From the Playground of the Gods
The Life 8c Art of Bikky Sunozawa
NB
1059
.S97
D84
2004
1
From the Playground of the Gods
The Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa
by Chisato O. Dubreuil
From the Playground of the Gods
The Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa
by Chisato O. Dubreuil
with a Foreword by William W, Fitzhugh
Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History,
Smithsonian Institution
Distributed by University of Hawai'i Press
Copyright ® 2004 Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History,
Smithsonian Institution.
All rights reserved. No portion ol this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing horn the publisher.
From tlie Playground of tlie Gods: die Life and Art of Bikky Siinazawa
was printed by The Castle Press, Pasadena, Calilornia U.S.A.
Designed by Betty Adair, The Castle Press
Edited by Kathy Tally-Jones, Perpetua Press, Santa Barbara, California
The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on
Production (iuidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dubreuil, Chisato O.
From the Playground of the Gods : the Life and Art of Bikky Sunazawa / by Chisato O. Dubreuil
;
with a foreword by William W. Fitzhugh.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-9673429-8-8 (alk. paper)
1. Sunazawa, Bikky, 1931-1989. 2. Sculptors—Japan—Biography. 3. Ainu— Flistory. I.Arctic
Studies Center (National Museum of Natural History) II Title.
NB1059.S97D84 2004
730\92-dc22
2004017834
Editor's Note
Spelling. Readers may note inconsistency in the presentation of some Ainu terms, personal names, and
geographic place-names. This is because Ainu language has three geographic dialects—from Hokkaido, the
Kuriles, and Sakhalin—and many dialects with marked variation in terminology and pronunciation. Because
Ainu was a spoken and not a written language, early field workers, lacking dictionaries, transcribed Ainu
terms, and names as best they could. Many spellings have been systematized, but in some cases terms remain
as originally recorded.
Tins book is dedicated to the memory
MoTOKO Ikeda-Spiegel
Contents
Author's Note ix
Foreword xi
Introduction xix
Sidebar 1: Who Are the Ainu? xix
Chapter i: Bikkys Early Life and Influences (1931-1953) 1
Sidebar 2: The Ainu Homeland 1
Sidebar 3: Ainu Wood Carving 3
Chapter 2: The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikkys Art Evolves (1953-1964) . 15
Sidebar 4: Origins of Ainu Tourist Art 15
Sidebar 5: Ainu Fabric Art 23
Chapter 3: The Back of the Mask:
Art and Activism in Sapporo (1964-1978) 31
Sidebar 6: Ainu Art and The Japanese Art Establishment 31
Sidebar 7: The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art 37
Chapter 4: Totem Poles and Tall Trees:
Bikky Returns to His Roots (1978-1983) 49
Chapter 5: Transforming Visions:
Bikky and the Northwest Coast of Canada (1983) 61
Sidebar 8: Bikky s Tools 61
Chapter 6: The Northern King: Final Years (1984-1989) 77
Chapter 7: Bikky's Legacy 109
Bibliography 119
Figure List 128
^APR 2 5 2005
Author's Note
On November 29, 1987, two Japanese amateur astronomers from
Hokkaido, K. Endate and K. Watanabe, members of the International
Astronomical Union, discovered a small planet.' After the required rigorous
independent examination, they registered it with the Minor Planet Center at the
Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory on September 1, 1993, and received
registry number 5372. They also named the planet. When named after a person,
it is customary to use only the family name. The discoverers broke with tradition
and gave the planet the honor of carrying only the given name of an extremely
gifted contemporary Ainu artist. That artist was Bikky.
1. Marsdcn, 1993
ix
Foreword
William W. Fitzhugh
Arctic Studies Center
Smithsonian Institution
In 1988 the National Museum of Natural History opened a special exhibi-
tion featuring the traditional cultures of the North Pacific region from Vancouver
Island to Amur River and Sakhalin. Crossroads of Continents: Cultures ofSiberia
and Alaska^ explored similarities and differences in history, culture, and art of
native groups living around the northern rim of the Pacific and adjacent Bering
and Chukchi Seas. Of these northern cultures, the Ainu, whose name means
"people" or "humans" in their language, could not be represented for political and
organizational reasons. The Ainu formerly inhabited the Kurile Islands, southern
Sakhalin, and part of northern Honshu; today the northern Japanese island of
Hokkaido remains the only homeland of the Ainu people, most of whom live in
small villages scattered in different areas of Hokkaido. Because Crossroads was con-
ducted under a bilateral arrangement with the Soviet Union, which did not want
its political history involving the seizure of the Kuriles and southern Sakhalin and
expulsion of Ainu peoples aired broadly to the public. Crossroads proceeded with a
conspicuous gap in our roster of North Pacific peoples.
In 1990, while Crossroads was still touring, I began preparing an exhibi-
tion about the Ainu to rectify this slight."' Europeans have had a long history of
interest in the Ainu, beginning with Dutch and Jesuit contacts in the Dejima
(Nagaskai) trade entrepot in the seventeenth century and continuing with the
early nineteenth-century work of Europe's premier (and first) Japanologist, Philipp
von Siebold, whose multi-volume opus, Nippon, brought knowledge of Japan to
the western world for the first time. After Commodore Matthew Perry lorced the
xi
Japanese to lift their exclusionary ban on foreign travel within their archipelago in
1854, Europeans and Americans began to visit Hokkaido, both as tourists and for
official reasons. They discovered a culture in drastic decline and were convinced
that the Ainu would not survive more than a few decades. This view was also held
by the Japanese, whose official policies were directed to hasten assimilation. The
views of these visitors reflected their awareness, and sometimes their direct expe-
rience, of hidian cultures of the American West, which were also thought to be
on the verge of extinction. Among the early visitors to the Ainu was the intrepid
Englishwoman, Isabella Bird, who wrote a book about her 1878 experiences.
Others came during the 1870s as representatives of the United States government,
which had pledged technical assistance to the new Meiji government for the devel-
opment of Hokkaido's natural resources.
Reports by these travelers and officials of the Ainu's striking dress, elaborate
ceremonial life, and unusual physical appearance sparked the interest of American
scholars and museum directors. The long flowing beards, hirsute bodies, large
stature, deep-set eyes, and facial features (which most foreigners thought resembled
Caucasoids more than Mongoloids), and the striking lip tattoos worn by women,
made Ainu appear very different from other Asian populations. Although it is
unclear where the idea originated, by 1 868 Albert Bickmore, President of the
American Museum of Natural History, was in the habit of commenting on the
bearded "Aryan appearance " of the Ainu, and in the decades before 1900 this
idea became the major focus of public interest in the Ainu, in tandem with the
earlier romantic European notion of the Ainu as a representative of the "noble
savage," more so even than the American Indian. For the next four decades, most
of the large natural history museums in Eastern North America, including the
Smithsonian Institution, sent collectors to Hokkaido to gather Ainu objects, study
its culture and population, and make photographic records of this "peculiar"
people. The "Ainu enigma" became a popular scholarly puzzle that tantalized nine-
teenth century explorers, museum collectors, and anthropologists researching the
origin and spread of human "races."
Unfortunately, this overly-romantic and simplistic view of the Ainu
has persisted into the modern era. Visitors to the National Museum of Natural
History in the early 1990s who were interviewed about their knowledge of the
Ainu mostly misidentified Ainu as American Indians or Eskimos, or thought they
were extinct. Most who recognize the word "Ainu" know it only as a four-letter
answer to the popular crossword puzzle clue, "a northern native people of Japan."
The causes of ignorance are many: a lack of English-language literature, absence
of museum presentations and exhibitions, paucity of Ainu scholars outside Japan,
and infrequent European and American visitation to Hokkaido.
It was therefore clear that the exhibition, eventually titled Ainu: Spirit ofa
Northern People, needed to broaden understanding among Westerners about Ainu
history, culture, and contemporary life. Over the following two years, I and a team
of Japanese, European, and American scholars and museum curators inspected the
nineteenth and early twentieth century collections in Washington, Philadelphia,
New York, and Brooklyn, and held seminars and workshops with Ainu experts.
Befitting my own background as an archaeologist, I was intrigued by the advances
archaeological research had made in researching the Ainu's cultural origins. In this
field, some of the earliest scientific shellmound excavations conducted in the 1870s
by Heinrich von Siebold in Omori, Edward Morse in Tokyo Bay, and Romyn
Hitchcock in the Kuriles and Hokkaido provided a foundation for modern archae-
ological studies by Japanese archaeologists suggesting ties between living Ainu
people and the prehistoric Jomon culture of Japan. With recent DNA evidence,
today there is nearly complete agreement that Ainu origins lie with the Jomon
culture which occupied much of the Japanese archipelago throughout the
Holocene and persisted in an evolved form in Hokkaido until ca. A.D. 500. On
Honshu, Jomon culture was replaced by the forerunners of the modern Japanese
state about 2,000 years ago, while in Hokkaido it was replaced by Okhotsk and
Satsumon cultures which retained more elements of the Jomon tradition. Most
archaeologists see Satsumon as the most likely immediate ancestor of modern Ainu
culture in northern Honshu and southern Hokkaido, while Satsumon-influenced
Okhotsk culture, a northern culture, is believed to be the source of Sakhalin and
Kurile Ainu.
However, the team quickly began to see the exhibition needed to be more
than an anthropological study ol an ancient people to be represented by old Ainu
collections and archival materials; rather we thought it was important to present
the traditional collections within the broader context of Ainu history, archaeology,
traditional ethnology, and art. Fortunately, Chisato Dubreuil, a woman of Ainu
ancestry who had recently completed a master's degree in native art history at
the University of Washington in Seattle, was available and joined the project.
Chisato had a deep interest in Ainu culture and knew many Ainu cultural leaders
and artists in Japan. Throtigh Chisato's efforts, the exhibition grew to embrace
the story of the Ainu as a modern people. The hving tradition of Ainu art and
culture enlivened our collection study and gave a broader purpose to what had
previously been an esoteric enterprise. Suddenly the meaning of the objects and
archival materials was transformed from "specimen" into "treasure, " from nameless
photographic images into someone's grandmother or grandfather, and the show
took on a living dimension. The "unknown" North American collections began
to reconnect with their Hokkaido past. We became something more than curators
inquiring into a remote culture and began to see how these materials could
contribute to the Ainu cultural rebirth underway in Japan after a long and painful
period of history.
In 1868, a political upheaval in Japan had brought to power a progressive
government known as the Meiji Restoration. Modernization was a major goal
of the new administration, and one of its first acts was to give Ezo, Japan's large,
undeveloped northern island, a new name: Hokkaido. Japanese citizens were
encouraged to emigrate to exploit Hokkaido's natural resources. The resulting
northern "land-rush" flooded the island with new-comers and brought a new way
of life to a huge territory that until then, except for the Matsumae enclave and few
Japanese fishing stations, had been the sole province of the native Ainu people.
Meiji policies brought a harsh new reality to Ainu life that had already suffered
three himdred years of military defeat, territorial loss, political and economic
subjugation, and social discrimination at the hands of Russians and Japanese. The
Meiji government and most Japanese immigrants saw Ainu adherence to their
traditional life as an obstacle to progress, and policies were instituted to force
rapid Japanese colonization and "civilize" the Ainu. Within a few years most Ainu
lands, resources, and native rights had been taken away, and in 1899 these actions
were codified in a native "protection" act whose actual intent was to terminate
Ainu culture and force assimilation into Japanese society. It imposed harsh and
restrictive conditions on Ainu existence and cultural expression, and the Ainu were
forced to attend segregated schools and were refused access to traditional game
and fish. Their religious ceremonies were banned and they could not participate as
regular members of Japanese society.
The results were variable. Although the Ainu population on Hokkaido did
not become extinct, as expected, neither did it grow dramatically; today it stands
at 25,000, only 10,000 higher than in 1886. During these years many of those
born to Ainu abandoned their impoverished villages and moved to the rapidly
growing cities where they attended high schools and universities, took jobs, and
melted into the larger Japanese population. Once outside the Ainu residential
commtmities, couples, including mixed Japanese and Ainu twosomes, often
disguised their Ainu backgrounds so that their children could escape the stigma of
social discrimination against Ainu that was prevalent among Hokkaido Japanese
and elsewhere in Japan.
Those who remained "Ainu" expressed their ethnicity in different ways.
Some maintained Ainu traditions as subsistence or small-scale farmers, hunters,
trappers, and fishermen who continued to practice Ainu religion and customs,
secretly holding periodic bear ceremonies, burying their dead in the Ainu way,
and engaging in traditional carving and weaving for home consumption. But as
Hokkaido began to fill with Japanese immigrants and cities began to grow in the
late 1 800s, economics forced the Ainu to develop new sources ol income. Some
found a life harvesting timber; others began to replicate decorative wood platters
or other material culture items for collectors and the growing numbers of tourists
attracted to Japan's new "wild north," whose attractions also included the Ainu
themselves. As tourist centers in Asahikawa, Akan, Shiraoi, and elsewhere began to
develop, a new craft industry took root, providing seasonal income for Ainu who
carved, sewed garments, and demonstrated Ainu rituals and dances for the public,
first in their villages for those visitors interested in truly rustic adventures, and later
in prepared sites that advertised Ainu attractions and catered especially to tourists.
By the end of the twentieth century the "tourist" Ainu had become an established
profession and the sales of Ainu crafts had become an important economic activity
for some Ainu families. On the one hand tourism codified a new definition of
Ainu culture as a conscious form ot living history and culture, though re-enacting
it for the public in artificial settings disturbed many Ainu who preferred to main-
tain their culture in a more private manner.
Art in particular allowed twentieth century Ainu to express their beliefs
and ethnicity in a way that produced income and internal cohesion for Ainu
people, much as it had in earlier periods. As Ainu carvers began to transfer their
skills from personal objects to mass produced tourist art—especially their signa-
ture bear carvings—new economic and artistic opportunities were created that led
eventually to the transformation ot Ainu art from its traditional personal and reli-
gious forms to commercial and fine arts functions.
XV
Chisato Dubreuil brought this story to Hte beautifully within the Ainu:
Spirit ofa Northern People exhibition and catalogue through biographical profiles
of Ainu artists who pioneered the "break-out" of Ainu art from its traditional
encumbrances, and from its commercial shackles as commercial tourist art, into
the international world of fine arts. No one exemplified this transformation more
completely than Bikky Sunazawa. Bikky Sunazawas art was unknown in North
America and relatively little-known outside Hokkaido when the Smithsonian
opened the exhibition in the spring of 1999. Bikky, a nickname meaning "frog"
in Ainu, suited the earthy, iconoclastic character who rose to prominence in the
1970-80s as a charismatic young artist interested in advancing the political and
ctdtural aspirations of Ainu people. Initially through direct political action and
later through his art, Bikky translated the historical legacy of Ainu culture into
a powerful message of modern Ainu identity unlike any previous Ainu artist.
Although qualifying as a prominent artist by any standard, Bikky never achieved
the recognition he deserved in his own country. In part this may result from his
premature death and the geographic and cultural insularity of his Hokkaido home-
land and Ainu ethnicity, but likely continuing attitudes of regional and ethnic
discrimination also contributed.
I was therefore very pleased when Chisato, after leaving the Smithsonian,
wrote an English language book devoted to Bikky s life and art, and even more
pleased that we are able to publish it through the generous support of the Motoko
Ikeda-Spiegel Memorial Foundation. Her current work is the most comprehensive
treatment of the artist who became the pivot-point in the development of modern
Ainu fine art. Chisato Dubreuil has spent much of the past eleven years gathering
information on Bikky from his family and friends, from newspaper and magazine
articles, from catalogs of his art shows, and from her own interviews of art critics,
museum curators, artists, art collectors, and from Bikky's own writings. A complex
character who richly deserves the "larger than life" epithet, Bikky was sensitive,
dramatic, extremely innovative in several areas of art, loyal to his friends but hard
on family relationships. Beginning with the spectacular composite designs derived
from traditional Ainu textile arts passed down from his mother, each of his works
proved equally innovative and inspirational, each successive style breaking new
ground and revealing new and more profound insights into "what it means to be
Ainu." Like the Haida carver. Bill Reid, whose work and life inspired Bikky at a
crucial point in his development, Bikky translated his native beliefs, sensibilities,
and ethnic traditions into artistic expressions that embody a strong Ainu vision.
His premature death in 1989, occurring at a time when he was still
exploring his talents, was especially tragic in that he did not live to see the passage
in 1997 of the Ainu Shinpo, an Act of the Japanese Diet that finally began the
process of addressing repressive governmental policies ol the past. Despite tremen-
dous obstacles, Ainu people and culture survived the twentieth century, and thanks
to the Ainu Shinpo, they now have for the first time the foundation for positive
support for Ainu culture and language. Today Ainu culture is beginning to be
recognized for its historical tenacity, the beauty of its art and literature, and for the
important message its religion and philosophy—spiritual balance between humans
and nature—brings to the wider world at a critical moment in human history.
This recognition goes hand in hand with the recognition of Bikky Sunazawa as
one of the most creative and important contemporary native artists within today's
circumpolar peoples.
End Notes
1. Fitzhugh and Crowell (1988).
2. The bulk of the following text is an abridged version of the author's introduction to Ainu: Spirit ofa
Northern People, edited by William W. Fitzhugh and Chisato Dubreuil (1999). Those interested in kirther
information and appropriate textual citations of this intormation should see that vokmie.
Introduction
Bikky looked like a bear, drmik like a fish,
and worked like a beaver.
'
As the opening day for the Contemporary Artists' Series '89 in
the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery outside ofTokyo neared, Ainu art-
ist Bikky Sunazawa dropped a bombshell. From his hospital bed in
Hokkaido, far to the north, he insisted that he would personally install
his work and that he was going to attend the exhibition's opening. In
the last stages of terminal cancer, the 57-year-old Bikky, with typical
single-mindedness, refused to listen to anyone who tried sidebar i
to talk him out of going. Driven by a creative passion
throughout his life, the determined artist convinced his
family and friends to help make his dream a reality. Even
Bikky's doctor, moved by his determination and attracted
by his charisma, took time off from her other patients to
travel with him to Tokyo and take care of him.
The Kanagawa Gallery is the most important
Japanese gallery emphasizing modern sculpture, and its
large open spaces suited Bikky's large-scale wood sculp-
tures. He had looked forward to the day when he could
exhibit his work there. But more than that, exhibiting in
the gallery, an important venue lor Japanese contempo-
rary art, also meant acceptance by the Japanese art world.
A complicated man, Bikky fought throughout his tur-
bulent life against discrimination by the Japanese against
Fig. A 1.3
Ainu hunter in
niountain clorlie
Who Are
the Ainu?
The Ainu are
lapan's indig-
enous people, ^
who lived in
fishing, hunting,
and gathering tribal
groups for centuries
along the north Pacific
Rim.' They are one of
the most enigmatic
ethnic groups in the world, and the Ainu
language is completely unrelated to any
other language group, including
japanese. The Ainu were traditionally
found mainly on Japan's northern island
of Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, through-
out the Kurile islands, on southern
Kamchatka, and the Lower Amur River
region.^ While the number of full blood
Ainu is small, now down to less than a
dozen, there are at least seventy thousan
mixed race Ainu throughout japan, with
Who are the Ainu? continued
more than twenty-five thousand of that
number in Hokli;,vi'
1
The Ainu Homeland continued
For millennia the Ainu people hunted
the forests of Hokkaido and fished its
rivers, gathering acorns and beech nuts,
berries and wild lily roots. They lived as
many indigenous people of the North do.
Salmon returning to the rivers in the fall
provided food and material for boots and
clothing. They ranged widely over the
mountains hunting deer and bear. Furs
and layers of heavy clothing protected
them against the harsh winters-heavy
snows that come with the winter winds
from Siberia.
