From the Playground of the Gods The Life 8c Art of Bikky Sunozawa NB 1059 .S97 D84 2004 1 From the Playground of the Gods The Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa by Chisato O. Dubreuil From the Playground of the Gods The Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa by Chisato O. Dubreuil with a Foreword by William W, Fitzhugh Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution Distributed by University of Hawai'i Press Copyright ® 2004 Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. All rights reserved. No portion ol this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing horn the publisher. From tlie Playground of tlie Gods: die Life and Art of Bikky Siinazawa was printed by The Castle Press, Pasadena, Calilornia U.S.A. Designed by Betty Adair, The Castle Press Edited by Kathy Tally-Jones, Perpetua Press, Santa Barbara, California The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production (iuidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dubreuil, Chisato O. From the Playground of the Gods : the Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa / by Chisato O. Dubreuil ; with a foreword by William W. Fitzhugh. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-9673429-8-8 (alk. paper) 1. Sunazawa, Bikky, 1931-1989. 2. Sculptors—Japan—Biography. 3. Ainu— Flistory. I.Arctic Studies Center (National Museum of Natural History) II Title. NB1059.S97D84 2004 730\92-dc22 2004017834 Editor's Note Spelling. Readers may note inconsistency in the presentation of some Ainu terms, personal names, and geographic place-names. This is because Ainu language has three geographic dialects—from Hokkaido, the Kuriles, and Sakhalin—and many dialects with marked variation in terminology and pronunciation. Because Ainu was a spoken and not a written language, early field workers, lacking dictionaries, transcribed Ainu terms, and names as best they could. Many spellings have been systematized, but in some cases terms remain as originally recorded. Tins book is dedicated to the memory MoTOKO Ikeda-Spiegel Contents Author's Note ix Foreword xi Introduction xix Sidebar 1: Who Are the Ainu? xix Chapter i: Bikkys Early Life and Influences (1931-1953) 1 Sidebar 2: The Ainu Homeland 1 Sidebar 3: Ainu Wood Carving 3 Chapter 2: The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikkys Art Evolves (1953-1964) . 15 Sidebar 4: Origins of Ainu Tourist Art 15 Sidebar 5: Ainu Fabric Art 23 Chapter 3: The Back of the Mask: Art and Activism in Sapporo (1964-1978) 31 Sidebar 6: Ainu Art and The Japanese Art Establishment 31 Sidebar 7: The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art 37 Chapter 4: Totem Poles and Tall Trees: Bikky Returns to His Roots (1978-1983) 49 Chapter 5: Transforming Visions: Bikky and the Northwest Coast of Canada (1983) 61 Sidebar 8: Bikky s Tools 61 Chapter 6: The Northern King: Final Years (1984-1989) 77 Chapter 7: Bikky's Legacy 109 Bibliography 119 Figure List 128 ^APR 2 5 2005 Author's Note On November 29, 1987, two Japanese amateur astronomers from Hokkaido, K. Endate and K. Watanabe, members of the International Astronomical Union, discovered a small planet.' After the required rigorous independent examination, they registered it with the Minor Planet Center at the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory on September 1, 1993, and received registry number 5372. They also named the planet. When named after a person, it is customary to use only the family name. The discoverers broke with tradition and gave the planet the honor of carrying only the given name of an extremely gifted contemporary Ainu artist. That artist was Bikky. 1. Marsdcn, 1993 ix Foreword William W. Fitzhugh Arctic Studies Center Smithsonian Institution In 1988 the National Museum of Natural History opened a special exhibi- tion featuring the traditional cultures of the North Pacific region from Vancouver Island to Amur River and Sakhalin. Crossroads of Continents: Cultures ofSiberia and Alaska^ explored similarities and differences in history, culture, and art of native groups living around the northern rim of the Pacific and adjacent Bering and Chukchi Seas. Of these northern cultures, the Ainu, whose name means "people" or "humans" in their language, could not be represented for political and organizational reasons. The Ainu formerly inhabited the Kurile Islands, southern Sakhalin, and part of northern Honshu; today the northern Japanese island of Hokkaido remains the only homeland of the Ainu people, most of whom live in small villages scattered in different areas of Hokkaido. Because Crossroads was con- ducted under a bilateral arrangement with the Soviet Union, which did not want its political history involving the seizure of the Kuriles and southern Sakhalin and expulsion of Ainu peoples aired broadly to the public. Crossroads proceeded with a conspicuous gap in our roster of North Pacific peoples. In 1990, while Crossroads was still touring, I began preparing an exhibi- tion about the Ainu to rectify this slight."' Europeans have had a long history of interest in the Ainu, beginning with Dutch and Jesuit contacts in the Dejima (Nagaskai) trade entrepot in the seventeenth century and continuing with the early nineteenth-century work of Europe's premier (and first) Japanologist, Philipp von Siebold, whose multi-volume opus, Nippon, brought knowledge of Japan to the western world for the first time. After Commodore Matthew Perry lorced the xi Japanese to lift their exclusionary ban on foreign travel within their archipelago in 1854, Europeans and Americans began to visit Hokkaido, both as tourists and for official reasons. They discovered a culture in drastic decline and were convinced that the Ainu would not survive more than a few decades. This view was also held by the Japanese, whose official policies were directed to hasten assimilation. The views of these visitors reflected their awareness, and sometimes their direct expe- rience, of hidian cultures of the American West, which were also thought to be on the verge of extinction. Among the early visitors to the Ainu was the intrepid Englishwoman, Isabella Bird, who wrote a book about her 1878 experiences. Others came during the 1870s as representatives of the United States government, which had pledged technical assistance to the new Meiji government for the devel- opment of Hokkaido's natural resources. Reports by these travelers and officials of the Ainu's striking dress, elaborate ceremonial life, and unusual physical appearance sparked the interest of American scholars and museum directors. The long flowing beards, hirsute bodies, large stature, deep-set eyes, and facial features (which most foreigners thought resembled Caucasoids more than Mongoloids), and the striking lip tattoos worn by women, made Ainu appear very different from other Asian populations. Although it is unclear where the idea originated, by 1 868 Albert Bickmore, President of the American Museum of Natural History, was in the habit of commenting on the bearded "Aryan appearance " of the Ainu, and in the decades before 1900 this idea became the major focus of public interest in the Ainu, in tandem with the earlier romantic European notion of the Ainu as a representative of the "noble savage," more so even than the American Indian. For the next four decades, most of the large natural history museums in Eastern North America, including the Smithsonian Institution, sent collectors to Hokkaido to gather Ainu objects, study its culture and population, and make photographic records of this "peculiar" people. The "Ainu enigma" became a popular scholarly puzzle that tantalized nine- teenth century explorers, museum collectors, and anthropologists researching the origin and spread of human "races." Unfortunately, this overly-romantic and simplistic view of the Ainu has persisted into the modern era. Visitors to the National Museum of Natural History in the early 1990s who were interviewed about their knowledge of the Ainu mostly misidentified Ainu as American Indians or Eskimos, or thought they were extinct. Most who recognize the word "Ainu" know it only as a four-letter answer to the popular crossword puzzle clue, "a northern native people of Japan." The causes of ignorance are many: a lack of English-language literature, absence of museum presentations and exhibitions, paucity of Ainu scholars outside Japan, and infrequent European and American visitation to Hokkaido. It was therefore clear that the exhibition, eventually titled Ainu: Spirit ofa Northern People, needed to broaden understanding among Westerners about Ainu history, culture, and contemporary life. Over the following two years, I and a team of Japanese, European, and American scholars and museum curators inspected the nineteenth and early twentieth century collections in Washington, Philadelphia, New York, and Brooklyn, and held seminars and workshops with Ainu experts. Befitting my own background as an archaeologist, I was intrigued by the advances archaeological research had made in researching the Ainu's cultural origins. In this field, some of the earliest scientific shellmound excavations conducted in the 1870s by Heinrich von Siebold in Omori, Edward Morse in Tokyo Bay, and Romyn Hitchcock in the Kuriles and Hokkaido provided a foundation for modern archae- ological studies by Japanese archaeologists suggesting ties between living Ainu people and the prehistoric Jomon culture of Japan. With recent DNA evidence, today there is nearly complete agreement that Ainu origins lie with the Jomon culture which occupied much of the Japanese archipelago throughout the Holocene and persisted in an evolved form in Hokkaido until ca. A.D. 500. On Honshu, Jomon culture was replaced by the forerunners of the modern Japanese state about 2,000 years ago, while in Hokkaido it was replaced by Okhotsk and Satsumon cultures which retained more elements of the Jomon tradition. Most archaeologists see Satsumon as the most likely immediate ancestor of modern Ainu culture in northern Honshu and southern Hokkaido, while Satsumon-influenced Okhotsk culture, a northern culture, is believed to be the source of Sakhalin and Kurile Ainu. However, the team quickly began to see the exhibition needed to be more than an anthropological study ol an ancient people to be represented by old Ainu collections and archival materials; rather we thought it was important to present the traditional collections within the broader context of Ainu history, archaeology, traditional ethnology, and art. Fortunately, Chisato Dubreuil, a woman of Ainu ancestry who had recently completed a master's degree in native art history at the University of Washington in Seattle, was available and joined the project. Chisato had a deep interest in Ainu culture and knew many Ainu cultural leaders and artists in Japan. Throtigh Chisato's efforts, the exhibition grew to embrace the story of the Ainu as a modern people. The hving tradition of Ainu art and culture enlivened our collection study and gave a broader purpose to what had previously been an esoteric enterprise. Suddenly the meaning of the objects and archival materials was transformed from "specimen" into "treasure, " from nameless photographic images into someone's grandmother or grandfather, and the show took on a living dimension. The "unknown" North American collections began to reconnect with their Hokkaido past. We became something more than curators inquiring into a remote culture and began to see how these materials could contribute to the Ainu cultural rebirth underway in Japan after a long and painful period of history. In 1868, a political upheaval in Japan had brought to power a progressive government known as the Meiji Restoration. Modernization was a major goal of the new administration, and one of its first acts was to give Ezo, Japan's large, undeveloped northern island, a new name: Hokkaido. Japanese citizens were encouraged to emigrate to exploit Hokkaido's natural resources. The resulting northern "land-rush" flooded the island with new-comers and brought a new way of life to a huge territory that until then, except for the Matsumae enclave and few Japanese fishing stations, had been the sole province of the native Ainu people. Meiji policies brought a harsh new reality to Ainu life that had already suffered three himdred years of military defeat, territorial loss, political and economic subjugation, and social discrimination at the hands of Russians and Japanese. The Meiji government and most Japanese immigrants saw Ainu adherence to their traditional life as an obstacle to progress, and policies were instituted to force rapid Japanese colonization and "civilize" the Ainu. Within a few years most Ainu lands, resources, and native rights had been taken away, and in 1899 these actions were codified in a native "protection" act whose actual intent was to terminate Ainu culture and force assimilation into Japanese society. It imposed harsh and restrictive conditions on Ainu existence and cultural expression, and the Ainu were forced to attend segregated schools and were refused access to traditional game and fish. Their religious ceremonies were banned and they could not participate as regular members of Japanese society. The results were variable. Although the Ainu population on Hokkaido did not become extinct, as expected, neither did it grow dramatically; today it stands at 25,000, only 10,000 higher than in 1886. During these years many of those born to Ainu abandoned their impoverished villages and moved to the rapidly growing cities where they attended high schools and universities, took jobs, and melted into the larger Japanese population. Once outside the Ainu residential commtmities, couples, including mixed Japanese and Ainu twosomes, often disguised their Ainu backgrounds so that their children could escape the stigma of social discrimination against Ainu that was prevalent among Hokkaido Japanese and elsewhere in Japan. Those who remained "Ainu" expressed their ethnicity in different ways. Some maintained Ainu traditions as subsistence or small-scale farmers, hunters, trappers, and fishermen who continued to practice Ainu religion and customs, secretly holding periodic bear ceremonies, burying their dead in the Ainu way, and engaging in traditional carving and weaving for home consumption. But as Hokkaido began to fill with Japanese immigrants and cities began to grow in the late 1 800s, economics forced the Ainu to develop new sources ol income. Some found a life harvesting timber; others began to replicate decorative wood platters or other material culture items for collectors and the growing numbers of tourists attracted to Japan's new "wild north," whose attractions also included the Ainu themselves. As tourist centers in Asahikawa, Akan, Shiraoi, and elsewhere began to develop, a new craft industry took root, providing seasonal income for Ainu who carved, sewed garments, and demonstrated Ainu rituals and dances for the public, first in their villages for those visitors interested in truly rustic adventures, and later in prepared sites that advertised Ainu attractions and catered especially to tourists. By the end of the twentieth century the "tourist" Ainu had become an established profession and the sales of Ainu crafts had become an important economic activity for some Ainu families. On the one hand tourism codified a new definition of Ainu culture as a conscious form ot living history and culture, though re-enacting it for the public in artificial settings disturbed many Ainu who preferred to main- tain their culture in a more private manner. Art in particular allowed twentieth century Ainu to express their beliefs and ethnicity in a way that produced income and internal cohesion for Ainu people, much as it had in earlier periods. As Ainu carvers began to transfer their skills from personal objects to mass produced tourist art—especially their signa- ture bear carvings—new economic and artistic opportunities were created that led eventually to the transformation ot Ainu art from its traditional personal and reli- gious forms to commercial and fine arts functions. XV Chisato Dubreuil brought this story to Hte beautifully within the Ainu: Spirit ofa Northern People exhibition and catalogue through biographical profiles of Ainu artists who pioneered the "break-out" of Ainu art from its traditional encumbrances, and from its commercial shackles as commercial tourist art, into the international world of fine arts. No one exemplified this transformation more completely than Bikky Sunazawa. Bikky Sunazawas art was unknown in North America and relatively little-known outside Hokkaido when the Smithsonian opened the exhibition in the spring of 1999. Bikky, a nickname meaning "frog" in Ainu, suited the earthy, iconoclastic character who rose to prominence in the 1970-80s as a charismatic young artist interested in advancing the political and ctdtural aspirations of Ainu people. Initially through direct political action and later through his art, Bikky translated the historical legacy of Ainu culture into a powerful message of modern Ainu identity unlike any previous Ainu artist. Although qualifying as a prominent artist by any standard, Bikky never achieved the recognition he deserved in his own country. In part this may result from his premature death and the geographic and cultural insularity of his Hokkaido home- land and Ainu ethnicity, but likely continuing attitudes of regional and ethnic discrimination also contributed. I was therefore very pleased when Chisato, after leaving the Smithsonian, wrote an English language book devoted to Bikky s life and art, and even more pleased that we are able to publish it through the generous support of the Motoko Ikeda-Spiegel Memorial Foundation. Her current work is the most comprehensive treatment of the artist who became the pivot-point in the development of modern Ainu fine art. Chisato Dubreuil has spent much of the past eleven years gathering information on Bikky from his family and friends, from newspaper and magazine articles, from catalogs of his art shows, and from her own interviews of art critics, museum curators, artists, art collectors, and from Bikky's own writings. A complex character who richly deserves the "larger than life" epithet, Bikky was sensitive, dramatic, extremely innovative in several areas of art, loyal to his friends but hard on family relationships. Beginning with the spectacular composite designs derived from traditional Ainu textile arts passed down from his mother, each of his works proved equally innovative and inspirational, each successive style breaking new ground and revealing new and more profound insights into "what it means to be Ainu." Like the Haida carver. Bill Reid, whose work and life inspired Bikky at a crucial point in his development, Bikky translated his native beliefs, sensibilities, and ethnic traditions into artistic expressions that embody a strong Ainu vision. His premature death in 1989, occurring at a time when he was still exploring his talents, was especially tragic in that he did not live to see the passage in 1997 of the Ainu Shinpo, an Act of the Japanese Diet that finally began the process of addressing repressive governmental policies ol the past. Despite tremen- dous obstacles, Ainu people and culture survived the twentieth century, and thanks to the Ainu Shinpo, they now have for the first time the foundation for positive support for Ainu culture and language. Today Ainu culture is beginning to be recognized for its historical tenacity, the beauty of its art and literature, and for the important message its religion and philosophy—spiritual balance between humans and nature—brings to the wider world at a critical moment in human history. This recognition goes hand in hand with the recognition of Bikky Sunazawa as one of the most creative and important contemporary native artists within today's circumpolar peoples. End Notes 1. Fitzhugh and Crowell (1988). 2. The bulk of the following text is an abridged version of the author's introduction to Ainu: Spirit ofa Northern People, edited by William W. Fitzhugh and Chisato Dubreuil (1999). Those interested in kirther information and appropriate textual citations of this intormation should see that vokmie. Introduction Bikky looked like a bear, drmik like a fish, and worked like a beaver. ' As the opening day for the Contemporary Artists' Series '89 in the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery outside ofTokyo neared, Ainu art- ist Bikky Sunazawa dropped a bombshell. From his hospital bed in Hokkaido, far to the north, he insisted that he would personally install his work and that he was going to attend the exhibition's opening. In the last stages of terminal cancer, the 57-year-old Bikky, with typical single-mindedness, refused to listen to anyone who tried sidebar i to talk him out of going. Driven by a creative passion throughout his life, the determined artist convinced his family and friends to help make his dream a reality. Even Bikky's doctor, moved by his determination and attracted by his charisma, took time off from her other patients to travel with him to Tokyo and take care of him. The Kanagawa Gallery is the most important Japanese gallery emphasizing modern sculpture, and its large open spaces suited Bikky's large-scale wood sculp- tures. He had looked forward to the day when he could exhibit his work there. But more than that, exhibiting in the gallery, an important venue lor Japanese contempo- rary art, also meant acceptance by the Japanese art world. A complicated man, Bikky fought throughout his tur- bulent life against discrimination by the Japanese against Fig. A 1.3 Ainu hunter in niountain clorlie Who Are the Ainu? The Ainu are lapan's indig- enous people, ^ who lived in fishing, hunting, and gathering tribal groups for centuries along the north Pacific Rim.' They are one of the most enigmatic ethnic groups in the world, and the Ainu language is completely unrelated to any other language group, including japanese. The Ainu were traditionally found mainly on Japan's northern island of Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, through- out the Kurile islands, on southern Kamchatka, and the Lower Amur River region.