Ph
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
^;^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 184
THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO
ByLESLIE A. WHITE
UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON : 1962
For sale by the Superintendent of DocumentB, Washington 25, D.C. Price $2.75 (Cloth)
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution,Bureau of American Ethnology,Washington, D.C., June 28, 1961.Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled"The Pueblo of Sia, New Mexico," by Leslie A. White, and to recom-mend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of AmericanEthnology.Very respectfully yours, Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr.Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Director.Secretary, Smithsonian Institution,n
sx
CONTENTS PAGEPreface xiIntroduction 1Glossary 11History of Sia 17Setting and background 29The name Tsi-ya 29Habitat 30Climate 31Physical type 32Language and literacy 33Population 34Sex ratio 42Marital status 42Dress 45Smoking 46Drinking 46Drugs 46Pets ; flowers 47The pueblo itself 47Houses 47Plazas 49Church 49Hotcanitsa 49Kivas 50Ceremonial houses 52Secret underground chamber 53Refuse piles 63Corrals 54Water supply 54Stores 54Pottery 56Silversmithing 57Buckskin 57Weaving 57Schools 57Christianity at Sia 62The role of the Catholic priest at Sia 64Are the Sia Christians? 65The Sia heresy 67Heretics' version 67Orthodox version 72Protestantism at Jemez 77Sia and her neighbors 79Cultural position of Sia 82
IV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]PAGELand, agriculture, and stockraising 84Land 84Irrigation 85Crops 86Stockraising vs. farming 87Livestock 88Wool 90Hides 91Pelts 91Ratio of sales to production of field crops and livestock 91Distribution of families according to ownership of livestock 91Sheep 93Cattle 93Horses 94Hogs 94Chickens 95Turkeys 95Average income per family 95Landholding 96Customs of landholding 98Health, sanitation, and diet 101Health and sanitation 101Diet 106Cosmology and pueblo life 110Creation and emergence 115Social organization 123Officers 123Tiamunyi 125Tcraikatsi 128War chiefs 129War chiefs' helpers 131Governor 131Fiscales 133Sacristan 133Kahera 133Drummers 134Pole carriers 135Selection and installation 135Societies 136Joining a society 142Flint society 146Giant society 149Fire society 149Initiation 149Kapina society 154Snake society 156Conception of snakes 157Treating snake bite 158Initiation 158Pueblo snake ceremonies 162Koshairi and Kwiraina 165Katsina-Gomaiyawic 170
CONTENTS VSocial organization?ContinuedSocieties?Continued ?.^?/-..., . PAGECaiyeik society
_ -.yjInitiation j-oOpi, or Warriors' society
_ j^^gBear Opi ,-qLion Opi ^g.Groups
_____ 182Hoaina ,00Sicti
_ jg2Singers, dancers
_
jgoKiva groups: dual organization 183Clans ~ jg^Clan adoption jggClan exogamy
__ _ _ 188Kinship 1\\[[[[\[[ 190Relationship terms joqTerms of consanguinity
__ ^gjTerms of affinity in?Household group and family .'"'""'" 198Individual life cycle ' '" -.qqConception, birth, infancy, and childhood ..._... 199Conception by magic
_ _
ignPregnancy "' jggChildbirth '' " 200Midwives ~ 200Parturition ' 200Naming
___...__ 201Age and childbearing 203Names " 20*^Child rearing
_ 205Psychological traits of children 207Marriage '_'!!"_"''' 208Contracting marriage
_ _ 208Exogamy ./__ 210Sexual promiscuity
_ 2ioDivorce
_
"" 2iiWidowhood and remarriage 211Marriage with non-Sias 211Marrying outside of Sia "'"' 214Death and burial " '" 21^;Government and social life ~ 220The Pueblo council "" 221Influence of individuals
__ 223Progressives and conservatives- _ _ ______ _ 004"Rich" and "poor" V^V^\[\\ 225CeremonialismCalendar .___ _ 226Ceremonies for the Sun : h ? a ? nyiko and h'dnyikikya. ____]]"' ^ 1" ' 227KacaiDime: summer retreats for rain ' '"' 230Katsina: masked impersonations
_
~
_ 236Katsina-Gomaiyawic 238Kwiraina society 240
VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Ceremonialism?ContinuedKatsina: masked impersonations?Continued pageFire society 244Giant society 246Snake society 246Kapina society 247Sicti group 247Initiation into Katsina lore 250Buffalo dance 256Atse'eod-nyi: an Opi dance 259Feast for the dead 263Owe 265Notes on other dances and ceremonies 267Notes on a Navaho dance at Sia, Sunday, January 16, 1955 268Fiesta for the Saint 269Feasts for other saints 274Gallo, or rooster pull 275Christmas 276Equestrian impersonations : Bocaiyanyi and Santiago 277Holy Week; Easter 280Sickness and treatment 284Classes of illness 284Matter of fact 284Sterility 285Wounds in warfare 285Lightning shock 285Snake bite 285Burns 285Ants 285Mental maladies 286Witchcraft 287Kinds of curing ceremonies 289aictyuwanyi 289wikacanyi and tsinaodanyi 290Societies and curing 298Cure by adoption or pledge 299White man's medicine 299Communal curing ceremony 299Hunting 301Communal rabbit hunts 301Deer hunts 302War 305Paraphernalia 307lariko: corn-ear fetish 307Prayersticks (H'a ? tcminyi) 309Wi'cBi 311Actitco'mt 312Gaotiye 314Drums 314Bull roarer 315Sacred places 315Medicine bowls 316Altars 317WItcatsi 318
CONTENTS VnParaphernalia?Continued pageDydtca'afcti 319Katsina owak (baby) 319Lightning snake 319Retrospect and prospect 320Population increase 322Transportation 322Household furniture 322Ele ctricity 323Phonographs, radios, television 323Farm implements 323Factors of culture change 323Christianity 324Schooling 324Marriage with non-Sias 324Wage labor 324General impact of Euro-American culture 325Future of Sia 327Bibliography 328Index 337
ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES(All plates except frontispiece follow page 336)
Frontispiece. South Plaza, Sia, about 1880.1. Altar of Flint society, showing Chinese lions.2. Aerial view of Sia Pueblo. (Courtesy Stanley Stubbs and University ofOklahoma Press.)3. a, Sia turquoise kiva. b, Wall painting on Sia turquoise kiva.4. The church of Sia, 1900 (Vroman).5. The governor of Sia, 1900 (Vroman).6. a, Anthropomorphic figure of calcite with terraced headdress; turquoise eyesand mouth. Height, 7 inches. (USNM 133761.) b, Animal figure offiae-grained marble; turquoise eyes. Length, 7 inches; height, 1%inches. (USNM 133772.) c, Animal figure of volcanic tuff. Length,4 inches. (USNM 133798.)7. a, Natural formation of ferruginous sandstone. Length, 13J^ inches.(USNM 133840.) b, Sandstone animal figure. Length, 12 inches;height, SYi inches. (USNM 133774.)8. a, "Kachina" figure of Mexican onyx (calcium carbonate or "cave marble").Height 2y2 inches. (USNM 133770.) b, Human or "kachina" figure ofcalcite. Height 3/8 inches. (USNM 133804.) c. Grooved ax of silli-manite (aluminum silicate). Length, 4% inches; width, 2)^ inches (maxi-mum); thickness, 1% inches (maximum). (USNM 133765.) d, Naturalformation of fine-grained sandstone. Height, 3>2 inches. (USNM176386.)9. a, Kachina 6wak (baby). Height, 7>^ inches. (USNM 133854.) b, Tur-quoise pumpdrill. Height, 15 inches. (USNM 134170.)10. a, Fossil snail {Volutoderma) from Mesa Verde sandstones (Late UpperCretaceous). Length, 2% inches; width, 1% inches. (USNM 133839.)6, Knife of jasperized (fossil) wood. Length, 4 inches; width, l^einches (maximum). (USNM 234751.) c, Calcite concretion. Maxi-mum diameter, 3.5 inches. (USNM 133775.)11. a. Animal figure of fine-grained white marble, said to represent a shrew.Length, 2}i inches. (USNM 152580.) b, Animal figure of Mexicanonyx. Length, 2H inches. (USNM 133810.) c, Animal figure of finewhite-grained marble. Length, 2% inches. (USNM 133781.) d,Animal figure of white fine-grained marble; turquoise eyes. Length,SYi inches. (USNM 152739.) e, Seated anthropomorphic figure ofvolcanic tuff; unspun cotton tied around the middle with cotton cord.Height, 4>^ inches. (USNM 133766.) /, Anthropomorphic figure ofcalcite. Height, 4H inches. (USNM 133787.) g, Anthropomorphicfigure of volcanic tuff; abalone shell eyes and mouth; bead necklace.Height, ^Yz inches. (USNM 133808.)TEXT FIGURES PAGE1. Modern pueblos and prehistoric sites 182. Sia and vicinity 303. Population of Sia 354. Sia: age distribution, both sexes 37Till
ILLUSTRATIONS IXPAGE5. Sia: age distribution, females 386. Sia: age distribution, males 397. Age distribution: Sia (1957) compared with New Mexico (1950) 418. Diagram of Sia Pueblo 489. Diagram of hotcanitsa 5010. Tobacco lineage showing Holy Rollers 701 1
.