Before the japanese cleared Ainu lands
for farming, much of Hokkaido—the
northernmost of japan's many islands
—
was covered with forests: pine in the
north; larch, beech, and oak in the south.
The Ainu used wood from the forests to
build their houses and boats and even
processed elm bark for clothing, called
attush.
It was this natural environment that
stimulated Bikky's artwork: as he noted
toward the end of his life, "nature is one
of my themes. Art is in nature and nature
is an art. It is one of my artistic attitudes.
Knowing nature means to be honest with
yourself. "2
Sidebar Notes
1. Hanu ct al. (1989:97)
2. Yamakavva (1988:191)
A year after Bikky was born, his father Koa-
Kanno, his mother Peramonkoro, and three other
Ainu activists brought the infant along on the long
and exhausting trip to Tokyo to complain to Japanese
government officials about a land dispute with the
Hokkaido Prefectural Office." The dispute went back
to 1891 when uncultivated land near Bikky s birthplace
was supposed to be released to the Ainu as "indigenous
allowance land," but only a small fraction of it was
—
and that land was threatened by a local developer.
As were many who challenged the Japanese
government at the time, the Ainu activists were called
communists. Government agents followed them,
and the police broke into their hotel. Years later,
Peramonkoro recalled, "we went to petition the vari-
ous government agencies such as the Ministry of the
Finance and Ministry of the Interior every day, but
everywhere we went, we had our pictures taken as
undesirable Ainu. It was not a pleasant experience."'
Although their campaign was a hardship for the
Fig. 1.1: photo of delegation in Tok)'o.
Sunazawa's, it was successful: two years
later, in 1934, the government returned
their land."* Koa-kanno and Peramonkoro
Sunazawa fought for and won Ainu rights
at a time when few indigenous people
worldwide had yet to win many battles
against discrimination.
Bikky's Parents
Both Koa-kanno and Peramonkoro
Sunazawa were committed leaders and
were respected throughout Ainu country.
Although they were rooted in the tradi-
tional Ainu way of life, they were also
pragmatic about the realities their children
would face in a changing world. They
encouraged Bikky and his brothers to
discover their strengths in the traditional
culture while also demonstrating what it
would take to live in a world dominated by the Japanese.
Bikky's father, Koa-kanno Sunazawa, was born
in 1893 in Shin-Totsugawa in Sorachi district in south-
western Hokkaido, and moved to Asahikawa in 1914.
His official Japanese name was Ichitaro, but he preferred
his Ainu name Koa-kanno, which means "two arrows
aren't necessary," celebrating his prowess as a hunter with
bow and arrow.' He was also a respected
woodcarver and grew rice to support his
family. Even though the farmland returned
to the Ainu was often poor, Koa-kanno
continued his fight for fairness, actively
organizing Ainu farmer and labor move-
ments, for which he was highly esteemed.
Despite his strong links to his traditional
Figure 1.2: Koa-kanno Sunazawa with bear carving.
Sidebar 3
Ainu Wood Carving
In traditionai Ainu households, men
carved virtually every utilitarian object,
from parts of the house Itself to serving
vessels and implements, out of wood.
Much of this carving is plain and empha-
sizes the wood's natural beauty. Like many
other carving cultures, such as those of
Canada's Northwest Coast, many every-
Fig. 1.3.1: Ikupasuy. ( Aniliintcs jm^c 5
3
culture, Koa-kanno, in another example of
his independence, converted to Christianity
and served as a Salvation Army officer before
World War II. He and his wife Peramonkoro
held Sunday school training at home for their
neighbors and children.''
During World War II Bikky's elder
half-brother Yoshio (Peramonkoro's son by
a previous marriage) was drafted into the
Japanese army, even though Koa-kanno did
not approve ot Ainu involvement in Japanese
imperial policies. When he was drinking he
would sing anti-war songs and shout that he
was "against the war and against the emperor
system. All human beings are the same. I
don't want my son to die for the emperor."''
Criticizing the emperors policies was a serious
crime punishable by death, and fearing
fanatical Japanese neighbors, Peramonkoro
covered Koa-kanno's head with bedclothes
so he couldn't be heard. Nonetheless, Koa-
kanno's independent views in the face of such strong disapproval had an indelible
impression on Bikky.
Like her husband, Peramonkoro, meaning, "child playing with a spatula,"
was known for her leadership. Born in Chikabumi in 1897, she was one of the few
Ainu women to graduate from high school at that time, finishing the Asahikawa
Sheika Woman's High School in 1915. Not only was Peramonkoro Sunazawa
well educated, but she proved to be entrepreneurial and resourceful in making
ends meet.
She taught Japanese dress-making, knitting, and embroidery to the Ainu
women in the community, which gave them skills needed to bring some income
to their families, she was respected as a master of traditional Ainu embroidery. A
traditionalist, she felt an obligation to hand down her skill and knowledge to the
next generation. She did not hesitate, however, to cross gender barriers to teach her
son Bikky how to embroider traditional garments when she noticed his interest in
gure 1.3: Peramonkoro Sunazawa
art, especially his interest in Ainu designs. Bikky recalled:
"My mother asked me to embroider one of the garments
she was making. I was very young and, even though I
felt reluctant, I was attracted to the designs of garment.
I'm grateful that she taught me to embroider because the
Ainu designs are now second nature to me—theyVe in
my blood.
Not only did Peramonkoro strive to perpetuate
Ainu culture, she was also the backbone of the Young
Ainu Women's Association. In this role she helped care
for older Ainu women and younger women who needed
help. Many Ainu women in the community respected
her as an advanced and independent woman while at the
same time she was known and admired for her knowl-
edge ofyukar, the oral epics of the Ainu. Again, his
mother influenced her son as the yukar played an impor-
tant part in Bikky's art in later years.
As a tribute to their individual leadership,
Ainu scholar Genjiro Aral recognized Koa-Kanno and
Peramonkoro separately by including them in his book,
Ainu Jinbutsu-den (The Legendary Ainu) in 1992.
Bikky's Childhood (1931-1942)
With the exception of his early trip to Tokyo,
Bikky spent the remainder of his childhood in his birth-
place, the Chikabumi kotan (traditional Ainu commu-
nity). Even here, however, Bikky's youth was a mixture
of two cultures, a dramatic change from the traditional
Ainu way of life to assimilation into the Japanese society.
His grandparents lived in a traditional Ainu house next
to his parents' Japanese-style house and spoke to him in
the Ainu language, especially when scolding him. At the
same time, his parents spoke to him mostly in Japanese.
Bikky went back and forth between the two homes.
Ainu Wood Carving continued
day objects are beautifully decorated with
intricate patterns similar to those found
on women's garments. Wooden carvings
were either functional within the house-
hold or had a spiritual use; there are few
examples of toys or artworks created only
for purposes of self-expression.
The most important object carved for
spiritual purposes is the ikupasuy or
prayer-stick (Fig. 1.3.1). Normally thirty
to forty centimeters (eleven to fifteen
inches) long and three to four centimeters
(a little more than an inch) wide, it is usu-
ally made from yew or willow wood. It is
carved in a somewhat flattened shape and
usually rounded edges and tapered at one
end. Even though the carving area is lim-
ited, the Ainu have had an aggressive and
creative relationship with the space and
used an interesting juxtaposition of low-
and high-relief designs that range from
very complex to quite simple.
Traditionally, living organisms such as
people or animals were never used in any
Ainu design for fear of angering the evil
spirits, wen kamuy, but the ikupasuy is an
exception. They are carved with creative
examples of the owner's personal spirit
totems in artistic renderings ranging from
exact realism to the most abstract forms.
Totem examples include bears, killer
whales, seals, otters, birds, fish, snakes,
and flowers. While human-made items
also appear, especially boats, there are no
known depictions of humans.
The ikupasuy is generally referred to as
"a mustache-lifter," or "libation wand"
in anthropological literature. It's an
Fig. 1.3.2: Inaw.
Continues oil /'w^c 6
5
Ainu Wood Carving continued
understandable mistake because as part
of any ritual in which sake is consumed,
it appears that the men hold their mous-
tache up from the sake with the ikupasuy
when drinking. Actually, they are dipped
in the sake to sprinkle it on an inaw or
other important object to help send their
prayers (Fig. 1 .3.2). The tapered end of
the ikupasuy is carved with a parunpe
(tongue). Its purpose is to communicate
with the gods in the pivotal role of media-
tor between humans and the gods, and
it identifies the worshiper to the gods, for
example, as a hunter or fisher or grateful
supplicant. An itokpa (patrilineal ancestor
sign) is also carved on the ikupasuy.
Although the ikupasuy has received much
attention, the inaw is also an important
Ainu ceremonial carving. Beautiful in
its simplicity, the inaw is usually a finely
shaved tree limb tufted at one end in
various lengths from less than one foot
to more than six feet. It acts as the most
important messenger to the gods and is
never reused after a specific ceremony.
i
The Ainu carve the maw from different
types of trees depending on its purpose.
They use willow and dogwood, which
have a fine grain and light color, for
"good gods" who brought prosperity and
welfare. When they offer the inaw to "bad
gods" such as the gods of disease, they
chose trees with wood that smelled bad
or that had thorns.
preferring to stay with his grandparents. He loved the
traditional way of the Ainu.
Bikky's cousin Yoshiaki described an event
that shows the mix of cultures even in their traditional
community:
/// the early spring one year, my mother and I went
to visit Bikky and his mother while Uncle Koa-kanno
(Bikky'sfather) was away hunting. I enjoyedplay-
ing with Bikky i>ery much and after playing we would
get sweets to eat. When ive got there wefound many
mothers, children, and older women with traditional
tattooing. Salvation Army ojfcers were also there as
they often came to Bikky s house. Everyone was listen-
ing seriously to the Salvation Army people ivhile they
told Christian stories. We went outside where there were
pine trees and other types of trees, but most importantly
there was an Ainu altar (nusa) that displayed many
bear skulls that Uncle Koa-kanno hunted. This type of
altar wasfound at every Aitiu hunter's house including
my own. Both Bikky and I were veryproud ofwhat our
fathers had done.
A few days later Bikky rushed into my house and
said "Yo [his cousin's nickname], my dad hasjust caught
a bear. Come and eat the meat in my house. " I immediately visited their
house with my mother. Bikky's house was already crowded with many
guests. Many men alreadyfinished the kamuy-nomi, Ainu prayers, and
they enjoyed talking about hunting!^ Uncle Koa-kanno was in a good mood
as he rubbed his long beard gently and contentedly. Women began singing
Ainu songs. The hot bear meat soup was passed around the guests. This was
a very oldAinu custom. When a villager hunted a bear, hisfamily invited
all the village people to share their good-fortune dinner.^^^
Both Christianity and the traditional Ainu beliefs were present in Bikky's
world. His parents held Sunday school and invited the Salvation Army officers to
6
their home, and they performed a mixture of Christian
and traditional Ainu prayers on every occasion.
Nonetheless, Koa-kanno was well known as the author
of especially revered and sacred kamuy-nomi, prayer-like
songs or poems that send messages of appreciation to the
gods. Despite his exposure to Christianity, Bikky never
espoused this system of beliefs and throughout his life
maintained traditional Ainu beliefs.
Bikkys father encouraged him to find his own
way, but discouraged him from his constant drawing or
carving, even if it was traditional. He usually scolded
him, saying, "dont do carvings, do your school work
and study hard."" In contrast, Peramonkoro was under-
standing of his creative skills, and she bought Bikky
crayons and paper even though the family was extremely
poor, so impoverished that she sold azuki beans, used
to make sweets, door to door in the Japanese neighbor-
hoods to make the money needed to buy art supplies for
Bikky
Bikky's Youth (1943-1953)
Until he was six years old, Bikky had little con-
tact with Japanese children. When the segregated school
system ended in 1937 and an "equal" educational system
was created for the Ainu children, Bikky started elemen-
tary school with Japanese children. This was a painful
period for Bikky and other Ainu children, because they
were constantly ridiculed by their Japanese classmates.
Nonetheless, Bikky graduated from the Chikabumi
Elementary School in Asahikawa City in 1943 at the age
of twelve and from junior high two years later.
World War II ended with Japan's defeat in
1945, making life, which had never been easy for the
Sunazawa's, even more difficult still. Koa-kanno and
Ainu Wood Carving continued
During ceremonies, nnen set several inaw
in front of their altar and would dip the
ikupasuy in sacred sake and then sprinkle
it over the inaw while praying. Inaw were
also placed around the interior of the
house. The /now for the god of fire was
placed in the fire pit and many inaw were
placed throughout the home. The east
side of the chise, or house, had a window
that was called a "god window," where
another type of inaw was also placed.
Depending on the area, this window
would point toward the mountains or
wherever the important gods could be
found. Inaw were all made as offerings
to different gods, and stayed where they
were placed until they fell into decay
except for the inaw for the fire god,
which was burned after use.^ Both the
ikupasuy and the inaw are very much in
use today—not only in public and private
ceremonies, but for use in the modern
home.
3
The Ainu men also carve other spiritual
artifacts. A man's ceremonial headdress
sometimes included totem animals such
as bears, killer whales, or owls. These
ceremonial headdresses are worn by
male participants for the iyomante (bear
spirit sending ceremony). Also used in
the Iyomante ceremony are special blunt
arrows carved to shoot the bear. The
arrow is called heper-ay (flower arrow). It
resembles a partially open flower, and the
Ainu believe that shooting these arrows,
which normally bounce off the bear,
excite the bear gods play just before they
actually kill the bear. The arrow is carved
with the ancestral itokpa to let the gods
know who sent the bear god's spirit back
to gods' land. Many scholars have made
the mistake of thinking the bear is a sac-
rifice to a god, when in reality the bear
is god.
Sidebar Notes
1. Fu)imura (1982:76-7).
2. Takakura (1970:634-5).
3. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003).
7
Bikky, who was then fifteen, attempted to farm the land given the Ainu seven
kilometers hom Asahikawa City. They were not successful, however, and it became
almost impossible to make a living. To earn a small income, Koa-kanno sold sou-
venir woodcarvings in the Lake Akan tourist resort.'"
Bikky, with the encouragement of his father, decided to become a
dairy farmer and left Chikabumi at the age of sixteen to attend the Prefectural
Agriculture Training School in Tokachi, in southern Hokkaido, in 1947. At the
school he continued to experience the racism from Japanese students and teach-
ers to which he had been subjected in elementary and junior high school, but he
nonetheless completed his year there and returned to Chikabumi in 1948 with
his new knowledge. He and his father joined forces with ten Ainu households
and tried to cultivate the land in Ubun, a suburb of Asahikawa City, and estab-
lish a new Ainu kotan, Ainu settlement. A cousin working alongside Bikky on the
undertaking recalled:
It was a bard life with only a bonfire for beat and an oil lamp for
ligbt. We lived in a bamboo shed. Our meals were mainly cooked
butterbur stalks and corn mixed with a little rice. We worked hard
chopping wood, gathering bamboo leaves, and digging up tree roots.^^
Even though the work was grueling, Bikky sketched the farm animals:
Afer Ifinished supper in the shed, I began making sketches of
the cattle and horses I had worked with during the day. In the begin-
ning Ijust wanted to draw a horse as it was
and capture its sturdiness and strength. But the
more I drew, the more I wanted to capture the
essence ofthe horse—and eventually the animals
I drew turned into abstractforms.
Unfortunately, none of Bikky's abstract
animal sketches are known to survive, but an extant
abstract pen drawing [Figure 1.4], one of his earliest
known works, shows organic tubular material with
tufts at each end floating in space that may reflect the
kind of abstract form with which he experimented.
Horses were among his earliest woodcarving subjects,
and at least one of these carvings remains, a simple
Figure 1.4: Teenage abstract drawing.
Figure 1.5: Teenage horse carving.
Standing horse [Figure 1.5]. Bikky carved its body with a chisel to emphasize its
contours. The facial features are minimally done: the eyes are just carved-out holes,
and the ears are two simple projections. The use of bold chisel or scalper strokes
suggests a moment of repose for the serene and solitary horse.
Bikky's isolation in Ubun gave him time to think about the racial prejudice
he had confronted since his childhood. "When I worked the farm, racial prejudice
was so severe, I began to hate the Japanese. I was much more comfortable with
cattle and horses than people.""^" Struggling to fight racial prejudice, he realized
even at the age of seventeen that the core of his problem was his own feelings of
inferiority. He knew that while he could do little at that time to change the dis-
crimination against the Ainu, he could change himself:
It came to me that the Ainu should not be ashamed ofwho they are
or hide thefact that they are Ainu. I didn't want to hide my Ainu iden-
tity, hut I didn't want to hide behind it either. I thought I should grapple
squarely with it. It was then that I made up my mind to use tny child-
hood Ainu nickname 'Bikky instead ofmy legalJapanese name, Hisao.^^
9
Thus "Bikky" became his artistic signature. In another break from being
considered Japanese and an additional declaration for cultural independence, he
spelled the name with Roman characters, extremely unusual at that time.'*^ He
used the name for the rest of his life.
In spite of their hard work, it was difficult to make a living as farmers, so
Bikky joined his father and began to produce souvenir woodcarvings to sell in the
Lake Akan resort area. In another example of Peramonkoro's entrepreneurial spirit,
during the summer tourist seasons, she owned and operated a "gift shop." At first
simply bamboo mats spread on the ground, eventually it grew into a real gift shop
that is still owned by the Sunazawa family. Bikky contributed much of his seasonal
work from 1948 to 1953 to the family business.
Revolutionizing Ainu Tourist Art (1 952-1 953)
In the late 1940s, major tourist resorts opened in Hokkaido, including
the newly established Ainu Kotan at Lake Akan; and they began to attract tourists
from the other parts ol Japan, increasing the demand lor Ainu souvenirs such as
carved bears. Bikky's lather, already a well-known bear carver, asked Bikky to go
to his cousins house to learn the techniques of bear carving. Bear carving bored
Bikky, however, and he was asked to leave after a month's study because he didn't
want to carve bears as the other people did—one of his bears had horns, for exam-
ple. He wanted to be different, and he was.
Bikky's first contribution to Ainu art came at age twenty-one when he
created wooden jewelry with intricate designs, variations on the traditional pat-
terns he had learned h-om his mother. [Figure 1 .6] He pushed the designs further,
developing what came to
be known as the Bikky
mon'yo (Bikky patterns),
which he carved into
pendants and earrings,
cigarette cases, small
boxes, pipes, jewelry
boxes, candle holders,
and many other small
Figure 1.6: Rings with Bikky nwii'yo.
10
items. The objects carved with the Bikky monyo sold well, and many Ainu artists
began copying them. To protect their designs, Bikky and his friends created a
jewelry association, but unfortunately never submitted the necessary paperwork to
copyright their work. While he didn t know it at the time, he had revolutionized
Ainu tourist art, giving it new vitality. Today, "Bikky patterns" are found on many
items wherever Ainu tourist art is sold.
Leaving Home (1952-1953)
In 1952 Bikky s private and artistic life changed dramatically. Although
proud of his success as a craftsman, he also created abstract paintings. Mineko
Yamada, an art student from Kamakura traveling around Hokkaido on holiday,
visited Bikkys mother's gih shop in Akan with a friend. As art students they appre-
ciated Bikkys abstract paintings and began a conversation with him. By the end of
Mineko's week-long stay in Hokkaido, Bikky had fallen in love with her and asked
her to marry him—but she refused and returned home to Kamakura. A week later
Bikky followed her, taking only his clothes, his carving knives, and some bears
and jewelry he had carved. He spent the next week at Mineko's parents' house in
Kamakura but had to return home when he ran out of money.