^ While the number of full blood Ainu is small, now down to less than a dozen, there are at least seventy thousan mixed race Ainu throughout japan, with Who are the Ainu? continued more than twenty-five thousand of that number in Hokli;,vi' 1 The Ainu Homeland continued For millennia the Ainu people hunted the forests of Hokkaido and fished its rivers, gathering acorns and beech nuts, berries and wild lily roots. They lived as many indigenous people of the North do. Salmon returning to the rivers in the fall provided food and material for boots and clothing. They ranged widely over the mountains hunting deer and bear. Furs and layers of heavy clothing protected them against the harsh winters-heavy snows that come with the winter winds from Siberia. Before the japanese cleared Ainu lands for farming, much of Hokkaido—the northernmost of japan's many islands — was covered with forests: pine in the north; larch, beech, and oak in the south. The Ainu used wood from the forests to build their houses and boats and even processed elm bark for clothing, called attush. It was this natural environment that stimulated Bikky's artwork: as he noted toward the end of his life, "nature is one of my themes. Art is in nature and nature is an art. It is one of my artistic attitudes. Knowing nature means to be honest with yourself. "2 Sidebar Notes 1. Hanu ct al. (1989:97) 2. Yamakavva (1988:191) A year after Bikky was born, his father Koa- Kanno, his mother Peramonkoro, and three other Ainu activists brought the infant along on the long and exhausting trip to Tokyo to complain to Japanese government officials about a land dispute with the Hokkaido Prefectural Office." The dispute went back to 1891 when uncultivated land near Bikky s birthplace was supposed to be released to the Ainu as "indigenous allowance land," but only a small fraction of it was — and that land was threatened by a local developer. As were many who challenged the Japanese government at the time, the Ainu activists were called communists. Government agents followed them, and the police broke into their hotel. Years later, Peramonkoro recalled, "we went to petition the vari- ous government agencies such as the Ministry of the Finance and Ministry of the Interior every day, but everywhere we went, we had our pictures taken as undesirable Ainu. It was not a pleasant experience."' Although their campaign was a hardship for the Fig. 1.1: photo of delegation in Tok)'o. Sunazawa's, it was successful: two years later, in 1934, the government returned their land."* Koa-kanno and Peramonkoro Sunazawa fought for and won Ainu rights at a time when few indigenous people worldwide had yet to win many battles against discrimination. Bikky's Parents Both Koa-kanno and Peramonkoro Sunazawa were committed leaders and were respected throughout Ainu country. Although they were rooted in the tradi- tional Ainu way of life, they were also pragmatic about the realities their children would face in a changing world. They encouraged Bikky and his brothers to discover their strengths in the traditional culture while also demonstrating what it would take to live in a world dominated by the Japanese. Bikky's father, Koa-kanno Sunazawa, was born in 1893 in Shin-Totsugawa in Sorachi district in south- western Hokkaido, and moved to Asahikawa in 1914. His official Japanese name was Ichitaro, but he preferred his Ainu name Koa-kanno, which means "two arrows aren't necessary," celebrating his prowess as a hunter with bow and arrow.' He was also a respected woodcarver and grew rice to support his family. Even though the farmland returned to the Ainu was often poor, Koa-kanno continued his fight for fairness, actively organizing Ainu farmer and labor move- ments, for which he was highly esteemed. Despite his strong links to his traditional Figure 1.2: Koa-kanno Sunazawa with bear carving. Sidebar 3 Ainu Wood Carving In traditionai Ainu households, men carved virtually every utilitarian object, from parts of the house Itself to serving vessels and implements, out of wood. Much of this carving is plain and empha- sizes the wood's natural beauty. Like many other carving cultures, such as those of Canada's Northwest Coast, many every- Fig. 1.3.1: Ikupasuy. ( Aniliintcs jm^c 5 3 culture, Koa-kanno, in another example of his independence, converted to Christianity and served as a Salvation Army officer before World War II. He and his wife Peramonkoro held Sunday school training at home for their neighbors and children.'' During World War II Bikky's elder half-brother Yoshio (Peramonkoro's son by a previous marriage) was drafted into the Japanese army, even though Koa-kanno did not approve ot Ainu involvement in Japanese imperial policies. When he was drinking he would sing anti-war songs and shout that he was "against the war and against the emperor system. All human beings are the same. I don't want my son to die for the emperor."'' Criticizing the emperors policies was a serious crime punishable by death, and fearing fanatical Japanese neighbors, Peramonkoro covered Koa-kanno's head with bedclothes so he couldn't be heard. Nonetheless, Koa- kanno's independent views in the face of such strong disapproval had an indelible impression on Bikky. Like her husband, Peramonkoro, meaning, "child playing with a spatula," was known for her leadership. Born in Chikabumi in 1897, she was one of the few Ainu women to graduate from high school at that time, finishing the Asahikawa Sheika Woman's High School in 1915. Not only was Peramonkoro Sunazawa well educated, but she proved to be entrepreneurial and resourceful in making ends meet. She taught Japanese dress-making, knitting, and embroidery to the Ainu women in the community, which gave them skills needed to bring some income to their families, she was respected as a master of traditional Ainu embroidery. A traditionalist, she felt an obligation to hand down her skill and knowledge to the next generation. She did not hesitate, however, to cross gender barriers to teach her son Bikky how to embroider traditional garments when she noticed his interest in gure 1.3: Peramonkoro Sunazawa art, especially his interest in Ainu designs. Bikky recalled: "My mother asked me to embroider one of the garments she was making. I was very young and, even though I felt reluctant, I was attracted to the designs of garment. I'm grateful that she taught me to embroider because the Ainu designs are now second nature to me—theyVe in my blood. Not only did Peramonkoro strive to perpetuate Ainu culture, she was also the backbone of the Young Ainu Women's Association. In this role she helped care for older Ainu women and younger women who needed help. Many Ainu women in the community respected her as an advanced and independent woman while at the same time she was known and admired for her knowl- edge ofyukar, the oral epics of the Ainu. Again, his mother influenced her son as the yukar played an impor- tant part in Bikky's art in later years. As a tribute to their individual leadership, Ainu scholar Genjiro Aral recognized Koa-Kanno and Peramonkoro separately by including them in his book, Ainu Jinbutsu-den (The Legendary Ainu) in 1992. Bikky's Childhood (1931-1942) With the exception of his early trip to Tokyo, Bikky spent the remainder of his childhood in his birth- place, the Chikabumi kotan (traditional Ainu commu- nity). Even here, however, Bikky's youth was a mixture of two cultures, a dramatic change from the traditional Ainu way of life to assimilation into the Japanese society. His grandparents lived in a traditional Ainu house next to his parents' Japanese-style house and spoke to him in the Ainu language, especially when scolding him. At the same time, his parents spoke to him mostly in Japanese. Bikky went back and forth between the two homes. Ainu Wood Carving continued day objects are beautifully decorated with intricate patterns similar to those found on women's garments. Wooden carvings were either functional within the house- hold or had a spiritual use; there are few examples of toys or artworks created only for purposes of self-expression. The most important object carved for spiritual purposes is the ikupasuy or prayer-stick (Fig. 1.3.1). Normally thirty to forty centimeters (eleven to fifteen inches) long and three to four centimeters (a little more than an inch) wide, it is usu- ally made from yew or willow wood. It is carved in a somewhat flattened shape and usually rounded edges and tapered at one end. Even though the carving area is lim- ited, the Ainu have had an aggressive and creative relationship with the space and used an interesting juxtaposition of low- and high-relief designs that range from very complex to quite simple. Traditionally, living organisms such as people or animals were never used in any Ainu design for fear of angering the evil spirits, wen kamuy, but the ikupasuy is an exception. They are carved with creative examples of the owner's personal spirit totems in artistic renderings ranging from exact realism to the most abstract forms. Totem examples include bears, killer whales, seals, otters, birds, fish, snakes, and flowers. While human-made items also appear, especially boats, there are no known depictions of humans. The ikupasuy is generally referred to as "a mustache-lifter," or "libation wand" in anthropological literature. It's an Fig. 1.3.2: Inaw. Continues oil /'w^c 6 5 Ainu Wood Carving continued understandable mistake because as part of any ritual in which sake is consumed, it appears that the men hold their mous- tache up from the sake with the ikupasuy when drinking. Actually, they are dipped in the sake to sprinkle it on an inaw or other important object to help send their prayers (Fig. 1 .3.2). The tapered end of the ikupasuy is carved with a parunpe (tongue). Its purpose is to communicate with the gods in the pivotal role of media- tor between humans and the gods, and it identifies the worshiper to the gods, for example, as a hunter or fisher or grateful supplicant. An itokpa (patrilineal ancestor sign) is also carved on the ikupasuy. Although the ikupasuy has received much attention, the inaw is also an important Ainu ceremonial carving. Beautiful in its simplicity, the inaw is usually a finely shaved tree limb tufted at one end in various lengths from less than one foot to more than six feet. It acts as the most important messenger to the gods and is never reused after a specific ceremony. i The Ainu carve the maw from different types of trees depending on its purpose. They use willow and dogwood, which have a fine grain and light color, for "good gods" who brought prosperity and welfare. When they offer the inaw to "bad gods" such as the gods of disease, they chose trees with wood that smelled bad or that had thorns. preferring to stay with his grandparents. He loved the traditional way of the Ainu. Bikky's cousin Yoshiaki described an event that shows the mix of cultures even in their traditional community: /// the early spring one year, my mother and I went to visit Bikky and his mother while Uncle Koa-kanno (Bikky'sfather) was away hunting. I enjoyedplay- ing with Bikky i>ery much and after playing we would get sweets to eat. When ive got there wefound many mothers, children, and older women with traditional tattooing. Salvation Army ojfcers were also there as they often came to Bikky s house. Everyone was listen- ing seriously to the Salvation Army people ivhile they told Christian stories. We went outside where there were pine trees and other types of trees, but most importantly there was an Ainu altar (nusa) that displayed many bear skulls that Uncle Koa-kanno hunted. This type of altar wasfound at every Aitiu hunter's house including my own. Both Bikky and I were veryproud ofwhat our fathers had done. A few days later Bikky rushed into my house and said "Yo [his cousin's nickname], my dad hasjust caught a bear. Come and eat the meat in my house. " I immediately visited their house with my mother. Bikky's house was already crowded with many guests. Many men alreadyfinished the kamuy-nomi, Ainu prayers, and they enjoyed talking about hunting!^ Uncle Koa-kanno was in a good mood as he rubbed his long beard gently and contentedly. Women began singing Ainu songs. The hot bear meat soup was passed around the guests. This was a very oldAinu custom. When a villager hunted a bear, hisfamily invited all the village people to share their good-fortune dinner.^^^ Both Christianity and the traditional Ainu beliefs were present in Bikky's world. His parents held Sunday school and invited the Salvation Army officers to 6 their home, and they performed a mixture of Christian and traditional Ainu prayers on every occasion. Nonetheless, Koa-kanno was well known as the author of especially revered and sacred kamuy-nomi, prayer-like songs or poems that send messages of appreciation to the gods. Despite his exposure to Christianity, Bikky never espoused this system of beliefs and throughout his life maintained traditional Ainu beliefs. Bikkys father encouraged him to find his own way, but discouraged him from his constant drawing or carving, even if it was traditional. He usually scolded him, saying, "dont do carvings, do your school work and study hard."" In contrast, Peramonkoro was under- standing of his creative skills, and she bought Bikky crayons and paper even though the family was extremely poor, so impoverished that she sold azuki beans, used to make sweets, door to door in the Japanese neighbor- hoods to make the money needed to buy art supplies for Bikky Bikky's Youth (1943-1953) Until he was six years old, Bikky had little con- tact with Japanese children. When the segregated school system ended in 1937 and an "equal" educational system was created for the Ainu children, Bikky started elemen- tary school with Japanese children. This was a painful period for Bikky and other Ainu children, because they were constantly ridiculed by their Japanese classmates. Nonetheless, Bikky graduated from the Chikabumi Elementary School in Asahikawa City in 1943 at the age of twelve and from junior high two years later. World War II ended with Japan's defeat in 1945, making life, which had never been easy for the Sunazawa's, even more difficult still. Koa-kanno and Ainu Wood Carving continued During ceremonies, nnen set several inaw in front of their altar and would dip the ikupasuy in sacred sake and then sprinkle it over the inaw while praying. Inaw were also placed around the interior of the house. The /now for the god of fire was placed in the fire pit and many inaw were placed throughout the home. The east side of the chise, or house, had a window that was called a "god window," where another type of inaw was also placed. Depending on the area, this window would point toward the mountains or wherever the important gods could be found. Inaw were all made as offerings to different gods, and stayed where they were placed until they fell into decay except for the inaw for the fire god, which was burned after use.^ Both the ikupasuy and the inaw are very much in use today—not only in public and private ceremonies, but for use in the modern home. 3 The Ainu men also carve other spiritual artifacts. A man's ceremonial headdress sometimes included totem animals such as bears, killer whales, or owls. These ceremonial headdresses are worn by male participants for the iyomante (bear spirit sending ceremony). Also used in the Iyomante ceremony are special blunt arrows carved to shoot the bear. The arrow is called heper-ay (flower arrow). It resembles a partially open flower, and the Ainu believe that shooting these arrows, which normally bounce off the bear, excite the bear gods play just before they actually kill the bear. The arrow is carved with the ancestral itokpa to let the gods know who sent the bear god's spirit back to gods' land. Many scholars have made the mistake of thinking the bear is a sac- rifice to a god, when in reality the bear is god. Sidebar Notes 1. Fu)imura (1982:76-7). 2. Takakura (1970:634-5). 3. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003). 7 Bikky, who was then fifteen, attempted to farm the land given the Ainu seven kilometers hom Asahikawa City. They were not successful, however, and it became almost impossible to make a living. To earn a small income, Koa-kanno sold sou- venir woodcarvings in the Lake Akan tourist resort.'" Bikky, with the encouragement of his father, decided to become a dairy farmer and left Chikabumi at the age of sixteen to attend the Prefectural Agriculture Training School in Tokachi, in southern Hokkaido, in 1947. At the school he continued to experience the racism from Japanese students and teach- ers to which he had been subjected in elementary and junior high school, but he nonetheless completed his year there and returned to Chikabumi in 1948 with his new knowledge. He and his father joined forces with ten Ainu households and tried to cultivate the land in Ubun, a suburb of Asahikawa City, and estab- lish a new Ainu kotan, Ainu settlement. A cousin working alongside Bikky on the undertaking recalled: It was a bard life with only a bonfire for beat and an oil lamp for ligbt. We lived in a bamboo shed. Our meals were mainly cooked butterbur stalks and corn mixed with a little rice. We worked hard chopping wood, gathering bamboo leaves, and digging up tree roots.^^ Even though the work was grueling, Bikky sketched the farm animals: Afer Ifinished supper in the shed, I began making sketches of the cattle and horses I had worked with during the day. In the begin- ning Ijust wanted to draw a horse as it was and capture its sturdiness and strength. But the more I drew, the more I wanted to capture the essence ofthe horse—and eventually the animals I drew turned into abstractforms. Unfortunately, none of Bikky's abstract animal sketches are known to survive, but an extant abstract pen drawing [Figure 1.4], one of his earliest known works, shows organic tubular material with tufts at each end floating in space that may reflect the kind of abstract form with which he experimented. Horses were among his earliest woodcarving subjects, and at least one of these carvings remains, a simple Figure 1.4: Teenage abstract drawing. Figure 1.5: Teenage horse carving. Standing horse [Figure 1.5]. Bikky carved its body with a chisel to emphasize its contours. The facial features are minimally done: the eyes are just carved-out holes, and the ears are two simple projections. The use of bold chisel or scalper strokes suggests a moment of repose for the serene and solitary horse. Bikky's isolation in Ubun gave him time to think about the racial prejudice he had confronted since his childhood. "When I worked the farm, racial prejudice was so severe, I began to hate the Japanese. I was much more comfortable with cattle and horses than people.""^" Struggling to fight racial prejudice, he realized even at the age of seventeen that the core of his problem was his own feelings of inferiority. He knew that while he could do little at that time to change the dis- crimination against the Ainu, he could change himself: It came to me that the Ainu should not be ashamed ofwho they are or hide thefact that they are Ainu. I didn't want to hide my Ainu iden- tity, hut I didn't want to hide behind it either. I thought I should grapple squarely with it. It was then that I made up my mind to use tny child- hood Ainu nickname 'Bikky instead ofmy legalJapanese name, Hisao.^^ 9 Thus "Bikky" became his artistic signature. In another break from being considered Japanese and an additional declaration for cultural independence, he spelled the name with Roman characters, extremely unusual at that time.'