiu' family of the AVater people, and in fad in each of the villages one or more clans is represented by one family only. It will Ik? luiticed that in Shipauk)vi the two clans were still well separated and occupied distinct quarters, although the houses of the village were continuous. The st'attered appearance of the clans on the maps is jnore apparent than real. It is unfortunate that the phratral i-elations of the clans could not be completely determined, and it is probable that wmv this done the clans would be found to be well gi'ouped even now. Even the insullicient data that we have appear to show a tendency on the part of the clans to form into groujjs at the present day. notwithstand- O _i O z X z < o IT < 3 < UJ cc CO m cc H CO Q a z ? o X CD m < or O < -J D- I- oc o au. a: < Z Z< I Z Z Z CO z < _J O u. O z O h- mD cc I- o z $ o I to < IE o u. o z < IBI > o _J o z I I- UJ z < o < UJ or D CD MiKnKi.KFi ] DESIRABILlTy OF NKW SURVEY (553 ing- the partiiil disiiitegrtitioii of the old system. At the present time the house of the priestess of the ehiii is consich'i-ed the home of that ehin, and she has much to sa\- about proposed marriages and other social functions. There is no doubt that in ancient times the localiza- tion of clans was rigidly enforced, as much by circumstances as by rule, and the ground plans of all the ruins were formed by it. As has been before suggested, a resurvey of the villages of Tusayan and a relocation of the clans, after an interval of some years, would probably develop data of the greatest value to the student of pueblo architecture, when compared with the plans here presented.