If the year 1952 was a year of intoxicating adventure, 1953 was a year of
devastating loss. Bikky s beloved lather Koa-kanno died unexpectedly of a stroke
in August. Koa-kanno had urged him repeatedly to go his own way, and Bikky
decided to leave his hometown for Tokyo to pursue painting.' ' More important,
he wanted to be near Mineko, the first of his many loves. In the fall of 1953, he
gathered his carving tools and paint brushes and jumped on the night train to
Tokyo.
End Notes
1. Ogawa Sanae (1989:7-9).
2. The three other Ainu activists were Genjiro Arai, a self-taught scholar; his wife, Michi Arai; and Kaniegoro
Ogawa (Arai 1992:151^5; Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama 1993:78-9; Hokkai Tunes. June 11, 1932).
3. Arai (1992:80).
4. Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama (1993:79).
5. An Ainu could have several names at different times during his or her lifetime. For example, a person
could develop special skills such as being a great himter or a storyteller, etc., which could cause them to
take on a new name (S. Kodama 1970a:472-3).
11
John Batchelor (1854-1944) came into contact with the Ainu as an Anglican Church of England lay mis-
sionary in 1877. In 1879 he joined the Church Missionary Society of London and continued his work
among the Ainu of Hokkaido following his retirement from the Society in 1924. He wrote more than
forty articles and books on Ainu culture, including the first Ainu dictionary, hi 1888 Dr. Batchelor founded
the Airin Gakko (Loving Neighbors School), the first of several schools for the Ainu, but was forced to
close all the schools in 1905 and 1906 because ol the Japanese Ainu assimilation policy. Matsu Kannari
(1875-1961), one ol his converts, became a missionary and eventually settled in Chikabumi to preach the
gospel (Nthoti KirisutO'kyo Rekishi Daijiten 1988:350). Because of her extraordinary ability to recite j)/?^^,«r
(she would contribute to the making of twenty volumes of the Ainu's epic oral poems), she became close
friends with Bikky's mother, Peramonkoro, who was also highly respected for ]\er: yukar recitations. This
led to the conversion of Bikky's mother and father to Christianity (interview with Kazuo Sunazawa, May
13. 1995).
Hariu et al. (1989:102), Yiimakawa (1988:205).
Ogawa (1989:13).
Kamny-no}ni are prayer like songs or poems that send words or messages ol appreciation to the gods for
help, tor example, tor a successtul hunt.
Mamiya (1989:5).
Intetview with Kazuo Sunazawa April 8, 1994.
Lake Akan is in mountainous eastern Hokkaido and is a well-known tourist area. It has been and contin-
ues to be important to the Ainu. An Ainu kotiin (Ainu settlement) was established as both an Ainu com-
mercial enterprise and cultural center.
Mamiya (1989:6).
Yamakawa (1988:183).
A specialized chisel with a circtdar cutting edge.
Kitamura (1963:94).
Yamakawa (1988: 180-2). In tact, Bikky became somewhat obstinate about the name. In Japan, the hon-
orific "san," is always put at the end of the name. Bikky did not like being referred as "Bikky-san" [Hokkai
Times, October 29, 1981) and would correct anyone who used the honorific. Even his children called him
Bikky, even though it is extremely rare for a child to call his or her father anything but "lather." While his
early work was signed "Bikki, " using both the Japanese katakaiia or Romanized written languages, all later
known works use the English spelling "Bikky. ' Neither his family nor his triends remember exactly when
he changed his spelling from "Bikki" to "Bikky."
Kazuo Sunazawa, Bikky's brother, said that while Bikky wanted his name to be an Ainu name as a state-
ment against the dominant Japanese culture, he also thought the Ainu name with the English spelling was
kakkoii ("cool" or "sexy") (interview May 14, 1995). Bikky gave three ot his four children Ainu names:
his eldest son Chikaru, his daughter Chinita, and his second son Auta. The youngest son was named after
Bikky's father, Ichitaro, but it was done using different kanji characters.
Although Bikky studied the paintings exhibited in the galleries and museums in and around Tokyo, he
never studied painting or other artistic expressions in the formal sense. It was extremely rare for a seri-
ous artist not to have formal artistic training if he or she wanted to be recognized and accepted in the
mainstream Japanese art field. While Bikky admitted to having an inferiority complex about his ethnic
background, he never harbored similar teelings about his lack ot a fotmal art education. Bikky had great
confidence in his artistic talents and believed that if you had talent, it was up to you to perfect it: no one
could "formally " teach vou talent.
13
Chapter 2
The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikiy ( 1 95 1-3)." (Read 1985:349).
24. Hammacher 1 959:introduction.
25. Shigeru Ueki (1913-1984) was born in Sapporo, Flokkaido. He learned avant-garde art such as Cubism
and Dadaism b\' himself He studied painting with Kotaro Migishi (1903-1934), but when he made a
trip to Nara, and saw Cbiken-iu of Dainichi-nyorai in Tosho-daiji, he was moved by it and he began study-
ing sculptute by himself He submitted many of his works in various exhibitions including the Sao Paulo
Biennalo and Venice Biennale. He was known as a pioneer abstract sculptor (The catalogue, Hito to Kaze
to Kamigai 1993:20).
26. Bikky had met and conversed with Okamoto on at least one occasion, and while Bikky had great respect
for Okamoto, he had no interest in his art (interview with Junko Takagi, May 14, 1995).
27. Miki (1990:121). Exhibitions ol all types, including very important art exhibitions, are regularly held in
large department stores throughout Japan. There is almost always dedicated exhibition space in depart-
ment stores. Attendance at department store e.xhibitions is nearly always extremely high.
28. Sugimura (1990).
l^.AsahiShimbwu (November 22 1960).
30. Asahi Shmibim (August 28, 1988).
31. Echizen (1994b:85).
32. Yamakawa (1988:187).
33. Tamon Miki (b. 1929) was a director ot the National Museum of International Art and an established art
critic ol modern sculptural field.
34. Miki (1963:70-1).
35. Hokkai Times (January 30, 1980).
36. Yamakawa (1988:187).
Frontispiece: Bikky being interviewed by a newspaper reporter in April 1974
Chapter 3
The Back of the Mask; Art and Activism in Sapporo
(1964-1978)
It is said that a devil is "an asking person" and "a stranger. "
A mask is "a stranger" who doesn't have characteristic
features or specific appearances. It ahvays asks ns ifwe know
who it is. Make the mask turn around. The content ofthe
mask is empty. It is filled with emptiness. How can the
characteristic human face endure such a complete emptiness?^
If Bikky's years in Tokyo had been a time for him
socially, and intellectually, the next decade and a half was
he believed, wasted energy. During this period, however,
Bikky gained a deeper understanding of his Ainu identi-
ty and connected it to themes that would thread through
his artwork for the rest of his life.
Bikky had moved his family from Tokyo to
Asahikawa City in Hokkaido around 1960 and shuttled
them back and forth between Asahikawa and Sapporo
several times before relocating there in 1964. He would
live in the prefectural capital for the next fourteen years.
Although his work was being shown in one-man shows
in galleries in Tokyo and Sapporo and gaining increas-
ing critical recognition, he could not make a living
from selling his fine art pieces. He turned instead to the
modestly lucrative but unfulfilling task of creating Ainu
tourist art and selling the pieces through the Kitmiihoii
to grow artistically,
a time of frustration and,
Sidebar 6
Ainu Art and The Japanese Art
Establishment
The attitude reflected in the traditional
Japanese art field for Ainu art has typically
been one of disdain. Many Japanese art
critics have stereotyped all Ainu art as tour-
ist art while others have categorized Ainu
art as merely being ethnographic artifacts.
One of the reasons for this attitude is that
Japanese art historians have applied the
canonical criteria established in the Western
hierarchical classification system since the
Meiji Restoration in 1868. Following this
evaluation system, Ainu art is regarded
in the category of "low" craft or applied
art with the bulk of the pieces created by
"anonymous" artists. The contrasting termi-
nology "art" versus "craft" draws dichoto-
mous boundaries between "high Japanese
art" over "low Ainu craft."
The earliest substantial contribution to
the study of Ainu art came in the work of
Ciilllilllk's oil pnxi- i2
31
Ainu Art and The Japanese Art
Establishment continued
Sugiyama Sueo (1885-1946), an industrial
designer and an owner of a design com-
pany, who authored and published Ainu
no Mon'yo (Ainu Design Motifs) in 1926.'
This book was the first Japanese effort to
examine and analyze Ainu material culture
as art work. In the 1940s Sugiyama and
the Japanese scholar of the Ainu, Kindaichi
Kyosuke (1882-1971) compiled all avail-
able research into three volumes, Ainu no
Ceijutsu (Ainu Art). The first volume was a
survey of Ainu textiles published in 1941:
the second was on woodcarvings (1942);
and the third was on metal work and
lacquerware (1943). These books contain
many illustrations along with extensive
information and initiated a new interest in
Ainu art among academics.
Since then, little has been published in
either japan or the West on Ainu art,
especially Ainu contemporary art. Modern
artists have not been recognized or criti-
cally appraised; without important cri-
tiques by art critics, art historians, and the
viewing public, recognition of traditional
and contemporary Ainu creative efforts
as art remains problematic.^ However,
in recent years some Ainu contemporary
artists have begun to publish art books
of their own work as a statement of their
artistic identity. Examples include works
by Nuburi Toko (1995), Mutsumi Chiri
and Takao Yokoyama (1995), and Sanae
Ogawa and Machiko Kato (1996).
Mingei-sha (the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company), which
filled much of his timer His ability to produce his large-
scale work was also affected by suffering through several
years of devastating vision and balance problems that
prevented him from producing any artwork
—
problems
brought on by a head injury he suffered while drink-
ing. His constant drinking and womanizing disrupted
his relationship with his second wife and their children,
who were raised, essentially fatherless, in Asahikawa.
"Tentacle (a maze)"
Beginning in 1964, when Bikky first moved to
Sapporo, he began to pursue the first of the sculptural
themes that had evolved from the "Animal" series. In
his "Tentacle (a maze)" series he created mysterious
forms that invited viewers to handle them. Tentacle-like
projections appear in some of Bikky s earliest known
drawings (see Fig. 1.4) and primordial biological struc-
tures fascinated Bikky. However, the biomorphic forms
of the sculptures did not look like "any of a variety of
long, slender, flexible growths, as about the head or
mouth of some invertebrate animals" as defined by
Webster's dictionary; they did, however, invoke the
action ol those protrusions, recalling the way an octopus
or squid touches and almost seems to fondle its food.
He intentionally put the word "maze" in parentheses to
evoke the audience's journey through an exhibition of his work.
Bikky believed that sculpture demanded to be touched. The tactile sense
and the action of touching created a different way of seeing sculpture.
He explained:
People should appreciate sculptures by touching them, but there
is always an ironclad rule not to touch sculptures in exhibitions.
Although the sense ofsight is central to modern times, I wondered ifI
could grasp the deeper root meaning ofhuman beingsfrom the other
Sidebar Notes
1. Sugiy.um (1926, 1934, 1940)
2. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003).
32
degenerated tactile senses. This is hoiv I developed the tentacle theme.
As I said, sculptures are not to bejust seen but to be touched with the
hands. You get into a dark exhibition hall while touching the sculp-
tures with your hands and you eventuallyfind your way out ofthe
roo?n—you've walked through a "maze"ofscidpture thatyou see your
way through with your hands. That thought led to my maze theme.^
Bikky would sometimes cover his work with black cloth and let the public
touch the sculpture with their hands under the cloth. ^ He also encouraged the
public not only to touch the work with their hands, but also to play with and
rearrange his work. For example, some of Bikky's "Tentacle (a maze)" works are
formed from interlocking pieces carved out of a single piece of wood. Apart, each
piece might appear to represent simple biological
forms such as chromosomes or amoebas; together,
depending on how they are arranged and the angle
from which they are viewed, they appear to be men
and women embracing, animals wrestling, or raw ener-
gy twisting and writhing. Bikky wanted the movable
elements to stimulate the publics imagination and give
the viewers new experiences or relationships with the
sculptures. He wanted to convey through touching the
wood the Ainu belief that all things in nature, animate
or inanimate, have a kinship with humans. He also
wanted to stimulate senses more often used by animals
than humans:
"The more you focus on the tactile sense as
a theme, the more endless the concept becomes. It
eventually becomes visual. Although the struggle is
continuous, the point of view from the tactile sense is
always there.
One of the Tentacle works that still exists
was submitted to the Artists Union Exhibition at
the Tokyo City Museum in 1976 (Fig. 3.1). The
large piece is composed of several movable sculptural
forms connected with wooden pegs, allowing it to be Fig. 3.1: Surviving Teiilihlc piece.
33
folded, bent, and stretched to create many variations. For instance, if it is folded
in half or in thirds, it appears to be a person hugging him or herself or two people
embracing. When folded into a very tight, firm, and stable position, there is a
feeling of fluid motion. When it is unfolded, it turns into an unstable and fragile
piece, devoid of life. Viewers were invited to play with it and create their own
forms and images.
Unforttmately, only a few of the "Tentacle (a maze)" works still exist. To
Bikky, the process of creating his sculptures was almost more important than the
end product. Bikky did not care greatly what happened to his sculptures once
he had finished the process of creating them—for example, many of the 1970s
"Tentacle (a maze)" works were stolen from an open truck after a major exhibition
while he went drinking with friends.
His emphasis on the process of artistic creation was no doubt because he
had a sensual relationship with the wood he was carving. He likened it to his rela-
tionship to the many women in his life. In a letter to a friend he wrote, "The finer
the quality of wood becomes, the more like a woman it becomes. I know it's a
terrible thing to say, but I enjoy how the wood changes when I have, what amounts
to, an intimate (sensual) relationship with the wood. My new studio will be the
place to make love to the wood."''
Bikky's Tourist Art
In 1967, to support his wife Junko and their three small children, Bikky
began working under an exclusive contract with the Kitanihon Mingei-sha (the
Kitanihon Folkcraft Company). In Hokkaido Bikky was well known for his
extremely innovative wooden jewelry incised with modernized Ainu designs, the
so-called "Bikky patterns" {Bikky inon'yo). Even though the company hired him for
his "star quality" and didnt expect a great deal of work from him, Bikky produced
an unbelievable amount of tourist art, mostly jewelry, during this period. He was
extremely prolific, even when drinking.
In the summer of 1967 Bikky made his own workshop in an enclosed
space in the company's warehouse. In this tiny workshop he made a bed from an
old horse sleigh and brought in his books and tools. One of his friends described
Bikky's routine at that time:
when I visited his studio, it was like a rag-and-hone shop. Bikky
often dozed in a closet or in the chair in the daytime. He usually ivent
to Susukino [the nightlife district in Sapporo] to drink. His creation of
art was donefom midnight till the morning light after drinking.^
Even with his many distractions, he produced rings, necklaces, earrings,
never using the same design twice. Bikky's jewehy sold extremely well even though
it was priced up to ten times more than other artists' work. He also produced
large numbers of carved wooden insects, reptiles,
and fish using a relief technique (Fig. 3.2). These
charming pieces have articulated segments such
as wings, tails, heads, and joints, all pegged with
wooden nails and carved with intricate Ainu
designs using the makiri, the traditional Ainu
carving tool.
Tetsuji Takeishi, the Kitanihon Folkcraft
Company's managing director, said that by using
the makiri, Bikky couldn't carve the precise circles
possible with a modern chisel and that his circles
were usually irregular. Bikky did not try to create
exact circles, but he certainly had the technical
skill required to do so. When he created abstract
art, he still carved in the traditional Ainu man-
ner. The result is somewhat irregular, capturing
the distinctive rhythm that no one could copy.
Bikky also created the unique algae color that
coated the recessed surface of the designs, adding
depth and emphasizing the relief designs. The
color, looking very much like the green of old
copper, was achieved through a mixture of pig-
ments and oil stains.
Bikky also created several statues depict-
ing traditional Ainu elders, although in the
beginning he didn't particularly like creating
these stereotyped images." He also carved an
Fig. 3.2: Cirveii insects.
exquisite scene of confrontation between an Ainu elder and a bear from a tree
stump (Fig. 3.3). The sculpture creates a moment of deep tension showing the life
and death struggle of a hunter and his prey. The bears hind leg is raised in space,
which suggests a moment frozen in time, depicting action and pain. The sense of
spontaneity, the capturing
of the awesome moment of
death, makes us voyeurs of
this powerful scene.
Bikky was good at
using any piece of wood
that found its way to his
hands and believed that
fate brought wood to him
to be revived by his hands.
His first deliberate experi-
mentation at a totem pole
as a concept resulted from
a piece that had fallen from
a dump truck, an object
that would start him on a
trip that would ultimately
change his life. The idea
of using the totem-pole
format was probably planted in his subconscious by the art critic Miki, who
had used that term to describe an early work by Bikky years before. However,
Kenichi Kawamura, ctdtural leader of the Asahikawa band of Ainu and a family
friend, stated that Bikky was also influenced by images he had seen in National
Geographic.'^
That first totem experiment, carved in 1972 (Fig. 3.4), was two meters
high. The pole depicts an Ainu elder, an owl, a pair of birds, and a bear. To those
familiar with the art of Canada's Northwest Coast Indians the work does not
look like a totem pole, but to the Ainu and Japanese, who had little knowledge of
totem poles, it did.
Although Bikky was proud of the quality of his work for the Kitanihon
Folkcraft Company, his eyesight was starting to fail, hampering his ability to do
Fig. 3.3: Bear and Hunter (Ekishi), 1973.
36
the fine, close-up work that he relied on for a
steady livelihood.'" For this and a variety of other
reasons, he created very little fine art between
1967 and 1974. He found the work physically
difficult; even though he was only in his fiDrties.
His difficulty with relationships was taking its
toll with his second marriage disintegrating.
Always a heavy drinker, he was now drinking to
an excess on a regular basis, with drink becoming
both the cause, and the effect, of his marital prob-
lems. As an additional distraction, he became
embroiled in Ainu political causes, just as his
parents had done many years before."
Bikky's Activism
During the 1970s the Ainu demand
for equality and justice exploded, championed
by the Ainu Liberation League and sympa-
thetic Japanese. The movement coalesced in
1970 around a bronze
Fig. 3.4: Totem Pole.
montiment, designed
by Japanese sculptor
Shin Hongo, which
was to be erected in
Asahikawas Joban Park
as a monument to the
centennial of Japanese
settlement in Hokkaido. The Japanese pioneering spirit
was symbolized by four standing men identified with the
titles of The Surge (as a wave coming ashore). The Earth,
A Fertile Plain, and The North Wind, while the aborigi-
nal Ainu was illustrated by an elderly Ainu man entitled
The Kotan (Ainu village). The man knelt at the feet ot
the Japanese pioneers, pointing to guide their way. The
Sidebar 7
The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
Almost all curio shops in Hokkaido sell
bear carvings, exotic souvenirs of the
"vanishing" Ainu race. The iyomante
(bear spirit-sending ceremony) is known
to many |apanese through magazines,
books, and even a song called Iyomante
no Yoru (Night of the Iyomante) popular
in the 1940s and 1950s that conjure a
romanticized image of the Ainu as noble
savages.
Traditionally, the Ainu never carved natu-
ralistic images of humans and animals,
( (IHtimU's III! /'i/'s'l'
37
Fig. 3.5: 1 he Sutuc of Fiisetsu iio Guiizo (Wind and Snow Group) hy Shin 1 iongo, U)70 ( 1977).
implication was clear: the Japanese were the hiture of Hokkaido, not the Ainu
(Fig. 3.5). This insensitivity enraged the Ainu community, and the artist's vague
and arrogant response created further hostility, as did his design change to show
the Ainu elder sitting on a stump, suggesting to the Ainu that they would always
look up to the Japanese.