*^ He used the name for the rest of his life. In spite of their hard work, it was difficult to make a living as farmers, so Bikky joined his father and began to produce souvenir woodcarvings to sell in the Lake Akan resort area. In another example of Peramonkoro's entrepreneurial spirit, during the summer tourist seasons, she owned and operated a "gift shop." At first simply bamboo mats spread on the ground, eventually it grew into a real gift shop that is still owned by the Sunazawa family. Bikky contributed much of his seasonal work from 1948 to 1953 to the family business. Revolutionizing Ainu Tourist Art (1 952-1 953) In the late 1940s, major tourist resorts opened in Hokkaido, including the newly established Ainu Kotan at Lake Akan; and they began to attract tourists from the other parts ol Japan, increasing the demand lor Ainu souvenirs such as carved bears. Bikky's lather, already a well-known bear carver, asked Bikky to go to his cousins house to learn the techniques of bear carving. Bear carving bored Bikky, however, and he was asked to leave after a month's study because he didn't want to carve bears as the other people did—one of his bears had horns, for exam- ple. He wanted to be different, and he was. Bikky's first contribution to Ainu art came at age twenty-one when he created wooden jewelry with intricate designs, variations on the traditional pat- terns he had learned h-om his mother. [Figure 1 .6] He pushed the designs further, developing what came to be known as the Bikky mon'yo (Bikky patterns), which he carved into pendants and earrings, cigarette cases, small boxes, pipes, jewelry boxes, candle holders, and many other small Figure 1.6: Rings with Bikky nwii'yo. 10 items. The objects carved with the Bikky monyo sold well, and many Ainu artists began copying them. To protect their designs, Bikky and his friends created a jewelry association, but unfortunately never submitted the necessary paperwork to copyright their work. While he didn t know it at the time, he had revolutionized Ainu tourist art, giving it new vitality. Today, "Bikky patterns" are found on many items wherever Ainu tourist art is sold. Leaving Home (1952-1953) In 1952 Bikky s private and artistic life changed dramatically. Although proud of his success as a craftsman, he also created abstract paintings. Mineko Yamada, an art student from Kamakura traveling around Hokkaido on holiday, visited Bikkys mother's gih shop in Akan with a friend. As art students they appre- ciated Bikkys abstract paintings and began a conversation with him. By the end of Mineko's week-long stay in Hokkaido, Bikky had fallen in love with her and asked her to marry him—but she refused and returned home to Kamakura. A week later Bikky followed her, taking only his clothes, his carving knives, and some bears and jewelry he had carved. He spent the next week at Mineko's parents' house in Kamakura but had to return home when he ran out of money. If the year 1952 was a year of intoxicating adventure, 1953 was a year of devastating loss. Bikky s beloved lather Koa-kanno died unexpectedly of a stroke in August. Koa-kanno had urged him repeatedly to go his own way, and Bikky decided to leave his hometown for Tokyo to pursue painting.' ' More important, he wanted to be near Mineko, the first of his many loves. In the fall of 1953, he gathered his carving tools and paint brushes and jumped on the night train to Tokyo. End Notes 1. Ogawa Sanae (1989:7-9). 2. The three other Ainu activists were Genjiro Arai, a self-taught scholar; his wife, Michi Arai; and Kaniegoro Ogawa (Arai 1992:151^5; Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama 1993:78-9; Hokkai Tunes. June 11, 1932). 3. Arai (1992:80). 4. Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama (1993:79). 5. An Ainu could have several names at different times during his or her lifetime. For example, a person could develop special skills such as being a great himter or a storyteller, etc., which could cause them to take on a new name (S. Kodama 1970a:472-3). 11 John Batchelor (1854-1944) came into contact with the Ainu as an Anglican Church of England lay mis- sionary in 1877. In 1879 he joined the Church Missionary Society of London and continued his work among the Ainu of Hokkaido following his retirement from the Society in 1924. He wrote more than forty articles and books on Ainu culture, including the first Ainu dictionary, hi 1888 Dr. Batchelor founded the Airin Gakko (Loving Neighbors School), the first of several schools for the Ainu, but was forced to close all the schools in 1905 and 1906 because ol the Japanese Ainu assimilation policy. Matsu Kannari (1875-1961), one ol his converts, became a missionary and eventually settled in Chikabumi to preach the gospel (Nthoti KirisutO'kyo Rekishi Daijiten 1988:350). Because of her extraordinary ability to recite j)/?^^,«r (she would contribute to the making of twenty volumes of the Ainu's epic oral poems), she became close friends with Bikky's mother, Peramonkoro, who was also highly respected for ]\er: yukar recitations. This led to the conversion of Bikky's mother and father to Christianity (interview with Kazuo Sunazawa, May 13. 1995). Hariu et al. (1989:102), Yiimakawa (1988:205). Ogawa (1989:13). Kamny-no}ni are prayer like songs or poems that send words or messages ol appreciation to the gods for help, tor example, tor a successtul hunt. Mamiya (1989:5). Intetview with Kazuo Sunazawa April 8, 1994. Lake Akan is in mountainous eastern Hokkaido and is a well-known tourist area. It has been and contin- ues to be important to the Ainu. An Ainu kotiin (Ainu settlement) was established as both an Ainu com- mercial enterprise and cultural center. Mamiya (1989:6). Yamakawa (1988:183). A specialized chisel with a circtdar cutting edge. Kitamura (1963:94). Yamakawa (1988: 180-2). In tact, Bikky became somewhat obstinate about the name. In Japan, the hon- orific "san," is always put at the end of the name. Bikky did not like being referred as "Bikky-san" [Hokkai Times, October 29, 1981) and would correct anyone who used the honorific. Even his children called him Bikky, even though it is extremely rare for a child to call his or her father anything but "lather." While his early work was signed "Bikki, " using both the Japanese katakaiia or Romanized written languages, all later known works use the English spelling "Bikky. ' Neither his family nor his triends remember exactly when he changed his spelling from "Bikki" to "Bikky." Kazuo Sunazawa, Bikky's brother, said that while Bikky wanted his name to be an Ainu name as a state- ment against the dominant Japanese culture, he also thought the Ainu name with the English spelling was kakkoii ("cool" or "sexy") (interview May 14, 1995). Bikky gave three ot his four children Ainu names: his eldest son Chikaru, his daughter Chinita, and his second son Auta. The youngest son was named after Bikky's father, Ichitaro, but it was done using different kanji characters. Although Bikky studied the paintings exhibited in the galleries and museums in and around Tokyo, he never studied painting or other artistic expressions in the formal sense. It was extremely rare for a seri- ous artist not to have formal artistic training if he or she wanted to be recognized and accepted in the mainstream Japanese art field. While Bikky admitted to having an inferiority complex about his ethnic background, he never harbored similar teelings about his lack ot a fotmal art education. Bikky had great confidence in his artistic talents and believed that if you had talent, it was up to you to perfect it: no one could "formally " teach vou talent. 13 Chapter 2 The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikiy ( 1 95 1-3)." (Read 1985:349). 24. Hammacher 1 959:introduction. 25. Shigeru Ueki (1913-1984) was born in Sapporo, Flokkaido. He learned avant-garde art such as Cubism and Dadaism b\' himself He studied painting with Kotaro Migishi (1903-1934), but when he made a trip to Nara, and saw Cbiken-iu of Dainichi-nyorai in Tosho-daiji, he was moved by it and he began study- ing sculptute by himself He submitted many of his works in various exhibitions including the Sao Paulo Biennalo and Venice Biennale. He was known as a pioneer abstract sculptor (The catalogue, Hito to Kaze to Kamigai 1993:20). 26. Bikky had met and conversed with Okamoto on at least one occasion, and while Bikky had great respect for Okamoto, he had no interest in his art (interview with Junko Takagi, May 14, 1995). 27. Miki (1990:121). Exhibitions ol all types, including very important art exhibitions, are regularly held in large department stores throughout Japan. There is almost always dedicated exhibition space in depart- ment stores. Attendance at department store e.xhibitions is nearly always extremely high. 28. Sugimura (1990). l^.AsahiShimbwu (November 22 1960). 30. Asahi Shmibim (August 28, 1988). 31. Echizen (1994b:85). 32. Yamakawa (1988:187). 33. Tamon Miki (b. 1929) was a director ot the National Museum of International Art and an established art critic ol modern sculptural field. 34. Miki (1963:70-1). 35. Hokkai Times (January 30, 1980). 36. Yamakawa (1988:187). Frontispiece: Bikky being interviewed by a newspaper reporter in April 1974 Chapter 3 The Back of the Mask; Art and Activism in Sapporo (1964-1978) It is said that a devil is "an asking person" and "a stranger. " A mask is "a stranger" who doesn't have characteristic features or specific appearances. It ahvays asks ns ifwe know who it is. Make the mask turn around. The content ofthe mask is empty. It is filled with emptiness. How can the characteristic human face endure such a complete emptiness?^ If Bikky's years in Tokyo had been a time for him socially, and intellectually, the next decade and a half was he believed, wasted energy. During this period, however, Bikky gained a deeper understanding of his Ainu identi- ty and connected it to themes that would thread through his artwork for the rest of his life. Bikky had moved his family from Tokyo to Asahikawa City in Hokkaido around 1960 and shuttled them back and forth between Asahikawa and Sapporo several times before relocating there in 1964. He would live in the prefectural capital for the next fourteen years. Although his work was being shown in one-man shows in galleries in Tokyo and Sapporo and gaining increas- ing critical recognition, he could not make a living from selling his fine art pieces. He turned instead to the modestly lucrative but unfulfilling task of creating Ainu tourist art and selling the pieces through the Kitmiihoii to grow artistically, a time of frustration and, Sidebar 6 Ainu Art and The Japanese Art Establishment The attitude reflected in the traditional Japanese art field for Ainu art has typically been one of disdain. Many Japanese art critics have stereotyped all Ainu art as tour- ist art while others have categorized Ainu art as merely being ethnographic artifacts. One of the reasons for this attitude is that Japanese art historians have applied the canonical criteria established in the Western hierarchical classification system since the Meiji Restoration in 1868. Following this evaluation system, Ainu art is regarded in the category of "low" craft or applied art with the bulk of the pieces created by "anonymous" artists. The contrasting termi- nology "art" versus "craft" draws dichoto- mous boundaries between "high Japanese art" over "low Ainu craft." The earliest substantial contribution to the study of Ainu art came in the work of Ciilllilllk's oil pnxi- i2 31 Ainu Art and The Japanese Art Establishment continued Sugiyama Sueo (1885-1946), an industrial designer and an owner of a design com- pany, who authored and published Ainu no Mon'yo (Ainu Design Motifs) in 1926.' This book was the first Japanese effort to examine and analyze Ainu material culture as art work. In the 1940s Sugiyama and the Japanese scholar of the Ainu, Kindaichi Kyosuke (1882-1971) compiled all avail- able research into three volumes, Ainu no Ceijutsu (Ainu Art). The first volume was a survey of Ainu textiles published in 1941: the second was on woodcarvings (1942); and the third was on metal work and lacquerware (1943). These books contain many illustrations along with extensive information and initiated a new interest in Ainu art among academics. Since then, little has been published in either japan or the West on Ainu art, especially Ainu contemporary art. Modern artists have not been recognized or criti- cally appraised; without important cri- tiques by art critics, art historians, and the viewing public, recognition of traditional and contemporary Ainu creative efforts as art remains problematic.^ However, in recent years some Ainu contemporary artists have begun to publish art books of their own work as a statement of their artistic identity. Examples include works by Nuburi Toko (1995), Mutsumi Chiri and Takao Yokoyama (1995), and Sanae Ogawa and Machiko Kato (1996). Mingei-sha (the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company), which filled much of his timer His ability to produce his large- scale work was also affected by suffering through several years of devastating vision and balance problems that prevented him from producing any artwork — problems brought on by a head injury he suffered while drink- ing. His constant drinking and womanizing disrupted his relationship with his second wife and their children, who were raised, essentially fatherless, in Asahikawa. "Tentacle (a maze)" Beginning in 1964, when Bikky first moved to Sapporo, he began to pursue the first of the sculptural themes that had evolved from the "Animal" series. In his "Tentacle (a maze)" series he created mysterious forms that invited viewers to handle them. Tentacle-like projections appear in some of Bikky s earliest known drawings (see Fig. 1.4) and primordial biological struc- tures fascinated Bikky. However, the biomorphic forms of the sculptures did not look like "any of a variety of long, slender, flexible growths, as about the head or mouth of some invertebrate animals" as defined by Webster's dictionary; they did, however, invoke the action ol those protrusions, recalling the way an octopus or squid touches and almost seems to fondle its food. He intentionally put the word "maze" in parentheses to evoke the audience's journey through an exhibition of his work. Bikky believed that sculpture demanded to be touched. The tactile sense and the action of touching created a different way of seeing sculpture. He explained: People should appreciate sculptures by touching them, but there is always an ironclad rule not to touch sculptures in exhibitions. Although the sense ofsight is central to modern times, I wondered ifI could grasp the deeper root meaning ofhuman beingsfrom the other Sidebar Notes 1. Sugiy.um (1926, 1934, 1940) 2. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003). 32 degenerated tactile senses. This is hoiv I developed the tentacle theme. As I said, sculptures are not to bejust seen but to be touched with the hands. You get into a dark exhibition hall while touching the sculp- tures with your hands and you eventuallyfind your way out ofthe roo?n—you've walked through a "maze"ofscidpture thatyou see your way through with your hands. That thought led to my maze theme.^ Bikky would sometimes cover his work with black cloth and let the public touch the sculpture with their hands under the cloth. ^ He also encouraged the public not only to touch the work with their hands, but also to play with and rearrange his work. For example, some of Bikky's "Tentacle (a maze)" works are formed from interlocking pieces carved out of a single piece of wood. Apart, each piece might appear to represent simple biological forms such as chromosomes or amoebas; together, depending on how they are arranged and the angle from which they are viewed, they appear to be men and women embracing, animals wrestling, or raw ener- gy twisting and writhing. Bikky wanted the movable elements to stimulate the publics imagination and give the viewers new experiences or relationships with the sculptures. He wanted to convey through touching the wood the Ainu belief that all things in nature, animate or inanimate, have a kinship with humans. He also wanted to stimulate senses more often used by animals than humans: "The more you focus on the tactile sense as a theme, the more endless the concept becomes. It eventually becomes visual. Although the struggle is continuous, the point of view from the tactile sense is always there. One of the Tentacle works that still exists was submitted to the Artists Union Exhibition at the Tokyo City Museum in 1976 (Fig. 3.1). The large piece is composed of several movable sculptural forms connected with wooden pegs, allowing it to be Fig. 3.1: Surviving Teiilihlc piece. 33 folded, bent, and stretched to create many variations. For instance, if it is folded in half or in thirds, it appears to be a person hugging him or herself or two people embracing. When folded into a very tight, firm, and stable position, there is a feeling of fluid motion. When it is unfolded, it turns into an unstable and fragile piece, devoid of life. Viewers were invited to play with it and create their own forms and images. Unforttmately, only a few of the "Tentacle (a maze)" works still exist. To Bikky, the process of creating his sculptures was almost more important than the end product. Bikky did not care greatly what happened to his sculptures once he had finished the process of creating them—for example, many of the 1970s "Tentacle (a maze)" works were stolen from an open truck after a major exhibition while he went drinking with friends. His emphasis on the process of artistic creation was no doubt because he had a sensual relationship with the wood he was carving. He likened it to his rela- tionship to the many women in his life. In a letter to a friend he wrote, "The finer the quality of wood becomes, the more like a woman it becomes. I know it's a terrible thing to say, but I enjoy how the wood changes when I have, what amounts to, an intimate (sensual) relationship with the wood. My new studio will be the place to make love to the wood."'' Bikky's Tourist Art In 1967, to support his wife Junko and their three small children, Bikky began working under an exclusive contract with the Kitanihon Mingei-sha (the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company). In Hokkaido Bikky was well known for his extremely innovative wooden jewelry incised with modernized Ainu designs, the so-called "Bikky patterns" {Bikky inon'yo). Even though the company hired him for his "star quality" and didnt expect a great deal of work from him, Bikky produced an unbelievable amount of tourist art, mostly jewelry, during this period. He was extremely prolific, even when drinking. In the summer of 1967 Bikky made his own workshop in an enclosed space in the company's warehouse. In this tiny workshop he made a bed from an old horse sleigh and brought in his books and tools. One of his friends described Bikky's routine at that time: when I visited his studio, it was like a rag-and-hone shop. Bikky often dozed in a closet or in the chair in the daytime. He usually ivent to Susukino [the nightlife district in Sapporo] to drink. His creation of art was donefom midnight till the morning light after drinking.^ Even with his many distractions, he produced rings, necklaces, earrings, never using the same design twice. Bikky's jewehy sold extremely well even though it was priced up to ten times more than other artists' work. He also produced large numbers of carved wooden insects, reptiles, and fish using a relief technique (Fig. 3.2). These charming pieces have articulated segments such as wings, tails, heads, and joints, all pegged with wooden nails and carved with intricate Ainu designs using the makiri, the traditional Ainu carving tool. Tetsuji Takeishi, the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company's managing director, said that by using the makiri, Bikky couldn't carve the precise circles possible with a modern chisel and that his circles were usually irregular. Bikky did not try to create exact circles, but he certainly had the technical skill required to do so. When he created abstract art, he still carved in the traditional Ainu man- ner. The result is somewhat irregular, capturing the distinctive rhythm that no one could copy. Bikky also created the unique algae color that coated the recessed surface of the designs, adding depth and emphasizing the relief designs. The color, looking very much like the green of old copper, was achieved through a mixture of pig- ments and oil stains. Bikky also created several statues depict- ing traditional Ainu elders, although in the beginning he didn't particularly like creating these stereotyped images." He also carved an Fig. 3.2: Cirveii insects. exquisite scene of confrontation between an Ainu elder and a bear from a tree stump (Fig. 3.3). The sculpture creates a moment of deep tension showing the life and death struggle of a hunter and his prey. The bears hind leg is raised in space, which suggests a moment frozen in time, depicting action and pain. The sense of spontaneity, the capturing of the awesome moment of death, makes us voyeurs of this powerful scene. Bikky was good at using any piece of wood that found its way to his hands and believed that fate brought wood to him to be revived by his hands. His first deliberate experi- mentation at a totem pole as a concept resulted from a piece that had fallen from a dump truck, an object that would start him on a trip that would ultimately change his life. The idea of using the totem-pole format was probably planted in his subconscious by the art critic Miki, who had used that term to describe an early work by Bikky years before. However, Kenichi Kawamura, ctdtural leader of the Asahikawa band of Ainu and a family friend, stated that Bikky was also influenced by images he had seen in National Geographic.'