Irrigated lands and reservoir (facing) 9612. Map of the World 11113. Fire society initiation 15114. Sword (wa-Di) swallowed by Fire medicine men 15315. Adobe house: Snake society initiation 16016. Initiation into Snake society 16117. Costume of Snake society 16318. Kwiraina 16719. Altar (atcmy') of Kwiraina society 16920. Altar of Caiyeik society at initiation 17321. Costume of an Opi 17822. Terms of consanguinity, male speaking 19423. Terms of consanguinity, female speaking 19524. Terms of affinity 19725. Meal painting and paraphernalia for mortuary ritual 21826. Meetingin hotcanitsa: Kacaioime 23127. Paraphernalia of Fire society 23328. Koshairi ritualrace: Kacafnime 23529. Katsina masks 23930. Katsina masks 24131
.
Katsina masks 24332. Katsina masks 24533. Katsina masks 24834. Katsina mask 24935. Katsina meal-painting: initiation 25136. Initiation of child into the Katsina cult 25237. Diagram of a masked Katsina dance 25438. Atse'?Danyi._ 26239. Owe dance in Wren kiva 26640. The church at Christmas 27741. Wooden rattle 28142. Wolf and sheep game 28243. Altar of the Flint society used in curing ceremony 29244. Wooden slat altar (a-tcinyi) of Flint society at Sia 29345. Diagram of a curing ceremony 29446. Bamboo splint for iariko 30847. Iariko without feathers 30848. Prayersticks 31049. WicBi 31150. Bull roarer 31551. Medicine bowl of Shima society 31652. Medicine bowl of Koshairi society 31653. Flint society altar 31854. Quartz pebble (witcatsi) 31955. Lightning snake 319

PREFACEDuring the many years that this study was, intermittently, in prog-ress, I was assisted by many persons and institutions, and I wishhere to acknowledge my deep indebtedness to them and to thank themwarmly for their generous aid and many kindnesses.I went into the field in September 1928, with financial support fromthe Southwest Society, the fagade behind and the "organization"with which Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons assisted many ethnologists. Ibegan my fieldwork among the Keres under the tutelage of Dr.Parsons, and she gave me generously of her time and vast knowledgefor many years. I would like to dedicate "The Pueblo of Sia, NewMexico" to her memory.Also in the fall of 1928, the Social Science Research Council enabledme to extend my investigations at Sia (and neighboring pueblos) witha grant.Most of the financial support for this study, however, has comefrom the University of Michigan, through a number of grants fromthe Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies, and a half-year's sabbatical leave from the College of Literature, Science andthe Arts.I am indebted to the Bureau of American Ethnology for access totheir manuscript and photographic material. The U.S. NationalMuseum helped me to examine Sia specimens in their collections andgenerously supplied me with many photographs of them. My warmthanks to the members of their staffs who helped me on numerousoccasions.I enjoyed the hospitality and facilities of the Laboratory of Anthro-pology, Museum of New Mexico, for months at a time upon morethan one occasion. And I was most generously assisted by membersof their staff, especially Dr. K. M. Chapman, Stanley Stubbs, BruceT. Ellis, and others. I am indebted to the late Mr. Stubbs and tothe University of Oklahoma Press for permission to use (with someamplification) the aerial photograph of Sia in "Bird's-Eye View ofthe Pueblos."I obtained many data on farming, stock raising, school attendance,and other matters from the United Pueblos Agency. From theUnited States Public Health Service and also from the United PueblosAgency I obtained much information concerning health, sanitation,and diet at Sia. Both of these organizations were most cooperativeand helpful.
XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Angus M. Babcock has redrawn, with great skill and competence,sketches of kachina masks, ceremonial costumes and paraphernalia,and diagrams of ceremonies made by my informants. I am now atliberty to thank him also for similar drawings made for "The Puebloof Santa Ana, New Mexico."No words can adequately express my sense of obligation to my Siainformants. Some of them had a deep sense of mission in our jointlabors, that of preserving for the world a record of their aboriginalculture. Some of them assisted me at considerable inconvenienceand even sacrifice to themselves. And all incurred a risk, not to beminimized, in imparting esoteric and forbidden information.My wife, Mary, was of inestimable help to me through many yearsof fieldwork. Her gracious personality, her warm and sincere friend-liness, made our relationships Avith the Sias much easier and morerewarding. She performed much of the tedious labor of transcribingmy field notes and typed a portion of the final manuscript. She didnot live to see it finished.To the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences I amindebted for hospitality and assistance in the final preparation ofthis study for publication. Leslie A. White,University oj Michigan,Ann Arbor, Mich.
THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICOBy Leslie A. WhiteINTRODUCTIONSia was the only Keresan pueblo studied ethnologically in anythinglike systematic fashion during the 19th century. Adolph F, Bandeliermade observations at Santo Domingo and Cochiti and possibly atother Keresan pueblos during the 1880's, but his data were spreadindiscriminately throughout his "Final Report," etc., (1890, 1892), orembodied in his novel, "The Delight Makers" (1918); he publishedno monograph on any living pueblo. Father Noel Dumarest recordedsome of his observations at Cochiti in the late 1890's, which were lateredited and pubHshed by Elsie Clews Parsons. Most of the ethno-graphic fieldwork among the Keres has been done since World War I.Mrs. Parsons did her first work among the Keres at Laguna in 1917.She was followed by Franz Boas at Laguna in 1919; by Esther S.Goldfrank at Cochiti and Laguna in 1921; by Ruth Benedict atCochiti in 1924; and by myself at Acoma in 1926.In 1879 James Stevenson, of the newly organized U.S. GeologicalSurvey, but detailed to do research for the Bureau of American Eth-nology, went to Sia, where he made a collection of ethnologic speci-mens ^ and, presumably, initiated investigation of the social andceremonial life of the pueblo. We do not know how much timeStevenson spent at Sia. Apparently he made two field trips: the firstin 1879-80, the second in 1887. The first was probably of someweeks', or possibly months', duration. Of the second trip Maj. J. W.Powell, then director of the Bureau of American Ethnology, teUs usthat Stevenson spent "six remarkably successful weeks" at Sia in thefall of 1887 (Powell, 1892, pp. xxvii-xxviii). In another place hesays that Stevenson's researches at Sia "were commenced ... in 1879and continued during 1887-88" (PoweU, 1894 a, p. xxxix).Stevenson accumulated "copious notes," says Powell, "togetherwith photographs and sketches, and a unique collection of objectivematerial" (Powell, 1894 a, p. xl). But his untimely death, in 1888,prevented him from preparing his material for publication. This taskwas undertaken by his wife, Matilda Coxe Stevenson. Accordingto her own account, she had accompanied her husband to Zuni in1879, and subsequently on all of his field trips to Zuni and to the Hopi
> See the list of specimens from "Silla" in "Illustrated Catalogue of the Collections obtamed from theIndians of New Mexico In 1880," by James Stevenson (1883, pp. 454-455). 1
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184and Eio Grande pueblos (Stevenson, 1894, p. 14). "Whenever thestay was long enough to become acquainted with the people," shewrites, "the confidence of the priestly rulers and theurgists was gained,and after this conciliation all efforts to be present at the most secretand sacred performances observed and practiced by these Indianswere successful" (ibid., p. 14).Matilda Stevenson was, therefore, the best qualified person avail-able to prepare her husband's material for publication. But anotherfield trip was deemed necessary, and accordingly she went to Sia inMarch 1890, where she remained until the middle of September of thesame year (Powell, 1894 a, p. xxx; 1894 b, pp. xxix, xxvi-xxvii). Nofurther fieldwork was done, apparently, before the pubhcation of hermonograph, "The Sia," in the Eleventh Annual Eeport of the Bureauof American Ethnology in 1894. Mrs. Stevenson spent most of themonth of August 1904 in Sia. The Bureau of American Ethnologyhas unpublished manuscript material gathered by her at Sia, Taos,and other pueblos."The Sia" is an excellent work in many respects, Mrs. Stevensonwas able to observe many things directly and was even allowed tophotograph esoteric ceremonies and sacred paraphernalia. In addi-tion to observation, she obtained considerable material from inform-ants. But her monograph does not deal with "every phase of thelife of this small but interesting tribe," as Holmes has asserted (Holmes,1916, p. 553). The monograph is 149 pages long; 35 percent is de-voted to myths and tales and 20 percent, to descriptions of rainceremonies of four societies (the Snake, Giant, KJuife or Flint, andQuerranna societies). Thus, over half of the monograph is devotedto these two items alone. Then she has accounts of childbirth (7.5percent), translations of songs (5.4 percent), descriptions of a curingceremony by the Giant society (observed) and the initiation ceremonyof the Snake society (from an informant) which together amount toabout 6.8 percent. Thus, about 75 percent of the monograph is takenup with the above-mentioned topics, leaving but 25 percent foreverything else.Many sectors of Sia culture are ignored completely by Mrs. Steven-son or are mentioned only in passing. There is but the most meagerdiscussion of clan organization, and no mention of moieties at all.Family and household organization are all but omitted. She collectedkinship terms but they were not published in the monograph; they arein the files of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The whole subjectof kinship is virtually ignored in "The Sia." Kachinas are spoken ofbriefly, but no masked dances are described. In fact, she does notdescribe any dances at all, or even hst their names. Solar ceremoniesare not mentioned. Material cultm-e; arts and crafts; agriculture;
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 3the herding of horses, cattle, and sheep; foods and cooking; ethics andetiquette; games and recreation; and many other things are omittedor merely alluded to. One of the most curious omissions is her failureto tell us how many kivas Sia had in the 1880's. Zufii has 6 kivas;Acoma, 5 or 6; the Rio Grande Keres and the Tewa, 2; and Sia has,as we now know, alternated between 1 and 2 kivas. But how manythere were in 1890 when Mrs. Stevenson was there for a final checkupbefore publication, she does not say.Mrs. Stevenson uses native terms to some extent, but there aremany important instances in which she does not. She does not, forexample, give us the Keresan names for "war priests" and "war chiefs"(1894, p. 18), which would have helped us to determine which of the twohas become extinct since her day. She lists a governor and a lieu-tenant governor without giving their native names; and we are at aloss to identify her "magistrate and his deputy" (ibid.)?unless theybe the fiscales. She uses "theurgist" throughout, but never uses thenative term tcaiyanyi (medicineman). She employs the importantterm honawai'aiti (which she spells honaaite), but did not grasp itsproper meaning. And no informant has been able to identify her
"Sussistinnako, a spider" (ibid., p. 26) from this spelling and pronun-ciation; the closest we could come to it was Tstiyostinako, ThoughtWoman (see White, 1942 a, p. 82).When Mrs. Stevenson describes ceremonies that she had witnessedshe is almost always lucid, and sometimes vivid and graphic. But insome instances she is quite incomprehensible. Fewkes, for example, aswell as the present writer, found her account of the initiation ceremonyof the Snake society, which she obtained from an informant (1894, pp.86-89), so obscure as to make it impossible to know precisely whatwas taking place (Fewkes, 1895, p. 121).I do not mention these omissions and shortcomings of Mrs. Steven-son's work in any sense of disparagement. "The Sia" is an excellentpiece of work in many respects, and it is one of the first studies of aSouthwestern pueblo ever made. The total amount of time spent atSia, by both James and Matilda Stevenson, was not great, and nodoubt many things were not observed, and they had little precedentto guide their interrogation of informants. Her description of theesoteric ceremonies which she witnessed are vivid and detailed; theyhave not been duplicated in studies of the Keres and they probablynever will be repeated. All things considered, "The Sia" was a verycreditable achievement.It is not easy to define Mrs. Stevenson's attitude toward the PuebloIndians. She unquestionably regarded their culture as inferior tothat of the United States and Europe, as, of course, it was. Butwhether she "looked down" upon the Indians or not is a question.