When the statue was unveiled in the park, Bikky distributed protest hand-
bills in downtown Asahikawa:
Why did the Ainu have to sit down in the kotan! Can't (the artist)
make a composition in which all thefigures are the same height? . .
.
The Japanese images were illustrated as The Surge, The Earth,
A Fertile Plain, and The North Wind. What a triumphant and
boundless space these images create! Compare them with the image
ofthe Ainu, the title ofthe Kotan sounds so restricted. Why did we,
the Ainu, have to sit down and stay in the kotan! Hokkaido used to
belong to us, didn't it?
It is o.k. to celebrate the centennial, but the
Japanese aren't the only people who struggled.
We, the Ainu, struggled, too, and these past one
hundred years were the time ofour humiliation.
However, we try to get rid ofthe huyniliation, and
the Ainu are also standing pointing at the modern
consciousness.
Can we, the Ainu, proudly take a memorial
picture in front ofthis statue? No!
As long as the Ainu have to sit down and stay
in the kotan, this monument cant rid us ofthe
abominable way the Japanese have treated the
Ainu. The artist and the leaders ofthe city should
understand this, signed Bikky Sunazawa.^'
In October 1972 the statue was destroyed
by explosives. An Ainu ethnological display on the
University of Hokkaido campus was also blown up at the
same time. Because of Bikky s political activity, the police
immediately suspected him and unsuccessfully attempted
to gather evidence against him. Between 1972 to 1974,
many violent demonstrations were carried out in the
name of Ainu liberation including the bombing of the
world headquarters of both the Mitsui and Mitsubishi
Companies in Tokyo and the stabbing of the mayor of
Shiraoi, home of the biggest Ainu museum and tourist
attractions in Hokkaido. However, many of these
incidents were later proved to be done by Japanese
liberation groups such as the Japanese Red Army
Faction, without the political support of the Ainu.'^
Generally, Bikky didn't like belonging to any
organized group, nor to be associated with them.
He was especially critical of the Hokkido Utari
Association." He believed that some Ainu belonged to
the Association simply to get benefits without trying
The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
continued
believing that the images could be
possessed by bad gods and harm people.
They did, however, carve stylized kimun-
kamuy, the bear god of the mountains, on
prayer sticks, ceremonial headdresses, and
sacred items used for ritual purposes such
as the bear inoka, used by the Sakhalin
Ainu for the purpose of promoting fecun-
dity of bears needed for the iyomante.^
The Ainu began carving bears for sale
in the early 1900s.^ It must have been
difficult for the Ainu to carve such a
sacred object for profit for the Japanese,
but the Ainu realized they had to adapt
to changing times. While many Ainu had
carved the bear in miniature as part of the
ikupasuy (prayer sticks, see Sidebar 3) and
still more had carved a bear head as part
of their headdress, no one had carved
a full bear's body in a larger scale or in
a realistic pose. This proved a problem
at first. The earliest bears were far from
being a faithful representation of the
animal—one scholar noted that they often
looked like pigs or alligators!^
The bear-carving skills of the Ainu
progressed rapidly, however, and by the
early 1920s Umetaro Matsui (1901-1949)
(Fig. 3.7.2), from the Chikabumi kotan,
(Ainu settlement) emerged as a celebrated
bear carver. Matsui's bears capture the
animal's awesome power and showed
it as a formidable foe in the wild; it's
obvious that he observed bears in nature.
Fig. 3.7.2: Photo of Umetaro Mncsui.
Coiiliiiiic\ (III -4
1
39
to understand their policies. He was
very troubled that some Ainu were
so secure in the Association that they
were stuck in a narrow world view
of victims of discrimination, and
he believed that some Ainu would
never leave the kotan mentally. He
could not stand that they were will-
ing to just live in the past. He truly
believed if you have something to
say, you should say it independently
without the support from a political
organization.'^
Although Bikky generally
preferred independent action to
belonging to organizations, he was
persuaded to stand as chairman to
the January 1 973 National Ainu
Conference held in Sapporo. He
also participated in the 44th Pan-
Hokkaido United Labor Day Rally
in May. "I Ve never participated in
this kind of organized racial rally
before," Bikky told a reporter. "As
our racial consciousness grows, I want to appeal to the Ainu to gain awareness
of our situation and be proud ot being Ainu. Marchers prepared placards that
focused on the major issues of the Ainu such as "Let the last unspoiled wilder-
ness (Mount Daisetsu) be in our hands," and "Represent true Ainu history in
school textbooks." They also hoisted the "Ainu flag" designed by Bikky with a red
arrowhead accentuated by a white design symbolizing the deep snow of Hokkaido,
against the intense blue of the sky. An arrowhead embodies the spirit of the
iyoniajite, the bear ceremony. Bikky walked with the flag at the head of the
procession (Fig. 3.6).
In June 1973 a monthly ne^ws'pzper A-ntari Ainu (We human beings)
was published for the first time. Edited by younger Ainu activists, the journal
Fig. 3.6: Ainu Flag, 1973.
40
reexamined Ainu cultural identit)^. Bikky designed a logo
and carved woodcut illustrations. Unfortunately, the
newspaper ceased publication in 1976.
While he was gaining public trust and admira-
tion, Bikkys private life was in turmoil. He didn't engage
in any public artistic activities—except for one Tentacle
exhibition in 1973 in Tokyo—during the period he was
working in the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company to make
a living. He was frustrated with his situation as an art-
ist. He wanted to be a successful modern sculptor, but
he couldn't sell his larger abstract work, especially in
Sapporo. To make matters worse, because of his finan-
cial difficulties, he couldn't afford to buy high-quality
wood and had no room in his workshop for large-scale
work. He often complained to his wife Junko that if
he couldn't create modern sculptures, he didn't feel like
he was being true to himself Moreover, it caused the
estrangement between
him and his family to
worsen day by day. Bikky
was depressed, drinking
heavily, and womanizing
compulsively.
The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
continued
In 1933 Matsui received a special award
at the Ainu Craftwork Art Exhibition spon-
sored by the Hokkaido Prefectural Office.
This honor was surpassed in 1936 when
he was asked to carve a bear for presenta-
tion to Emperor Hirohito who was making
an official visit to Asahikawa. Due to the
Emperor's acceptance of the gift, the bear
carvings of the Chikabumi Ainu became
famous in japan and greatly increased the
sales of all Ainu tourist art. Matsui began
putting his signature on his work from
this point on.'*
In the 1930s, a Japanese modern sculp-
tor, Kensei Kato (1894-1966), was invited
to Asahikawa several times to give the
Ainu carvers guidance and training. 5 This
gave the Ainu carvers a "formal" artistic
background that included design and
composition, and this experience seemed
to have a strong impact on the art of bear
carving. Because of his reputation as a
master carver, and because he was one
of the most important cultural leaders,
one of these trained carvers was probably
Bikky Sunazawa's father, Koa-kanno, who
lived in the Chikabumi kotan.
In 1937 the Hokkaido Industrial
Experimental Laboratory tried to create
a larger variety of designs worthy of
Cuiitiniws on pa^e 42
The "/^/-men" (Wooden Mask) Series
In 1975 Bikky finally worked through his
depression, stimulated by masks Takeji Takahashi
brought back from a business trip to Bangkok
and Singapore.'*^ Bikky began by carving masks
developed aroimd variations on the Japanese kanji
character ^/.''* Bikky named the theme Ki-men, in
which the character ki means "wood," and men
means "mask." Like his other series, Ki-men con-
tinued his exploration of visual and tactile elements
Fig. 3.7: Lip Mask.
41
The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
continued
of human and animal bodies that he had pursued in
Anijjial and Tentacle (a maze).
Some masks appeared to be pictorial symbols,
while others look like wild imaginary creatures. Some
are very simple shapes, such as circles. Others have a
sensual quality, such as the mask in Fig. 3.7 that has
lip-like shapes carved down its entire surface, while
others appear to be human genitalia. These shapes sug-
gest intimacy and life, supporting Bikky's notion that
wood is a "living thing." Bikky explained in an inter-
view, "I wanted to express both faces of masks—the
front and the back."'" He worked both sides of the
masks with deep, rhythmic chisel marks, observing that
"I finally understood that the greater element of a mask
was the back side.""'
Ki-men was also influenced by the word play of
Bikky's abstract essays and poems. He played with the
visual forms of ki just as he played with words in his
poetry. The ki image was sometimes created using just
a hint of the characters shape or a fragment taken from
its meaning and developed into several specific images
first by sketching the abstract form. As with most of his
carvings, the object rarely changed significantly from
the final sketch.
Between 1975 and 1979 Bikky created as many as one hundred and fifty
masks, all using the pale wood of the walnut tree {Gastrolina thoracica), which is
native to Hokkaido. Bikky pursued the Ki-men series for the pure joy of a personal
creative challenge, part of his constant urge to experiment with his art.
Hokkaido's natural beauty. For instance,
they created various products with bear
motifs.'' It remains unclear how many of
the experimental products were actually
merchandised in the markets, but it con-
tributed a great deal to the tourist indus-
tries in Hokkaido in 1938 and to the for-
mation of the Ainu Folkcraft Organization
in the same year. World War II curtailed
the market for tourist art, but Asahikawa
City did not suffer any war damage.
Immediately after the war the Asahikawa
Folkcraft Organization began producing
woodcarvings to answer the market
demands from the American soldiers of
the Occupation Forces.-' The product line
now included practical items that were
produced for the Americans. Almost all
items were created with a design that had
something to do with bears, killer whales,
salmon, or with traditional Ainu designs.
Bikky, as a young Ainu artist who began
to work in this era, refused to follow these
trends and as he so often did, created his
own way, revolutionizing Ainu tourist art
as he did so.
Today Ainu carvers such as Takeki Fujito
(b. 1 934) create wildlife fine art of the
highest order. The work of Fujito, the
most respected and successful of the Ainu
wildlife artists, in found throughout the
world. While he creates all manner of
animals in the Ainu spiritual pantheon,
and other representational art such as life-
Kamuy-mintar (The Playground of the Gods)
In the summer of 1976 Bikky decided to escape from city life in Sapporo
and think about the course ol his life and his artwork. He was forty-five and real-
ized he needed time to decide what to do next. He camped in Ubun outside of
Asahikawa City, where he and his father struggled to farm after World War II. It
42
was also where he had awakened to the joys of the abstract
manner of sketching and confronted his own feehngs of
inferiority caused by racial prejudice. This three-month
period of isolation gave him a tremendous opportunity
to find himself Bikky pitched a tent, built a rock hearth,
and bathed in the river. He returned to Sapporo spiritu-
ally refreshed and ready to resume his work.
Almost immediately he received a commission
to create a work for the Komakusa-so, an indoor onsen
(hot springs) for the Hokkaido Prefecture City Staff
Mutual Aid Union. The commissioner, Tetsuo Endo, was
a former director of the Asahikawa Local Museum who
knew Bikky. Endo was having a hard time filling a large
wall space in the lobby of the omen and asked Bikky to
come and take a look at the space. Bikky did and tele-
phoned a couple days later, "If you find a large log of sen
{Caster aralia), I will do it.""'
The first thing Bikky did was to bring in an old
horse-drawn sleigh to be used as his bed and put it in
front of the space where the work would hang. Endo
described Bikky sitting in the sleigh, staring at the space
in the hall for a long time while drinking whiskey. If he
got tired he slept on the sleigh. He made many sketches,
and when he began carving, he would work for awhile
and then run his rough hands gently, sensitively over the
wood, his eyes becoming very emotional.
Bikky named the work Knmuy-mintar, the play-
ground of the gods, and it came to be one of Bikky s
favorite works. He would often return to the onsen to be
close to it."^ Bikky explained what the sculpture meant
to him:
Severalyears ago I came hack to Hokkaido because I realized
how strongly I was attracted to Hokkaido's wilderness. Mt. Daisetsu
looked like a father opening his hands wide to welcome the summer.
In winter the mountain showed its severe monochromatic colors. Our
The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
continued
size statuary of Ainu elders, he considers
himself a simple "bear carver." Fujito,
the ultimate role model, challenges other
wildlife artists to move away from the
craft production of the stereotypical tour-
ist bear. As the Ainu culture experiences a
revitalization, the challenge is being met.s
Sidebar Notes
1. M. Kono (1985:15).
2. K. Sake (1979); Ohtsuka (1982);
Ishijima (1979, 1981).
Arai (1992:82); K. Saito (1979:4).
Ishijima (1981:11-12).
Kensei Kato was born in 1894
in Gifu prefecture, but his family
moved to Hokkaido after his birth.
He graduated from Kamikawa
Junior High School in Asahikawa
city. He worked as a substitute
teacher in the Ubun Elementary
School from 1913, while living in
the lodgings of a farm house near
the school. He devoted himself
to teaching, but was inspired by
the tutoring of sculptor Teijiro
Nakahara (1888-1921) and he
entered Art School in Tokyo in
1915. He studied under Koun
Takamura (1852-1934). He was
later selected to be one of the Nitten
judges. He received an Art Academy
Prize in 1951 and he became a
member of the Art Academy in
1962. He passed away in 1966 at
the age of 74 (K. Saito 1980:3).
6. Ohtsuka (1982:16).
7. Ibid.: 17; Ishijima (1980a:3-4)
8. Dubreuil (1999b, 2003).
43
Aiflu Utari [brotherhood] called it "a garden where the gods play" and
I was swallowed up in its magnificence.
I symbolized theflying butterflies over thefloiver gardens ofMt.
Daisetsu in the upper portion ofthe scidpture. I also symbolized the
"autumn horse mackerels" [a fish] going upstream in the Ishikari River
that comesfrom Mt. Daisetsu in the lower portion ofthe scidpture.
Afier Ifinished it and looked at the building site again, I realized the
building was placed on a gorgeous site! '^
Kamuy-mintar (Fig. 3.8), which may be the first piece of work Bikky
named in the Ainu language, was a turning point for Bikky. In the past he hated
to be referred to as the "Ainu" modern sculptor. He didn't like to be treated
differently because of his being Ainu and avoided native themes or titles in his
work (with some notable exceptions), fie ciidnt like viewers to see his work with
Fig 3.8: Kamuy-»!i)!tiit\ 1977.
a fixed concept or an expectation of being something Ainu. His personal view of
art was that 'whether the artwork is good or not has nothing to do with being
an Ainu or being a Japanese. Good artwork is just good."'^ When he depicted
the mysticism of his connection to Mount Daisetsu, he couldn't use anything but
Ainu words—the poetic quality of its title sounds like the soft echoing of the gods
at play.
In 1978, the year after he created Kamuy-mintar, his life took a dramatic
turn. He divorced his second wife in May, dating his soon-to-be third wife Ryoko
44
before the dissolution. At the end of September Bikky held a one-man show in a
gallery in Sapporo, where he met the director of the high school in Otoineppu, a
very small village located in a remote northern district of Hokkaido. The direc-
tor, Takashi Kano, asked Bikky to come anci see the village, which is surrounded
by forests. "^^ When Bikky visited Otoineppu a month later he fell in love with
the magnificent natural environment. The village administrators, believing that
an association with Bikky, the well-known carver, would be good for the village,
suggested that Bikky use an abandoned elementary school as his studio. Bikky
desperately wanted to escape from his creative sliuTip and immediately made up
his mind to seize this opportunity. In November, he moved to Otoineppu from
Sapporo. Otoineppu was already in the beginning of a severe winter. The stage was
set for the most profound change in his life.
End Notes
1. Shibuzawii (1990:156-61).
2. The Kitanihon Folkcr.ih Company is one oi the largest suppHers ot Ainu tourist art, and in 1993 the
company made a net profit of six milhon dollars. It is owned by a Japanese businessman and currently all
of its carvers and other employees are Japanese. Ainu carvers have difficulty finding outlets for their work
without going through a Japanese wholesaler.
3. Asahi Shimbim (August 28, 1988). Shigeru Kayano, cultural leader ot the Nibutani band ot Ainu, men-
tioned at Bikky s wake: "I was asked to create Ainu art work tor the University of Hokkaido. Bikky was
visiting me, observing what I was doing, for a week or so. I happened to look up and I saw Bikky 'look-
ing' at the work with his eyes closed, slowly and lightly running his hands over the art. I was surprised as
I watched Bikky, as I never saw anyone look so deeply at something with their eyes closed. Later in the
week Bikky made me a bell which I still have in my room." (March 1989:54).
4. Asahi Shimhim (April 6, 1974).
5. B. Sunazawa, Te (Hands), from the catalogue of Ikki-ttnlioku (1988).
6. Personal correspondence with Katsumi Yazaki, October 24, 1981. Yazaki is an artist and a filmmaker in
Sapporo. The language used to describe wood in the letter is that of a man addressing a respected and
honored lover.
7. Ishikawa (1989).
8. Bikky would, in later lite, go on to make very fine examples of the ektishi, the male Ainu elders.
9. Interview, Kenichi Kawamura (October 1985). A check ot back issues ot Niiiioiiiil (icognipluc showed
two editions, January 1945 and March 1972, that teatured Haida and other Northwest tribal art. The
1945 issue had a series of paintings that emphasized traditional scenes ot Northwest Coast lite stich as a
pole-raising ceremony at a Haida village. The 1972 issue shows a Haida carver, Rutus Moody, working
on a model totem pole. The 1972 issue also shows a scene of decaying totem poles in the island, which
would aftect Bikky a great deal in a few years. Of the many totem poles Bikky carved, he never copied or
duplicated a totem pole from Canada's Northwest Coast or trom any other culture tiiat has "totem poles.
"
It was the concept ot vertically stacked images overlapping and interacting with each other that intrigueti
Bikky.
10. Interview with Takeji Tlikahashi (April 8, 1994).
1 1. Interview with Katsumi Yazaki (April 15 and 20, 1994).
12. A copy of the handbill can be found in the Asahikawa City Library.
13. In 1946 the pan-hlokkaido Ainu Conference was held in Shizunai and established the Hokkaido Ainu
Association. Irs purpose was to improve and develop the social welfare ol the Ainu. However, while their
activity was stagnant for a time, a general meeting was held in 1960 and re-established the Association
in 1961. Its name was changed to the Hokkaido Utari Association from the Hokkaido Ainu Association.
The meaning of the Ainu was originally "the humans," but it was misused as a discriminatory word by
the Japanese government, and some Ainu had a feeling of the resistance to the word. So they changed the
name to the Utari which meant "brotherhood." The Hokkaido Utari Association is the largest Ainu orga-
nization in Japan and it has about 16,000 memberships (Asaji, Miyatake, and Nakama 1993:92-3).
14. Sanders (1986:137-8).
15. While critical of the Utari Association, he nevertheless lent his name and energy whenever called upon.
\G. Asahi Shimbiw (May 1, 1973).
17. Interview Junko Sunazawa (April 25, 1994).
18. Tikeji Takahashi interview (April 18, 1994).
19. There are more than two hundred Chinese characters that have the homonym of" the ki sound in the
Japanese kanji dictionary.
20. Auihi ShDiihiiii (July 19, 1976).
21. S. Sekiguchi (1978).
22. T. Endo (1990).
23. Ibid.
24. Bikky Sunazawa (1977).
IS. Asahi Slnmbuu (May 13, 1982).
26. Otoineppu means a place where an estuary of the river got muddy in the Ainu language. The village is
called a "village of forests," because more than eighty percent of the village land is filled with forests. The
experimental plantation of Hokkaido University Forest is also located nearby (1992 Otoineppu Village
Report, see map for location).