^ That first totem experiment, carved in 1972 (Fig. 3.4), was two meters high. The pole depicts an Ainu elder, an owl, a pair of birds, and a bear. To those familiar with the art of Canada's Northwest Coast Indians the work does not look like a totem pole, but to the Ainu and Japanese, who had little knowledge of totem poles, it did. Although Bikky was proud of the quality of his work for the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company, his eyesight was starting to fail, hampering his ability to do Fig. 3.3: Bear and Hunter (Ekishi), 1973. 36 the fine, close-up work that he relied on for a steady livelihood.'" For this and a variety of other reasons, he created very little fine art between 1967 and 1974. He found the work physically difficult; even though he was only in his fiDrties. His difficulty with relationships was taking its toll with his second marriage disintegrating. Always a heavy drinker, he was now drinking to an excess on a regular basis, with drink becoming both the cause, and the effect, of his marital prob- lems. As an additional distraction, he became embroiled in Ainu political causes, just as his parents had done many years before." Bikky's Activism During the 1970s the Ainu demand for equality and justice exploded, championed by the Ainu Liberation League and sympa- thetic Japanese. The movement coalesced in 1970 around a bronze Fig. 3.4: Totem Pole. montiment, designed by Japanese sculptor Shin Hongo, which was to be erected in Asahikawas Joban Park as a monument to the centennial of Japanese settlement in Hokkaido. The Japanese pioneering spirit was symbolized by four standing men identified with the titles of The Surge (as a wave coming ashore). The Earth, A Fertile Plain, and The North Wind, while the aborigi- nal Ainu was illustrated by an elderly Ainu man entitled The Kotan (Ainu village). The man knelt at the feet ot the Japanese pioneers, pointing to guide their way. The Sidebar 7 The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art Almost all curio shops in Hokkaido sell bear carvings, exotic souvenirs of the "vanishing" Ainu race. The iyomante (bear spirit-sending ceremony) is known to many |apanese through magazines, books, and even a song called Iyomante no Yoru (Night of the Iyomante) popular in the 1940s and 1950s that conjure a romanticized image of the Ainu as noble savages. Traditionally, the Ainu never carved natu- ralistic images of humans and animals, ( (IHtimU's III! /'i/'s'l' 37 Fig. 3.5: 1 he Sutuc of Fiisetsu iio Guiizo (Wind and Snow Group) hy Shin 1 iongo, U)70 ( 1977). implication was clear: the Japanese were the hiture of Hokkaido, not the Ainu (Fig. 3.5). This insensitivity enraged the Ainu community, and the artist's vague and arrogant response created further hostility, as did his design change to show the Ainu elder sitting on a stump, suggesting to the Ainu that they would always look up to the Japanese. When the statue was unveiled in the park, Bikky distributed protest hand- bills in downtown Asahikawa: Why did the Ainu have to sit down in the kotan! Can't (the artist) make a composition in which all thefigures are the same height? . . . The Japanese images were illustrated as The Surge, The Earth, A Fertile Plain, and The North Wind. What a triumphant and boundless space these images create! Compare them with the image ofthe Ainu, the title ofthe Kotan sounds so restricted. Why did we, the Ainu, have to sit down and stay in the kotan! Hokkaido used to belong to us, didn't it? It is o.k. to celebrate the centennial, but the Japanese aren't the only people who struggled. We, the Ainu, struggled, too, and these past one hundred years were the time ofour humiliation. However, we try to get rid ofthe huyniliation, and the Ainu are also standing pointing at the modern consciousness. Can we, the Ainu, proudly take a memorial picture in front ofthis statue? No! As long as the Ainu have to sit down and stay in the kotan, this monument cant rid us ofthe abominable way the Japanese have treated the Ainu. The artist and the leaders ofthe city should understand this, signed Bikky Sunazawa.^' In October 1972 the statue was destroyed by explosives. An Ainu ethnological display on the University of Hokkaido campus was also blown up at the same time. Because of Bikky s political activity, the police immediately suspected him and unsuccessfully attempted to gather evidence against him. Between 1972 to 1974, many violent demonstrations were carried out in the name of Ainu liberation including the bombing of the world headquarters of both the Mitsui and Mitsubishi Companies in Tokyo and the stabbing of the mayor of Shiraoi, home of the biggest Ainu museum and tourist attractions in Hokkaido. However, many of these incidents were later proved to be done by Japanese liberation groups such as the Japanese Red Army Faction, without the political support of the Ainu.'^ Generally, Bikky didn't like belonging to any organized group, nor to be associated with them. He was especially critical of the Hokkido Utari Association." He believed that some Ainu belonged to the Association simply to get benefits without trying The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art continued believing that the images could be possessed by bad gods and harm people. They did, however, carve stylized kimun- kamuy, the bear god of the mountains, on prayer sticks, ceremonial headdresses, and sacred items used for ritual purposes such as the bear inoka, used by the Sakhalin Ainu for the purpose of promoting fecun- dity of bears needed for the iyomante.^ The Ainu began carving bears for sale in the early 1900s.^ It must have been difficult for the Ainu to carve such a sacred object for profit for the Japanese, but the Ainu realized they had to adapt to changing times. While many Ainu had carved the bear in miniature as part of the ikupasuy (prayer sticks, see Sidebar 3) and still more had carved a bear head as part of their headdress, no one had carved a full bear's body in a larger scale or in a realistic pose. This proved a problem at first. The earliest bears were far from being a faithful representation of the animal—one scholar noted that they often looked like pigs or alligators!^ The bear-carving skills of the Ainu progressed rapidly, however, and by the early 1920s Umetaro Matsui (1901-1949) (Fig. 3.7.2), from the Chikabumi kotan, (Ainu settlement) emerged as a celebrated bear carver. Matsui's bears capture the animal's awesome power and showed it as a formidable foe in the wild; it's obvious that he observed bears in nature. Fig. 3.7.2: Photo of Umetaro Mncsui. Coiiliiiiic\ (III -4 1 39 to understand their policies. He was very troubled that some Ainu were so secure in the Association that they were stuck in a narrow world view of victims of discrimination, and he believed that some Ainu would never leave the kotan mentally. He could not stand that they were will- ing to just live in the past. He truly believed if you have something to say, you should say it independently without the support from a political organization.'^ Although Bikky generally preferred independent action to belonging to organizations, he was persuaded to stand as chairman to the January 1 973 National Ainu Conference held in Sapporo. He also participated in the 44th Pan- Hokkaido United Labor Day Rally in May. "I Ve never participated in this kind of organized racial rally before," Bikky told a reporter. "As our racial consciousness grows, I want to appeal to the Ainu to gain awareness of our situation and be proud ot being Ainu. Marchers prepared placards that focused on the major issues of the Ainu such as "Let the last unspoiled wilder- ness (Mount Daisetsu) be in our hands," and "Represent true Ainu history in school textbooks." They also hoisted the "Ainu flag" designed by Bikky with a red arrowhead accentuated by a white design symbolizing the deep snow of Hokkaido, against the intense blue of the sky. An arrowhead embodies the spirit of the iyoniajite, the bear ceremony. Bikky walked with the flag at the head of the procession (Fig. 3.6). In June 1973 a monthly ne^ws'pzper A-ntari Ainu (We human beings) was published for the first time. Edited by younger Ainu activists, the journal Fig. 3.6: Ainu Flag, 1973. 40 reexamined Ainu cultural identit)^. Bikky designed a logo and carved woodcut illustrations. Unfortunately, the newspaper ceased publication in 1976. While he was gaining public trust and admira- tion, Bikkys private life was in turmoil. He didn't engage in any public artistic activities—except for one Tentacle exhibition in 1973 in Tokyo—during the period he was working in the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company to make a living. He was frustrated with his situation as an art- ist. He wanted to be a successful modern sculptor, but he couldn't sell his larger abstract work, especially in Sapporo. To make matters worse, because of his finan- cial difficulties, he couldn't afford to buy high-quality wood and had no room in his workshop for large-scale work. He often complained to his wife Junko that if he couldn't create modern sculptures, he didn't feel like he was being true to himself Moreover, it caused the estrangement between him and his family to worsen day by day. Bikky was depressed, drinking heavily, and womanizing compulsively. The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art continued In 1933 Matsui received a special award at the Ainu Craftwork Art Exhibition spon- sored by the Hokkaido Prefectural Office. This honor was surpassed in 1936 when he was asked to carve a bear for presenta- tion to Emperor Hirohito who was making an official visit to Asahikawa. Due to the Emperor's acceptance of the gift, the bear carvings of the Chikabumi Ainu became famous in japan and greatly increased the sales of all Ainu tourist art. Matsui began putting his signature on his work from this point on.'* In the 1930s, a Japanese modern sculp- tor, Kensei Kato (1894-1966), was invited to Asahikawa several times to give the Ainu carvers guidance and training. 5 This gave the Ainu carvers a "formal" artistic background that included design and composition, and this experience seemed to have a strong impact on the art of bear carving. Because of his reputation as a master carver, and because he was one of the most important cultural leaders, one of these trained carvers was probably Bikky Sunazawa's father, Koa-kanno, who lived in the Chikabumi kotan. In 1937 the Hokkaido Industrial Experimental Laboratory tried to create a larger variety of designs worthy of Cuiitiniws on pa^e 42 The "/^/-men" (Wooden Mask) Series In 1975 Bikky finally worked through his depression, stimulated by masks Takeji Takahashi brought back from a business trip to Bangkok and Singapore.'*^ Bikky began by carving masks developed aroimd variations on the Japanese kanji character ^/.''* Bikky named the theme Ki-men, in which the character ki means "wood," and men means "mask." Like his other series, Ki-men con- tinued his exploration of visual and tactile elements Fig. 3.7: Lip Mask. 41 The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art continued of human and animal bodies that he had pursued in Anijjial and Tentacle (a maze). Some masks appeared to be pictorial symbols, while others look like wild imaginary creatures. Some are very simple shapes, such as circles. Others have a sensual quality, such as the mask in Fig. 3.7 that has lip-like shapes carved down its entire surface, while others appear to be human genitalia. These shapes sug- gest intimacy and life, supporting Bikky's notion that wood is a "living thing." Bikky explained in an inter- view, "I wanted to express both faces of masks—the front and the back."'" He worked both sides of the masks with deep, rhythmic chisel marks, observing that "I finally understood that the greater element of a mask was the back side.""' Ki-men was also influenced by the word play of Bikky's abstract essays and poems. He played with the visual forms of ki just as he played with words in his poetry. The ki image was sometimes created using just a hint of the characters shape or a fragment taken from its meaning and developed into several specific images first by sketching the abstract form. As with most of his carvings, the object rarely changed significantly from the final sketch. Between 1975 and 1979 Bikky created as many as one hundred and fifty masks, all using the pale wood of the walnut tree {Gastrolina thoracica), which is native to Hokkaido. Bikky pursued the Ki-men series for the pure joy of a personal creative challenge, part of his constant urge to experiment with his art. Hokkaido's natural beauty. For instance, they created various products with bear motifs.'' It remains unclear how many of the experimental products were actually merchandised in the markets, but it con- tributed a great deal to the tourist indus- tries in Hokkaido in 1938 and to the for- mation of the Ainu Folkcraft Organization in the same year. World War II curtailed the market for tourist art, but Asahikawa City did not suffer any war damage. Immediately after the war the Asahikawa Folkcraft Organization began producing woodcarvings to answer the market demands from the American soldiers of the Occupation Forces.-' The product line now included practical items that were produced for the Americans. Almost all items were created with a design that had something to do with bears, killer whales, salmon, or with traditional Ainu designs. Bikky, as a young Ainu artist who began to work in this era, refused to follow these trends and as he so often did, created his own way, revolutionizing Ainu tourist art as he did so. Today Ainu carvers such as Takeki Fujito (b. 1 934) create wildlife fine art of the highest order. The work of Fujito, the most respected and successful of the Ainu wildlife artists, in found throughout the world. While he creates all manner of animals in the Ainu spiritual pantheon, and other representational art such as life- Kamuy-mintar (The Playground of the Gods) In the summer of 1976 Bikky decided to escape from city life in Sapporo and think about the course ol his life and his artwork. He was forty-five and real- ized he needed time to decide what to do next. He camped in Ubun outside of Asahikawa City, where he and his father struggled to farm after World War II. It 42 was also where he had awakened to the joys of the abstract manner of sketching and confronted his own feehngs of inferiority caused by racial prejudice. This three-month period of isolation gave him a tremendous opportunity to find himself Bikky pitched a tent, built a rock hearth, and bathed in the river. He returned to Sapporo spiritu- ally refreshed and ready to resume his work. Almost immediately he received a commission to create a work for the Komakusa-so, an indoor onsen (hot springs) for the Hokkaido Prefecture City Staff Mutual Aid Union. The commissioner, Tetsuo Endo, was a former director of the Asahikawa Local Museum who knew Bikky. Endo was having a hard time filling a large wall space in the lobby of the omen and asked Bikky to come and take a look at the space. Bikky did and tele- phoned a couple days later, "If you find a large log of sen {Caster aralia), I will do it.""' The first thing Bikky did was to bring in an old horse-drawn sleigh to be used as his bed and put it in front of the space where the work would hang. Endo described Bikky sitting in the sleigh, staring at the space in the hall for a long time while drinking whiskey. If he got tired he slept on the sleigh. He made many sketches, and when he began carving, he would work for awhile and then run his rough hands gently, sensitively over the wood, his eyes becoming very emotional. Bikky named the work Knmuy-mintar, the play- ground of the gods, and it came to be one of Bikky s favorite works. He would often return to the onsen to be close to it."^ Bikky explained what the sculpture meant to him: Severalyears ago I came hack to Hokkaido because I realized how strongly I was attracted to Hokkaido's wilderness. Mt. Daisetsu looked like a father opening his hands wide to welcome the summer. In winter the mountain showed its severe monochromatic colors. Our The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art continued size statuary of Ainu elders, he considers himself a simple "bear carver." Fujito, the ultimate role model, challenges other wildlife artists to move away from the craft production of the stereotypical tour- ist bear. As the Ainu culture experiences a revitalization, the challenge is being met.s Sidebar Notes 1. M. Kono (1985:15). 2. K. Sake (1979); Ohtsuka (1982); Ishijima (1979, 1981). Arai (1992:82); K. Saito (1979:4). Ishijima (1981:11-12). Kensei Kato was born in 1894 in Gifu prefecture, but his family moved to Hokkaido after his birth. He graduated from Kamikawa Junior High School in Asahikawa city. He worked as a substitute teacher in the Ubun Elementary School from 1913, while living in the lodgings of a farm house near the school. He devoted himself to teaching, but was inspired by the tutoring of sculptor Teijiro Nakahara (1888-1921) and he entered Art School in Tokyo in 1915. He studied under Koun Takamura (1852-1934). He was later selected to be one of the Nitten judges. He received an Art Academy Prize in 1951 and he became a member of the Art Academy in 1962. He passed away in 1966 at the age of 74 (K. Saito 1980:3). 6. Ohtsuka (1982:16). 7. Ibid.: 17; Ishijima (1980a:3-4) 8. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003). 43 Aiflu Utari [brotherhood] called it "a garden where the gods play" and I was swallowed up in its magnificence. I symbolized theflying butterflies over thefloiver gardens ofMt. Daisetsu in the upper portion ofthe scidpture. I also symbolized the "autumn horse mackerels" [a fish] going upstream in the Ishikari River that comesfrom Mt. Daisetsu in the lower portion ofthe scidpture. Afier Ifinished it and looked at the building site again, I realized the building was placed on a gorgeous site! '^ Kamuy-mintar (Fig. 3.8), which may be the first piece of work Bikky named in the Ainu language, was a turning point for Bikky. In the past he hated to be referred to as the "Ainu" modern sculptor. He didn't like to be treated differently because of his being Ainu and avoided native themes or titles in his work (with some notable exceptions), fie ciidnt like viewers to see his work with Fig 3.8: Kamuy-»!i)!tiit\ 1977. a fixed concept or an expectation of being something Ainu. His personal view of art was that 'whether the artwork is good or not has nothing to do with being an Ainu or being a Japanese. Good artwork is just good."'^ When he depicted the mysticism of his connection to Mount Daisetsu, he couldn't use anything but Ainu words—the poetic quality of its title sounds like the soft echoing of the gods at play. In 1978, the year after he created Kamuy-mintar, his life took a dramatic turn. He divorced his second wife in May, dating his soon-to-be third wife Ryoko 44 before the dissolution. At the end of September Bikky held a one-man show in a gallery in Sapporo, where he met the director of the high school in Otoineppu, a very small village located in a remote northern district of Hokkaido. The direc- tor, Takashi Kano, asked Bikky to come anci see the village, which is surrounded by forests. "^^ When Bikky visited Otoineppu a month later he fell in love with the magnificent natural environment. The village administrators, believing that an association with Bikky, the well-known carver, would be good for the village, suggested that Bikky use an abandoned elementary school as his studio. Bikky desperately wanted to escape from his creative sliuTip and immediately made up his mind to seize this opportunity. In November, he moved to Otoineppu from Sapporo. Otoineppu was already in the beginning of a severe winter. The stage was set for the most profound change in his life. End Notes 1. Shibuzawii (1990:156-61). 2. The Kitanihon Folkcr.ih Company is one oi the largest suppHers ot Ainu tourist art, and in 1993 the company made a net profit of six milhon dollars. It is owned by a Japanese businessman and currently all of its carvers and other employees are Japanese. Ainu carvers have difficulty finding outlets for their work without going through a Japanese wholesaler. 3. Asahi Shimbim (August 28, 1988). Shigeru Kayano, cultural leader ot the Nibutani band ot Ainu, men- tioned at Bikky s wake: "I was asked to create Ainu art work tor the University of Hokkaido. Bikky was visiting me, observing what I was doing, for a week or so. I happened to look up and I saw Bikky 'look- ing' at the work with his eyes closed, slowly and lightly running his hands over the art. I was surprised as I watched Bikky, as I never saw anyone look so deeply at something with their eyes closed. Later in the week Bikky made me a bell which I still have in my room." (March 1989:54). 4. Asahi Shimhim (April 6, 1974). 5. B. Sunazawa, Te (Hands), from the catalogue of Ikki-ttnlioku (1988). 6. Personal correspondence with Katsumi Yazaki, October 24, 1981. Yazaki is an artist and a filmmaker in Sapporo. The language used to describe wood in the letter is that of a man addressing a respected and honored lover. 7. Ishikawa (1989). 8. Bikky would, in later lite, go on to make very fine examples of the ektishi, the male Ainu elders. 