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184She tells us that the philosophy of Sia is "fraught with absurdities andcontradictions," but in the same breath observes that "it scintillateswith poetic conceptions" (1894, p. 67). On the whole, her attitudeappears to be both objective and sympathetic; compared with the pre-vailing view among her countrymen of that era?missionaries, armyofficers, Indian agents, traders, and just ordinary citizens?her out-look was the epitome of civilized sophistication.Mrs. Stevenson's attitude toward science in general and towardethnology in particular is nowhere made explicit. She was, of course,well acquainted with contemporary science as exempUfied by suchmen as Maj. J. W. Powell and others. She probably merely tookscience for granted. Her job at Sia, as she saw it, apparently, wasto describe as much of its culture as possible and make it intelligibleto others. But she was guided by a principle which she nevermade explicit, but which was expressed in at least one curious incidentthat I will recount as follows
:
During the course of my study at Sia, I went through the files ofphotographs of the Bureau of American Ethnology. I found anumber of them that had been published in "The Sia." But myattention was arrested by one in particular; it was a photograph ofthe altar and paraphernalia of the Knife, or Flint, society (Stevenson,1894, pi. xxv). It was famihar to me; I was certain I had seen itsomewhere. Yet it contained something that I was sure I had notseen before, namely, two little porcelain Chinese lions. Taking thephotograph with me, I went to the library and looked at a copy of"The Sia." To my astonishment I discovered that the photographitself (pi. 1, present volume) had not been published but that a drawingmade from the photograph had been used in "The Sia." The draw-ing was exactly Uke the photograph in every respect but one: thetwo little Chinese figures had been removed. Since Mrs. Stevensonhad taken great pains to obtain photographs, and since many of themwere used in her monograph?some inferior to the one in question
?
we can only assume that the omission of the Chinese figures wasintentional and deUberate, and was done at Mrs. Stevenson's request.Why she did this is a question for which we have no answer. Shemay have felt that it was "not Indian," and was therefore out ofplace in that setting. But the little oriental figures had becomeIndianized; one of them is shown with a necklace of badger clawsas I subsequently had it identified by an informant?which is asun-Chinese as the figure is un-Indian. The fact that the Indianmedicinemen adopted these little foreigners, naturalized them, andgave them a prominent place among their own fetishes is a signifi-cant bit of scientific evidence. Why Mrs. Stevenson suppressed
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 5
this evidence is a mystery. And what else, if anything, she censoredwe may never Imow.Incidentally, I made inquiry among Sia informants about theselittle Chinese "lions" and learned that they are still in use by the Shimasociety, which is intmiately associated with the Flint (or Knife) society,and that they are highly regarded as supernatural beings.The Stevensons?and after James's death, Matilda?^lived in oradjacent to the pueblo and were in rather intimate association withtlie people. As I have already noted, Mrs. Stevenson says that they,or she, quickly won over the people and readily gained their confidenceand cooperation. She reports that "the theurgists of the several cultsocieties . . . graciously received her [Mrs. Stevenson] in their cere-monials, revealing the secrets more precious to them than life itself";and "the aged theurgists were eager to intrust to the writer the keepingof their songs . . ." (ibid., pp. 16, 123). Mrs Stevenson undoubt-edly had some good friends in Sia. She was asked to be godmother toa baby at whose birth she assisted (ibid., pp. 138-139). The "vice-theurgist" of the Snake society was "one of . . . [her] staunchestfriends": it was he who gave the ceremonial vase to James Stevensonagainst the wishes of his Society's members (ibid., pp. 90-91); and onone occasion he "rode many miles to solicit her [Mrs. Stevenson's]prayers for his ill infant" (ibid., p. 131).But there were many people in Sia who were opposed to the investi-gations by James and Matilda Stevenson; the latter makes littlemention of this, but there are occasional intimations of difficulty.Many Sias have heard accounts of Mrs. Stevenson's stay in theirpueblo, and I have talked to two men who, as youths, saw or knewher. She appears definitely to be in ill repute in the pueblo today,which, of course, is not surprising: anyone who had "pried into theirsecrets" would be resented today. Some say that she intimidatedsome of the Sias; that she laid claim to supernatural power, whichshe demonstrated with her photographic flashlight powder; that sheclaimed to be a daughter of the supernatural Bocaiyanyi; and thatshe claimed?or even asserted?a right to attend sacred ceremoniesbecause she was something of a tcaiyanyi (medicinewoman) herself.Some of my Sia informants said that after Mrs. Stevenson left thepueblo, punitive action was taken against those who, either throughfear or friendliness, had befriended her; there are even dark hints thatsome of them may have been put to death, but this is denied by others.There was at least one copy of "The Sia" in the pueblo in 1957.There is reason to believe that it was sent to a Sia by a white friendwithin 5 or 10 years prior to that year. The owner keeps it locked up,though, and apparently has not shown it to other people.600685?^62 2
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
I began my study of Sia in October 1928. By that time I had madetwo field trips to Acoma, one of ahnost 6 months, the other of 3. Ihad also spent considerable time at Laguna and some of her colonies,and had, of course, visited Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, San Felipe,and Cochiti. Much of my time, from September 1928 to the end ofJanuary 1929, was devoted to Sia. A portion of the summer of 1934,which was spent principally at Santa Ana, was given to the study ofSia. I spent a few days at Sia at Christmastime 1938, and observedsome ceremonies. The summer of 1941 I devoted intensively to Sia,and made a brief visit to the pueblo in the summer of 1946. I spentmuch of the summer of 1952 with previous Sia informants, checkingover old data and adding new items. Many visits were made to thepueblo, and numerous talks with previous informants were held,between October 1954 and January 1955, inclusive. And, finally, Ihad recourse to former informants during the summer of 1957 whilepreparing my monograph for publication.I have described the technique of ethnologic fieldwork among theKeresan pueblos in some detail in my monograph, ''The Pueblo ofSanta Ana, New Mexico" (1942 a, pp. 9-11), but must make somemention of it here also. The Keresan pueblos, along with almostall other pueblos in New Mexico except Zuni, have been determinedfor decades to prevent white people?ethnologists and journalists,especially?from learning anything about theh life and culture thatcannot be gleaned by a casual stroll through the pueblo on feastdays. Every person is taught from childhood that the culture ofhis pueblo is sacred and information concerning it must not be di-vulged to outsiders. The principal reason for this is that the earlySpanish settlers, particularly in the 17th century, tried to stamp outthe indigenous religion and to Christianize the Indians. After thegreat Revolt of 1680 failed and the Spaniards reconquered the Pueblotribes, the Indians went underground, to use a modern politicalterm, and preserved their ancient religion beneath a cloak of secrecy,while pretending on the surface to have become Catholics. Also,the Pueblo Indians have found since the Mexican War and the Amer-ican occupation that they fare better if Americans believe that theyare Christians, that they elect their governor, that they have ademocratic government, and so on. And, finally, it is highly probablethat this strict devotion to secrecy promotes tribal solidarity andmakes the Indian more tenacious in holding to the old ways.Most of the data in this monograph were obtained from inform-ants?using this term in a technical sense; some, however, wereobtained from direct personal observation and from casual, i.e.,nonprivate, conversations with Indians at Sia and other pueblos,with employees of the Indian Service, and with others. By informant
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 7here I mean an Indian of the Sia tribe who, knowing my purpose andobjectives, gave me in private and in the strictest secrecy, ethnologicinformation. First, one makes acquaintances at Sia. Some of theseacquaintances become friends. After a time the ethnographerdecides, on the basis of many conversations in which there are guardedallusions to Indian culture, whether his Indian friend would be willingto assist him in his inquiries. The Indian, on his part, has been ableto divine the interests of his white friend long before they are madeexplicit. Thus, before anything has become overt, each knowspretty well where the other stands. It is a matter of judgment andtiming; a mistake could easily make any investigation impossible, forthe misjudged Indian could warn others that an ethnographer washovering about.It should be mentioned in this connection that whereas the pueblo,as a community, takes a firm stand on the question of secrecy, thereare occasional individuals who realize full well that the culture oftheir people is rapidly disappearing and who feel that a record of itshould be made and preserved. It is the ethnographer's task to