27. Auxin Shiuilntu (December 29, 1979).
47
Chapter 4
Totem Poles and Tall Trees: Bikky Returns to His Roots
(1978-1983)
Wood has an infinite mystery as a material. The average
tree around here has 200 growth rings, which means
that it has livedfour times longer than me and has more
words than me. We have to know and listen to it. '
- The town of Otoineppu, only ninety kilometers (fifty-six miles) from
Hokkaido's northernmost point, is very cold and very far removed from Sapporo
with its museums and galleries—and even farther from Tokyo. It was close, how-
ever, to Bikky's beloved trees. Bikky knew as soon as he arrived that he had lotmd
his new home, and it was here that he created some of his greatest work.
The environment seemed daunting when he arrived in November 1978.
The area was already in the grip of winter—a winter that leaves villagers snow-
bound more than six months a year. It is a place where it is normal to have more
than two meters (six feet) of snow on the ground, with temperatures well below
zero. Bikky lived among the forests in a tiny village of less than fifty people called
Osashima, a flat area along the Teshio River. But before long Bikky, Ryoko, and
his three children from his second marriage" had the abandoned elementary school
that was their new home all set up: he divided the school space into the living
and working space; the small gymnasium became the living area; one classroom
was turned into his studio, and another became a gallery. It was an unbelievably
large space when compared with his small workshop in Sapporo. Bikky named his
studio the Atelier Sanmore.''
Bikky had easy access in his new studio to raw materials because aroiuid
him stretched the experimental forest plantation of the Hokkaido University
Forest. The undulating mountains beyond the plantation are filled with old
growth forests with a combination of coniferous and deciduous trees. Bikky was
very sensitive to the properties of different kinds of wood, "All wood is alive," he
told one art critic, "and different kinds of woods have different personalities.'"* In
the past it had always been a struggle to find the wood he needed to produce art;
this new world with its ready availability of raw material was "like putting a fish
back into the water."'
Before long, Bikky had adopted a Glehns spruce {Picea glehnii Mast) in
the forest that inspired him. Older than the other trees, the three-hundred-year-old
giant stands more than forty meters (130 leet) high. He visited the tree in his spare
moments many times. Because of his love for this tree, his friends and the villagers
still call it "Bikkys tree." While it isnt a shrine or a sacred tree in the Shinto sense,
people nonetheless visit the tree and find it spiritually uplifting.
The Totem Pole at the Ainu Memorial Museum
Bikky got right to work. He had received a commission to carve a totem
pole*" to be placed in front ol the Ainu Memorial Museum founded by Kaneto
Kawamura in Chikabumi kotmu Asahikawa, where Bikky had been born and
raised. The museum had been remodeled, and the Ainu people of that area
wanted a symbolic work of art depicting the important beliefs of the Ainu for
its reopening. The new director of the museum, Kenichi Kawamura, Kaneto
Kawamuras son, asked Bikky to do the work. Bikky designed the pole, but asked
Ainu carvers to assist him so that the work would be an Ainu statement, not solely
Bikkys project. The ten-meter pole was erected in April 1979 (Fig. 4.1).
At the top of the pole is the owl, a very powerful protective god of the
kotan, below that is the itokpa, or family crest, of the Kawamuras, a stylized whale's
dorsal fin. Next are prayer instruments for the gods: an ikupasuy (prayer-stick) rest-
ing on a sake cup and saucer, tuki, followed by a dugout canoe. In the open space
of the canoe is a brown bear's head, the god of the mountains, and a killer whale,
the god of the seas.*^
50
The Talk-about-Trees Exhibition
When Bikky moved to Otoineppu, the villagers—mostly of Japanese
descent—thought that a "strange (Ainu) bear carver" had moved to the village.
They later found out that he was a sculptor creating contemporary art and that
was somehow threatening/' For these and other reasons it was difficult for Bikky
to be accepted in such a small community. He needed to have an opportunity
to communicate with the villagers, so he and his friends organized a small com-
munity event, which was called Ki o Katari Sakuhin-ten (The Talk-about-Trees
Exhibition). In the exhibition, held May 27 through June 1, 1979, Bikky high-
lighted Otoineppu as the "village of forests." He showed different kinds of art-
work made with wood, exhibiting his own sculpture, including surviving works
from his "Tentacle series. He also asked his artist friends in Tokyo and Sapporo
to participate in this event, many o{ whom were willing to display their paint-
ings, films, poetry, music, and sculpture alongside the work of local high school
students and villagers.
The "Talk-about-Trees Exhibition" became a bigger event in the community
year by year as the support from the community grew. Soon the village officials
began providing the operating budget and the executive committees. Through
the years the villagers seemed to gain a respect for and understanding of Bikky's
abstract art, a very different type ot artistic expression than they usually appreci-
ated. It helped that Bikky accepted all reactions to his art, good or bad, with equal
grace. The exhibition was an annual event until Bikky s death in 1989.
Bikky helped the community realize that the forest's resources went
beyond timber for building materials by stimulating the villagers' imagination and
creativity. Village officials began to encourage small local industries to produce
wooden objects such as fine art, furniture, and craft items and tried to provide the
commercial access to sell them as representative of village products. In 1985 the
Otoineppu High School was founded to educate gifted teenagers from all over
Japan in woodworking and related arts.
The Toh Series and Other Works
Bikky started a new series ol simple, abstract sculptures entitled Toh
(Columnar Shapes) in 1979. The series was based on vertical forms, inspired
perhaps by the tall trees around him and the columnar art he had been creating.
Unlike the smooth finish of many traditional Japanese works, Bikky began
covering the entire surface of his work with a tightly controlled, scale-like texture
composed from small chisel marks.
The first work in the series, purchased by the village of Otoineppu, and
now on display at the high school, consists of two simple nara (Japanese oak
milled logs), fashioned into a cross, the top of the vertical log split to fit the
horizontal log. One commentator suggested that "the form reminds one of Christ
hanging on the cross, whose image of the nature's grandeur is overlapping the god
that Bikky learned from his parents."" One of Bikky's close friends said, however,
that Bikky had no intention of suggesting a Christian symbol.''
In 1980 Bikky built a second studio, a prefabricated steel building in
which he installed an overhead traveling crane that allowed him to manipulate
large logs. He also installed a saw and power generator." One of his masterworks,
the massive, solid Kami no Shita (Tongue of God, Fig. 4.2) was one of the first
pieces to be created in his new studio. This large piece (201 x 1 16 x 54 centi-
meters or 80 X 45 X 21 inches) looks so natural that it seems to have been brought
from the forest as is. Many cracks and stains are prominent in the wood, and it
appears to have spent many years exposed to the sun, rain, and wind. The tightly
incised chisel marks on the surface invite viewers to touch it with their hands. It
seems to be a living thing and the power of its dignified presence is overwhelming.
The shape and title of the Tongue ofGod also suggests the "tongue" of
the ikupasuy, or prayer-stick, which is carved in a flattened shape and is the most
important spiritual article Ainu use to communicate with the gods' world (see
Sidebar 3, page 3). The Ainu consider it a living thing with a soul. In some Ainu
regions, artists incise the shape of an arrowhead or triangle into the tapered end
ol the prayer-stick, which is called the pariinpe, meaning a tongue. The pariinpe
delivers the message of the prayer to the gods. This monumental and massive
tongue might have been created to send a message to the highest ranking god who
ontrols the dispensation of nature's power.
One ol his most successful and interesting works is Kita no Dobntsu Tachi
(Northern Animals), created in 1980 (Fig. 4.3). The ten abstract pieces of various
sizes and shapes are always casually displayed on the floor. The tallest twisted
cylinder stands erect and several irregular, abstract shapes of wood surround it.
A long log lies on the floor completing the composition. The placement makes
the pieces appear to be natural, organic objects brought from the forest. The
4Fig. 4.3: k'itii no Dohiitsii tacbi (Northern Animals), 1980.
thousands of tiny chisel marks on each piece indicate Bikky's tremendous love oi
the work. These ten pieces, all wooden animals, are the result of aggressively push-
ing abstraction from his first drawings of farm animals through the years. The
twisted cylinder with one projection might be a deer from the Hokkaido forests
and the surrounding small pieces might be abstractions of a tox, rabbit, bear, or
other wild animals or animals from Ainu mythology. Although they all are very
abstract, Bikky captured the essence of animal forms.
The Otoineppu Tower Totem Pole
In early June of 1980 the Otoineppu Village Office commissioned Bikky
to carve a totem pole for the seventieth anniversary of the village. The village
officials wanted to symbolize the promotion and the development ol the village
through the slogan of the "village ol forests." Bikky accepted the proposal and a
55
friend, Makoto Kawakami, owner of the local lumber company, found a four-
hundred-year-old Manchurian ash {tamo) in the Hokkaido University Forest for
him.'^ Bikky immediately made a complete design for the pole that symbolized the
local products and industries.
Bikky and four assistants worked feverishly for three months to complete
the pole in time for its September 6 unveiling. More than two hundred villagers
came to Bikkys studio to pick up the pole using three wagons. They pulled the
wagons by hand for more than nine kilometers to the train station. When the
totem pole arrived, the station square was filled with seven hundred waiting
villagers.'^ It was a memorable experience and brought community pride to the
villagers who worked together to
raise the pole. On the Northwest
Coast of North America, a totem-
pole-raising is always an exciting
event. This raising was no differ-
ent. The totem pole was named
"Otoineppu Tower." While the
pole was aesthetically pleasing,
Bikky did not take the area's fierce
winds into account when engineer-
ing the pole and it broke into pieces
during a horrific winter storm
several years later.
At the end of 1980, after
three years' absence, Bikky held a
small exhibition entitled "Bikky
Riding on A Wooden fiorse" in a
gallery in Sapporo. He exhibited
the unique furniture he created and
actually used at home. He had an
almost magical ability to transform
everyday household items into his
own fantastic objects. Several small
chairs were connected together, for
c- // CI I T w-ri D J r-ru ,no, examolc, aud entitled A^/V/'/' Tt^/'w.
Fig. 4.4: Shiko 110 Ton (The Birds ot Thought), 1981. r ' ^
56
Birds and Wooden Flowers
In 1981 Bikky received a commission from the Otoineppu ski resort
to carve three totem poles'^'and another commission from the Nakagawa
Experimental Forest of the Hokkaido University for a grouping of three poles,
which came to be called the Shiko Jio Tori (The Birds of Thought). An imaginary
bird rests on three joined pillars, which symbolize the past, present, and future.
They were erected on a snowy November 21
,
just two days short of the three years
since Bikky moved to this area (Fig. 4.4).
While 1981 was a busy year lor Bikky, he took time to do some public
service by designing another pole for the village that would draw attention to a
sign that announced the village's traffic safety record. Acting as a consultant, he
did little of the carving, but designed the sign and supervised the work of the local
high school students. This kind of generosity was typical of Bikky.
Bikky began a new series in 1982 called Jiika (Wooden Flowers; Fig. 4.5).
In preparation, he spent six months gathering branches from the willow groves
Fig. A.5:Jiikti (Wooden Mowers), \
along the Teshio River near his home. He cut them every morning and brought
them to his studio, where he peeled the bark off each branch. Day after day
he would peel them, sometimes with the help of his wife. One day his wife
complained to him, "You cant make a living just peeling the bark off willow
branches." He replied, "You think I'm crazy, but I'm going to do great things. I'm
a genius."^'' Eventually, after six months, his studio was filled with huge piles of
willow branches equal to ten two-ton truck loads.
With his raw material in place, the pieces began to take shape. He started
with a young tree with only a few branches as a base. Viewers participated in
creating the pieces by adding a willow branch from the stack piled next to the
base, somewhat like a bird making its nest. Bikky strongly believed that audiences
should be allowed to participate in the making of art, to physically and spiritually
experience the art, to touch and play, to enjoy. Bikky took particular joy sharing
his work with mentally challenged children, giving them the opportunity to partic-
ipate in the arrangement of the wooden flowers. Their eyes shone as they touched
the willow branches, gently adding them to the creation by themselves.
Not only was the art participatory, but it evoked the Ainu ijiaiv, a simple
tree branch—often willow—finely shaved and tufted at one end and used in Ainu
ritual ceremonies (see Sidebar 3, page 3). This icon, beautiful in its simplicity, is
a part of the traditional Ainu way of life, and Bikky kept several of them around
his house. As nature is at the core of Ainu religion, and because Bikky felt such
a spiritual relationship with wood, it is only natural that he would give so much
energy to the wooden flower theme. The Ainu believe that after receiving a prayer,
the inaw turns into a bird to deliver the message. It's interesting to note that many
of Bikky s later works, regardless of the dominant theme, included birds.
Bikky was still actively producing the Juka series at the beginning of 1983.
He had no idea that he would find himself creating art thousands of miles away
from Ainu country by the end of the year. He would see first-hand the totem
poles that had inspired him and find himself at home among the native carvers of
the tribes of the Northwest Coast of Canada. This experience was to change the
remainder of his life.
End Notes
1. Interview with Bikky, September 1988, on Nichiyu Bcjiitsn-kaii broadcast, February 1 1, 1990.
2. Bikky inA his second wife, Junko amicably agreed that the children would stay with h\m. Soon after they
moved to Otoineppu, Bikky's girlfriend, Ryoko, moved in, and aker a period of time, they were married.
3. Bikky liked to name his studios. His first studio in Sapporo, actually a room in his house, was named
"more" in English, and his studio at the craft company in Sapporo was named "more and more," again in
English. Atelier means "studio" in French. San means "three" in Japanese, so the name means "more, more,
and more." (Interview with Makoto Kawakami, January 23, 1995).
4. Hokkai Tnnes (December 6, 1980).
5. Nichiyo Bijutsu'kan (broadcast February 11, 1990).
6. Although the Ainu did not have the custom ol creating totem poles in ancient times, they have been
erecting small "totem poles" in the tourist areas since the end of World War II. They remind me of" the
carved wooden Indian statues that were put in front of cigar stores and other shops in America aroimd the
turn of the century and earlier.
7. Kaneto Kawamura (1893-1977) was the hereditary chief and a grandson of the famous Ainu chief
Monokute in Peniun-kotan. Kaneto was a well-respected person who contributed a great deal to the Ainu
human rights struggle throughout his life. He founded the Ainu Museum in Asahikawa after World War
II (Arai Genjiro 1992:65—7). After his death, his son Kenichi inherited the responsibility of managing the
museum and preserving the Ainu culture in that area.
8. K. Kawamura (1990).
9. Hokkaido Shinibun (June 27, 1981).
10. Bikky completed his tenth "Tentacle" work using a local tree, a Japanese oak, at the end of January, 1979
(Asahi Shirulmu, January 30, 1979).
11. Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (broadcast February 1 1, 1990).
12. Interview with Makoto Kawakami (January 12, 1995).
13. Hokkai Times (January 29, 1980).
14. Kawakami was more than a friend in the usual sense. Although Bikky had many friends, Kawakami was
one of a small group of men that Bikky confided in on all matters. He also spent a great deal of time in
the forest with Bikky selecting just the right trees for his many projects.
15. Okamoto (1981).
16. Unfortunately during the mid 1990 s a severe storm toppled one of the poles at the ski resort. A new
maintenance man, not knowing the importance of the pole, thought it was worthless junk, and burned it.
17. A. Motoi (1994:296).
Chapter 5
Transforming Visions: Biklo (November 18, 1983).
2. The Hokkaido prefectural government provides a special scholarship tor five selected local artists for the
purpose ol a cultural exchange undertaking every year. These five artists can choose any country that they
want to go to (Baiikaha Shnipo, November 18, 1983). The purpose of the scholarship is to give them a
chance to have an artistic cultural experience.
3. Ascihi Shnnbiin (Oaoher 7 , 1983).
4. a/w/t.?/;.? 5/7/w/)(7 (November 18, 1983).
5. "Most ot the older sculptures displayed at the UBC Museum ot Anthropology were acquired through
purchase in the 1950s by the Totem Pole Preservation Committee, established by the UBC. Museum of
Anthropology and the British Columbia Provincial Museum." (Halpin, 1983:48).
6. Although the school is located in the Tsimshian region, the school has taught a broad range ol artistic
styles lound throughout the Northwest Coast. While the original instructors included non-native artists
Bill Holm and Duane Pasco, and native artists such as Chief Tony Hunt (KwakiutI) and Robert Davidson
(Haida), later instructors were almost exclusively native artists. The school has trained many talented art-
ists such as Frieda Diesing (Haida) and Dempsey Bob (Tihltan-Tlingit).
7. Japanese wood carvers also carve away from the body.
8. Native American artistic creativity went through various stages of descriptive terminology, from being a
simple trade item, to "scientific specimens," "ethnographic artifacts," "craft," "primitive art," "curio," to
a gradual recognition of art as "fine art" in Canada and the United States in the twentieth century. There
are several reasons for these shifts, but one of the most important was the transformation of the incor-
poration of Native art as part of a self-serving national artistic identity to including Native heritage into
the respective nation state. Canada has, through its museum curators and scholars, developed a growing
national appreciation for the values and status of objects of Native creativity, elevating the perception of
Native creativity from "crak/artilact" to "fine art" since the 1960s. For example, the 1967 exhibition.
Arts of Raven: Masterworks by the Northwest Coast Indian at the Vancouver Art Gallery was truly the first
exhibition to bring about a perception shift of First Nations objects as "art" or "fine art" in Canada. The
validation legitimized the new description in the institutions of the art world, including artists, critics, the
interested public, and at the government level, so important at the time, greatly facilitated the change in
the perception and evaluation ol objects.
9. Yamakawa (1988:208-9).
10. Since Bikky's death several books on contemporary Ainu art have been published. Most are photographic
introductions ol an individual artist's work often with brief" comments Irom the artist or friends, with
no critical analysis of their work. Some books were published by the artists themselves. These include
Ohtsuka (1993), Chiri and Yokoyama (1995), Toko (1995), and Ogawa and Kato (1996). And, since his
death, several volumes have been published on Bikky's work, including Hariu et al. (1989), Sunazawa R
(1990), Asakawa (1996), Shibahashi (2001) Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo (2001).
1 1
.
Bankalta Shinpo (November 18, 1983).
12. Bancrolt-Hunt and Forman (1979:38-9). Bikky was very interested in not only the artistry of this pole,
but of the mythology as well. Bikky learned a love of traditional stories through his mother, who was well
known as a teller ol yukar, Ainu oral epic stories. Bikky would have heard hundreds cJuring his life time
and incorporated elements from the myths in his work.
13. Photographs taken by Bikky during the Canadian experience show many more pictures ot frog segments
on totem poles than of any other figure.
14. Yamakawa (1988:197).
15. The Northwest Coast potlatch was "the occasion at which a traditional name, rank or hereditary privilege
was claimed through dances, speeches and the distribution of property to those invited. The group host-
ing a potlatch displayed their hereditary possessions, which included songs, dances and masks, they recited
the origins of these rights and the history of their transmission, and bestowed the new rank and name
upon the member now entitled to use them. The ceremony was completed by distributing gifts to the
guests. The guest groups, by witnessing the claims made, validated and sanctioned the status displayed and
claimed" (Cole and Chaikin 1990:5).
16. Interview with Ryoko Sunazawa (April 6, 1994).
17. Interview with Ryoko Sunazawa (September 17, 1993).
18. The Province Newspaper (lAnuiLiy 2, 1984).
19. By 1983, Bill Reid had been suffering from Parkinson's disease for approximately eight years. He contin-
ued to create wonderkil art with the aid of his assistants.
20. During my visit to his studio in Otoineppu, I counted three adzes, and I saw a video tape ot Bikky using
one.
21. Bikky tried very hard to learn as much English as possible. With his outgoing personality and his willing-
ness to try new English words, he was able to communicate surprisingly well. (Yamakawa 1988: 199).