9. Interview, Kenichi Kawamura (October 1985). A check ot back issues ot Niiiioiiiil (icognipluc showed two editions, January 1945 and March 1972, that teatured Haida and other Northwest tribal art. The 1945 issue had a series of paintings that emphasized traditional scenes ot Northwest Coast lite stich as a pole-raising ceremony at a Haida village. The 1972 issue shows a Haida carver, Rutus Moody, working on a model totem pole. The 1972 issue also shows a scene of decaying totem poles in the island, which would aftect Bikky a great deal in a few years. Of the many totem poles Bikky carved, he never copied or duplicated a totem pole from Canada's Northwest Coast or trom any other culture tiiat has "totem poles. " It was the concept ot vertically stacked images overlapping and interacting with each other that intrigueti Bikky. 10. Interview with Takeji Tlikahashi (April 8, 1994). 1 1. Interview with Katsumi Yazaki (April 15 and 20, 1994). 12. A copy of the handbill can be found in the Asahikawa City Library. 13. In 1946 the pan-hlokkaido Ainu Conference was held in Shizunai and established the Hokkaido Ainu Association. Irs purpose was to improve and develop the social welfare ol the Ainu. However, while their activity was stagnant for a time, a general meeting was held in 1960 and re-established the Association in 1961. Its name was changed to the Hokkaido Utari Association from the Hokkaido Ainu Association. The meaning of the Ainu was originally "the humans," but it was misused as a discriminatory word by the Japanese government, and some Ainu had a feeling of the resistance to the word. So they changed the name to the Utari which meant "brotherhood." The Hokkaido Utari Association is the largest Ainu orga- nization in Japan and it has about 16,000 memberships (Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama 1993:92-3). 14. Sanders (1986:137-8). 15. While critical of the Utari Association, he nevertheless lent his name and energy whenever called upon. \G. Asahi Shimbiw (May 1, 1973). 17. Interview Junko Sunazawa (April 25, 1994). 18. Tikeji Takahashi interview (April 18, 1994). 19. There are more than two hundred Chinese characters that have the homonym of" the ki sound in the Japanese kanji dictionary. 20. Auihi ShDiihiiii (July 19, 1976). 21. S. Sekiguchi (1978). 22. T. Endo (1990). 23. Ibid. 24. Bikky Sunazawa (1977). IS. Asahi Slnmbuu (May 13, 1982). 26. Otoineppu means a place where an estuary of the river got muddy in the Ainu language. The village is called a "village of forests," because more than eighty percent of the village land is filled with forests. The experimental plantation of Hokkaido University Forest is also located nearby (1992 Otoineppu Village Report, see map for location). 27. Auxin Shiuilntu (December 29, 1979). 47 Chapter 4 Totem Poles and Tall Trees: Bikky Returns to His Roots (1978-1983) Wood has an infinite mystery as a material. The average tree around here has 200 growth rings, which means that it has livedfour times longer than me and has more words than me. We have to know and listen to it. ' - The town of Otoineppu, only ninety kilometers (fifty-six miles) from Hokkaido's northernmost point, is very cold and very far removed from Sapporo with its museums and galleries—and even farther from Tokyo. It was close, how- ever, to Bikky's beloved trees. Bikky knew as soon as he arrived that he had lotmd his new home, and it was here that he created some of his greatest work. The environment seemed daunting when he arrived in November 1978. The area was already in the grip of winter—a winter that leaves villagers snow- bound more than six months a year. It is a place where it is normal to have more than two meters (six feet) of snow on the ground, with temperatures well below zero. Bikky lived among the forests in a tiny village of less than fifty people called Osashima, a flat area along the Teshio River. But before long Bikky, Ryoko, and his three children from his second marriage" had the abandoned elementary school that was their new home all set up: he divided the school space into the living and working space; the small gymnasium became the living area; one classroom was turned into his studio, and another became a gallery. It was an unbelievably large space when compared with his small workshop in Sapporo. Bikky named his studio the Atelier Sanmore.'' Bikky had easy access in his new studio to raw materials because aroiuid him stretched the experimental forest plantation of the Hokkaido University Forest. The undulating mountains beyond the plantation are filled with old growth forests with a combination of coniferous and deciduous trees. Bikky was very sensitive to the properties of different kinds of wood, "All wood is alive," he told one art critic, "and different kinds of woods have different personalities.'"* In the past it had always been a struggle to find the wood he needed to produce art; this new world with its ready availability of raw material was "like putting a fish back into the water."' Before long, Bikky had adopted a Glehns spruce {Picea glehnii Mast) in the forest that inspired him. Older than the other trees, the three-hundred-year-old giant stands more than forty meters (130 leet) high. He visited the tree in his spare moments many times. Because of his love for this tree, his friends and the villagers still call it "Bikkys tree." While it isnt a shrine or a sacred tree in the Shinto sense, people nonetheless visit the tree and find it spiritually uplifting. The Totem Pole at the Ainu Memorial Museum Bikky got right to work. He had received a commission to carve a totem pole*" to be placed in front ol the Ainu Memorial Museum founded by Kaneto Kawamura in Chikabumi kotmu Asahikawa, where Bikky had been born and raised. The museum had been remodeled, and the Ainu people of that area wanted a symbolic work of art depicting the important beliefs of the Ainu for its reopening. The new director of the museum, Kenichi Kawamura, Kaneto Kawamuras son, asked Bikky to do the work. Bikky designed the pole, but asked Ainu carvers to assist him so that the work would be an Ainu statement, not solely Bikkys project. The ten-meter pole was erected in April 1979 (Fig. 4.1). At the top of the pole is the owl, a very powerful protective god of the kotan, below that is the itokpa, or family crest, of the Kawamuras, a stylized whale's dorsal fin. Next are prayer instruments for the gods: an ikupasuy (prayer-stick) rest- ing on a sake cup and saucer, tuki, followed by a dugout canoe. In the open space of the canoe is a brown bear's head, the god of the mountains, and a killer whale, the god of the seas.*^ 50 The Talk-about-Trees Exhibition When Bikky moved to Otoineppu, the villagers—mostly of Japanese descent—thought that a "strange (Ainu) bear carver" had moved to the village. They later found out that he was a sculptor creating contemporary art and that was somehow threatening/' For these and other reasons it was difficult for Bikky to be accepted in such a small community. He needed to have an opportunity to communicate with the villagers, so he and his friends organized a small com- munity event, which was called Ki o Katari Sakuhin-ten (The Talk-about-Trees Exhibition). In the exhibition, held May 27 through June 1, 1979, Bikky high- lighted Otoineppu as the "village of forests." He showed different kinds of art- work made with wood, exhibiting his own sculpture, including surviving works from his "Tentacle series. He also asked his artist friends in Tokyo and Sapporo to participate in this event, many o{ whom were willing to display their paint- ings, films, poetry, music, and sculpture alongside the work of local high school students and villagers. The "Talk-about-Trees Exhibition" became a bigger event in the community year by year as the support from the community grew. Soon the village officials began providing the operating budget and the executive committees. Through the years the villagers seemed to gain a respect for and understanding of Bikky's abstract art, a very different type ot artistic expression than they usually appreci- ated. It helped that Bikky accepted all reactions to his art, good or bad, with equal grace. The exhibition was an annual event until Bikky s death in 1989. Bikky helped the community realize that the forest's resources went beyond timber for building materials by stimulating the villagers' imagination and creativity. Village officials began to encourage small local industries to produce wooden objects such as fine art, furniture, and craft items and tried to provide the commercial access to sell them as representative of village products. In 1985 the Otoineppu High School was founded to educate gifted teenagers from all over Japan in woodworking and related arts. The Toh Series and Other Works Bikky started a new series ol simple, abstract sculptures entitled Toh (Columnar Shapes) in 1979. The series was based on vertical forms, inspired perhaps by the tall trees around him and the columnar art he had been creating. Unlike the smooth finish of many traditional Japanese works, Bikky began covering the entire surface of his work with a tightly controlled, scale-like texture composed from small chisel marks. The first work in the series, purchased by the village of Otoineppu, and now on display at the high school, consists of two simple nara (Japanese oak milled logs), fashioned into a cross, the top of the vertical log split to fit the horizontal log. One commentator suggested that "the form reminds one of Christ hanging on the cross, whose image of the nature's grandeur is overlapping the god that Bikky learned from his parents."" One of Bikky's close friends said, however, that Bikky had no intention of suggesting a Christian symbol.'' In 1980 Bikky built a second studio, a prefabricated steel building in which he installed an overhead traveling crane that allowed him to manipulate large logs. He also installed a saw and power generator." One of his masterworks, the massive, solid Kami no Shita (Tongue of God, Fig. 4.2) was one of the first pieces to be created in his new studio. This large piece (201 x 1 16 x 54 centi- meters or 80 X 45 X 21 inches) looks so natural that it seems to have been brought from the forest as is. Many cracks and stains are prominent in the wood, and it appears to have spent many years exposed to the sun, rain, and wind. The tightly incised chisel marks on the surface invite viewers to touch it with their hands. It seems to be a living thing and the power of its dignified presence is overwhelming. The shape and title of the Tongue ofGod also suggests the "tongue" of the ikupasuy, or prayer-stick, which is carved in a flattened shape and is the most important spiritual article Ainu use to communicate with the gods' world (see Sidebar 3, page 3). The Ainu consider it a living thing with a soul. In some Ainu regions, artists incise the shape of an arrowhead or triangle into the tapered end ol the prayer-stick, which is called the pariinpe, meaning a tongue. The pariinpe delivers the message of the prayer to the gods. This monumental and massive tongue might have been created to send a message to the highest ranking god who ontrols the dispensation of nature's power. One ol his most successful and interesting works is Kita no Dobntsu Tachi (Northern Animals), created in 1980 (Fig. 4.3). The ten abstract pieces of various sizes and shapes are always casually displayed on the floor. The tallest twisted cylinder stands erect and several irregular, abstract shapes of wood surround it. A long log lies on the floor completing the composition. The placement makes the pieces appear to be natural, organic objects brought from the forest. The 4Fig. 4.3: k'itii no Dohiitsii tacbi (Northern Animals), 1980. thousands of tiny chisel marks on each piece indicate Bikky's tremendous love oi the work. These ten pieces, all wooden animals, are the result of aggressively push- ing abstraction from his first drawings of farm animals through the years. The twisted cylinder with one projection might be a deer from the Hokkaido forests and the surrounding small pieces might be abstractions of a tox, rabbit, bear, or other wild animals or animals from Ainu mythology. Although they all are very abstract, Bikky captured the essence of animal forms. The Otoineppu Tower Totem Pole In early June of 1980 the Otoineppu Village Office commissioned Bikky to carve a totem pole for the seventieth anniversary of the village. The village officials wanted to symbolize the promotion and the development ol the village through the slogan of the "village ol forests." Bikky accepted the proposal and a 55 friend, Makoto Kawakami, owner of the local lumber company, found a four- hundred-year-old Manchurian ash {tamo) in the Hokkaido University Forest for him.'^ Bikky immediately made a complete design for the pole that symbolized the local products and industries. Bikky and four assistants worked feverishly for three months to complete the pole in time for its September 6 unveiling. More than two hundred villagers came to Bikkys studio to pick up the pole using three wagons. They pulled the wagons by hand for more than nine kilometers to the train station. When the totem pole arrived, the station square was filled with seven hundred waiting villagers.'^ It was a memorable experience and brought community pride to the villagers who worked together to raise the pole. On the Northwest Coast of North America, a totem- pole-raising is always an exciting event. This raising was no differ- ent. The totem pole was named "Otoineppu Tower." While the pole was aesthetically pleasing, Bikky did not take the area's fierce winds into account when engineer- ing the pole and it broke into pieces during a horrific winter storm several years later. At the end of 1980, after three years' absence, Bikky held a small exhibition entitled "Bikky Riding on A Wooden fiorse" in a gallery in Sapporo. He exhibited the unique furniture he created and actually used at home. He had an almost magical ability to transform everyday household items into his own fantastic objects. Several small chairs were connected together, for c- // CI I T w-ri D J r-ru ,no, examolc, aud entitled A^/V/'/' Tt^/'w. Fig. 4.4: Shiko 110 Ton (The Birds ot Thought), 1981. r ' ^ 56 Birds and Wooden Flowers In 1981 Bikky received a commission from the Otoineppu ski resort to carve three totem poles'^'and another commission from the Nakagawa Experimental Forest of the Hokkaido University for a grouping of three poles, which came to be called the Shiko Jio Tori (The Birds of Thought). An imaginary bird rests on three joined pillars, which symbolize the past, present, and future. They were erected on a snowy November 21 , just two days short of the three years since Bikky moved to this area (Fig. 4.4). While 1981 was a busy year lor Bikky, he took time to do some public service by designing another pole for the village that would draw attention to a sign that announced the village's traffic safety record. Acting as a consultant, he did little of the carving, but designed the sign and supervised the work of the local high school students. This kind of generosity was typical of Bikky. Bikky began a new series in 1982 called Jiika (Wooden Flowers; Fig. 4.5). In preparation, he spent six months gathering branches from the willow groves Fig. A.5:Jiikti (Wooden Mowers), \ along the Teshio River near his home. He cut them every morning and brought them to his studio, where he peeled the bark off each branch. Day after day he would peel them, sometimes with the help of his wife. One day his wife complained to him, "You cant make a living just peeling the bark off willow branches." He replied, "You think I'm crazy, but I'm going to do great things. I'm a genius."^'' Eventually, after six months, his studio was filled with huge piles of willow branches equal to ten two-ton truck loads. With his raw material in place, the pieces began to take shape. He started with a young tree with only a few branches as a base. Viewers participated in creating the pieces by adding a willow branch from the stack piled next to the base, somewhat like a bird making its nest. Bikky strongly believed that audiences should be allowed to participate in the making of art, to physically and spiritually experience the art, to touch and play, to enjoy. Bikky took particular joy sharing his work with mentally challenged children, giving them the opportunity to partic- ipate in the arrangement of the wooden flowers. Their eyes shone as they touched the willow branches, gently adding them to the creation by themselves. Not only was the art participatory, but it evoked the Ainu ijiaiv, a simple tree branch—often willow—finely shaved and tufted at one end and used in Ainu ritual ceremonies (see Sidebar 3, page 3). This icon, beautiful in its simplicity, is a part of the traditional Ainu way of life, and Bikky kept several of them around his house. As nature is at the core of Ainu religion, and because Bikky felt such a spiritual relationship with wood, it is only natural that he would give so much energy to the wooden flower theme. The Ainu believe that after receiving a prayer, the inaw turns into a bird to deliver the message. It's interesting to note that many of Bikky s later works, regardless of the dominant theme, included birds. Bikky was still actively producing the Juka series at the beginning of 1983. He had no idea that he would find himself creating art thousands of miles away from Ainu country by the end of the year. He would see first-hand the totem poles that had inspired him and find himself at home among the native carvers of the tribes of the Northwest Coast of Canada. This experience was to change the remainder of his life. End Notes 1. Interview with Bikky, September 1988, on Nichiyu Bcjiitsn-kaii broadcast, February 1 1, 1990. 2. Bikky inA his second wife, Junko amicably agreed that the children would stay with h\m. Soon after they moved to Otoineppu, Bikky's girlfriend, Ryoko, moved in, and aker a period of time, they were married. 3. Bikky liked to name his studios. His first studio in Sapporo, actually a room in his house, was named "more" in English, and his studio at the craft company in Sapporo was named "more and more," again in English. Atelier means "studio" in French. San means "three" in Japanese, so the name means "more, more, and more." (Interview with Makoto Kawakami, January 23, 1995). 4. Hokkai Tnnes (December 6, 1980). 5. Nichiyo Bijutsu'kan (broadcast February 11, 1990). 6. Although the Ainu did not have the custom ol creating totem poles in ancient times, they have been erecting small "totem poles" in the tourist areas since the end of World War II. They remind me of" the carved wooden Indian statues that were put in front of cigar stores and other shops in America aroimd the turn of the century and earlier. 7. Kaneto Kawamura (1893-1977) was the hereditary chief and a grandson of the famous Ainu chief Monokute in Peniun-kotan. Kaneto was a well-respected person who contributed a great deal to the Ainu human rights struggle throughout his life. He founded the Ainu Museum in Asahikawa after World War II (Arai Genjiro 1992:65—7). After his death, his son Kenichi inherited the responsibility of managing the museum and preserving the Ainu culture in that area. 8. K. Kawamura (1990). 9. Hokkaido Shinibun (June 27, 1981). 10. Bikky completed his tenth "Tentacle" work using a local tree, a Japanese oak, at the end of January, 1979 (Asahi Shirulmu, January 30, 1979). 11. Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (broadcast February 1 1, 1990). 12. Interview with Makoto Kawakami (January 12, 1995). 13. Hokkai Times (January 29, 1980). 14. Kawakami was more than a friend in the usual sense. Although Bikky had many friends, Kawakami was one of a small group of men that Bikky confided in on all matters. He also spent a great deal of time in the forest with Bikky selecting just the right trees for his many projects. 15. Okamoto (1981). 16. Unfortunately during the mid 1990 s a severe storm toppled one of the poles at the ski resort. A new maintenance man, not knowing the importance of the pole, thought it was worthless junk, and burned it. 17. A. Motoi (1994:296). Chapter 5 Transforming Visions: Biklo (November 18, 1983). 2. The Hokkaido prefectural government provides a special scholarship tor five selected local artists for the purpose ol a cultural exchange undertaking every year. These five artists can choose any country that they want to go to (Baiikaha Shnipo, November 18, 1983). The purpose of the scholarship is to give them a chance to have an artistic cultural experience. 3. Ascihi Shnnbiin (Oaoher 7 , 1983). 4. a/w/t.?/;.? 5/7/w/)(7 (November 18, 1983). 5. "Most ot the older sculptures displayed at the UBC Museum ot Anthropology were acquired through purchase in the 1950s by the Totem Pole Preservation Committee, established by the UBC. Museum of Anthropology and the British Columbia Provincial Museum." (Halpin, 1983:48). 6. Although the school is located in the Tsimshian region, the school has taught a broad range ol artistic styles lound throughout the Northwest Coast. While the original instructors included non-native artists Bill Holm and Duane Pasco, and native artists such as Chief Tony Hunt (KwakiutI) and Robert Davidson (Haida), later instructors were almost exclusively native artists. The school has trained many talented art- ists such as Frieda Diesing (Haida) and Dempsey Bob (Tihltan-Tlingit). 