"scent out" such individuals among his acquaintances and friends; heardently hopes that he wiU find one or two. Most of the Indianswho have assisted in this study were persons of this sort.Every Indian who has served me as an informant in this study hasdone so of his own free will and in full knowledge of who I was andwhat my objective was; I have never represented myself to an in-formant as anything other than an anthropologist. Naturally, it hasnot been possible to work with an informant in the pueblo itself; wehave always been obliged to work elsewhere. I have always pledgedmyself to the informant to preserve inviolate his identity, and hewould not have undertaken to help me had he not felt secure in thispledge. I have always paid informants for their time; the Sia arepoor people, and time is valuable. No amount of money, however,would induce an Indian to serve as informant unless he were willingto do so for nonmonetary reasons. The sums paid to informantswere never more than ordinary wages for other kinds of work.The procedure of ethnographic investigation followed in this studyhas, then, been for the most part one in which ethnographer andinformant go to some place away from the pueblo, where they canwork in privacy. A subject is discussed at length and in detail, andthe ethnographer records it in his notebook in the presence of theinformant. So great is the necessity of secrecy that an individual isunwilling to have a member of his own family know that he is helpingan anthropologist. There was one exception to this, however, in thepresent study: one informant brought his brother along to serve asinterpreter for him. Discussions wath informants were carried on in
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184English, supplemented at points by Spanish, and implemented by atechnical Keresan vocabulary that I have acquired over the years.The verbal account is supplemented wherever desirable and possibleby drawings made by the informant.An ethnographic study made largely in this way has, of course,many shortcomings. In the first place, an enormous amount of time,infinite patience, tact, and perseverance are requu-ed?even to findsomeone who may eventually become an informant. After an ethnog-rapher has discovered and developed a few informants, he can workwith them only when they are available, and they are often too busywith their farming, tending sheep, building a house, or attending topueblo matters, ceremonial or governmental, to be of assistance.The principal reason that, in my opinion, vu'tually nothing is knowntoday about the pueblos of San Felipe and Sandia apart from my twohttle papers (White, 1932 b; 1947 a), and almost nothing is knownabout the pueblo of Tesuque?although it is only 8 miles from SantaFe on a good highway?in contrast with the numerous studies of theanthropologist-ridden Hopi, Zuni, and Navaho, is that no one hasthe patience and is willing to take the time to penetrate the wall ofsecrecy with which the eastern pueblos surround and protect them-selves.Another serious shortcoming is the diJEculty of checking an in-formant's account against actual practice. In many instances the in-formant will tell you what one should do according to custom andtradition in a certain situation. The extent to which actual behaviorconforms to the traditional, customary ideal can be checked to acertain degree by interrogation, and pertinent information comes in-directly from the discussion of different but closely related topics.But no amount of questioning and discussion can wholly take theplace of direct observation. Also, this technique of fieldwork leavesgaps in the record; sometimes the informant fails to tell you some-thing simply because it does not occur to him to mention it. Hereagain, there is no substitute for observation.Another shortcoming has been that aU my informants have beenmen; circumstances did not permit work with women away fromthe pueblo. However, I obtained considerable nonesoteric informa-tion from Sia women.But it would be easy to exaggerate the shortcomings of fieldworkcarried on by discussions with informants. Because I have not beenable to \vitness many things directly, I have taken greater pains toget a complete and detailed picture from the informant. Whenevera diagram or a sketch would help, I have had the informant makeone; all of these sketches have not been published in the presentmonograph, by any means. And great emphasis has been placed
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 9upon meanings of rituals, paraphernalia, and concepts which noamount of observation alone would disclose, I witnessed a greatamount and variety of sacred ritual and paraphernalia among theHopi pueblos in 1932, including masked dances, rituals in the kivas,and items of paraphernalia of various kinds. I have observed theShalako ceremonies in Zuni. And I have seen many dances andceremonies, including a maskless kachina dance, among Keresanpueblos. All these observations have helped me to visualize and tocomprehend informants' descriptions of unseen portions of Keresanculture. As a consequence, I believe that my accounts of esotericceremonies as obtained from informants, at Santa Ana and at Sia,will bear comparison with Mrs. Stevenson's descriptions of cere-monies witnessed at Sia, or with descriptions provided by eye-witnessobservers of other cultures.I have checked one informant's account with that of another, orothers, at many points. And during the 1950's I went back to myprincipal informant of 1941 to recheck his work of that year. Inmost instances, I believe, there has been a close correspondencebetween the accounts of different informants and between accountsfrom the same informant at different time periods. But there areoccasional discrepancies. The occurrence of discrepancies does notnecessarily mean, however, that my informants were either in erroror Ij'ing. Discrepancies may arise from a number of sources: (1)There may be a difference in judgment among informants as to whatcommon practice is or should be. (2) There may actually be differ-ences of practices, and one informant might cite one and another adifferent practice. (3) Custom may well have changed at some pointswithin the 29 years during which the study was carried on. (4) Someinformants are more specific than others?the Flint and Shima soci-eties are very closely associated; one informant might speak of eitheras Flint whereas another would distinguish Shima from Flint. (5)Since there are a number of secret societies in Sia, one informant mayknow something that is unknown to another. And (6) there may beother legitimate and valid sources of variation. I feel sure that noinformant has deliberately told me something that was not true; itwould be difficult for him to fabricate a description of a ritual evenwere he so inclined. I think it likely, however, that informantshave, on occasion, denied the existence of certain practices, such as,for example, forms of punishment or even of execution for witch-craft; one of my best informants was very loath to discuss mtchcraft.Also, on a few occasions an informant has frankly told me that hewould not give me information on a certain point. Finally, it issomewhat ironic to note that the more informants one has the greateris the likelihood of variation and discrepancy.
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The cultures of Sia, Santa Ana, and Santo Domingo are much alikeat many points. And, since I have already published accounts ofSanta Ana and Santo Domingo (not to mention my brief paper onSan FeHpe), I have not described Sia ceremonies in full where theyclosely resemble their counterparts in Santo Domingo or Santa Ana.Take the gallo, or rooster pull, for example. It is found at Sia, SantoDomingo, and Santa Ana, and the ceremonies are very much alikein these pueblos. Since I have described it in some detail in "ThePueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico" (1942 a, pp. 263-267) and in'The Pueblo of Santo Domingo, New Mexico" (1935, pp. 155-158),I have not treated it at length in the present study; I have merelydescribed a feature which I did not see at other villages.In my study of Sia I have tried to dig deeper into its culture, es-pecially into its philosophy, than I have at other pueblos. I acquireda great deal of information about Keresan culture in earher studies, soin later years, in my work at Sia, I tried to penetrate deeper into theconcepts, the meanings, which characterize and permeate the socio-cultural system instead of merely describing the same or similarceremonies once more. I was fortunate in having one or two inform-ants who were congenial with this purpose. Honawai'aiti and "wet"and "dry" ceremonies are examples of such concepts. I had neverencountered honawai'aiti, for example, at any other Keresan pueblo,although I know now that it is present and significant at Santa Ana.This fact, in addition to general considerations, makes me feel surethat much data escaped me at Santa Ana and Santo Domingo: I didnot dig deeply enough. And, it goes without saying, I have notpumped the weU dry at Sia by any means.My primary purpose in all my studies of the Keresan pueblos hasbeen to learn as much as possible about their aboriginal culture. Itis this that has been unique, and it is this that is disappearing fromthe face of the earth. Special problems which have been popularamong many field workers, such as "the relationship between economicorganization and kinship structure," or "the effect of child trainingupon pueblo government and social control," could not be under-taken before the basic, underlying culture was known. And conven-tional studies of "culture change" can be made anywhere at any time.But an account of the aboriginal culture divorced from the influencesthat Euro-American culture has exerted upon it would be foolishlyemasculated. I have, therefore, undertaken to present the culture ofSia in its actual and proper historical setting, i.e., as a culture in aprocess of change.In the pages that foUow, phrases or sentences will occasionally befound in quotation marks. Unless otherwise indicated, these areverbatim statements by informants; sometimes there is definitely avalue in presenting them in their own words.