22. Interview (December 19, 1993). Reid went on to say that while Bikky always seemed to be drinking, he
never saw Bikky drunk during the day. Pierre Pieoche, Bill Reid's friend, states that in a conversation with
Bikky about his drinking, Bikky said that "carving was too dangerous ro attempt while drunk, but it was
safe to be drunk while painting," and he ohen was (interview February 6, 1994).
23. This legend was recounted in a 1986 videotape entitled, "The Three Watchmen" by Bill Roxborough,
and Michael Brodie. The production describes the work of Haida artist Robert Davidson as he creates
three totem poles. Commissioned in 1983, the poles were erected on August 8, 1984, in the atrium of the
Maclean Hunter Building in downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
24. Bikky later stated in another newspaper interview that "'perlect nature exists in Canada" (Asahi Sliinibtin,
Aug. 28, 1988).
Chapter 6
The Northern King: Final Years (1984-1989)
One day the Northern Qiieeti asked the Northern King,
"why are you so proud? " He replied, ''well, look at the
maps. Old ones. New ones. The North is always located
at the top ofthe map, isn't it? The North is always on
top. " The King looked at the Qiieen quietly
and smiled. '
Bikky returned to Otoineppu from Canada on January 10, 1984, and went
immediately to work in his studio. The visit had transformed every aspect ol his
art, and the final five years of his life were to be intensely productive and creative.
Not only had he been inspired by the artistic freedom and self-respect he found
in the Native artists in Canada, but he was stimulated by watching artists work
who were proud of their heritage and their art and who actively studied it. He was
especially impressed by Bill Reid's stature in the mainstream art community and
his recognition as an important Native and contemporary artist.
Before his visit to Vancouver, Bikky had been ambivalent about his Ainu
heritage and his identification as an Ainu artist, but his experience in Canada
helped him realize that he could be a modern sculptor as well as an Ainu artist.
He also became more comfortable with public expressions ol his native heritage.
He began to think about the future of Ainu art in general and more consciously
planned the direction of his own art.
Bikky's three months in British Columbia had also given him a new
perspective on the natural environment in Hokkaido and his relationship to it as
an artist. He told the v4W7/ Shimbim in spring, 1983, that he felt he was beginning
to understand that his artistic style expressed a bond with nature,"' and his first
exhibition after his return, in March, was called Siuuizaiva Bikky Exhibition-Furiko
(A Pendulum), because, he said, his mind kept going back and forth between the
natural worlds oi Canada and Hokkaido like "a pendulum." His interaction with
the natural world had always been important to him, but it was not until he went
to Canada that he began to think consciously about his role in nature, not an
interaction with, but being a part of nature.
Visiting Canada had re-awakened Bikkys "northern consciousness," and
this became one of his major themes after his return. To Bikky, this consciousness
celebrated the rigor and grandeur of northern lands: the harsh weather, icy moun-
tains, tall forests, deep snows, and long winter nights. He also recognized with
a new clarity the importance of northern peoples' adaptability to these extremes
and their strong links with their ancestors and traditions. Bikky observed that the
Canadian First Nations peoples' pride in their culture, which had survived despite
great upheaval, was similar to that of the Ainu, including their genius for creativity
that helped sustain their culture. Bikky responded to this pride, believing that it
was something shared by all northern indigenous people. Influenced by Canadian
Native's use of their own culture in their work, Bikky's sculpture became more spe-
cifically Ainu in its themes.
Because of his visit, Bikky began to think of himself as a "Northern King"
who challenged nature not by controlling it with self-serving authority or power
but collaborating with it through his endless creativity and with his strong pride
in being an Ainu and an artist. He, as an artist and a king, could reconstruct and
revive the trees that were cut down and give them a new life and order in his king-
dom of the north. In turn, nature would complete his artworks. Bikky once told a
friend, "These wooden sculptures will grow after leaving my hands. Bikky, fasci-
nated by the weathering of the many old totem poles he saw in Canada, believed
the actual decomposition was perhaps that most powerful stage in the life of a
wooden sculpture. Not only did he understand that the breakdown of tissue was
the natural order of things, but more importantly he saw that this process was
in keeping with the Ainu spiritual practice that required gifts of the gods to be
returned to Gods' Land. In his artwork of the next five years, this conscious sense
of channeling nature back to the gods wove its way through all of his work.
Columns, Not Totem Poles
Increasingly recognized as one oi Hokkaido's leading artists, Bikky received
numerous invitations to participate in museum and gallery exhibitions in Sapporo
and other northern cities and in the rest of Japan. He also received a number of
important local commissions that allowed him to explore some of the themes that
had emerged after visiting Canada.
In 1985 Bikky created three large site-specific columnar pieces. He carved
the first, an unnamed work called a "totem pole" locally, fi^r Kamisunagawa-cho,
in the western part of Hokkaido near where Bikky s father Koa-kanno had been
born. This simple pole stands at one end of a new bridge, called Yacho no Hashi
(the Wild Birds' Bridge) for the recordings of local birds' twittering that play when
people walk across the bridge. Bikky s seven-meter high pole is topped with a
Fig. 6.1: Ml' (Buds), 1985. Fig. 6.2: A house post in situ, Cowichan, V.incouvcr
isl.uul, Rrilisli ( '.olunihi.i, 19tli c.
woodpecker with a long extended beak, below which are three eggs in a nest. This
was the first columnar artwork Bikky created after coming back from Canada, and
was the last one to be called a totem pole—his confrontation with the "real" totem
poles of Canada was so intense that he felt ashamed of his ignorance of totem
poles and refused to call them such. This, however, was the name it took on in
Kamisunagawa-cho.
The other columnar work is a two-piece set of abstract sculptures entitled
Me (Buds; Fig. 6.1), referring to the intellectual growth of the students, placed
in the middle of the courtyard at the Asahikawa Professional High School to
celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the school. The two
abstract figures, carved from Japanese oak, face the same direction. The three-
meter (ten feet) high figure, the taller of the two, is completely abstract, with an
elongated rectangular torso with a long neck and a small conical shaped "head."
It resembles a whaler's hat similar to those worn by the Makah and Nuu-chah-
nulth people, which Bikky saw many examples of while in Canada. These figures
are somewhat reminiscent of "welcome figures" or "house posts" of the Northwest
Coast (Fig. 6.2); the smaller figure particularly resembles the old house post from
the Halkomelem area of the Coast Salish now displayed in the entrance showcase
of the British Columbia Provincial Museum in Victoria, which Bikky enjoyed
visiting. While it's impossible to know for sure if this house post directly inspired
Bikky to carve these figures, the formal elements of both works are prominent.
As a realization of Bikky's collaboration with nature, in the years since
these sculptures were erected, cracks have appeared from the exposure to the
rigorous Hokkaido environment. Both the Bird Bridge column and Buds now have
a mysterious and organic presence of their own, much like the aging totem poles
Bikky saw in the old Gitksan territorial areas of the Upper Skeena River in British
Columbia.
The Wind
In 1986 Bikky's relationship with nattire began to be focused on the theme
of "wind, ' perhaps symbolizing his psychological state following his return from
Canada—but also connecting to the important role that the wind played in Ainu
culture. He seemed to be released from the restricted intellectual framework he
had created for himself in the past such as his cultural identity and his artistic
goals. Like the wind blowing through nature, he longed for freedom as an artist,
an Ainu, and as a person. This can be seen in a poem Bikky wrote about the wind
shortly before his death. It is his most famous poem:
Wind,
You are afour-headed andfour-legged monster.
As you are so furious, people love your intermediate moments, which
are called thefour seasons.
I pray, blow the str ongest wind upon me and my entire body.
Especially, blow it upon my eyes.
Wind,
As you arefour-headed andfour-legged monster,
I'd like to presentyou a nice pair of
four-leggedpants.
And please, hold tne once.^
The four-headed and four-legged monster symbolized the mystical and
mysterious nature of the seasons, which Bikky always loved. He asked the wind to
blow into his eyes so that he could see into himself^ This metaphorical expression
also paralleled the expressions ol the Ainu oral epics, xhe ytikar. A destructive wind
appears in the old stories as a bad god who caused people to suffer but was calmed
by a good god after a dramatic battle.
Bikky's poem also alludes to an Ainu ceremony that seeks to reverse unusu-
ally bad weather. The Yakumo Ainu, lor example, performed a wind ritual when
the east wind blew fiercely in the autumn and salmon would not come up the
rivers. Four young Ainu men were chosen to play the roles of the gods; three men
played the good gods of west, north, and south, and one played the bad god ol
the east. The good gods wore elaborate ceremonial outfits; in contrast, the bad east
81
god had to wear an old and worn-out outfit. At the beginning of the performance,
the bad god splashes the audience with water and throws sand on them, but the
three good gods chase the east god into the sea. He tries to escape, but the good
gods catch him, bring him in front of the audience, and make him apologize to
the audience for his bad behavior.''
The first of Bikky s wind-themed works was Yottsu no Kaze (Four Winds;
Fig. 6.3). He received the commission to do a large sculpture for the opening of
the Outdoor Museum of Contemporary Art in Sapporo in July 1986. His first
drawing was done in December 1985 and on it he scribbled "this drawing is the
first idea for Four Winds (lor the outdoor museum), and so is a memorable one."^
While Bikky often made many drawings for a new theme, he seemed to have a
definite idea lor this project for little changed between his first drawing and his
final work.
In January 1986, lour lour-hundred-year-old Glehn's spruce trees were
brought to Bikky s studio Irom the northernmost part of Hokkaido University's
experimental forest. Before Bikky set about his work, he sat down on the snowy
Fig. 6.3: )oiiiit 11(1 A,/.-,' (I'oui- \X hkIs), 1986.
Fig. 6.4: Bikky performing the kamuy-nomi.
ground and performed a kamuy-nomi for the trees, using an ikupasiiy (a prayer-
stick) and a ceremonial sake cup and saucer. Although he generally performed
such rituals privately when he began new work, this ceremony was photographed
by Katsuaki Kitayama of the Hokkaido Shimbim (Fig. 6.4), one of the first times
Bikky had publicly acknowledged the connection between his modern work and
his Ainu heritage." It seemed to prove his psychological change and his acceptance
of his public Ainu identity.
More so than his totem poles and columns, Four Winds was Bikky s most
ambitious outdoor wooden artwork. As he began the work for the Museum of
Contemporary Art in Sapporo he wrote:
Although this is an outdoor museum, Im trying my luck with
wooden sculptures. Outdoor scidptures are always done in bronze
and stone, but I'm going to submit wooden scidptures Natural
phenomena, the snow and wind, will add to their completeness
/ calculate that it will stand there at leastfifty years^
83
In carving the four Glehns spruce trees for this work, Bikky kept the
original shape ot the log, carving out the central portion, each of which faces
one of the four compass directions. He covered the surface of each column with
thousands of rhythmical scale-like chisel marks, and it s almost as if each scale-like
mark represents a new grain for the trees or each breath he took as he carved with
his chisel.'" The wood has the textured quality of living things or cells. When he
was working on Four Winds, Bikky left the following in his private notebook:
/ make use ofthe trees in nature, grown without touching
human hands, as materials.
Thus, they are lii'ing things. Its quite natural that living
things will atrophy and decay.
I (as an artist) will reconstruct them anew—giving them
a new life with a newform. '
'
For a 1986 exhibition at the Hokkaido Museum of Modern Art, Bikky
submitted an indoor work called Kaze ni Kikit (Listening to the Wind; Fig. 6.5).'"^
There are four abstract cylindrical forms that Bikky carved inside and out. Each
has a small rectangular head-like project and each has the presence of a human
figure although they are all very abstract. Bikky carved the cylindrical forms
Fig. 6.5: Kaze ni Kiku (Listening to the Wind), 1986.
84
according to the contour of the tree, so that they appear to bend, stoop, or tik.
He specified that they could be arranged in any composition; tor example, they
can be arranged to depict Ainu wind mythologies, or as it they are talking to each
other in a group, or so that one figure is being left: out ot the conversation. In
other compositions the cylindrical fiarms appear to be in a stage setting of some
sort, or just stand there, listening to the wind. At the end of 1986 this work was
actually used as a stage installation for a modern dance performance entitled The
Coexistence of Nature and Humans}'' Clearly this piece can be described as an
installation piece, f^owever, because of the rarity ot this type of work in Japan at
the time, it is highly unlikely that Bikky was influenced by the installation work o
other artists. This is a wondertul example ot his unique creativity, blending Ainu
spirituality with the primal forces of nature.
Three years later, in 1989—invited to submit work to an exhibition ot
contemporary sculptures at the Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery outside Tokyo
—
Bikky revisited the "wind" theme with two massive and dynamic works both
named Kaze (Wind).'^ One piece seems to suggest the open mouth of a killer
Fig 6.6: Kdzf (Wiiul), 19«H.
whale, the god of the ocean, rising from the water (Fig 6.6).'^ By carving away
wood midway on the right side, a mouth is formed using the natural contour
of the wood. Examining the piece reveals several U-shape metal joints holding
together some of the pieces of wood, but the overall impression is organic. In this
sense it resembles his 1980 work Tongue ofGod. Bikky often stated that to "recon-
struct ' natural wood was to give it a new life and personality; in other words, that
Bikky, as a part ol nature, gave a new dimension of life to his works.
Unlike Tongue ofGod, which is meticulously finished, Bikky's chisel marks
on one of the two Kaze works are much rougher and use several carving tech-
niques. For instance, he gouged many deep, rough, and sharp incision marks in
the upper portion ot the piece, carved against the grain of the wood, creating an
almost visceral texture. Before going to Canada and being exposed to the distinc-
tive linear patterns of the adze marks on totem poles, Bikky's chisel marks were
random and unintentional, the end result of shaping wood with a tool. After his
return to Otoineppu, however, Bikky was acutely aware of his carving technique.
He found that by controlling the way he removed wood with the chisel, he could
create different moods and attitudes such as found in these two Wind pieces.
The second work named Wind (Fig. 6.7) suggests the dramatic life and
Fig. 6.7: U^/W, 1988.
death struggles found in nature. Made from two lumps of Japanese oak, it
the same primordial quality as the first work, but the tension is almost tani
Most of the surface is incised with thousands of chisel marks but offset by
smooth areas made by a saw. Bikky not only
intentionally exposed some portions of the
natural grain of the wood through judicious
use of newly cut areas, but also left older cut
areas, darkened and weathered through the
years, as contrast. The cracks, gaps, knots, and
stains of the grain of the wood also become an
integral part of the piece.
For the Kanagawa exhibition Bikky
also created a marvelously simple and abstract
sculpture entitled Kaze no Oh to Oh-hi (King
and Queen of Wind; Fig. 6.8).'^' The 1.73-
meter-tall column (more than five and one-
half feet), separated to form two heads, has an
integrated base that also serves as a single neck
and shoulders for the royal couple. The slight
flair at the top of both the King and Queen
add a positive space to the harmoniously bal-
anced composition. It is carved smoothly on
the outside surfaces and on the concave areas
where the heads join. Again, we see rough and
smooth surfaces used to create an effect—this
time calm and regal.
has
^ible.
several
Fig. 6.8: Kdze no Oil to Oh-lii (Kin^ and Queen of
Wind), 1988.
87
The North
Another theme that Bikky developed over the final years of his life were
works that reflected his "northern" consciousness, although it was an idea that
wove its way through most of his work throughout his life. It took explicit form in
a number of pieces, including his 1987 Kita no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and
Queen; Fig. 6.9).'
The Northern King and Qiieen are a pair of upright sculptures, each
consisting of three stacked spheres
with a base at the bottom, a major
form that he had used since the Toh
series of 1979, just after he moved
to Otoineppu. The two sculptures
provide a strong symbolic contrast
between the attributes of female and
male, which though abstract is also
biomorphic and even humanoid.
The work symbolizes the abstract
sexuality between men and women
that Bikky pursued in his "Tentacle"
theme.
His continuing theme of
"northerness" led to the abstract
and strikingly simplified sculpture
entitled Kita no Dobutsu (Northern
Animals) in 1987 (Fig. 6.10). The
two abstract organic shapes are
elevated on short, square pedestals
attached and placed side by side
on a long rectangular board. These
organic C-shaped pieces are some-
what similar to the Northeryi King
and Queen but are placed so that
they create a twisted and tightly con-
trolled, complex spatial movementFig 6.9: Kitix 110 Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen), 1987.
88
in contrast to the somewhat serene, relaxed feehng of the "Northern King and
Queen."
Bikky used Japanese oak, which gives a whiteness to the pieces that is
reminiscent of a newborn smooth-skinned animal looking out at the world for
the first time. In contrast, the base of the rectangular board has the finely carved
chisel-marks that is found on much ot his work since moving to Otoineppu. This
creates a subtle but definite contrast between the animals, and it emphasizes the
smoothness of the organic shapes. This piece symbolizes the drama of life young
animals face in the northern kingdom that Bikky loved so much.
Fig. 6.10: Kita no Dobutsu (Northern Animals), 1987.
Personal Themes
Although much of the work that Bikky would create during the last years
of his life reflected his experience in Canada, he also continued to purstie ideas
that had occupied him closely throughout his career. One work, Bmisiii-rei A.B
(Watershed A.B, Fig. 6.1 1), returns to Bikky's love of puns and ambiguous word
meanings."^ At first viewing, these two wooden figures appear to be deer-like ani-
mals. The right-angled, streamlined shapes are carved from one piece of wood wit
the legs attached separately. The divided front legs seem to be symbolic of moun-
tains and valleys that make up
a hydrological watershed, but
the connection between the
forms of the pieces and the title
is problematic, perhaps a meta-
phoric expression of nature and
natural phenomena commonly
found in the yukar, the Ainu
oral epics. Also deceptive is the
work's apparent connection
to Shinto religious art. Deer
mandalas are often prominent
in the art depicting the Kasuga
cult.' ' However, Makoto
Kawakami, Bikky's close friend
in Otoineppu, disclosed that
Bikky said that Watershed A.B
are female and male genitalia,
ingeniously disguised by title
and the carved composition.""
Armed with this knowledge, it's
easy to identify the erect penis
and the labia of the female
genitalia—Bikky's most overtly
sexual work, despite the
disguise.
At the beginning of 1987 Bikky started a new series entitled Gozen Sanji
no Gangii (Toys at 3:00 A.M.; Fig. 6.12). As the title suggests, the series was
created early in the morning, close to daybreak, when Bikky did most of his work.
He described his work routine:
/ try to devote myselffrom 11 p.m. to 3:30 a.m. to shaping my
ideasfor my work. I always stop sketching at 3:30 a.m. and begin
carving. Because that is the time when the express train Rishiri passed
near my studio, the sound ofthe train became a signalfor me to begin
carving. I have worked by this routinefor ten years. ~^
Fig. 6.11: /i»;M«/-n7 /l.i?(W.uershed A.B), 1985.
90
Fig. 6.12: Gozen Sanji no Gangu (Toys at 3:00 A.M).
Although Bikky loved sociaHzing with people, he wanted to have complete
privacy for his artistic activity and chose the late night when nobody wotild disturb
him so that he could, as he described it, "confront himself" His studio, open to
the weather on one side, had only one small heater and in the winter the tempera-
ture in the studio was often well below zero degrees Farenheit—and he often lost
feeling in his hands. Pieces of ice and frozen wood chips would seem to explode
every time he drove the axe into the wood.
Just as Bikky's father had confronted the severe winter nights in snow caves
with only the clothes he was wearing when he was out hunting, so too would
Bikky challenge his art and himself against the snow and cold. Bikky's artistic
activity seemed to be at its best with self-imposed adversity. He would get himself
cornered in order to challenge himself physically and psychologically.