7. Japanese wood carvers also carve away from the body. 8. Native American artistic creativity went through various stages of descriptive terminology, from being a simple trade item, to "scientific specimens," "ethnographic artifacts," "craft," "primitive art," "curio," to a gradual recognition of art as "fine art" in Canada and the United States in the twentieth century. There are several reasons for these shifts, but one of the most important was the transformation of the incor- poration of Native art as part of a self-serving national artistic identity to including Native heritage into the respective nation state. Canada has, through its museum curators and scholars, developed a growing national appreciation for the values and status of objects of Native creativity, elevating the perception of Native creativity from "crak/artilact" to "fine art" since the 1960s. For example, the 1967 exhibition. Arts of Raven: Masterworks by the Northwest Coast Indian at the Vancouver Art Gallery was truly the first exhibition to bring about a perception shift of First Nations objects as "art" or "fine art" in Canada. The validation legitimized the new description in the institutions of the art world, including artists, critics, the interested public, and at the government level, so important at the time, greatly facilitated the change in the perception and evaluation ol objects. 9. Yamakawa (1988:208-9). 10. Since Bikky's death several books on contemporary Ainu art have been published. Most are photographic introductions ol an individual artist's work often with brief" comments Irom the artist or friends, with no critical analysis of their work. Some books were published by the artists themselves. These include Ohtsuka (1993), Chiri and Yokoyama (1995), Toko (1995), and Ogawa and Kato (1996). And, since his death, several volumes have been published on Bikky's work, including Hariu et al. (1989), Sunazawa R (1990), Asakawa (1996), Shibahashi (2001) Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo (2001). 1 1 . Bankalta Shinpo (November 18, 1983). 12. Bancrolt-Hunt and Forman (1979:38-9). Bikky was very interested in not only the artistry of this pole, but of the mythology as well. Bikky learned a love of traditional stories through his mother, who was well known as a teller ol yukar, Ainu oral epic stories. Bikky would have heard hundreds cJuring his life time and incorporated elements from the myths in his work. 13. Photographs taken by Bikky during the Canadian experience show many more pictures ot frog segments on totem poles than of any other figure. 14. Yamakawa (1988:197). 15. The Northwest Coast potlatch was "the occasion at which a traditional name, rank or hereditary privilege was claimed through dances, speeches and the distribution of property to those invited. The group host- ing a potlatch displayed their hereditary possessions, which included songs, dances and masks, they recited the origins of these rights and the history of their transmission, and bestowed the new rank and name upon the member now entitled to use them. The ceremony was completed by distributing gifts to the guests. The guest groups, by witnessing the claims made, validated and sanctioned the status displayed and claimed" (Cole and Chaikin 1990:5). 16. Interview with Ryoko Sunazawa (April 6, 1994). 17. Interview with Ryoko Sunazawa (September 17, 1993). 18. The Province Newspaper (lAnuiLiy 2, 1984). 19. By 1983, Bill Reid had been suffering from Parkinson's disease for approximately eight years. He contin- ued to create wonderkil art with the aid of his assistants. 20. During my visit to his studio in Otoineppu, I counted three adzes, and I saw a video tape ot Bikky using one. 21. Bikky tried very hard to learn as much English as possible. With his outgoing personality and his willing- ness to try new English words, he was able to communicate surprisingly well. (Yamakawa 1988: 199). 22. Interview (December 19, 1993). Reid went on to say that while Bikky always seemed to be drinking, he never saw Bikky drunk during the day. Pierre Pieoche, Bill Reid's friend, states that in a conversation with Bikky about his drinking, Bikky said that "carving was too dangerous ro attempt while drunk, but it was safe to be drunk while painting," and he ohen was (interview February 6, 1994). 23. This legend was recounted in a 1986 videotape entitled, "The Three Watchmen" by Bill Roxborough, and Michael Brodie. The production describes the work of Haida artist Robert Davidson as he creates three totem poles. Commissioned in 1983, the poles were erected on August 8, 1984, in the atrium of the Maclean Hunter Building in downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada. 24. Bikky later stated in another newspaper interview that "'perlect nature exists in Canada" (Asahi Sliinibtin, Aug. 28, 1988). Chapter 6 The Northern King: Final Years (1984-1989) One day the Northern Qiieeti asked the Northern King, "why are you so proud? " He replied, ''well, look at the maps. Old ones. New ones. The North is always located at the top ofthe map, isn't it? The North is always on top. " The King looked at the Qiieen quietly and smiled. ' Bikky returned to Otoineppu from Canada on January 10, 1984, and went immediately to work in his studio. The visit had transformed every aspect ol his art, and the final five years of his life were to be intensely productive and creative. Not only had he been inspired by the artistic freedom and self-respect he found in the Native artists in Canada, but he was stimulated by watching artists work who were proud of their heritage and their art and who actively studied it. He was especially impressed by Bill Reid's stature in the mainstream art community and his recognition as an important Native and contemporary artist. Before his visit to Vancouver, Bikky had been ambivalent about his Ainu heritage and his identification as an Ainu artist, but his experience in Canada helped him realize that he could be a modern sculptor as well as an Ainu artist. He also became more comfortable with public expressions ol his native heritage. He began to think about the future of Ainu art in general and more consciously planned the direction of his own art. Bikky's three months in British Columbia had also given him a new perspective on the natural environment in Hokkaido and his relationship to it as an artist. He told the v4W7/ Shimbim in spring, 1983, that he felt he was beginning to understand that his artistic style expressed a bond with nature,"' and his first exhibition after his return, in March, was called Siuuizaiva Bikky Exhibition-Furiko (A Pendulum), because, he said, his mind kept going back and forth between the natural worlds oi Canada and Hokkaido like "a pendulum." His interaction with the natural world had always been important to him, but it was not until he went to Canada that he began to think consciously about his role in nature, not an interaction with, but being a part of nature. Visiting Canada had re-awakened Bikkys "northern consciousness," and this became one of his major themes after his return. To Bikky, this consciousness celebrated the rigor and grandeur of northern lands: the harsh weather, icy moun- tains, tall forests, deep snows, and long winter nights. He also recognized with a new clarity the importance of northern peoples' adaptability to these extremes and their strong links with their ancestors and traditions. Bikky observed that the Canadian First Nations peoples' pride in their culture, which had survived despite great upheaval, was similar to that of the Ainu, including their genius for creativity that helped sustain their culture. Bikky responded to this pride, believing that it was something shared by all northern indigenous people. Influenced by Canadian Native's use of their own culture in their work, Bikky's sculpture became more spe- cifically Ainu in its themes. Because of his visit, Bikky began to think of himself as a "Northern King" who challenged nature not by controlling it with self-serving authority or power but collaborating with it through his endless creativity and with his strong pride in being an Ainu and an artist. He, as an artist and a king, could reconstruct and revive the trees that were cut down and give them a new life and order in his king- dom of the north. In turn, nature would complete his artworks. Bikky once told a friend, "These wooden sculptures will grow after leaving my hands. Bikky, fasci- nated by the weathering of the many old totem poles he saw in Canada, believed the actual decomposition was perhaps that most powerful stage in the life of a wooden sculpture. Not only did he understand that the breakdown of tissue was the natural order of things, but more importantly he saw that this process was in keeping with the Ainu spiritual practice that required gifts of the gods to be returned to Gods' Land. In his artwork of the next five years, this conscious sense of channeling nature back to the gods wove its way through all of his work. Columns, Not Totem Poles Increasingly recognized as one oi Hokkaido's leading artists, Bikky received numerous invitations to participate in museum and gallery exhibitions in Sapporo and other northern cities and in the rest of Japan. He also received a number of important local commissions that allowed him to explore some of the themes that had emerged after visiting Canada. In 1985 Bikky created three large site-specific columnar pieces. He carved the first, an unnamed work called a "totem pole" locally, fi^r Kamisunagawa-cho, in the western part of Hokkaido near where Bikky s father Koa-kanno had been born. This simple pole stands at one end of a new bridge, called Yacho no Hashi (the Wild Birds' Bridge) for the recordings of local birds' twittering that play when people walk across the bridge. Bikky s seven-meter high pole is topped with a Fig. 6.1: Ml' (Buds), 1985. Fig. 6.2: A house post in situ, Cowichan, V.incouvcr isl.uul, Rrilisli ( '.olunihi.i, 19tli c. woodpecker with a long extended beak, below which are three eggs in a nest. This was the first columnar artwork Bikky created after coming back from Canada, and was the last one to be called a totem pole—his confrontation with the "real" totem poles of Canada was so intense that he felt ashamed of his ignorance of totem poles and refused to call them such. This, however, was the name it took on in Kamisunagawa-cho. The other columnar work is a two-piece set of abstract sculptures entitled Me (Buds; Fig. 6.1), referring to the intellectual growth of the students, placed in the middle of the courtyard at the Asahikawa Professional High School to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the school. The two abstract figures, carved from Japanese oak, face the same direction. The three- meter (ten feet) high figure, the taller of the two, is completely abstract, with an elongated rectangular torso with a long neck and a small conical shaped "head." It resembles a whaler's hat similar to those worn by the Makah and Nuu-chah- nulth people, which Bikky saw many examples of while in Canada. These figures are somewhat reminiscent of "welcome figures" or "house posts" of the Northwest Coast (Fig. 6.2); the smaller figure particularly resembles the old house post from the Halkomelem area of the Coast Salish now displayed in the entrance showcase of the British Columbia Provincial Museum in Victoria, which Bikky enjoyed visiting. While it's impossible to know for sure if this house post directly inspired Bikky to carve these figures, the formal elements of both works are prominent. As a realization of Bikky's collaboration with nature, in the years since these sculptures were erected, cracks have appeared from the exposure to the rigorous Hokkaido environment. Both the Bird Bridge column and Buds now have a mysterious and organic presence of their own, much like the aging totem poles Bikky saw in the old Gitksan territorial areas of the Upper Skeena River in British Columbia. The Wind In 1986 Bikky's relationship with nattire began to be focused on the theme of "wind, ' perhaps symbolizing his psychological state following his return from Canada—but also connecting to the important role that the wind played in Ainu culture. He seemed to be released from the restricted intellectual framework he had created for himself in the past such as his cultural identity and his artistic goals. Like the wind blowing through nature, he longed for freedom as an artist, an Ainu, and as a person. This can be seen in a poem Bikky wrote about the wind shortly before his death. It is his most famous poem: Wind, You are afour-headed andfour-legged monster. As you are so furious, people love your intermediate moments, which are called thefour seasons. I pray, blow the str ongest wind upon me and my entire body. Especially, blow it upon my eyes. Wind, As you arefour-headed andfour-legged monster, I'd like to presentyou a nice pair of four-leggedpants. And please, hold tne once.^ The four-headed and four-legged monster symbolized the mystical and mysterious nature of the seasons, which Bikky always loved. He asked the wind to blow into his eyes so that he could see into himself^ This metaphorical expression also paralleled the expressions ol the Ainu oral epics, xhe ytikar. A destructive wind appears in the old stories as a bad god who caused people to suffer but was calmed by a good god after a dramatic battle. Bikky's poem also alludes to an Ainu ceremony that seeks to reverse unusu- ally bad weather. The Yakumo Ainu, lor example, performed a wind ritual when the east wind blew fiercely in the autumn and salmon would not come up the rivers. Four young Ainu men were chosen to play the roles of the gods; three men played the good gods of west, north, and south, and one played the bad god ol the east. The good gods wore elaborate ceremonial outfits; in contrast, the bad east 81 god had to wear an old and worn-out outfit. At the beginning of the performance, the bad god splashes the audience with water and throws sand on them, but the three good gods chase the east god into the sea. He tries to escape, but the good gods catch him, bring him in front of the audience, and make him apologize to the audience for his bad behavior.'' The first of Bikky s wind-themed works was Yottsu no Kaze (Four Winds; Fig. 6.3). He received the commission to do a large sculpture for the opening of the Outdoor Museum of Contemporary Art in Sapporo in July 1986. His first drawing was done in December 1985 and on it he scribbled "this drawing is the first idea for Four Winds (lor the outdoor museum), and so is a memorable one."^ While Bikky often made many drawings for a new theme, he seemed to have a definite idea lor this project for little changed between his first drawing and his final work. In January 1986, lour lour-hundred-year-old Glehn's spruce trees were brought to Bikky s studio Irom the northernmost part of Hokkaido University's experimental forest. Before Bikky set about his work, he sat down on the snowy Fig. 6.3: )oiiiit 11(1 A,/.-,' (I'oui- \X hkIs), 1986. Fig. 6.4: Bikky performing the kamuy-nomi. ground and performed a kamuy-nomi for the trees, using an ikupasiiy (a prayer- stick) and a ceremonial sake cup and saucer. Although he generally performed such rituals privately when he began new work, this ceremony was photographed by Katsuaki Kitayama of the Hokkaido Shimbim (Fig. 6.4), one of the first times Bikky had publicly acknowledged the connection between his modern work and his Ainu heritage." It seemed to prove his psychological change and his acceptance of his public Ainu identity. More so than his totem poles and columns, Four Winds was Bikky s most ambitious outdoor wooden artwork. As he began the work for the Museum of Contemporary Art in Sapporo he wrote: Although this is an outdoor museum, Im trying my luck with wooden sculptures. Outdoor scidptures are always done in bronze and stone, but I'm going to submit wooden scidptures Natural phenomena, the snow and wind, will add to their completeness / calculate that it will stand there at leastfifty years^ 83 In carving the four Glehns spruce trees for this work, Bikky kept the original shape ot the log, carving out the central portion, each of which faces one of the four compass directions. He covered the surface of each column with thousands of rhythmical scale-like chisel marks, and it s almost as if each scale-like mark represents a new grain for the trees or each breath he took as he carved with his chisel.'" The wood has the textured quality of living things or cells. When he was working on Four Winds, Bikky left the following in his private notebook: / make use ofthe trees in nature, grown without touching human hands, as materials. Thus, they are lii'ing things. Its quite natural that living things will atrophy and decay. I (as an artist) will reconstruct them anew—giving them a new life with a newform. ' ' For a 1986 exhibition at the Hokkaido Museum of Modern Art, Bikky submitted an indoor work called Kaze ni Kikit (Listening to the Wind; Fig. 6.5).'"^ There are four abstract cylindrical forms that Bikky carved inside and out. Each has a small rectangular head-like project and each has the presence of a human figure although they are all very abstract. Bikky carved the cylindrical forms Fig. 6.5: Kaze ni Kiku (Listening to the Wind), 1986. 84 according to the contour of the tree, so that they appear to bend, stoop, or tik. He specified that they could be arranged in any composition; tor example, they can be arranged to depict Ainu wind mythologies, or as it they are talking to each other in a group, or so that one figure is being left: out ot the conversation. In other compositions the cylindrical fiarms appear to be in a stage setting of some sort, or just stand there, listening to the wind. At the end of 1986 this work was actually used as a stage installation for a modern dance performance entitled The Coexistence of Nature and Humans}'' Clearly this piece can be described as an installation piece, f^owever, because of the rarity ot this type of work in Japan at the time, it is highly unlikely that Bikky was influenced by the installation work o other artists. This is a wondertul example ot his unique creativity, blending Ainu spirituality with the primal forces of nature. Three years later, in 1989—invited to submit work to an exhibition ot contemporary sculptures at the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery outside Tokyo — Bikky revisited the "wind" theme with two massive and dynamic works both named Kaze (Wind).'^ One piece seems to suggest the open mouth of a killer Fig 6.6: Kdzf (Wiiul), 19«H. whale, the god of the ocean, rising from the water (Fig 6.6).'^ By carving away wood midway on the right side, a mouth is formed using the natural contour of the wood. Examining the piece reveals several U-shape metal joints holding together some of the pieces of wood, but the overall impression is organic. In this sense it resembles his 1980 work Tongue ofGod. Bikky often stated that to "recon- struct ' natural wood was to give it a new life and personality; in other words, that Bikky, as a part ol nature, gave a new dimension of life to his works. Unlike Tongue ofGod, which is meticulously finished, Bikky's chisel marks on one of the two Kaze works are much rougher and use several carving tech- niques. For instance, he gouged many deep, rough, and sharp incision marks in the upper portion ot the piece, carved against the grain of the wood, creating an almost visceral texture. Before going to Canada and being exposed to the distinc- tive linear patterns of the adze marks on totem poles, Bikky's chisel marks were random and unintentional, the end result of shaping wood with a tool. After his return to Otoineppu, however, Bikky was acutely aware of his carving technique. He found that by controlling the way he removed wood with the chisel, he could create different moods and attitudes such as found in these two Wind pieces. The second work named Wind (Fig. 6.7) suggests the dramatic life and Fig. 6.7: U^/W, 1988. death struggles found in nature. Made from two lumps of Japanese oak, it the same primordial quality as the first work, but the tension is almost tani Most of the surface is incised with thousands of chisel marks but offset by smooth areas made by a saw. Bikky not only intentionally exposed some portions of the natural grain of the wood through judicious use of newly cut areas, but also left older cut areas, darkened and weathered through the years, as contrast. The cracks, gaps, knots, and stains of the grain of the wood also become an integral part of the piece. For the Kanagawa exhibition Bikky also created a marvelously simple and abstract sculpture entitled Kaze no Oh to Oh-hi (King and Queen of Wind; Fig. 6.8).'^' The 1.73- meter-tall column (more than five and one- half feet), separated to form two heads, has an integrated base that also serves as a single neck and shoulders for the royal couple. The slight flair at the top of both the King and Queen add a positive space to the harmoniously bal- anced composition. It is carved smoothly on the outside surfaces and on the concave areas where the heads join. Again, we see rough and smooth surfaces used to create an effect—this time calm and regal. has ^ible. several Fig. 6.8: Kdze no Oil to Oh-lii (Kin^ and Queen of Wind), 1988. 