GLOSSAKY
It is important to use native terms in discussing the culture of anIndian pueblo. As we have seen in the preceding chapter, Mrs.Stevenson's failm-e to do this has made it impossible for us to identifythe officers of Sia in her day. But the use of many native terms placesa heavy burden upon the reader, and it would be wasteful of labor andspace to define a term each time it is used. I have therefore followedhere the practice, begun in "The Pueblo of Santo Domingo" andcontinued in "The Pueblo of Santa Ana," of including a glossary ofterms. This will serve a threefold purpose. Fkst, it wiU make iteasy for the reader to ascertain the meanings of native terms used inthe text. Second, it will provide phonetic spelling of terms once andfor aU, thus saving much expense in typesetting. Most readers willnot care how the Indians pronounce the native terms used; whetheran i is to be pronounced as in "fine" or as in "fit" or whether there isa glottal stop at this point or that will be matters of complete indif-ference to most readers, and there is no sense in having the typesetterstruggle with diacritical marks, Greek letters, and symbols inventedfor the occasion every time a native term appears. And third, it willdirect attention to some interesting and significant concepts in Siaand Keresan culture. One interesting feature of Keresan vocabularyis the use of ceremonial terms, as distinguished from those of ordinarydiscourse. For example, the ordinary word for food is ope-wi, but inceremonial contexts one would say Bewits*. Earlier ethnographersused to caU these ceremonial terms "archaic." They may indeed bearchaic?although this has not been demonstrated?but their signifi-cance lies in the fact that they are used only in ceremonial contexts(White, 1944 b).Another featm"e of ceremonial usage is the substitution of somewords for others. When skinning and cutting up a bear, for example,one refers to the hide as dickama (cornhusk); to the meat as kinati(fresh ear of corn); to feces as cebota (corn smut), etc.; and the bearhimseK is addressed as Basa (grandfather) (see p. 180). The crow(Corvus brachyrhyncos) is called stcira in ordinary discourse, but inceremonial contexts it is called Mdkaiye (no Enghsh equivalent)hdtctse (man).I have not included all native terms used in the text by any means
;
this, too, would be wasteful, for many of them occur only once ortwice. But I have tried to include those used most frequently.U
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
I am not a trained linguist and my transcription of native termsleaves much to be desired. I have followed the "Rules for the SimplerSystem" in "Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages," (Amer.Anthrop. Assoc. Comm., vol. 66, No. 6, pp. 2-5) to the best of myability. I have also leaned on Boas' "Keresan Texts" (1925, 1928)to some extent. But not all Indians pronounce the same words alike,and even with a given informant sometimes I hear a word pronouncedone way, sometimes another (Boas did, also; see below). Soundsand symbols in my Glossary are as follows
:
a as in father a as in bute as in fate e as in meti as in pique t as in pino as in note i see belowu as in rule v as in putc=sh as in ship tc=ch as in chipB is intermediate b-p ; d is intermediate d-t ; g intermediate g-k.The first syllable of many Keresan words is considerably elongated.This is indicated by an elevated period: o'kast. Sometimes thiselongated syllable is accented as well: h*d"mi. In many words thelast syllable, or even more than one syllable, is unvoiced; this is in-dicated by elevated and diminutive letters: k'atic*^* (the name ofSan Felipe pueblo). The vowel i is rather common in Keres. It isdescribed by Boas (1925, p. xii) as follows: "It is produced withoutrounding of Hps, rather with slight retraction, raismg the mid-tongueto the palate with slight retraction and dropping the back of the tongue.Its vocaUc character is weak and to the casual hearer it sounds sim-ilar to a mid-palatal r or 7. When accented it is liable to be heardas 978, as in mit^' hoy, which is liable to be heard as m879t^'". Manywords end in -nyi, like Spanish canon.It has been difficult for me to distinguish between a and a in manyinstances. It was difficult, also, to distinguish shadings of and u,in many words. "Among the vowels," according to Boas (ibid.),
"0 is rather variable. When long, it is generally heard as 0", whenof middle length as 0. Thus I hear hotc'an^i chiej, although invery careful pronunciation the sound appears as a shghtly lip-roundedu." According to my ear, some people use an s sound in some wordswhile others use a c(sh) : e.g., kastotcoma, kactotcoma. One sound inKeres might be termed an intermediate r-1 ; I have rendered this as l,as in tciLika, sparrow hawk. In spealdng English, many Keres willsay Therma (Tlielma), Porffiio (Porfirio), or Kocairi (Kocaih).Glottal stops are indicated by ' as in ko'ok'". Strongly aspiratedsounds are indicated by ' as in h'a'mi.English as spoken by Keresan Indians.?A few observations uponthe way Indians of the Keresan Pueblos speak English may be appro-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 13priate and instructive here. Fii'st of all, I might observe that there isvery considerable uniformity of pronunciation among all the villagesof the Rio Grande Valley, Tewa and Tanoan as well as Keres; there isa sort of pan-Indian dialect of English. This is due, to some extent,no doubt, to the mingling of tribes in the big boarding schools inAlbuquerque and Santa Fe, and also to interpueblo conversations.It would be difficult to tell, by ear alone, whether an Indian was froma Tewa or a Keres pueblo by the way he speaks English. And, ithas seemed to me, this pan-Indian English dialect is more pronouncedamong women than among men. This dialect is characterized byintonation as well as pronunciation. Vs are often interchanged withWs, as I have already noted. "Heese (rhjmies with geese) not home"for "He is not home" is practically universal. The past tense isoften past tense throughout: "What did he said?" or "Wliere did hewent?" And, with many, all plurals end in s: catties, potteries, andmens. Kids tends to become kits; ride, rite; and dodge, dotch. "Wom-an" is seldom, if ever, used; all adult female Indians, at least, are
"ladies." Many of m}^ informants have been quite pronunciation-conscious, with regard to both Keresan words and English words.One of my informants argued with me about the pronunciation ofvomit, for example, insisting that he had always heard it pronouncedvomwp. Most Keres seem to eschew slang expressions even thoughthey hear them. Very few resort to profanity except when intoxi-cated, and then they use it with little or no sense of American usage.There is no profanity in the Keresan language. I have never hearda Keresan Indian utter any of the words that are commonly con-sidered obscene in polite American society. How much my person-ality may have affected their conversations with me is a question Icannot answer.All Keresan informants find it virtually impossible to help theinvestigator with the etymology of words. I was never able todetermine, for example, whether the words ho-tcanyi (chief) andho-tcanitsa (the official residence of the cacique) are genetically re-lated; or whether nawai (the head of a society) and ho-nawaiaiti(the name of an order in a curing society) are related.Also, it is exceedingly difficult for even the best of informants totell the investigator what certain words mean. I made great effortto discover the meaning of notsinyico, for example, but never felt thatI fully comprehended it (White, 1942 a, p. 19). My efforts fully tounderstand honawaiaiti likewise fell short of success.It is impossible, apparently, for the Keresan language to coin newwords for new things. Thus, when talking in the Keresan languageabout an automobile, for example, an Indian is obliged to use suchEnglish words as tire, sparkplug, battery, etc. The Keresan language
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
is thus in marked contrast with some other languages, such as Navaho,with regard both to etymology and neologisms.a-hina?a dance to celebrate the taking of a scalp.dctitco'mt.?the "pole" carried in the dance for the Blessed Virginon August 15 (see p. 312).dtctn^'?wooden slat altar of a curing society.atse'eDanyi?ceremony performed for a scalp taker to free him fromsupernatural danger in which he has been placed by taking thescalp.Bewits*?ceremonial word for food; ope^vi is the ordinary word,caiye-ik'* (also heard caiyaik'*)?the Hunters society.ciBo-k'"?a generic term for any plant that produces cottonlike fibers,e.g., milkweed; unspun cotton.c6cgaina?a guard, or doorkeeper; he keeps unauthorized people fromentering the house of a secret society on certain occasions,crutsi?^raw, uncooked ; plant foods customarily eaten raw are calledcrutsi opewi (food); it sometimes means 'uninitiated' (White,1935, p. 9).Diaminyt?the head of the political and religious organization of thepueblo; village chief; often called cacique (Sp.); spelled tiamunyiin this work.Dyaiyatcra'nyi?ceremonial word for mountain; ko-t is the ordinaryword.Gacputice?a word of uncertain meaning; has to do with the summerretreats for rain and crops.Gaodyac?applied to a person who is taking emetics, fasting, andobserving continence before a ceremony; also to a place that istabooed.Gdotcanyi?plural, odwatcanyi; war chief's helpers.Gawai'aiti?the name of a class of edibles such as grain, seeds, corn,beans, pifion nuts, berries, etc.Gotiyamonice?edible wild plants.Gdwatcanyi?see Gdotcanyi.Goyaiti?game animals.h' a'atsi?literally, earth ; a sand or meal painting.h'a-Dawe?pollen of any kind.H'a-Di?parched corn, then ground, then parched brown.Hani?obsidian
.
h' a-tcaminyi?prayersticks.h'dwirana?grain: corn, wheat,hicami?two eagle wing feathers used by medicinemxcn in treatingillness and in exorcizing evil spirits.hi-ctci?generic name for plants that have flowers that produce seeds,^ such as sunflowers ; nonedible.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 15ho-nawai'aiti?a difficult and abstruse concept; the highest order ina medicine society; see p. 138.ho-tcanyi?chief.hdtcanitsa?the official residence of the tiamunyi or cacique; see p. 49.lariko?corn-ear fetish representing latiku, the mother of the Indians,i-kanyi?generic term for squash, pumpkin, melons, cucumbers?butnot gourds?^"that grow on long vines."i'nawi?any kind of flour: corn, wheat, rice.Iniyatsa?human beings in their spiritual capacity,itsa-tyunyt?beads, at least as they are used ceremonially; this maybe a ceremonial term,ka'dotiye?"a person coming out into the open, or winning honors oradvantages."kacalnime?summer solar ceremony; also called sina (middle) Dyit^'cykotse.kachina?see k'atsino:.kahera?the drummer who beats a European type drum with twosticks in ceremonies of Spanish-CathoHc derivation,k'dnanyaiya?^" witch" ; a person who uses supernatural power to injureothers,kaotsmyt?"a person doing miracle things."kdowiye?^"luck"; "when one finds, or obtains, something of value bychance."k'atsina?anthropomorphic spirits who bring rain; impersonated inmasked dances; also called ciwana (shiwana) by the Keres andkachinas generally in ethnographic Hterature.kiva?see tcikya.kocairt (or kocallt)?name of a society; commonly spelled koshare.ko'6ko? a hideous woman corpse; see p. 306.k'oBictaiya?^"sacred, holy"; spirits; masked personages at Acoma.k'otctnmak'o?Yellow Woman of the North (see "Cosmology"),ko-t'?ordinary word for mountain; oyaiyatcra'nyi is the ceremonialword,ma-ca'inyi?the skins of the forelegs of a bear, worn by medicinemenin curing rituals and during initiations,maiydnyi?generic term for spirits,mdtsinyi?wafer bread; equivalent of Hopi piki.ndowetsa'nyi?ritual emesis as a prelude to participation in aceremony.notr6waDyac?sexual continence before a ceremony,nowatanitc*?work, either ceremonial or technological,o-kast''?-bandoleer made of leather cords worn by scalp takers;commonly called matalotes.opaiyak'anyi?poker; stick used to poke or stir a fu^e; used to representthe deceased in mortuary ritual.