The many works in his new "Toys at 3:00 A.M." series were done in small
scale, approximately thirty centimeters (eleven or twelve inches). As the title of
"toys" suggests, and like his early "Tentacle" series, the works were small enough
that people could pick them up and play with them. From the dates of some of
his toy drawings, we know that the idea for this series was already formed by the
winter of 1986. Although most of Bikkys work had become dramatically larger
after his exposure to the totem poles and house posts of the Indians of Canada's
Northwest Coast, he had enjoyed working on smaller pieces since creating the
Bikky monyo finger ring patterns in his youth.
"Toys at 3:00 A.M." celebrated the primordial spirit-world creatures that
shared the nights with Bikky. We know that Bikky believed he was releasing and/
or making new life forms from the kamuy (gods) of the wood. His observations of
the animals carved in the totem poles of the indigenous people of the Northwest
Coast gave him the insights and the knowledge to know that he must look deeper
within himself to create wonderftd new animals. These included an abstract
scorpion-like insect with multiple wings and a long articulated tail and others that
look like butterflies with lour wings. All the insect-like creations have articulated
segments such as long, slender, flexible feelers, tails, and antennae, which are
connected with hinged wooden joints so that they can move freely.
This kind of detailed and delicate workmanship is technically similar to
a variety of creatures such as fish and other sea world animals he created when
he was working at the Kitanihon Folkcraft Company in Sapporo in 1 960s and
1970s. These mysterious insect-like creatures appeared in his bizarre bookylo/
Sakyii nite (In the Blue Sand Dune) published in 1976, a collection of prose and
poems inspired by his dreams from 1964 to 1973. In the book various kinds of
very pectdiar and surrealistic creatures appear, such as "a moth with three wings
like the propeller of a fishing boat." "Toys at 3:00 A.M." appear to be the materi-
alized images of the surrealistic creatures found in his dreams and "reconstructed"
life forms from the land of the kamuy. While most of his large works were done
leaving rough or small rhythmical chisel marks on the surface, the "Toys at 3:00
A.M." were finished with a polished, smooth surface that illustrates the mysterious
shininess that almost all new life exhibits.
Fig. 6.13: Bill Reidls tr.iiiskirmation ptnd.mt with detjchabic "mask, 1982.
When he held the "Toys at 3:00 A.M." exhibition in the Aoki gallery in
Tokyo, Martine Reid, Bill Reid's wife, came Irom Canada to see his show. Martine
was surprised at the small scale of Bikky's work, becatise she was only familiar with
the larger he had created in Canada. She said that Bikky's "Toys at 3:00 A.M."
reminded her of a pendant of a dogfish transforming into a woman carved by Bill
Reid (Fig. 6.13) when Bikky was in Canada. Based on her suggestion, it's possible
to conjecture that Bikky had been inspired by the mystic transformation qtiality ol
the pendant and the many transformation masks of the Northwest Coast when he
created "Toys at 3:00 A.M."''
Painting, Sketclnes, Wooclblocl< Prints, Calligraplny
Even as he created some of his most impressive monumental sculpture,
Bikky continued to paint and pursue work in other media. In 1987 he held two
exhibitions, both called "Sculpture-Painting," made up solely of his paintings,
one at the Park Hotel in Sapporo and the other at a gallery in Yokohama. He had
begun his career as a painter and constantly sketched, even when talking or drink-
ing with his friends, and created thousands of drawings and paintings during his
lifetime. However, after he switched the main focus of his media from two-dimen-
sional paintings to three-dimensional sculptures in the 1960s, many of his sketches
Fig. 6.14: Kitii no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen), 1987.
Fig. 6.15: DoNo.l (Move No.l), 1987.
captured or solved the spatial relationships that he would transfer to his sculptures.
He told an interviewer:
/ always make sketches. I make a couple hundred ofsketches in
order to get the exact image ofwhat I wantfi'om the sculpture. I think
making sketches is definitely needed in order to acquire the "lines" of
my thoughts, to assure myselfin my work.'^
Bikky often experimented with techniques, such as using his fingers to
put the pigments directly on paper—a method he called "sculpture-painting."
Sometimes he coated the picture plane with different pigments and scratched it
with a wooden stick or a fork to get the image he was looking for. Using various
kinds of lines and materials heightened his energy on the canvas.
He created two abstract paintings using crayons and watercolors on paper
named Kitn no Oh to Oh-hi (Northern King and Queen) in 1987 (Fig. 6.14),
which are stylized abstractions of the biomorphic forms in his sculpture of the
same name."'' The monochromatic "Northern King and Queen" paintings have
a sculptural quality to them, with stratified lines on a gray background creating a
sctdptural effect. Only the queen is painted with red accents. The color contrasts
and the movements of lines create a unique sense of depth.
Not all of his sketches were sculpture-related. For example, in 1986 he
made a pencil drawing entitled Do No.l (Move No.l) on a two-meter (six foot)
long roll of Japanese paper (Fig. 6. 15).'^ These kinds of pencil drawings, of which
there are several, were dashed off for his own pleasure, not lor the pursuit of images
for his sculpture. The unfolding drawing begins with a female body that quickly
takes on a surrealistic quality as the roll unfolds—her sensual limbs stretch and
extend in a continuous line only to have another limb abruptly foreshortened. The
short and long curvilinear contours ol the female body create rhythmical move-
95
Fig. 6.16: Tokyo no Hi (Night Lights ofToiiyo), 1988.
ments like a musical score. The recognizable body parts are quickly transformed
into imaginary biomorphic forms and back to a normally proportioned woman at
the end ot his drawing. While the entire drawing has a wonderfully playful quality
to it, his intention seemed to not only express his ideas about female sexuality, but
also to explore the mysticism found in the feminine side of life itself While there
is no doubt that women were physically exciting to Bikky, he was perhaps even
more intrigued by the "metaphysical" nature of women.
Bikky created another roll drawing in honor of Martine Reid s visit to
Tokyo. In a taxi to her hotel, Bikky made a quick sketch of the night scenes of
Tokyo using a pencil on a long roll (3.7 meters, more than twelve feet) ofJapanese
paper. He called the work Tokyo no Hi (Night Lights of Tokyo; Fig. 6.16). Bikky
caught the rhythm and energy of nighttime Tokyo; streets flooded with the reflec-
tion of traffic lights, the hypnotic blur from thousands of neon lights, the thick,
jostling crowds and speeding cars were all turned into "living things ' in Bikky's
drawing. These biomorphic forms are like nocturnal monsters breathing in the
cosmopolitan night life of Tokyo: running, dancing, crying, and shouting, all
headed toward the nonstop night feast.
Bikky also enjoyed creating calligraphy, and he included examples in the
Gensho-ten (Origin of the Begihning) exhibition at the Muto gallery in Tokyo in
1988, a showing organized by Bikky
and five professional artists who were
also nonprofessional calligraphers
who enjoyed the challenge of creating
various styles of calligraphy without
any restrictions. Bikky s work was
dramatic and innovative, including a
five-meter (sixteen foot) long sheet of
Japanese paper on which he wrote the
six exhibitors' names with Japanese
characters, cut them into pieces, and
scattered them at random.
Bikky continued his political
involvement as an Ainu and environ-
mental activist, donating his wood-
block prints to calendars in 1987 and
1988 to raise funds lor a citizen action
group fighting against the development
of a nuclear waste disposal facility near
his studio. Bikky came out strongly
for the causes he believed in: "Because
I'm part of the Ainu race, I can't stand
the environmental destruction [by the
Japanese government and the Japanese timber industry]."'''
The 1987 calendar Shiki no Kao (Faces ol Four Seasons), included Bikky's
visionary image of four seasons expressed with abstract designs in black and white
(Fig. 6.17). Some have strong red accents to express his anger and criticism against
the environmental destruction in Holi))ibiin
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June 25.
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Kono, Motomichi
1985 "Ainu no Kogei" (Ainu Arts and Crafts). Mcnoniin 104 (July): 10-16.
Lure
2001 "Tokushu 1 : Sunazawa Bikky - Kaze o horu" ( The Feature Article: Bikky Sunazawa - "Carved Wind"), Lure,
60 (Spring):4-10. Sapporo Art Park.
Mamiya, Yoshiaki
1989 "Bikky 'Hisao' Hi to no Omoide" (The Memory of Hisao, nicknamed Bikky). Bijutsu Asahikawa 54(April):5-6.
Marsden, Brian G.
1993 The Minor Planet Circulars (September 1): 22509. Cambridge, MA: Minor Planet Center, Smiihsonian
Astrophysical Observatory.
Miki, Tmion
1963 "Shudan Gendai Chokoku-ten hyo" (C^riticism of" the Avant-garde Contemporary Sculptors' Group
Exhibition). Sansai 158 (January):70-1
.
1989 "Sunazawa Bikky-shi o Oshimu" (We mourn Mr. Bikky Sunazawa). Asahi Shimhun, [anuary 29.
123
1990 "Showa no Chokoku" (Sculpture in the Showa period). Shoiva no Biitika hat! (Cultural property of the
Showa period), pp. 1 10-125. Tokyo: Shonshu-sha.
Motoi, Atsushi (ed.)
1994 "Otoineppu no Mori o Horu" ( I he carved forests of Otoineppu). Katei Gaho 37 no. 3(March): 293-9. Tokyo:
Sekai Bunka-sha.
Munroe, Alexandra
1994 Japanese Art After 19-^5: Screaiu Against the Sky. New York: Harry N. Abram.
Museum of Contemporary Art, Sapporo.
2001 Kiki: Sunazaiva Bikky-teii (Kiki: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo.
Nihon Kirisuto-kyo Rekishi Dai-giten
1988 Nihoti KirisiitO'kyo Rekishi Dai-giten (Japanese Christian Dictionary). Tokyo: Kyobun-sha.
Ogawa, Sanae
1989 'Arigato Bikky" (Thanks, Bikky), Bijiitsu Asahikawa 54 (April):7-9.
Ogawa, Sanae and Machiko Kato
1996 Ainu Mon'yo o Sosobo kara Uketsuide 5-dai (Five-Generations of Ainu Designs Inherited from Great-
Gandmother). Sapporo: Ainu Bunka Densho no kai. Tezukuri Utar (The Group for the Transmission and
Maintenance ol" Ainu Culture).
Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko
1974 The Ainu ofthe Northwest Coast ofSoutliern Sakhahn. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
Ohtsuka, Kazuvoshi
1982 "Ainu no Kibori Guma" (Ainu Bear Woodcarvings). Gekkan Mmpakn (April): 1 5-1 7. Osaka: National Museum
ol Ethnology.
1992 "Ainu Bunka no Dainamizum" (Dynamism ol the Ainu Culture). Kodai-shi o Kataru, pp. 31-325. Tokyo:
Asahi Shimbun-sha.
Ohtsuka, Kazuyoshi, ed.
1993 Ainu Moshir: Minzoku Mon'yo kara Mita Ainu no Sekai (The Ainu land: Looking at the Ainu world through
their design motifs). Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology.
Okamoto, Aisuke
1981 "Okamoto Aisuke no Hito Tojo (4)" (Aisuke Okamoto Introduces a New Person [4]). The Sakai Shinpo
Shiinhiin, june 2.
Omoto, K. and S. Harada
1969 "Polymorphism of Red Cell Acid Phosphatase in Several Population Groups in Japan." Japanese Journal of
Hutnan Genetics, 14(1 ):np.
Otoineppu Village Otfice
1992 Otoineppu Village Report. Hokkaido: Otoineppu Village Office.
The Province
1984 "B.C. Gives Sculptor a Great Scale." The Province (Canada). January 2., by Al Arnason.
Read, H., ed.
1985 The Thames and Hudson Dictionary ofArt and Artists. London: Thames and Hudson.
Sakai, Tadayasu
1993 "Genya no Tamashi" (Wild Spirit)." Mori no Okite: Gendai no Chokoku no Sekai (The Rule of the Forest:
The World ol Contemporary Sculpture), pp. 77-87. Tokyo: Ozawa-shoten.
Saito, Kenji
1979 "Hokkaido no " Kibori Guma"" (Bear Woodcarvings in Hokkaido). Asahikawa Museum Newsletter 38:4.
1980 "Ido-ten: 'Kato Kensei o Tazunete' o Oete" (Finishing the Itinerant Exhibition 'Visiting Kato Kensei").
Asahikawa Museum Newsletter 44:3.
124
Saito, Reiko
1994 "The Study ot Tourist Arts in Ethnographic Records (1): In Relerence to the Ainu from the Edo Era to the
Taisho Era." Bulletin ofthe Hokkaido Museum ofNorthern Peoples 3:139-60.
Sanders, Douglas
1986 "The Ainu as an Indigenous Population." International Work Group for Indigejwus Affairs (IWGIA) Newsletter
45:118-49.
Sekiguchi, Saburo
1978 "Jinbutsu Zumu" (Zoom in on Personalities). Hokiito Sbimbun, November 28.
Shadbolt, Doris
1986 Bill Reid. Vancouver & Toronto: Douglas Mclntyre. [Revised edition 1998].
Shinya, Gyo
1977 Ainu Minzoku Tiko-shi (The History ol the Ainu Resistance). Tokyo: San-ichi Shobo.
Shibahashi, Tomoo
1992 "Kaze to iu na no Pieta: Sunazawa Bikky no Kaiko-ten" (Pieta Named as Wind: A Retrospective Exhibition of
Art by Bikky Sunazawa). Kaze no Chokoku (Wind Sculpture), pp. 67-74. Sapporo: Kyobun-sha.
2001 Kaze no Oh—Sunazawa Bikky no Sekai (King of Wind—The World of Biklvy Sunazawa). Sapporo: Kyobim-sha.
Shibuzawa, Tatsuhiko
1990 "The Fantasia of a Mask," Genso no Garo kara (The Gallery of Illusion), pp. 156—61. Tokyo: Seido-sha.
Siddle, Richard
1996 Race, Resistance and the Amu ofJapan. London and New York: Routledge.
Siebold, H. V.
1881 "Ethnologische Studien uber die Aino auf der Insel Yesso." Zeitshrift fiir Ethnologie, Supplementz 13. Berlin:
Anastat Neudruck.
Sjoberg, Katarina
1986 "The Ainu: A fourth world population." International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (PWGIA) Newsletter 48:
43-99.
1993 The Return ofthe Ainu: Cultural Mobilization and the Practice ofEthnicity in japan. Switzerland: Harwood
Academic Publishers.
Sugimura, Mitsuru
1990 "Sunazawa Bikky no Sekai (9): Kanjo-gaki o Mite Zekku" (Bikky Sunazawa's World [9]: Finding No Words to
Say When Looking at the Check), Hokkaido Shinibun, January 16.
Sugiyama, Sueo
1926 Ainu Monyo (Ainu design motifs). Tokyo: Kogei Bijutsu Kenkyu-sha.
1934 Ainu no Kogei (Ainu arts and crafts). Sappoio: Hokkaido Shuppan Kikaku Center.
1940 "The Ainu Woven Works." Journal ofthe Anthropological Society of Tokyo, Vol. LX, no.628;February): 25-41.
Sunazawa, Bikky
1976 Aoi Sakyu nite, 1964-1973 (In the Blue Sand Dune). Sapporo: Bikky Arts.
1977 ''Yjimvvy-mmiz.r" Hokkaido Toshi Shokuin Kyosai Kinniai (Newsletter ot the Hokkaido Prefectural City Staff
Mutual Aid Union) April.
1988 "Te" (Hands). Ikku-tashoku (A Free with Many Touches), pp. 5. Tokyo: The Inax Gallery.
Sunazawa, Ryoko (ed.)
1989 Mokuha ni Notta Bikky: Ko-Sunazawa Bikky no Sogi-kiroku (Bikky Riding on A Wooden Horse: A record of the
late Bikky Sunazawa's luneral), Otoineppu: R. Sunazawa.
1990 Sunazawa Bikky: Sobyo Kita no China (Sunazawa Bikky Sketches: North Women). Tokyo: Yobisha Co.
125
Suttles, Wayne
1976 "Productivity and Its Constraints: A Coast Salish Case. " hidiini Art Tradition of the Northwest Coast, Carlson
ed., pp. 67—87. Burnaby, B.C.: Archaeology Press, Simon Fraser University.
Takakura, Shiichiro
1970 "Inaw." In Aiiiii Miuzoku-shi (Ethnography of the Ainu), vol. 1 & 2, Ainu Bunka Hozon Taisaku Kyogi-kai,
ed., pp. 65A-A5. Tok}'o: Dai-ichi Hoki Syuppan.
Takeoka, Wadao
1988 "Bijtitsu Jihyo" (Art Criticism). Hokkaido Shinibun, August 1 5.
Terada, Toru (trans. Thomas Guerin)
1 976 Japanese Art ni World Perspective. New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha.
Toko, Nuburi
1995 Tokn Niihiiri Sakiihni-shu: Kaiiiiii Mintara (The Art Works ol Toko Ntiburi: Playground of the Gods). Tokyo:
Kyuryu-do.
Turner, Christy G., II
1989 "Teeth and Prehistory in Asia." Scientific Aiiiericaji 60 (February):88-96.
Vivien de St. Martin, I,.
1872 LAnnee geograpl)ique, revue annuelle des voyages de terre et de nier, vol. 9 and 10. Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie.
Watanabe, Sanko (ed.)
1 989 "Tsuito-shyu: Chokoku-ka, Sunazawa Bikky" (A Memorial Collection: Mourning the Sculptor Bikky
Sunazawa). Kyodoshi Asahikawa (Local Magazine of Asahikawa) vol. 3, no. 3 (March): 46-54.
Yamakawa, Tsutomu
1988 Asn o Tsukuru Ainii Monzoku (The Ainu who would create tomorrow). Tokyo: Mirai-sha.
Yamaura, Kiyoshi and Hiroshi Ushiro
1999 "Prehistoric Hokkaido and Ainu Origins." Amu: Spirit ofa Northern People, William W. Fitzhugh and
Chisato O. Dubreuil, eds., pp. 39—46. Arctic Studies Center, National Museum ol Natural History,
Smithsonian Institution in association with University of Washington Press.
Yazaki, Katsumi
1989a "Sozetsu na Saigo o Mitoru" (Grasping [Bikky's] Heroic Death), "Tsuito-shyu: Chokoku-ka, Sunazawa Bikky"
(A Memorial Collection: Mourning the Sculptor Bikky Sunazawa). Kyodoshi Asahikawa (Local Magazine of
Asahikawa) vol. 3, no. 3 (March): 53.
l')89b "Kita no Oh—Kamuy no Kuni e" (The Northern King going to the Land of the Gods), Bijutsii Asahikawa
no. 54 (April): 7-9.
Selected Exhibition Printed Materials
f CHRONOLOGJCALLYAKKANCHD)
1967 Zasshu Kosei Sho-dobutsu no Yaen-ten (Hybrid Construction: Small Animals at the Night Feast). Sapporo:
Tokeidai Gallery, November 9-November 15, 1967.
1976 Sunazawa Bikky Ki-tnen-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition ofWooden Masks). Tokyo: Kunugi Gallery,
July 19-July 24, 1976.
1977 Tentacle (ineikyu) fTangible]: Sunazawa Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Sunazawa: Tentacle (maze)
[Tangible]). Tokyo: Kunugi Gallery & Tamura Gallery, September 12-September 18.
1980 Mokuba ni Notta Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Riding on A Wooden Horse). Sapporo: Art Gallery Saito,
December 4-December 9, 1980.
1981 Mokucho m Notta Bikky-ten (The Exhibition of Bikky Riding on a Wooden Bird). Sapporo: Daido Gallery,
February 16-February 21.