87 The North Another theme that Bikky developed over the final years of his life were works that reflected his "northern" consciousness, although it was an idea that wove its way through most of his work throughout his life. It took explicit form in a number of pieces, including his 1987 Kita no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen; Fig. 6.9).' The Northern King and Qiieen are a pair of upright sculptures, each consisting of three stacked spheres with a base at the bottom, a major form that he had used since the Toh series of 1979, just after he moved to Otoineppu. The two sculptures provide a strong symbolic contrast between the attributes of female and male, which though abstract is also biomorphic and even humanoid. The work symbolizes the abstract sexuality between men and women that Bikky pursued in his "Tentacle" theme. His continuing theme of "northerness" led to the abstract and strikingly simplified sculpture entitled Kita no Dobutsu (Northern Animals) in 1987 (Fig. 6.10). The two abstract organic shapes are elevated on short, square pedestals attached and placed side by side on a long rectangular board. These organic C-shaped pieces are some- what similar to the Northeryi King and Queen but are placed so that they create a twisted and tightly con- trolled, complex spatial movementFig 6.9: Kitix 110 Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen), 1987. 88 in contrast to the somewhat serene, relaxed feehng of the "Northern King and Queen." Bikky used Japanese oak, which gives a whiteness to the pieces that is reminiscent of a newborn smooth-skinned animal looking out at the world for the first time. In contrast, the base of the rectangular board has the finely carved chisel-marks that is found on much ot his work since moving to Otoineppu. This creates a subtle but definite contrast between the animals, and it emphasizes the smoothness of the organic shapes. This piece symbolizes the drama of life young animals face in the northern kingdom that Bikky loved so much. Fig. 6.10: Kita no Dobutsu (Northern Animals), 1987. Personal Themes Although much of the work that Bikky would create during the last years of his life reflected his experience in Canada, he also continued to purstie ideas that had occupied him closely throughout his career. One work, Bmisiii-rei A.B (Watershed A.B, Fig. 6.1 1), returns to Bikky's love of puns and ambiguous word meanings."^ At first viewing, these two wooden figures appear to be deer-like ani- mals. The right-angled, streamlined shapes are carved from one piece of wood wit the legs attached separately. The divided front legs seem to be symbolic of moun- tains and valleys that make up a hydrological watershed, but the connection between the forms of the pieces and the title is problematic, perhaps a meta- phoric expression of nature and natural phenomena commonly found in the yukar, the Ainu oral epics. Also deceptive is the work's apparent connection to Shinto religious art. Deer mandalas are often prominent in the art depicting the Kasuga cult.' ' However, Makoto Kawakami, Bikky's close friend in Otoineppu, disclosed that Bikky said that Watershed A.B are female and male genitalia, ingeniously disguised by title and the carved composition."" Armed with this knowledge, it's easy to identify the erect penis and the labia of the female genitalia—Bikky's most overtly sexual work, despite the disguise. At the beginning of 1987 Bikky started a new series entitled Gozen Sanji no Gangii (Toys at 3:00 A.M.; Fig. 6.12). As the title suggests, the series was created early in the morning, close to daybreak, when Bikky did most of his work. He described his work routine: / try to devote myselffrom 11 p.m. to 3:30 a.m. to shaping my ideasfor my work. I always stop sketching at 3:30 a.m. and begin carving. Because that is the time when the express train Rishiri passed near my studio, the sound ofthe train became a signalfor me to begin carving. I have worked by this routinefor ten years. ~^ Fig. 6.11: /i»;M«/-n7 /l.i?(W.uershed A.B), 1985. 90 Fig. 6.12: Gozen Sanji no Gangu (Toys at 3:00 A.M). Although Bikky loved sociaHzing with people, he wanted to have complete privacy for his artistic activity and chose the late night when nobody wotild disturb him so that he could, as he described it, "confront himself" His studio, open to the weather on one side, had only one small heater and in the winter the tempera- ture in the studio was often well below zero degrees Farenheit—and he often lost feeling in his hands. Pieces of ice and frozen wood chips would seem to explode every time he drove the axe into the wood. Just as Bikky's father had confronted the severe winter nights in snow caves with only the clothes he was wearing when he was out hunting, so too would Bikky challenge his art and himself against the snow and cold. Bikky's artistic activity seemed to be at its best with self-imposed adversity. He would get himself cornered in order to challenge himself physically and psychologically. The many works in his new "Toys at 3:00 A.M." series were done in small scale, approximately thirty centimeters (eleven or twelve inches). As the title of "toys" suggests, and like his early "Tentacle" series, the works were small enough that people could pick them up and play with them. From the dates of some of his toy drawings, we know that the idea for this series was already formed by the winter of 1986. Although most of Bikkys work had become dramatically larger after his exposure to the totem poles and house posts of the Indians of Canada's Northwest Coast, he had enjoyed working on smaller pieces since creating the Bikky monyo finger ring patterns in his youth. "Toys at 3:00 A.M." celebrated the primordial spirit-world creatures that shared the nights with Bikky. We know that Bikky believed he was releasing and/ or making new life forms from the kamuy (gods) of the wood. His observations of the animals carved in the totem poles of the indigenous people of the Northwest Coast gave him the insights and the knowledge to know that he must look deeper within himself to create wonderftd new animals. These included an abstract scorpion-like insect with multiple wings and a long articulated tail and others that look like butterflies with lour wings. All the insect-like creations have articulated segments such as long, slender, flexible feelers, tails, and antennae, which are connected with hinged wooden joints so that they can move freely. This kind of detailed and delicate workmanship is technically similar to a variety of creatures such as fish and other sea world animals he created when he was working at the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company in Sapporo in 1 960s and 1970s. These mysterious insect-like creatures appeared in his bizarre bookylo/ Sakyii nite (In the Blue Sand Dune) published in 1976, a collection of prose and poems inspired by his dreams from 1964 to 1973. In the book various kinds of very pectdiar and surrealistic creatures appear, such as "a moth with three wings like the propeller of a fishing boat." "Toys at 3:00 A.M." appear to be the materi- alized images of the surrealistic creatures found in his dreams and "reconstructed" life forms from the land of the kamuy. While most of his large works were done leaving rough or small rhythmical chisel marks on the surface, the "Toys at 3:00 A.M." were finished with a polished, smooth surface that illustrates the mysterious shininess that almost all new life exhibits. Fig. 6.13: Bill Reidls tr.iiiskirmation ptnd.mt with detjchabic "mask, 1982. When he held the "Toys at 3:00 A.M." exhibition in the Aoki gallery in Tokyo, Martine Reid, Bill Reid's wife, came Irom Canada to see his show. Martine was surprised at the small scale of Bikky's work, becatise she was only familiar with the larger he had created in Canada. She said that Bikky's "Toys at 3:00 A.M." reminded her of a pendant of a dogfish transforming into a woman carved by Bill Reid (Fig. 6.13) when Bikky was in Canada. Based on her suggestion, it's possible to conjecture that Bikky had been inspired by the mystic transformation qtiality ol the pendant and the many transformation masks of the Northwest Coast when he created "Toys at 3:00 A.M."'' Painting, Sketclnes, Wooclblocl< Prints, Calligraplny Even as he created some of his most impressive monumental sculpture, Bikky continued to paint and pursue work in other media. In 1987 he held two exhibitions, both called "Sculpture-Painting," made up solely of his paintings, one at the Park Hotel in Sapporo and the other at a gallery in Yokohama. He had begun his career as a painter and constantly sketched, even when talking or drink- ing with his friends, and created thousands of drawings and paintings during his lifetime. However, after he switched the main focus of his media from two-dimen- sional paintings to three-dimensional sculptures in the 1960s, many of his sketches Fig. 6.14: Kitii no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen), 1987. Fig. 6.15: DoNo.l (Move No.l), 1987. captured or solved the spatial relationships that he would transfer to his sculptures. He told an interviewer: / always make sketches. I make a couple hundred ofsketches in order to get the exact image ofwhat I wantfi'om the sculpture. I think making sketches is definitely needed in order to acquire the "lines" of my thoughts, to assure myselfin my work.'^ Bikky often experimented with techniques, such as using his fingers to put the pigments directly on paper—a method he called "sculpture-painting." Sometimes he coated the picture plane with different pigments and scratched it with a wooden stick or a fork to get the image he was looking for. Using various kinds of lines and materials heightened his energy on the canvas. He created two abstract paintings using crayons and watercolors on paper named Kitn no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen) in 1987 (Fig. 6.14), which are stylized abstractions of the biomorphic forms in his sculpture of the same name."'' The monochromatic "Northern King and Queen" paintings have a sculptural quality to them, with stratified lines on a gray background creating a sctdptural effect. Only the queen is painted with red accents. The color contrasts and the movements of lines create a unique sense of depth. Not all of his sketches were sculpture-related. For example, in 1986 he made a pencil drawing entitled Do No.l (Move No.l) on a two-meter (six foot) long roll of Japanese paper (Fig. 6. 15).'^ These kinds of pencil drawings, of which there are several, were dashed off for his own pleasure, not lor the pursuit of images for his sculpture. The unfolding drawing begins with a female body that quickly takes on a surrealistic quality as the roll unfolds—her sensual limbs stretch and extend in a continuous line only to have another limb abruptly foreshortened. The short and long curvilinear contours ol the female body create rhythmical move- 95 Fig. 6.16: Tokyo no Hi (Night Lights ofToiiyo), 1988. ments like a musical score. The recognizable body parts are quickly transformed into imaginary biomorphic forms and back to a normally proportioned woman at the end ot his drawing. While the entire drawing has a wonderfully playful quality to it, his intention seemed to not only express his ideas about female sexuality, but also to explore the mysticism found in the feminine side of life itself While there is no doubt that women were physically exciting to Bikky, he was perhaps even more intrigued by the "metaphysical" nature of women. Bikky created another roll drawing in honor of Martine Reid s visit to Tokyo. In a taxi to her hotel, Bikky made a quick sketch of the night scenes of Tokyo using a pencil on a long roll (3.7 meters, more than twelve feet) ofJapanese paper. He called the work Tokyo no Hi (Night Lights of Tokyo; Fig. 6.16). Bikky caught the rhythm and energy of nighttime Tokyo; streets flooded with the reflec- tion of traffic lights, the hypnotic blur from thousands of neon lights, the thick, jostling crowds and speeding cars were all turned into "living things ' in Bikky's drawing. These biomorphic forms are like nocturnal monsters breathing in the cosmopolitan night life of Tokyo: running, dancing, crying, and shouting, all headed toward the nonstop night feast. Bikky also enjoyed creating calligraphy, and he included examples in the Gensho-ten (Origin of the Begihning) exhibition at the Muto gallery in Tokyo in 1988, a showing organized by Bikky and five professional artists who were also nonprofessional calligraphers who enjoyed the challenge of creating various styles of calligraphy without any restrictions. Bikky s work was dramatic and innovative, including a five-meter (sixteen foot) long sheet of Japanese paper on which he wrote the six exhibitors' names with Japanese characters, cut them into pieces, and scattered them at random. Bikky continued his political involvement as an Ainu and environ- mental activist, donating his wood- block prints to calendars in 1987 and 1988 to raise funds lor a citizen action group fighting against the development of a nuclear waste disposal facility near his studio. Bikky came out strongly for the causes he believed in: "Because I'm part of the Ainu race, I can't stand the environmental destruction [by the Japanese government and the Japanese timber industry]."''' The 1987 calendar Shiki no Kao (Faces ol Four Seasons), included Bikky's visionary image of four seasons expressed with abstract designs in black and white (Fig. 6.17). Some have strong red accents to express his anger and criticism against the environmental destruction in Holi))ibiin 1981 "Hito, Chiiki ni Ikiru 16 " (A Man Living in the Local Community), June 27. 1986 "Sunazawa-san no mokucho butai ni sue: Shizen to ningen o mau" (Setting the Wooden Sculptures of Mr. Sunazawa on the Stage, A Dance of Nature and Humans), November 27. 2001 "Fushoku susumu sakuhih taisho-ho o touron" (A discussion on the way ot dealing with rotting art work), June 25. — "Sunazawa Bikky saku [Yottsu no Kaze]: kongo o kangaeru symposium" (Symposium on the Future ot the Fdur Winds by Bikky Sunazawa), July 5. Hohn, Bill and Bill Reid 1975 Foiiii ivid FrccdoDi: A Dialogue on Northwest Coast Iiidia)i Art. Houston: Institute tor the Arts, Rice University. Igarashi, Kozo 1989 "Atorie o Ten ni Utsushita Sunazawa Bikky" (Bikky Sunazawa Moved His Studio into the Heavens). Hokkaido Shnabmh February 7. Inukai, Tetsuo 1970 "Jujutus, Fujutsu" (Magic and Shamanism). In A/im Alinzokii-shi (Ethnography ot the Ainu), vols. 1 and 2, Ainu Bimka Hozon Taisaku Kyogi-kai, ed., pp. 613-3. Tokyo: Dai-ichi Hoki Syuppan. Ishijima, Shinobu 1979 Mokucho-Ciuiiia (Bear Woodcarving). Sapporo: Sapporo Kogci-hin Kyokai. 1980a 'Asahikawa Chiho no Miyage-hin Sanpo-shi" (The History of Souvenirs in the Asahikawa Area). Hokkaido Mokucho Kogci Kyokai Kaiho (Bulletin ot the Hokkaido Wooden Craft Association) August: 1-6. Sapporo: Hokkaido Mokucho Kogei Kyokai. 1980b "Hokkaido Miyage no Sanpo-shi" (The History ot Hokkaido Souvenirs). Hokkaido Kanko Miyage (Hokkaido Fourist Souvenir), pp. 3—6. Sapporo: Hokkaido Kanko Miyage Kyokai. 1981 Asahikawa no Kihori Gitiiia no Hauashi (The Story ot Bear Woodcarvings in Asahikawa). Sapporo: Hokkaido Mokucho Kogei Kyokai. Ishikawa, Gen 1989 "Kita no Oh, Watashi no Sunazawa Bikky" (The Northern King, My friend Bikky Sunazawa). Insert in Sunazawa Bikky Art Works, ed. Hariu et al. Fokyo: Yobi-sha Co. Jonaitis, Aldona (ed.) 1991 Chiefly Feasts: Flje Enduring Kwakiutl Potlatch. New York: American Museum ot Natural History; Seattle &: London: University ot Washington Press. Kai, Hiroaki 1989 Sunazawa Bikky Shashi-shu: Hikari to Kage (A Photographic Collection of Bikky Sunazawa: Lights and Shadows). Saito Collotype Co., Ltd. Kawakami, Makoto 1989 "Owakare no Kotoba" (A Word tor Good-bye). Mokubani Notta Bikky: Ko-Sunazawa Bikky no Sogi-kiroku (Bikky Riding on a Wooden Horse: The Record ot late Bikky Sunazawa's Funeral), Ryoko Sunazawa, ed., pp. 24-5. Otoineppu: Ryoko Sunazawa. Kawamura, Kenichi 1990 "Sorezore no Bikky: Kanna-Moshir (4)" (Various Aspects ot Bikky: The Human Land [4]. Nikkan Asahikawa Shinibun, January 9. 122 Kayano, Shigeru 1978 A/>/u no M'nigii (The Material Culture ol the Ainu). Tokyo: Suzusawa-shoten. 1989 "Tsuito-shyu: Chokoku-ka, Sunazawa Bikky" (Mourniiit; the Sculptor, Bikky Sunazawa). Kyodo-il)i Aiahikawa, 3 (3; March):54. Edited by Watanabc Sanko. Asahikawa: Asahikawa-sha. Kindaichi, Kyosuke and Sueo Sugiyama 1941 Ainu Geijtitsu: Fukuso-heii (Ainu Art: Clothing). Sapporo: Hokkaido Shuppan Kikan Senta. 1942 Ainu Gcijutsu: Mokko-hen (Ainu Art: Woodwork). Sapporo: Hokkaido Shuppan Kikan Senta. 1943 Ainu Geijutsu: Kinkol Shikki-hen (Ainu Art: Metalwork and Lacquerware). Sapporo: Hokkaido Shtippan Kikan Senta. Kinetsuka, Minoru 1990a "Sorezore no Bikky: Aru Bikky (1)" (Aspects of Bikky: One Memory of Bikky [1]), Nikkan Auibikawa Shii}ibiin, January 5. 1990b "Sunazawa Bikkv no Sekai (10): Setsima to Yuk\u no Aidade" (Bikky Sunazawa's world [10]: Between Eternity and a Moment). Hokkiiido Skiin/'un. lantiary 17. Kitamura, Tadao 1963 "Sunazawa B ikky-Animal. " Geijutsu Shmcho 14 (6; Iune):94. Kodama, Mari 1985 "Ainu Monyo" (Ainu Design Motifs). Mnwniin 104 (July):30-5. 1987 "Yosoou" (Dressed). In Ainu Bunka no Kiso Chisiki (A Fundamental Knowledge ot the Ainu Culture), Okada Michiai et al., eds., pp. 68-87. Hokkaido: Ainu Minzoku Hakubutsukan. Kodama, Sakuzaemon 1970a "Ikuji, Meimei, Kyoiku, Seijin" (Childcare, Naming, Education, and Arriving at Manhood/Womanhood). In Ainu Minzoku-shi (Ethnography of the Ainu), vol. 1 & 2, Ainu Bunka Hozon Taisaku Kyogi-kai, ed., pp. 466-76. Tokyo: Dai-ichi Hoki Shuppan. 1970b Ainu Historical atid Anthropological Studies, vol. 3. Sapporo: Univetsit)' of Hokkaido, School of Medicine Series. Koganei, Y 1927 "Aino-minzoku, Sono Kigen Narabini Taminzoku to no Kankei" (The Ainu, Their Origin and Relation with Other Races). Jinruigaku Zasshi (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Tokyo) 42 (5): 1 59-62. Koguri, Mitsuo 1990 "Chokoku kanren Nenpyo" (Chronological table of sculpture). Shoiva no Bunka ban (Cultiu al property of the Showa period), pp. 144-9. Tokyo: Shonshu-sha. Kono, Motomichi 1985 "Ainu no Kogei" (Ainu Arts and Crafts). Mcnoniin 104 (July): 10-16. Lure 2001 "Tokushu 1 : Sunazawa Bikky - Kaze o horu" ( The Feature Article: Bikky Sunazawa - "Carved Wind"), Lure, 60 (Spring):4-10. Sapporo Art Park. Mamiya, Yoshiaki 1989 "Bikky 'Hisao' Hi to no Omoide" (The Memory of Hisao, nicknamed Bikky). Bijutsu Asahikawa 54(April):5-6. Marsden, Brian G. 1993 The Minor Planet Circulars (September 1): 22509. Cambridge, MA: Minor Planet Center, Smiihsonian Astrophysical Observatory. Miki, Tmion 1963 "Shudan Gendai Chokoku-ten hyo" (C^riticism of" the Avant-garde Contemporary Sculptors' Group Exhibition). Sansai 158 (January):70-1 . 1989 "Sunazawa Bikky-shi o Oshimu" (We mourn Mr. Bikky Sunazawa). Asahi Shimhun, [anuary 29. 123 1990 "Showa no Chokoku" (Sculpture in the Showa period). Shoiva no Biitika hat! (Cultural property of the Showa period), pp. 1 10-125. Tokyo: Shonshu-sha. Motoi, Atsushi (ed.) 1994 "Otoineppu no Mori o Horu" ( I he carved forests of Otoineppu). Katei Gaho 37 no. 3(March): 293-9. Tokyo: Sekai Bunka-sha. Munroe, Alexandra 1994 Japanese Art After 19-^5: Screaiu Against the Sky. New York: Harry N. Abram. Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo. 2001 Kiki: Sunazaiva Bikky-teii (Kiki: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo. Nihon Kirisuto-kyo Rekishi Dai-giten 1988 Nihoti KirisiitO'kyo Rekishi Dai-giten (Japanese Christian Dictionary). Tokyo: Kyobun-sha. Ogawa, Sanae 1989 'Arigato Bikky" (Thanks, Bikky), Bijiitsu Asahikawa 54 (April):7-9. Ogawa, Sanae and Machiko Kato 1996 Ainu Mon'yo o Sosobo kara Uketsuide 5-dai (Five-Generations of Ainu Designs Inherited from Great- Gandmother). Sapporo: Ainu Bunka Densho no kai. Tezukuri Utar (The Group for the Transmission and Maintenance ol" Ainu Culture). Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko 1974 The Ainu ofthe Northwest Coast ofSoutliern Sakhahn. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press. Ohtsuka, Kazuvoshi 1982 "Ainu no Kibori Guma" (Ainu Bear Woodcarvings). Gekkan Mmpakn (April): 1 5-1 7. Osaka: National Museum ol Ethnology. 1992 "Ainu Bunka no Dainamizum" (Dynamism ol the Ainu Culture). Kodai-shi o Kataru, pp. 31-325. Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun-sha. Ohtsuka, Kazuyoshi, ed. 1993 Ainu Moshir: Minzoku Mon'yo kara Mita Ainu no Sekai (The Ainu land: Looking at the Ainu world through their design motifs). Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology. Okamoto, Aisuke 1981 "Okamoto Aisuke no Hito Tojo (4)" (Aisuke Okamoto Introduces a New Person [4]). The Sakai Shinpo Shiinhiin, june 2. Omoto, K. and S. Harada 1969 "Polymorphism of Red Cell Acid Phosphatase in Several Population Groups in Japan." Japanese Journal of Hutnan Genetics, 14(1 ):np. Otoineppu Village Otfice 1992 Otoineppu Village Report. Hokkaido: Otoineppu Village Office. The Province 1984 "B.C. Gives Sculptor a Great Scale." The Province (Canada). January 2., by Al Arnason. Read, H., ed. 1985 The Thames and Hudson Dictionary ofArt and Artists. London: Thames and Hudson. Sakai, Tadayasu 1993 "Genya no Tamashi" (Wild Spirit)." Mori no Okite: Gendai no Chokoku no Sekai (The Rule of the Forest: The World ol Contemporary Sculpture), pp. 77-87. Tokyo: Ozawa-shoten. Saito, Kenji 1979 "Hokkaido no " Kibori Guma"" (Bear Woodcarvings in Hokkaido). Asahikawa Museum Newsletter 38:4. 