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]owaDydmt?the pueblo council.petana?coarsely ground cornmeal, used in ceremonies when it iscalled yaya (mother) o'aco (her flesh)?^"like the wafer that isChrist's body."shiwana?see k'atsina.si-cti?a common person; not a medicineman, priest, or oflicer.stcamu-na?a natural mixture of magnetite (Fe304) and hematite(Fe203); see White, 1942 a, pp. 19-20, for discussion and com-parative data.tcaiya-nyi?medicineman; a member of a society having iarikos.tcapiyo?the masked personage who accompanies equestrian imper-sonation of saints; may be seen by White people.tcikya?one of the two round, aboveground ceremonial houses of thepueblos in the Rio Grande Valley; often called kiva (a Hopiterm); sometimes called estufa (oven), the term used by theearly Spaniards.tcraik'atsi?assistant to the Diamunyi, or cacique.tiamunyi?see Diaminyt.ti-mi?a small cotton felt blanket used in ceremonies; see p. 312 andalso White, 1935, n. 4, p. 178.tsapac'omo;?a sacred spot, or shrine; each has a name, frequentlyending in ko-t*, mountain.tsa-ts?breath, soul.tsipanyi?a difficult term; refers to "cold, dry" (winter) ceremonies;also "full-fledged curing"; "any dance where participants weareagle feathers dyed red and wear red ocher on the face." TheBuffalo dance is "one-half tsipanyi; one-half Gacpvti." Thetcakwena dance is tsipanyi, for snow.tsiyak'atse?domestic animals.waBanyi?feather bunch, often tied to prayersticks.wa-B6ctc*?fine white bird down used in ceremonial costumes.waicti?a large pottery bowl.wafctiranyi?a medicine bowl.wa-stitc?a bird, or the young of an animal. I have heard parentsspeak of their own children as wa-stitc.wicBi?a ceremonial object something like an iariko and also like aprayerstick; see p. 311.winock'*?heart; witches sometimes "steal" them.wftcatse?quartz crystal; see p. 318.wiya'ait'?wealth, long life; "anything that one prays for."yaBa-ctnyt?a h'a'atst (sand or meal painting) upon which iarikos(corn-ear fetishes) have been placed.ya-k'atca?red ocher.yuBina?pod plants: beans, peas.
HISTORY OF SIAThe ethnographer is especially fortunate mth respect to the pueblosof New Mexico in that he has a long historic record of them eventhough it be meager or even wholly lacking in spots. In many otherinstances the anthropologist must begin his study of a people withoutany specific knowledge of its past.The Sia have only their origin and migration myth to account fortheir present location. Like all other Keresan pueblos, Sia's m.ythol-ogy states that they emerged from the lower world at a place "in theNorth," and that they migrated southward until they arrived attheir present location, where they have lived ever since. They haveno legends, as far as I could discover, of having lived at some otherlocation, although one informant said that one of the nearby puebloruins is called Tsiya. Nor have they any legendary account, asdistinguished from the origin-migration myth, of the initial occupa-tion of their present site.There has been much speculation about the prehistory of the Keres.Mera (1935, pp. 35-39) has suggested, principally upon the basis ofdistribution of pottery types, that the Keres once lived in the MesaVerde region. A recent reconsideration of theories of pueblo pre-history states that "more recent evidence . . . has tended to confirmMera's cultural sequence" (Wendorf and Reed, 1955, p. 159). Thereis still insufficient evidence, however, say Wendorf and Reed (ibid.),to test Mera's Keres-Mesa Verde correlation: "We lack sufficientdata on the archaeology of the Keres area to permit developing fullythis hypothesis . . . but it should be noted that the distribution ofthe Mesa Verde-like pottery includes the present Keres area." Theybelieve that reasonable evidence indicates that the Keres-speakingpeoples lived "in the upper San Juan region," around the four corners,in the 13th century and earlier, and that "the broad correlation ofKeresan language with San Juan Anasazi culture . . . should receiveserious reconsideration" (ibid., pp. 163, 165).There are, according to Mera (1940, p. 26-a), seven sites of formervillages located within some 6 miles of Sia (fig. 1). No. 924 is a smallruin which yielded sherds of Mera's group A, 13th and 14th centuries,plus a few of group E, 16th century, which Mera beheved came from
"a small seasonally occupied house, the remains of which appear to besuperimposed on the older structure" (Mera, 1940, p. 26). It is thissite which one informant said is called Tsiya, although he did not17
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
KERBS DIVISION, Period 1
O Modern PuebloPrehistoric Sits 278443*1931 *445^1446-k447
Figure 1.?Modern pueblos and prehistoric sites.
claim that the Sia had lived there before they moved to their presentsite.Site 241 yielded sherds of every group from A to F, inclusive, i.e.,from the 13th to the 17th century. I did not obtain the Sia name ofthis ruin.Site 384 is a large ruin about 2.5 miles northwest of Sia. It wasoccupied from the 13th to the 17th century. The Sia name for thissite is iisa (dung), so named because of a great quantity of manure atthis place.Site 392 was abandoned prior to A.D. 1400, according to Mera'sreckoning. The Sia name for this is Kdasaiya, which means "oldruins" (see also, Bandelier, 1892, p. 196).I have visited sites 384 and 392. No. 384 was a fairly large pueblo,apparently. On the site is a stone about 4 feet long whose naturalshape suggests a horse. It had been smeared with red ocher, andother evidence made it quite clear that it is a sacred object visitedritually at the present time (1957).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 19Site 377 is a "group of mounds that mark the site of a small pueblo.Two occupations are indicated, one during the life of Group A (13thand 14th centm'ies) and another during F" (late 17th and 18th cen-turies, see Mera, 1940, p. 25). The Sias call this site opacuti ("roundball cactus") tsinaotice ("point").Site 374 was occupied from the 13th to the 16th century. Its Sianame is ckac ka'm, "fish home."Site 102 is described by Mera (1940, p. 24) as "a sherd area which issaid by the Indians of Tsia Pueblo to be all that is left of a ruin whichhas been undermined and washed away. . . [within] the last century."Sherds of group A (13th and 14th centuries) and D (A.D. 1490-1515)were identified. Bandeher (1892, p. 196) and Mera (1940, p. 27)caU this site Kakan-atza-tia ; I did not confirm this name.It may well be that these sites are the ruins of the "five pueblos ofthe Punames" mentioned by Espejo, 1583, of which Sia was the prin-cipal village (Bolton, 1916, pp. 181-182). Mera (1940, p. 25) believedthat site 374 "is probably one of the several Tsia settlements men-tioned by Spanish historians," but he does not speculate about anyothers. It would appear from his estimates of occupancy, however,that only three sites, namely, Nos. 241, 384, and 374, were inhabitedin the latter half of the 16th century. But these three, plus thedubious site 102, together with the present Sia, would have madefive pueblos, the number given by Espejo. Site 499 is "a good-sizedruin" with sherds "of all groups from A to E" (Mera, 1940, p. 26),i.e., 13th to late 16th century, but this pueblo probably was in the
"province of the Xemes" in Espejo's time.Is the modern pueblo of Sia located upon the site that it occupiedwhen the Spaniards first visited it in the 16th century? Bandelier(1892, p. 196) doubted that it is, presumably because of the presenceof ruins near Sia and possibly because of discussions with some of theSias. I believe, however, that it is very probable that the presentpueblo of Sia occupies the site that it did in Coronado's day. In thefirst place, we know of no specific evidence to the contrary. Secondly,
"the present pueblo of Tsia has been built partially over the remainsof a more ancient structure. This is one of the few inhabited villages,"says Mera (1940, pp. 24, 28), "where a collection from old middenswas countenanced. Sherds illustrating aU glaze-paint groups (A-F)[13th to end of 18th century] were secured." The pueblo was par-tially^ destroyed by Cruzate in 1688, but it was reoccupied in 1692 or1693 after De Vargas had effected a reconcihation with the Sia, as weshall see shortly. There is no evidence that more than one Cathohcmission was ever built at Sia; the mission was only damaged in 1688,and De Vargas ordered it repaired and provided the Sia with tools
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184for this purpose. It seems quite likely, therefore, that the Sia nowlive where their forefathers were living in 1540.It is possible that the pueblo country might have been visited byIndians from Mexico, Aztecs in particular, before the coming of thewhite man. Fray Geronimo de Zarate-Salmer6n reported in hisRelacidn that a Spanish soldier had told him he had seen pictures ofAztecs, which he recognized by their dress, in a kiva at Acoma. TheAztecs had come from the west and had spent a few days at Acoma.Because the Acoma had never seen people like them, they paintedtheir likenesses on kiva walls. When the strangers left they wenttoward Sia. All this took place, the Spanish captain was told, a fewyears prior to his visit. "With this information," said Zarate-Salmeron (1900, p. 182), "I made great research; and asking thechief-captain of the pueblo of Cia . . . and other elders, if they hadinformation of those peoples ... he said yes; that he very wellremembered having seen them, and that some of them had beenentertained in his house. That this was a few years before theSpaniards made a settlement in New Mexico; . . ." The strangerswent on to Jemez, also, where they spent a few days.The Spaniards first learned of New Mexico, hovv^ever, from Cabezade Vaca in 1536. In 1539, Fray Marcos de Nizawas sent by the Viceroyof Mexico to the pueblo country with a party of Mexican Indians and aMoorish servant, Estevan. They reached Zuni where Estevan waskilled. Fray Marcos merely surveyed the Pueblo of Zuni from adistant hill; he did not enter the town. He returned with stories ofa city greater than Mexico itself. Mendoza, the viceroy, appointedFrancisco Vasquez de Coronado to invade this country and to takepossession of it for the Spanish crown.The documentary history of Sia begins with the Coronado expedi-tion of 1540-42. We learn rather little about Sia from its chronicles,however. Castaneda records that ''at the end of the siege [of Tiguex],