— Kita no Sbigin-tachi ten (The Exhibition of Northern Poets). Tokyo: Gallery Toshin, March 16-March 27
126
1983 Siinazaiva Bikky - Juto (Wooden Head). Tokyo: Aoki Gallery, September 5-September 17.
1984 Suuazawa Bikky Exhibition - Furiko (A Pendulum). Sapporo: Gallery Pambazuko, March 18-April 1.
1985 Hokkaido o Horn Bikky Saknhiu-ten (Carved Hokkaido: Bikky Exhibition). Asahikawa: Seibu Department
Store, )une 26-July 3.
1985 Kita o Horn Bikky-ten (The Carved North: Bikky Exhibition). Tokyo: Tobu Department Store, September
12-September 17.
1986 Ki no Roku-nin-ten (An Exhibition ot Six Artists ot Wood). Sapporo: The Hokkaido Museum q[ Modern Art,
August 23-September 3.
1987 Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: The Sapporo Park Hotel, August 23-August 22.
1988 Ikki-taihoku-ten (The Exhibition of a Tree with Many Touches). Tokyo: The Inax Gallery 2, March 2-March 31.
1989 Gendai Sakka Series '89: Norio Ueno, Bikky Sunazawa. and Fimiiaki Fukita (Contemporary Artists' Series '89).
Yokohama: The Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, January 21-February 5.
1990 Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Asahikawa: The Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum o( Art,
January 5-February 18.
1993 Hito to Kaze to Kamigami: Hokkaido no Gendai Mokueho (Man, Winds, and Gods: Contemporary Wooden
Sculptures in Hokkaido). Asahikawa: The Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum ol Art, August 28-October 3.
1994 Fentacle - Sunazawa Bikky-ten (Tentacle: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: The Hokkaido Museum of
Modern Art, April 16-May 15.
1995 A7 no Kioku, Chokoku no Kioku (Memory of Wood, Memory ot Sculpture). Sapporo: Museum ol Contemporary
Art, Sapporo, October 28—December 3.
1999 Ainu: Spirit of a Northern People. Washington, D.C.: National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian
Institution, April 30, 1999-January 2, 2000.
2001 Kiki: Sunazaiva Bikky-ten (Kiki: Bikky Sunazawa Exhibition). Sapporo: Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo, June 6-July 15.
Television Productions
1965 Koa-kanno no Musuko-tachi (Koa-kanno's Sons), produced by Hokkaido Television (edited and organized by
Yoshida Gosuke), January 15.
1985 "Kamuy no Daichi ni Mokurei ga Hibiku (The Spirits of Wood Echo in the Land of the Kamuy), " Doeunient
Ningen Retto (Documentary, Human Islands), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai-The Japanese
Broadcasting Association), March 9.
1985 "Ki ga Watashi-tachi Kureta Mono (What Trees Give to Us)," Sunday Q, produced by Sapporo Television,
June 10.
1988 Kitano Gunzo (The Northern Group), produced by Sapporo Television, November 13, 28 min.
1990 Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (The Sunday Gallery), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai - The lapanese
Broadcasting Association), February 1 1.
2001 Nichiyo Bijutsu-kan (The Sunday Gallery), produced by NHK (Nippon-Hoso Kyokai - I he lapanese
Broadcasting Association), Jtme 3.
127
Figure List
*Note: Unless othcnvisc indicated, all pieces are by Bikky Sunazaiva.
Front Cover "Juka" (Wooden Flowers), 1989
Willow; 212.0 X 140.0 x 140.0 cm
Otoineppu Village Office, Hokkaido
Photo: Chip Clark
Back Cot'er "Yottsu no Kaze" (Four Winds), 1986
Glehn's spruce, 7 m
Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo
Photo: Toshie Fujishima
Frontispiece Bikky Sunazawa, June 25, 1983
Photo: Hiroaki Kai
hiside Flap Chisato Dubreuil, 2003
Photo: Regina VanDoren
Introduction
Frontispiece Bikky is carving a small piece in 1980s.
Photo: Hiroaki Kai
Figure A. 1 "Nitnekamuy (Evil God)," 1988
Katsura, Manchurin ash, walnut; 122.0 x
26.0 x 48.0 cm.
Hokkaido Asahikawa Museum of Art,
Asahikawa.
ReF: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:
Fig. 47.27)
Figure A. 2 Bikky Sunazawa, in a wheelchair at the
Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, 1989
Photo: Hiroaki Kai
Figure A. 3 "Kiki" (the spirit of wood) calligraphy by
Bikky Sunazawa, 1989
The catalogue of The Contemporary Artists
Series '89 in the Kanagawa Prefectural
Gallery
Ref Gendai Sakka Series 'Si^ (1989:9)
Sidebar 1: Who Are the Ainnf'
Figure Al .2 Maps of Hokkaido and Ainu lands
(a) Traditional and Modern Ainu
Territories
Ref: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds.,
1999:Fig. r.3)
(b) Modern Hokkaido
Ref: Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:
Fig. 7.7 [after Siddle 1996])
Figure A1.3 Ainu Hunter in Mountain Clothes, late
19th century
National Park Service, Longfellow National
Historic Site, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
Photographer unknown
Sidebar 2: The Ainu Hotiteland
Figure A.2.1. Scenic photo of Hokkaido, c. 1990
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Chapter J: Bikky s Early Life and Influences
(1931-1953)
Frontispiece Bikkys piece carved with his name,
"Bikky," 2000.
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 1.1 A photo of the 1932 Ainu activists' lobby
delegation in Tokyo: Koa-kanno (right),
Peramonkoro (left) with Bikky as a year-old,
and three other Ainu activists
Photographer imknown
Figure 1 .2 Bikky's father, Ichitaro Sunazawa
(Koa-kanno), 1940s
Photographer unknown
Figure 1.3 Bikky's mother, Peramonkoro Simazawa,
c. 1960
Photo: Masako Ivinoshita
Figure 1.4 An early abstract pen drawing by Bikky
Sunazawa, date unknown
Paper with pen; 27.5 x 38.0 cm
Kazuo Sunazawa, Akan, Hokkaido.
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 1.5 Untitled horse sculpture, late 1940s
Wood; 18.5 X 17.0 X 10.0 cm
Kazuo Sunazawa, Akan, Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 1.6 Wooden finger rings, late 1960s or
early 1970s
Wood; 1.5 cm diameter
Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd.,
Sapporo, Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
128
Sidebar 3: Ainu Wood Carving
Figure 1.3.1 Ikupasuy (prayer-sticks), artist unknown,
mid 20th century
Wood; (from top) CI 8761, 29.2 cm (L);
C18764, 28.0 cm (L); C18770, 33.0 cm
(L); Cl4724a, 35.5 cm (L); C13467,
35.5 cm (L)
Buffalo Museum of Science
Photo: Susan Einstein
Figure 1 .3.2 Four inaw by Bikky Sunazawa, 1 980s
Willow; approximately 30 - 40 cm
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Chapter 2: The Night Train to Tokyo: Bikky s Art
Evolves (1953-1964)
Frontispiece Bikky in Asahikawa, Hokkaicio in the
1960s.
Photographer unknown.
Ref: Tentacle Sunazawa Bikky-ten
(1994: 90).
Figure 2.1 "Woman with Fan" by Ossip Zadkine,
1918
Material and size unknown
Ref Hammacher (1959:Fig. 3)
Figure 2.2 "Torso" by Shigeru Ueki, 1952
Red birch; 93.0 x 30.0 x 36.0 cm
Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo
Ref Hito to Kdze to Kauii<^auii (1993:
Fig. 6)
Figure 2.3 "Dobutsu 6 - Hokaku sareta Dobutsu"
(Animal 6 - Captured Animal), 1960
Japanese red pine; 57.0 x 237.0 x 47.0 cm
Yukara Kougei-kan, Asahikawa, Hokkaido
Ref Asakawa (1996:Fig. 1)
Figure 2.4 "Animal B," 1962
Wood; size unknown
Location unknown
Ref Echizen (1993b:Fig. 6)
Figure 2.5 "Animal-Ushi (Animal-Cow)," 1962
Wood; size unknown
Location unknown
Ref Echizen (1993b:Fig. 7)
Figure 2.6 "Animal - Me (Animal-Eye) (B)," 1963
Pine; 133.0 x 30.0 x 30.0 cm
Private collection
Ref Asakawa (1996: Fig. 3)
Figure 2.7 An Ainu design, kamuy-chik, on a textile
work by Midori Toko, 1990s
Cotton, cotton thread: L 30.0 cm x
W28.0 cm
Private collection
Photo: David H. Dubreuil.
Sidebar 4 Ainu Tourist Art
Figure 2.4.1 Photograph of Kami/aki Souvenir Shop in
Asahikawa, early 20th century
Ref Ishijima (1980b:3).
Figure 2.4.2 Bikky mon'yo design drawing (no. 8),
February 26, 1 967^
Pencil on paper; 28.0 x 21.5 cm.
Ryoko Sunazawa, Sapporo, Hokkaido.
Photo: David H. Dubreuil.
Sidebar 5, Ainu Tabric Art
Figure 2.5.1 Ainu girls practicing design motifs on sand
in a scene from Shimanojo Murakami's
Ezo-shima kikau (Curious Sights of Ezo
Island), 1799
Ink, colors on paper
Hakodate Municipal Library
Photo by Susumu Tameoka
Figure 2.5.2 "Attush" garment, back view, 19th century
Elm-bark fiber with cotton applique and
embroidery; W: 122.0 x W: 127.0.
National Museum of Natural History
(E150779)
Photo: Dana Levy.
Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:
Fig. 42.3)
^
Figure 2.5.3 Women's tattoo designs (patterns of the west
Hidaka band, examples from Piratori village)
Ref Kodama (1970b: Fig. 51
)
Chapter 3: The Back ofthe Mask: Art a)id Activism
in Sapporo (1964-1978)
Frontispiece Bikky being interviewed by a newspaper
reporter in April 1974.
(Asahi Shiiiihiiii, April 6, 1974).
Figure 3.1 Tentacle (precise title imknown),
approx. 1976.
Wood; size unknown
Location unknown
Ref Tentacle Sniiazawa Bikky-ten
(1994:86)
129
Figure 3.2 (left) "Ki-ebi" (Wooden Lobster), 1976
Walnut, oilstdin, pigment; 82.0 x 40.0 x
7.0 cm
Private collection
Reh Tentacle SiDiaziUva Bikky-tcii
(1994:Fig. 28).
(right) "Ki-bachi" (Wooden Bee), 1979
Walnut, oilstain, pigment; 30.0 x 26.0 x
10.5 cm
Teshiogawa Onsen, Otoineppu, Hokkaido
Ref: Tentacle Siinazawa Bikky-tcn
(1994:Fig. 30)
Figure 3.3 Bear and Ekashi (respected Ainu elder),
1973
Wood; 69.5 X 56.5 cm
Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo,
Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 3.4 Untitled stacked images (a precursor to
Bikky's later totem poles), 1972
Wood; 199.0 X 38.0 cm
Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo,
Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 3.5 "Fusetsu no Cunzo" (Wind and Snow
Group) by Shin Hongo, erected in
Asahikawa Joban Park in 1970
(reconstructed in October, 1977)
Bronze; 230 cm
Asahikawa city, Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 3.6 The Ainu Flag, designed by Bikky
Sunazawa, used at the 44th pan-Hokkaido
United Labor Day Rally, May 1973
Ref: Hokkaido Shtmbim (May 5, 1973)
Figure 3.7 "Kimen" (mask), 1979
Japanese linden; 76.0 x 21.6 x 7.4 cm
Kitanihon Mingeisha Co., Ltd., Sapporo,
Hokkaido
Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 14)
Figure 3.8 The relief sculpture, "Kamuy-mintar,"
1977
Sen (Caster aralia); 320.0 x 136.0 x 64.0 cm
Komakusaso, Hokkaido
Ref Tentacle Sunazawa Btkky-ten
(1994:13)
Sideb^ir 7: The Bear in Ainu Tourist Art
Figure 3.7.1 LIntitled carved bear by Masao Ito, ca. 1942
Wood, paint, metal inlaid nails for eyes;
9.5 X 6.3 X 3.6 cm
Yakumo-cho Education Committee,
Hokkaido
Photo: Shinobu Ishijima
130
Figure 3.7.2 Photo of Umetaro Matsui in Asahikawa,
early 20th century
The Ainu Memorial Museum of Kaneto
Kawamura, Asahikawa, Hokkaido
Photographer imknown
Chapter 4: Totem Poles and Tall Trees: Bikky
Returns to His Roots (1978-1983)
Frontispiece Bikky standing in front of a piece from his
"Juka" series (Wooden Flower) in his studio,
June 10, 1983.
Photo: Hiroaki Kai.
Figure 4.1 Untitled totem pole, 1979
Wood; approx. 10 m H.
Ainu Memorial Museum of Kaneto
Kawamura in Asahikawa, Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil.
Figure 4.2 "Kami no Shita" (Tongue ol God), 1980
Japanese oak; 201.0 x^l 16.0 x 54.0 cm
Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo
Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:
Fig. 47.18)''
Figure 4.3 "Kita no Dobutsu tachi" (Northern
Anmials), 1980
Japanese oak, walnut; 34.0 x 267.0 x
37.0 cm; 13.0 x 80.5 x 31.0 cm; 29.5 x
65.0 X 45.5 cm; 1 73.0 x 48.0 x 24.0 cm;
29.0 X 35.0 X 34.5 cm; 47.0 x 74.0 x 26.5
cm; 15.0 X 71.0 x 20.0 cm; 51.5 x 40.0 x
33.5 cm; 65.0 x 45.5 x 49.5 cm; 93.0 x
32.0 x 47.5 cm
Chinita and Ichitaro Sunazawa, Sapporo,
Hokkaido
Ref Asakawa (1996:Fig. 17)
Figure 4.4 "Shiko no Tori" (The Birds of Thought),
1981
Birch, Glehn's spruce; 7.5 m H. (left); 12 m
H. (center); 7.5 cm H. (right)
The Nakagawa Experimental Forest of the
Hokkaido University, Otoineppu,
Hokkaido
Photo: David H. Dubreuil.
Figure 4.5 Same as Front Cover
Chapter 5: Transforming Visions: Bikky and the
Northwest Coast of Canada, 1983
Frontispiece Bikky standing next to a totem pole
depicting frogs in the Gitksan Tsimshian
village of Kitwancool in the upper Skeena
River region, British Columbia in 1983.
Photo: Douglas Sanders.
Figure S.I A figurative sculpture, "Setsuko doll", 1983
Wood; 85.0 X 16.0 X 17.5 cm
Setsuko and Pierre Pieoche, Vancouver,
British Columbia.
Photo: David H. Dubrcuii
Figure 5.2 "Hole-through-the-Sky" totem pole, late
19th century
Wood; approx. 10 m
In situ Kirwancool, British Columbia
Photo: Werner Forman
Figure 5.3 "Indian Dance A" painting by Bikky
Sunazawa, 1983
Crayon, watercolor on paper; 52.0 x
36.0 cm
Shinobu Ishijima, Sapporo, Hokkaido
Ref: Tentacle Siuiaznwa Bikky-ten (1994:
Fig. 69)
Figure 5.4 Haida artist. Bill Reid (left) showing Bikky
(center) how to use the adze in Reid's
Studio on Granville Island, Vancouver,
British Columbia, 1983
Photo: Douglas Sanders
Figure 5.5 Untitled painting, f-rom "Images ot British
Columbia," 1983
Pencil, watercolor on paper; 22.5 x 28.8 cm
Minoru and Mitsue Yamamoto,
Vancouver,
British Columbia
Photo: David H. Dubreuil
Figure 5.6 A mountain sheep horn bowl, 19th-20th
century
Horn; 8.9 x 14.6 x 19.4 cm
Ref: Holm and Reid (1975:98)
Figure 5.7 Untitled work From "Images ot British
Columbia," 1983
Red cedar; 65.0 x 20.0 x 14.5 cm
Location unknown
Photographer unknown
Figure 5.8 Dzoonokwa mask, Kwakwakai'wakw, 1897
Wood; 30.0 X 24.0 cm
American Museum of Natural History
Ref: Jonaitis (1991:Fig. 3.7)
Figure 5.9 Untitled work from "Images ol British
Columbia," 1983
Maple; 35.0 x 21.0 x 18.5 cm
Shinobu Ishijima, Sapporo, Hokkaido
Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 24)
Figure 5.10 "The Watchman" hom "Images of British
Columbia", 1983
Yellow cedar; 210.0 x 52.5 x 52.0 cm
Ref: Kiki: SiDiazauui Hikky-tcii (2001:
Fig. S- 14)
Figure 5.1 1 A modern frontal house pole by Bill Reid,
assisted by Douglas Cranmer, 1959
Museum of Anthropology, University of
British Columbia
Wood; 12.8 m
Photo: Bill McLennan
Sidebar 8 Bikky s Tools
Figure 5.8 artist unknown,A mans makiri (knite
early 20th century
Wood, iron; 23 cm
Milwaukee Public Museum (N17340A,B)
Photo: Susan Einstein
Chapter 6: The Northern King: Final Years
(1984-1989)
Frontispiece Bikky working at his studio in Otoineppu,
Hokkaido.
January 23, 1986, Hokkaido SLuiiihiiii.
Photo: Katsuaki Kitayama.
Figure 6.1 "Me" (Buds), 1985
Japanese oak; 300.0 x 40.0 x 40.0 cm (left);
270.0 x 51.0 x38.0 cm (right)
The Asahikawa Professional High School,
Asahikawa, Hokkaido
Ref Hariu, et al. (1989:17)
Figure 6.2 A house post in situ, Cowichan, Vancouver
Island, British Coltunbia, 19th century
Wood; size unknown
The Royal British Columbia Museum,
Victoria, British Columbia
Ref: Suttles (1976:Hg. 4:10).
Figure 6.3 "Yottsu no Kaze" (Four Winds), 1986.
Glehn's spruce, 7 m
Hokkaido Museimi of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo
Photo: Toshie Fujishima
Figure 6.4 Bikky performing the kamuy nomi for the
tree spirit using an ikupasuy and sake on
January 18, 1986 in front of his stLidio,
Otoineppu, Hokliaido
Hokkaido Shimbun, January 23, 1986
Photo: Katsuaki Kitayama
Figure 6.5 "Kaze ni Kiku" (Listening to tiie Wind),
1986
Glehn's spruce, katsura; 214.0 x 605.0 x
68.0 cm
Hokkaido Museum of Contemporary Art,
Sapporo
Ref Fitzhugh and Dubreuil (eds., 1999:
Fig. 47.24)
131
Figure 6.6 "Kaze" (Wind), 1988
Japanese elm; 190.5 x 242.0 x 74.0 cm
Toyamura, Hokkaido
Ref: Kiki: Siinazawa Bikky-ten (2001
:
Fig. S-30).
Figure 6.7 "Kaze" (Wind), 1988
Japanese oak; 174.5 x 124.0 x 131.0 cm
Hokkaido Museum of Modern Art,
Sapporo
Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 35)
Figure 6.8 "Kaze no Oh to Oh-hi" (King and Queen
of Wind), 1988
Manchurian ash; 173.0 x 38.0 x 35.0 cm
Ryoko Sunazawa
Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 37)
Figure 6.9 "Kita no Oh to Oh-hi" (Northern King and
Queen), 1987
Walnut, Caster araHa; 138.0 x 76.0 x 66.0 cm
Kanagawa Prefectural Gallery, Yokohama
Ref: Asakawa (1996:Fig. 31)
Figure 6.10 "Kita no Dobutsu" (Northern Animals),
1987
Japanese oak; 80.0 x 198.0 x 48.0 cm
Chinita and Ichitaro Sunazawa, Sapporo,
Hokl