1980 "Ido-ten: 'Kato Kensei o Tazunete' o Oete" (Finishing the Itinerant Exhibition 'Visiting Kato Kensei"). Asahikawa Museum Newsletter 44:3. 124 Saito, Reiko 1994 "The Study ot Tourist Arts in Ethnographic Records (1): In Relerence to the Ainu from the Edo Era to the Taisho Era." Bulletin ofthe Hokkaido Museum ofNorthern Peoples 3:139-60. Sanders, Douglas 1986 "The Ainu as an Indigenous Population." International Work Group for Indigejwus Affairs (IWGIA) Newsletter 45:118-49. Sekiguchi, Saburo 1978 "Jinbutsu Zumu" (Zoom in on Personalities). Hokiito Sbimbun, November 28. Shadbolt, Doris 1986 Bill Reid. Vancouver & Toronto: Douglas Mclntyre. [Revised edition 1998]. Shinya, Gyo 1977 Ainu Minzoku Tiko-shi (The History ol the Ainu Resistance). Tokyo: San-ichi Shobo. Shibahashi, Tomoo 1992 "Kaze to iu na no Pieta: Sunazawa Bikky no Kaiko-ten" (Pieta Named as Wind: A Retrospective Exhibition of Art by Bikky Sunazawa). Kaze no Chokoku (Wind Sculpture), pp. 67-74. Sapporo: Kyobun-sha. 2001 Kaze no Oh—Sunazawa Bikky no Sekai (King of Wind—The World of Biklvy Sunazawa). Sapporo: Kyobim-sha. Shibuzawa, Tatsuhiko 1990 "The Fantasia of a Mask," Genso no Garo kara (The Gallery of Illusion), pp. 156—61. Tokyo: Seido-sha. Siddle, Richard 1996 Race, Resistance and the Amu ofJapan. London and New York: Routledge. Siebold, H. V. 1881 "Ethnologische Studien uber die Aino auf der Insel Yesso." Zeitshrift fiir Ethnologie, Supplementz 13. Berlin: Anastat Neudruck. Sjoberg, Katarina 1986 "The Ainu: A fourth world population." International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (PWGIA) Newsletter 48: 43-99. 1993 The Return ofthe Ainu: Cultural Mobilization and the Practice ofEthnicity in japan. Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers. Sugimura, Mitsuru 1990 "Sunazawa Bikky no Sekai (9): Kanjo-gaki o Mite Zekku" (Bikky Sunazawa's World [9]: Finding No Words to Say When Looking at the Check), Hokkaido Shinibun, January 16. Sugiyama, Sueo 1926 Ainu Monyo (Ainu design motifs). Tokyo: Kogei Bijutsu Kenkyu-sha. 1934 Ainu no Kogei (Ainu arts and crafts). Sappoio: Hokkaido Shuppan Kikaku Center. 1940 "The Ainu Woven Works." Journal ofthe Anthropological Society of Tokyo, Vol. LX, no.628;February): 25-41. Sunazawa, Bikky 1976 Aoi Sakyu nite, 1964-1973 (In the Blue Sand Dune). Sapporo: Bikky Arts. 1977 ''Yjimvvy-mmiz.r" Hokkaido Toshi Shokuin Kyosai Kinniai (Newsletter ot the Hokkaido Prefectural City Staff Mutual Aid Union) April. 1988 "Te" (Hands). Ikku-tashoku (A Free with Many Touches), pp. 5. Tokyo: The Inax Gallery. Sunazawa, Ryoko (ed.) 1989 Mokuha ni Notta Bikky: Ko-Sunazawa Bikky no Sogi-kiroku (Bikky Riding on A Wooden Horse: A record of the late Bikky Sunazawa's luneral), Otoineppu: R. Sunazawa. 1990 Sunazawa Bikky: Sobyo Kita no China (Sunazawa Bikky Sketches: North Women). Tokyo: Yobisha Co. 125 Suttles, Wayne 1976 "Productivity and Its Constraints: A Coast Salish Case. " hidiini Art Tradition of the Northwest Coast, Carlson ed., pp. 67—87. Burnaby, B.C.: Archaeology Press, Simon Fraser University. Takakura, Shiichiro 1970 "Inaw." In Aiiiii Miuzoku-shi (Ethnography of the Ainu), vol. 1 & 2, Ainu Bunka Hozon Taisaku Kyogi-kai, ed., pp. 65A-A5. Tok}'o: Dai-ichi Hoki Syuppan. Takeoka, Wadao 1988 "Bijtitsu Jihyo" (Art Criticism). Hokkaido Shinibun, August 1 5. Terada, Toru (trans. Thomas Guerin) 1 976 Japanese Art ni World Perspective. New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha. Toko, Nuburi 1995 Tokn Niihiiri Sakiihni-shu: Kaiiiiii Mintara (The Art Works ol Toko Ntiburi: Playground of the Gods). Tokyo: Kyuryu-do. Turner, Christy G., II 1989 "Teeth and Prehistory in Asia." Scientific Aiiiericaji 60 (February):88-96. Vivien de St. Martin, I,. 1872 LAnnee geograpl)ique, revue annuelle des voyages de terre et de nier, vol. 9 and 10. Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie. Watanabe, Sanko (ed.) 1 989 "Tsuito-shyu: Chokoku-ka, Sunazawa Bikky" (A Memorial Collection: Mourning the Sculptor Bikky Sunazawa). Kyodoshi Asahikawa (Local Magazine of Asahikawa) vol. 3, no. 3 (March): 46-54. Yamakawa, Tsutomu 1988 Asn o Tsukuru Ainii Monzoku (The Ainu who would create tomorrow). Tokyo: Mirai-sha. Yamaura, Kiyoshi and Hiroshi Ushiro 1999 "Prehistoric Hokkaido and Ainu Origins." Amu: Spirit ofa Northern People, William W. Fitzhugh and Chisato O. Dubreuil, eds., pp. 39—46. Arctic Studies Center, National Museum ol Natural History, Smithsonian Institution in association with University of Washington Press. Yazaki, Katsumi 1989a "Sozetsu na Saigo o Mitoru" (Grasping [Bikky's] Heroic Death), "Tsuito-shyu: Chokoku-ka, Sunazawa Bikky" (A Memorial Collection: Mourning the Sculptor Bikky Sunazawa). Kyodoshi Asahikawa (Local Magazine of Asahikawa) vol. 3, no. 3 (March): 53. l')89b "Kita no Oh—Kamuy no Kuni e" (The Northern King going to the Land of the Gods), Bijutsii Asahikawa no. 54 (April): 7-9. Selected Exhibition Printed Materials f CHRONOLOGJCALLYAKKANCHD) 1967 Zasshu Kosei Sho-dobutsu no Yaen-ten (Hybrid Construction: Small Animals at the Night Feast). Sapporo: Tokeidai Gallery, November 9-November 15, 1967. 1976 Sunazawa Bikky Ki-tnen-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition ofWooden Masks). Tokyo: Kunugi Gallery, July 19-July 24, 1976. 1977 Tentacle (ineikyu) fTangible]: Sunazawa Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Sunazawa: Tentacle (maze) [Tangible]). Tokyo: Kunugi Gallery & Tamura Gallery, September 12-September 18. 1980 Mokuba ni Notta Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Riding on A Wooden Horse). Sapporo: Art Gallery Saito, December 4-December 9, 1980. 1981 Mokucho m Notta Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Riding on a Wooden Bird). Sapporo: Daido Gallery, February 16-February 21. — Kita no Sbigin-tachi ten (The Exhibition of Northern Poets). Tokyo: Gallery Toshin, March 16-March 27 126 1983 Siinazaiva Bikky - Juto (Wooden Head). Tokyo: Aoki Gallery, September 5-September 17. 1984 Suuazawa Bikky Exhibition - Furiko (A Pendulum). Sapporo: Gallery Pambazuko, March 18-April 1. 1985 Hokkaido o Horn Bikky Saknhiu-ten (Carved Hokkaido: Bikky Exhibition). Asahikawa: Seibu Department Store, )une 26-July 3. 1985 Kita o Horn Bikky-ten (The Carved North: Bikky Exhibition). Tokyo: Tobu Department Store, September 12-September 17. 1986 Ki no Roku-nin-ten (An Exhibition ot Six Artists ot Wood). Sapporo: The Hokkaido Museum q[ Modern Art, August 23-September 3. 1987 Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: The Sapporo Park Hotel, August 23-August 22. 1988 Ikki-taihoku-ten (The Exhibition of a Tree with Many Touches). Tokyo: The Inax Gallery 2, March 2-March 31. 1989 Gendai Sakka Series '89: Norio Ueno, Bikky Sunazawa. and Fimiiaki Fukita (Contemporary Artists' Series '89). Yokohama: The Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, January 21-February 5. 1990 Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Asahikawa: The Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum o( Art, January 5-February 18. 1993 Hito to Kaze to Kamigami: Hokkaido no Gendai Mokueho (Man, Winds, and Gods: Contemporary Wooden Sculptures in Hokkaido). Asahikawa: The Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum ol Art, August 28-October 3. 1994 Fentacle - Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Tentacle: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: The Hokkaido Museum of Modern Art, April 16-May 15. 1995 A7 no Kioku, Chokoku no Kioku (Memory of Wood, Memory ot Sculpture). Sapporo: Museum ol Contemporary Art, Sapporo, October 28—December 3. 1999 Ainu: Spirit of a Northern People. Washington, D.C.: National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, April 30, 1999-January 2, 2000. 2001 Kiki: Sunazaiva Bikky-ten (Kiki: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo, June 6-July 15. Television Productions 1965 Koa-kanno no Musuko-tachi (Koa-kanno's Sons), produced by Hokkaido Television (edited and organized by Yoshida Gosuke), January 15. 1985 "Kamuy no Daichi ni Mokurei ga Hibiku (The Spirits of Wood Echo in the Land of the Kamuy), " Doeunient Ningen Retto (Documentary, Human Islands), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai-The Japanese Broadcasting Association), March 9. 1985 "Ki ga Watashi-tachi Kureta Mono (What Trees Give to Us)," Sunday Q, produced by Sapporo Television, June 10. 1988 Kitano Gunzo (The Northern Group), produced by Sapporo Television, November 13, 28 min. 1990 Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (The Sunday Gallery), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai - The lapanese Broadcasting Association), February 1 1. 2001 Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (The Sunday Gallery), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai - I he lapanese Broadcasting Association), Jtme 3. 127 Figure List *Note: Unless othcnvisc indicated, all pieces are by Bikky Sunazaiva. Front Cover "Juka" (Wooden Flowers), 1989 Willow; 212.0 X 140.0 x 140.0 cm Otoineppu Village Office, Hokkaido Photo: Chip Clark Back Cot'er "Yottsu no Kaze" (Four Winds), 1986 Glehn's spruce, 7 m Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo Photo: Toshie Fujishima Frontispiece Bikky Sunazawa, June 25, 1983 Photo: Hiroaki Kai hiside Flap Chisato Dubreuil, 2003 Photo: Regina VanDoren Introduction Frontispiece Bikky is carving a small piece in 1980s. Photo: Hiroaki Kai Figure A. 1 "Nitnekamuy (Evil God)," 1988 Katsura, Manchurin ash, walnut; 122.0 x 26.0 x 48.0 cm. Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum of Art, Asahikawa. ReF: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999: Fig. 47.27) Figure A. 2 Bikky Sunazawa, in a wheelchair at the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, 1989 Photo: Hiroaki Kai Figure A. 3 "Kiki" (the spirit of wood) calligraphy by Bikky Sunazawa, 1989 The catalogue of The Contemporary Artists Series '89 in the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery Ref Gendai Sakka Series 'Si^ (1989:9) Sidebar 1: Who Are the Ainnf' Figure Al .2 Maps of Hokkaido and Ainu lands (a) Traditional and Modern Ainu Territories Ref: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:Fig. r.3) (b) Modern Hokkaido Ref: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999: Fig. 7.7 [after Siddle 1996]) Figure A1.3 Ainu Hunter in Mountain Clothes, late 19th century National Park Service, Longfellow National Historic Site, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Photographer unknown Sidebar 2: The Ainu Hotiteland Figure A.2.1. Scenic photo of Hokkaido, c. 1990 Photo: David H. Dubreuil Chapter J: Bikky s Early Life and Influences (1931-1953) Frontispiece Bikkys piece carved with his name, "Bikky," 2000. Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 1.1 A photo of the 1932 Ainu activists' lobby delegation in Tokyo: Koa-kanno (right), Peramonkoro (left) with Bikky as a year-old, and three other Ainu activists Photographer imknown Figure 1 .2 Bikky's father, Ichitaro Sunazawa (Koa-kanno), 1940s Photographer unknown Figure 1.3 Bikky's mother, Peramonkoro Simazawa, c. 1960 Photo: Masako Ivinoshita Figure 1.4 An early abstract pen drawing by Bikky Sunazawa, date unknown Paper with pen; 27.5 x 38.0 cm Kazuo Sunazawa, Akan, Hokkaido. Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 1.5 Untitled horse sculpture, late 1940s Wood; 18.5 X 17.0 X 10.0 cm Kazuo Sunazawa, Akan, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 1.6 Wooden finger rings, late 1960s or early 1970s Wood; 1.5 cm diameter Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil 128 Sidebar 3: Ainu Wood Carving Figure 1.3.1 Ikupasuy (prayer-sticks), artist unknown, mid 20th century Wood; (from top) CI 8761, 29.2 cm (L); C18764, 28.0 cm (L); C18770, 33.0 cm (L); Cl4724a, 35.5 cm (L); C13467, 35.5 cm (L) Buffalo Museum of Science Photo: Susan Einstein Figure 1 .3.2 Four inaw by Bikky Sunazawa, 1 980s Willow; approximately 30 - 40 cm Photo: David H. Dubreuil Chapter 2: The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikky s Art Evolves (1953-1964) Frontispiece Bikky in Asahikawa, Hokkaicio in the 1960s. Photographer unknown. Ref: Tentacle Sunazawa Bikky-ten (1994: 90). Figure 2.1 "Woman with Fan" by Ossip Zadkine, 1918 Material and size unknown Ref Hammacher (1959:Fig. 3) Figure 2.2 "Torso" by Shigeru Ueki, 1952 Red birch; 93.0 x 30.0 x 36.0 cm Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo Ref Hito to Kdze to Kauii<^auii (1993: Fig. 6) Figure 2.3 "Dobutsu 6 - Hokaku sareta Dobutsu" (Animal 6 - Captured Animal), 1960 Japanese red pine; 57.0 x 237.0 x 47.0 cm Yukara Kougei-kan, Asahikawa, Hokkaido Ref Asakawa (1996:Fig. 1) Figure 2.4 "Animal B," 1962 Wood; size unknown Location unknown Ref Echizen (1993b:Fig. 6) Figure 2.5 "Animal-Ushi (Animal-Cow)," 1962 Wood; size unknown Location unknown Ref Echizen (1993b:Fig. 7) Figure 2.6 "Animal - Me (Animal-Eye) (B)," 1963 Pine; 133.0 x 30.0 x 30.0 cm Private collection Ref Asakawa (1996: Fig. 3) Figure 2.7 An Ainu design, kamuy-chik, on a textile work by Midori Toko, 1990s Cotton, cotton thread: L 30.0 cm x W28.0 cm Private collection Photo: David H. Dubreuil. Sidebar 4 Ainu Tourist Art Figure 2.4.1 Photograph of Kami/aki Souvenir Shop in Asahikawa, early 20th century Ref Ishijima (1980b:3). Figure 2.4.2 Bikky mon'yo design drawing (no. 8), February 26, 1 967^ Pencil on paper; 28.0 x 21.5 cm. Ryoko Sunazawa, Sapporo, Hokkaido. Photo: David H. Dubreuil. Sidebar 5, Ainu Tabric Art Figure 2.5.1 Ainu girls practicing design motifs on sand in a scene from Shimanojo Murakami's Ezo-shima kikau (Curious Sights of Ezo Island), 1799 Ink, colors on paper Hakodate Municipal Library Photo by Susumu Tameoka Figure 2.5.2 "Attush" garment, back view, 19th century Elm-bark fiber with cotton applique and embroidery; W: 122.0 x W: 127.0. National Museum of Natural History (E150779) Photo: Dana Levy. Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999: Fig. 42.3) ^ Figure 2.5.3 Women's tattoo designs (patterns of the west Hidaka band, examples from Piratori village) Ref Kodama (1970b: Fig. 51 ) Chapter 3: The Back ofthe Mask: Art a)id Activism in Sapporo (1964-1978) Frontispiece Bikky being interviewed by a newspaper reporter in April 1974. (Asahi Shiiiihiiii, April 6, 1974). Figure 3.1 Tentacle (precise title imknown), approx. 1976. Wood; size unknown Location unknown Ref Tentacle Sniiazawa Bikky-ten (1994:86) 129 Figure 3.2 (left) "Ki-ebi" (Wooden Lobster), 1976 Walnut, oilstdin, pigment; 82.0 x 40.0 x 7.0 cm Private collection Reh Tentacle SiDiaziUva Bikky-tcii (1994:Fig. 28). (right) "Ki-bachi" (Wooden Bee), 1979 Walnut, oilstain, pigment; 30.0 x 26.0 x 10.5 cm Teshiogawa Onsen, Otoineppu, Hokkaido Ref: Tentacle Siinazawa Bikky-tcn (1994:Fig. 30) Figure 3.3 Bear and Ekashi (respected Ainu elder), 1973 Wood; 69.5 X 56.5 cm Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 3.4 Untitled stacked images (a precursor to Bikky's later totem poles), 1972 Wood; 199.0 X 38.0 cm Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 3.5 "Fusetsu no Cunzo" (Wind and Snow Group) by Shin Hongo, erected in Asahikawa Joban Park in 1970 (reconstructed in October, 1977) Bronze; 230 cm Asahikawa city, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 3.6 The Ainu Flag, designed by Bikky Sunazawa, used at the 44th pan-Hokkaido United Labor Day Rally, May 1973 Ref: Hokkaido Shtmbim (May 5, 1973) Figure 3.7 "Kimen" (mask), 1979 Japanese linden; 76.0 x 21.6 x 7.4 cm Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo, Hokkaido Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 14) Figure 3.8 The relief sculpture, "Kamuy-mintar," 1977 Sen (Caster aralia); 320.0 x 136.0 x 64.0 cm Komakusaso, Hokkaido Ref Tentacle Sunazawa Btkky-ten (1994:13) Sideb^ir 7: The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art Figure 3.7.1 LIntitled carved bear by Masao Ito, ca. 1942 Wood, paint, metal inlaid nails for eyes; 9.5 X 6.3 X 3.6 cm Yakumo-cho Education Committee, Hokkaido Photo: Shinobu Ishijima 130 Figure 3.7.2 Photo of Umetaro Matsui in Asahikawa, early 20th century The Ainu Memorial Museum of Kaneto Kawamura, Asahikawa, Hokkaido Photographer imknown Chapter 4: Totem Poles and Tall Trees: Bikky Returns to His Roots (1978-1983) Frontispiece Bikky standing in front of a piece from his "Juka" series (Wooden Flower) in his studio, June 10, 1983. Photo: Hiroaki Kai. Figure 4.1 Untitled totem pole, 1979 Wood; approx. 10 m H. Ainu Memorial Museum of Kaneto Kawamura in Asahikawa, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil. Figure 4.2 "Kami no Shita" (Tongue ol God), 1980 Japanese oak; 201.0 x^l 16.0 x 54.0 cm Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999: Fig. 47.18)'' Figure 4.3 "Kita no Dobutsu tachi" (Northern Anmials), 1980 Japanese oak, walnut; 34.0 x 267.0 x 37.0 cm; 13.0 x 80.5 x 31.0 cm; 29.5 x 65.0 X 45.5 cm; 1 73.0 x 48.0 x 24.0 cm; 29.0 X 35.0 X 34.5 cm; 47.0 x 74.0 x 26.5 cm; 15.0 X 71.0 x 20.0 cm; 51.5 x 40.0 x 33.5 cm; 65.0 x 45.5 x 49.5 cm; 93.0 x 32.0 x 47.5 cm Chinita and Ichitaro Sunazawa, Sapporo, Hokkaido Ref Asakawa (1996:Fig. 17) Figure 4.4 "Shiko no Tori" (The Birds of Thought), 1981 Birch, Glehn's spruce; 7.5 m H. (left); 12 m H. (center); 7.5 cm H. (right) The Nakagawa Experimental Forest of the Hokkaido University, Otoineppu, Hokkaido Photo: David H. Dubreuil. Figure 4.5 Same as Front Cover Chapter 5: Transforming Visions: Bikky and the Northwest Coast of Canada, 1983 Frontispiece Bikky standing next to a totem pole depicting frogs in the Gitksan Tsimshian village of Kitwancool in the upper Skeena River region, British Columbia in 1983. Photo: Douglas Sanders. Figure S.I A figurative sculpture, "Setsuko doll", 1983 Wood; 85.0 X 16.0 X 17.5 cm Setsuko and Pierre Pieoche, Vancouver, British Columbia. Photo: David H. Dubrcuii Figure 5.2 "Hole-through-the-Sky" totem pole, late 19th century Wood; approx. 10 m In situ Kirwancool, British Columbia Photo: Werner Forman Figure 5.3 "Indian Dance A" painting by Bikky Sunazawa, 1983 Crayon, watercolor on paper; 52.0 x 36.0 cm Shinobu Ishijima, Sapporo, Hokkaido Ref: Tentacle Siuiaznwa Bikky-ten (1994: Fig. 69) Figure 5.4 Haida artist. Bill Reid (left) showing Bikky (center) how to use the adze in Reid's Studio on Granville Island, Vancouver, British Columbia, 1983 Photo: Douglas Sanders Figure 5.5 Untitled painting, f-rom "Images ot British Columbia," 1983 Pencil, watercolor on paper; 22.5 x 28.8 cm Minoru and Mitsue Yamamoto, Vancouver, British Columbia Photo: David H. Dubreuil Figure 5.6 A mountain sheep horn bowl, 19th-20th century Horn; 8.9 x 14.6 x 19.4 cm Ref: Holm and Reid (1975:98) Figure 5.7 Untitled work From "Images ot British Columbia," 1983 Red cedar; 65.0 x 20.0 x 14.5 cm Location unknown Photographer unknown Figure 5.8 Dzoonokwa mask, Kwakwakai'wakw, 1897 Wood; 30.0 X 24.0 cm American Museum of Natural History Ref: Jonaitis (1991:Fig. 3.7) Figure 5.9 Untitled work from "Images ol British Columbia," 1983 Maple; 35.0 x 21.0 x 18.5 cm Shinobu Ishijima, Sapporo, Hokkaido Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 24) Figure 5.10 "The Watchman" hom "Images of British Columbia", 1983 Yellow cedar; 210.0 x 52.5 x 52.0 cm Ref: Kiki: SiDiazauui Hikky-tcii (2001: Fig. S- 14) Figure 5.1 1 A modern frontal house pole by Bill Reid, assisted by Douglas Cranmer, 1959 Museum of Anthropology, University of British Columbia Wood; 12.8 m Photo: Bill McLennan Sidebar 8 Bikky s Tools Figure 5.8 artist unknown,A mans makiri (knite early 20th century Wood, iron; 23 cm Milwaukee Public Museum (N17340A,B) Photo: Susan Einstein Chapter 6: The Northern King: Final Years (1984-1989) Frontispiece Bikky working at his studio in Otoineppu, Hokkaido. January 23, 1986, Hokkaido SLuiiihiiii. Photo: Katsuaki Kitayama. Figure 6.1 "Me" (Buds), 1985 Japanese oak; 300.0 x 40.0 x 40.0 cm (left); 270.0 x 51.0 x38.0 cm (right) The Asahikawa Professional High School, Asahikawa, Hokkaido Ref Hariu, et al. (1989:17) Figure 6.2 A house post in situ, Cowichan, Vancouver Island, British Coltunbia, 19th century Wood; size unknown The Royal British Columbia Museum, Victoria, British Columbia Ref: Suttles (1976:Hg. 4:10). Figure 6.3 "Yottsu no Kaze" (Four Winds), 1986. Glehn's spruce, 7 m Hokkaido Museimi of Contemporary Art, Sapporo Photo: Toshie Fujishima Figure 6.4 Bikky performing the kamuy nomi for the tree spirit using an ikupasuy and sake on January 18, 1986 in front of his stLidio, Otoineppu, Hokliaido Hokkaido Shimbun, January 23, 1986 Photo: Katsuaki Kitayama Figure 6.5 "Kaze ni Kiku" (Listening to tiie Wind), 1986 Glehn's spruce, katsura; 214.0 x 605.0 x 68.0 cm Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999: Fig. 47.24) 131 Figure 6.6 "Kaze" (Wind), 1988 Japanese elm; 190.5 x 242.0 x 74.0 cm Toyamura, Hokkaido Ref: Kiki: Siinazawa Bikky-ten (2001 : Fig. S-30). Figure 6.7 "Kaze" (Wind), 1988 Japanese oak; 174.5 x 124.0 x 131.0 cm Hokkaido Museum of Modern Art, Sapporo Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 35) Figure 6.8 "Kaze no Oh to Oh-hi" (King and Queen of Wind), 1988 Manchurian ash; 173.0 x 38.0 x 35.0 cm Ryoko Sunazawa Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 37) Figure 6.9 "Kita no Oh to Oh-hi" (Northern King and Queen), 1987 Walnut, Caster araHa; 138.0 x 76.0 x 66.0 cm Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, Yokohama Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 31) Figure 6.10 "Kita no Dobutsu" (Northern Animals), 1987 Japanese oak; 80.0 x 198.0 x 48.0 cm Chinita and Ichitaro Sunazawa, Sapporo, Hokl