. . . the general sent a captain to Chia, a fine pueblo with a largepopulation, which had sent messages offering submission. . . . Theyfound the pueblo quiet and left in its care four bronze cannon whichwere in bad condition" (Hammond and Key, eds., 1940, p. 233). In1581 Father Augustin Rodriguez and Capt. Francisco SanchezChamuscado visited some pueblos in the Jemez River valley includ-ing, probably, Sia, although they do not identify it by name (Ham-mond and Rey, 1927; Mecham, 1926, p. 285).In 1583 Antonio de Espejo and his party visited the "provincecalled Los Punames,^ consisting of five pueblos, the chief pueblo
* Punames" resembles the Keresan word for west: Bu-nami. Hodge (1910, pt. 2, p. 327) derives Punamesfrom Keresan Pu-na-ma, 'people of the west,' referring to the western division of the Rio Grande branchof the Keresan stock.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 21being called Sia. It is a very large pueblo, and I and my companionswent through it; it had eight plazas, and better houses than thosepreviously mentioned, most of them being whitewashed and paintedwith colors and pictures after the Mexican custom" (Bolton, 1916,pp. 181-182). Luxan, a chi-onicler of the Espejo expedition, describesZiaquebos asan important city of more than a thousand houses inhabited by more than fourthousand men over fifteen years of age, and women and children in addition. . . .It belonged to the province of the Punamees. The houses are of three and fourstories, extremely high and well arranged. The people are clean. There werethree caciques in this city who governed it. . . . In this city and province weraised the flag in the name of his majesty and took possession of the said city andprovince. A cross was erected and its meaning explained to the natives. [Ham-mond and Rey, eds., 1929, pp. 83-85.]The Indians received the Espejo party with hospitality:They gave us many turkeys, such a large quantity of tortillas that they had toreturn them to the pueblo, and also much maize and other vegetables. [Ibid,p. 85.]Luxdn described the Indians' dress as follows :The dress of the men consists of some blankets, a small cloth for covering theirprivy parts, and other cloaks, shawls, and leather shoes in the shape of boots.The women wear a blanket over their shoulders tied with a sash at the waist,their hair cut in front, and the rest plaited so that it forms two braids, and abovea blanket of turkey feathers. It is an ugly dress indeed. [Ibid., p. 85.]The first attempt at colonization of New Mexico was made byDon Juan de Onate in 1598. In July of that year Ofiate summonedthe chiefs of nearby pueblos to a meeting in Santo Domingo wherehe explained his purpose and mission to them. No doubt, a repre-sentative from Sia was present. It is recorded that the chiefs will-ingly pledged their allegiance to the Spanish crown and to the RomanCatholic Church. After this meeting Oiiate made a tour of variouspueblos, visiting Sia on August 2, 1598, but we have no record of hisobservations or actions at this place (Hammond, 1927, p. 101),The last six decades of the 16th century was an era of explorationin New Mexico; the first three-quarters of the 17th centm-y was aperiod of colonization, of bringing the Pueblo Indians under thecontrol of Spanish civil and ecclesiastical authorities. The lastquarter of the 17th century was a time of bloody revolt by the In-dians, followed by their final subjugation.Shortly after Ofiate estabhshed his colony at San Gabriel, he dis-patched Franciscan missionaries to the surrounding pueblos. AndresCorchado was assigned to Sia; he had Acoma, Zuni, and Hopi alsounder his jurisdiction (Hewett and Fisher, 1943, p. 69). Sia's firstsaint's name, bestowed upon it by Onate, was "Sint Pedro y Sant600685?62 3
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Pablo," but on the establishment of the mission there early in the 17thcentury it became known as Nuestra Senora de la Asunci6n de Sia, adesignation that has persisted to the present day (Hodge, 1933,p. 226). "The convent of Sia [was] first mentioned in July, 1613; [it]was probably founded by Fray Crist6bal de Quir6s, who came withPeinado in 1610. He apparently served at Sia until 1617. . . . SantaAna is recorded as a visita of Sia as early as 1614" (Scholes and Bloom,1944, p. 334). Thus, the mission and convent at Sia were among theearliest to be established in New Mexico.The Pueblo Indians suffered much at the hands of the Spaniardsduring the decades following the conquest. The clergy tried to stampout the native religion and to force CathoHcism upon the Indians.Kivas v/ere burned, and masks and other sacred paraphernaha weredestroyed. Priests and medicinemen were charged with witchcraftand whipped or executed. The natives were forced to attendchurch services and to support the clergy. The civil officials, too,laid their yoke upon the Indians. They established offices within thePueblos, to be filled by natives, in order to administer them moreeffectively. Indians were tried in Spanish courts; punishments weresevere : whipping, hanging, or being sold into slavery. And theywere exploited economically. Life for the Indians under the Spanishyoke was hard and eventually became unendurable.^There were several attempts at armed rebellion between 1645 and1675, but all of them failed. In 1675 a missionary, believing thatsome of the Spanish colonists had been bewitched, brought chargesof witchcraft against a number of the Indians: 47 were convicted, ofwhom 43 were whipped and enslaved ; 4 were hanged as a warning toothers. One of those executed was from nearby Jemez (Prince, 1883,p. 173).On August 10, 1680, a carefully planned and organized revolt brokeout. All Spaniards were either killed or driven out of the countrysave for a few women who were kept as captives. The Indianswreaked special vengeance upon the clergy; many were massacred andchurches were despoiled. "In fine," says Escalante (1900, p. 309),
"there remained in all the kingdon no vestige of the Christian religion;all was profaned and destroyed."In 1681 Governor Otermln attempted to reconquer the Pueblocountry. He burned and sacked a number of pueblos which he founddeserted. The Sia had fled to the sierra of Los Jemez where Indiansfrom Santa Ana, Sandia, and other pueblos had gone for safety. Thegovernor of Santa Ana went to the camp of the Spaniards to tell them
? For accounts of the treatment of the Pueblo Indians by their Spanish conquerors, both civil and ecclesi-astical, see: Scholes, 1936-37, and 1937, especially pp. 144?145, 147-14S, 380, 395, 437-438; Prince, 1883, espe-ciaUy pp. 169-173; Bancroft, 1889, pp. 174-176; TwitcheU, 1912, vol. 1, pp. 354-355, and 1914, vol. 2, pp. 51-68;Escalante's "Letter," 1900, p. 310.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 23that the Sia and the Santa Ana wished to return to their homes andwere willing to pledge allegiance to Spanish rule (Hackett, 1916,pp. 76, 124-125). Otermin was unsuccessful, however, and he soonreturned to El Paso del Norte. For a few years the pueblos remainedimdisturbed.In the summer of 1687 Pedro Reneros de Posada, then Governorat El Paso, made an attempt at reconquest. He captured the puebloof Santa Ana, burned many houses, and killed a number of Indians.He then pushed on to Sia, but succeeded only in capturing some horsesand sheep. In the following year, however, Domingo Jironza Petrizde Cruzate, who succeeded Posada as governor, invaded the Jemezvalley. Virtually all accounts state that he "destroyed" the puebloof Sia and killed a large portion of its inhabitants in a blazing andbloody encounter. Four medicinemen were captured and shot inthe plaza, and 70 Sias were taken as captives to El Paso, wherethey were compelled to serve for 10 years "as punishment for theirapostasy" (Espinosa, 1940, pp. 17-18, and 1942, p. 32, n. 24; Escalante,1900, p. 312).A remarkable figure emerged from the conquest of Sia: Bartolomede Ojeda. He was a Sia Indian although he may have had a strainof Spanish blood. He fought the Spaniards with great bravery, butafter being severely wounded and fearing that he was going to die, hegave himself up to the Spaniards and asked to have a priest hear hisconfession. He was taken to El Paso by Cruzate. He later returnedand became governor of Sia (Espinosa, 1942, p. 20, n. 23).The reconquest of the pueblos was eventually effected by Gen. DonDiego de Vargas. In the fall of 1692 his campaign brought him tothe Pueblo of Sia, which he found deserted. One of his soldiers founda church bell which the Indians had buried. De Vargas ordered itreburied. After spending the night at ruined Sia, Vargas proceededto the Cerro Colorado near Jemez, where the Sia and Indians fromother pueblos had sought refuge; the Sia had built there a pueblo oftheir own. As Vargas approached, the Sia descended to meet him.They greeted him "with great reverence, and they all had crosses intheir hands" (Espinosa, 1940, p. 176). Then they all entered thepueblo of the Sia, where Vargas assembled them in the plaza andaddressed them "through the Indian Bartolo, who served as inter-preter." One hundred twenty-three Indians were baptized. At therequest of the chief of the Sia, Antonio Malacate, Vargas formallyinstalled a new chief, Cristobal, since Malacate was too old and tooill to perform his duties. Vargas enjoined the new chief to performhis duties well and to be loyal and obedient to the Spanish Crown andChurch. This the chief promised to do (ibid., pp. 177-178).
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Vargas then ordered the Sia to reoccupy theu* former pueblo,
"since the walls are strong and in good condition, and also the naveand main altar of the church are in good condition only lacking thewooden parts, which I ordered them to cut . . .," They repliedthat they had no tools, whereupon Vargas promised to give themsome. He asked them to repair the church and the convent only,
"that he was not asking them to build him a house." They "agreedto do so, and with the din of their war dances they seemed to be veryhappy and contented" (Espinosa, 1940, p. 177).In 1693 Vargas was in Mexico organizing an expedition to colonizethe Pueblo country. He then ascended the Rio Grande to Sante Fe,which he recaptured after bitter fighting. Of the 20-odd pueblos ofthe region "only four were the allies of the Spaniards: namely, Pecos,and the Keres of Santa Ana, Sia, and San Felipe .... The natives ofthe other pueblos had moved to the mountains and barricaded them-selves. Those of Santo Domingo and Jemez were on the mesas neartheir respective pueblos, the other Keres on the mesa of La Ciene-guilla de Cochiti . . ." (Espinosa, 1942, p. 163). By January1694, the Sia, Santa Ana, and the San Fehpe were "clamoring toVargas for assistance against the Jemez, the Queres of Santo Do-mingo," and other pueblos (Bandelier, 1892, p. 173). During thespring and summer of that year the Sia and Santa Ana fought withthe Spaniards against the Indians of Jemez and other tribes (Bande-Her, 1892, pp. 173 ff.; Espinosa, 1942, pp. 178-80, 185, 188).On June 4, 1696, a widespread revolt of the eastern pueblos brokeout: the Taos, Picuris, Jemez, the Tewa, Tano, and the Keres ofSanto Domingo and Cochiti, "with a fury long kindled," rose ininsurrection. They killed 26 Spaniards, including 5 missionaries.They burned and desecrated churches, then abandoned their villagesand fled to the mountains as they had done earlier. The Sia, SantaAna, and San Felipe remained loyal to the Spaniards. Sia andSanta Ana were threatened by the Jemez, who had been reinforcedby some Acoma, Zuni, and Navaho, for siding with the white man.Bartolome de Ojeda, the Indian governor of Sia (in some accounts heis mistakenly said to be governor of Santa Ana), wrote to Vargas, tell-ing him of their danger and asking him for help. Vargas orderedOjeda to bring the Sia to Santa Fe, and promised him a mihtaryescort (Espinosa, 1942, pp. 248-249). The Sia did not leave theirpueblo, however.In August 1696, Vargas was ready to take pimitive action againstthe rebelHous Acoma. He and his party arrived in Sia on August10, and made that pueblo a base for his operations. After a 3-daysiege of Acoma, Vargas returned to Sia, where he rested for a fewdays. When Spanish soldiers entered the pueblo of Jemez, they
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 25found the body of Fray Francisco de Jesiis, who had been killed onJune 4. His flesh had been gnawed away by animals, but the sol-diers gathered together some of his bones, which they took to Sia andburied in the church (Dominguez, 1956, p. 262, n, 44).The revolt of 1696 was put down before the year was out, and theresistance of the pueblos was broken once and for all, at least as faras armed struggle was concerned (Twitchell, 1916; Espinosa, 1942,eh. 14 and pp. 274-277).The history of the pueblos of New Mexico during the 18th centuryis extremely meager; little is known of what took place at Sia duringthis period, beyond a few notes here and there, most of them dealingwith the Church.It is known that in 1701 a Father Chavarria was at Sia, for themission records show that he performed a marriage there on Novem-ber 27. Apparently Bartolome de Ojeda was still governor of Sia atthis time (Dominguez, 1956, p. 263, n. 55). The mission at Sia ismentioned in a church record of 1706; the bell had no tongue and waswithout ornament, but appeared to be whole; there was a residentpriest, who ministered also to Jemez during the absence of its ownpriest; "the church is being built; it is now at a good height" (Hack-ett, 1937, p. 376).It would appear from a brief note in 1707 that the Spaniards wereusing Sia, at least occasionally, as a base for military operationsagainst the West, as Vargas had done in 1696 (Twitchell, 1912, p. 423).In 1728-29, according to notes by a missionary, the Indians were
"dying like flies from sarampion" (measles); they were coughing andspitting blood. Also, this note says: "The Indians of Jemez, Sia,Santa Ana, and Cochiti had rebelled and fled to the sierra with alltheir belongings, and Governor Bustamente's foresight had preventedother pueblos from doing likewise" (Dominguez, 1956, p. 332). Onewonders what incidents lie behind this brief statement. "The rebelsreturned of their own accord," however, "and the governor welcomedthem back with Very Christian and edifying addresses'" (ibid.).Very different from the old days!A missionary's note of 1744 speaks briefly of the pueblo, the mis-sion, and friendly relations with Navaho who came to visit a Siawoman whom they had captm-ed and held for 16 years (Hackett,1937, pp. 404-405). A clerical document of 1754 tells of servicesrendered the mission and its priest by the people of Sia:[the] Indians give the minister for attendance upon the convent two boy studentsof the doctrine, a bell-ringer, a porter, a cook, two grinding-women, and woodenough for the kitchen and the ovens. They also sow for the minister two fanegasof wheat and one almud of corn, so that the discomforts of the poor religious aresomewhat lessened. [Ibid., pp. 404-405.]
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Bishop Tamar6n visited Sia in 1760, where he gave two sermonsand made 494 confirmations (Adams, 1954, p. 76). A Spanish letterof 1775 reports that "thieves from the Navaho Apaches have come,on six occasions to steal cattle and horses from the pueblos of Xemes,Sia, San Yldefonso . . ." (Thomas, 1940, p. 183).Father Dominguez made a tour of inspection of the missions ofNew Mexico in 1776, and he describes the church and convent of Siain some detail. He also comments briefly upon lands and horti-culture. Of the village he says:Therefore there is no more to be said with regard to this pueblo of Zia thanthat its houses are of stone like the hill on which it stands. They are arrangedand built in nine small tenements, or blocks, of dwellings. One of them is oppo-site the church and the rest are to the south in the form of two small plazas openat their four corners, and they are to the east and west of each other [?very muchas it was in 1957]. [Dominguez, 1956, p. 175.]An epidemic of smallpox ravaged the pueblo country in 1780-81,and so reduced the population of nearby Santa Ana that this pueblobecame a visita of Sia in 1782 (Bancroft, 1889, pp. 274, 281).Father Morfi describes the mission and pueblo of Sia in 1782, butapart from geographic and topographic notes, which would be appli-cable today, he says nothing of significance (Thomas, 1932, pp.99-100).Spanish accounts of the early decades of the 19th century mentionSia in a survey of a number of pueblos. "The pueblos mentioned , . .have weU-protected walls and are two or more stories high. Thelower floors . . . are completely enclosed"; ladders "lead to the roomsabove" (Carroll and Haggard, 1942, p. 29). It is not said that Sia,specifically, was surrounded by a high wall, and we may doubt that itwas; certainly we have no indication of it either in visible remains or inrecollections of informants. Furthermore, the pueblo is located upona steep hill that would have provided considerable protection. Fa-ther Dominguez does not mention a wall surrounding Sia in 1776,whereas he does state that "the whole pueblo [of Santo Domingo] issurrounded by a rather high adobe wall with two gates; this is forresistance against the enemy [Indians] ..." (Dominguez, 1956,p. 137).The early 19th-century chronicles quoted by Carroll and Haggardgo on to say thatin spite of the dominion held over them by religion [i.e., Catholicism], all of thesepueblos persist in keeping some of the dogmas which have been transmitted tothem traditionally, and which they scrupulously teach their descendants. Fromthis arises the worship they render the sun, the moon, and other celestial bodies,the reverence they have for fire, etc. ... All of the pueblos have their estufas[kivas] .... The doors of the estufas are always closed to us, the Spaniards,as they call us .... [The salvation of the souls of most of the Indians was]woefully neglected. [Carroll and Haggard, 1942, pp. 27-29.]
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 27The independence of Mexico from Spain, won in 1821, appears tohave affected the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico Httle if at all. Thewar between Mexico and the United States, 1846-48, had, however,the most profound consequences for the region, because it initiatedthe ascendancy of Anglo-American influence over that of Hispano-American culture. The consequences of this transition are beingworked out to this da}'^.Prior to the war with Mexico a number of American Army officersvisited the pueblo country. Lt. Col. Emory visited Santo Domingoin September 1846, but did not go to Sia (Emory, 1847-48). Lt.J. W. Abert stopped briefly at Santo Domingo and Santa Ana in Oc-tober 1846, but apparently did not reach Sia (Abert, 1848, pp. 46-47).Lt. J. H. Sunpson passed through Santo Domingo and Jemez on hisway to the Navaho country to chastise the people there for theirdepredations (Simpson, 1850, pp. 61-64). He did not go throughSia, apparently, but, according to Keleher (1952, p. 46), some Sia wereamong the 55 Indians from various pueblos who joined Simpson's forces.We know nothing of the effect the conduct of the war betweenMexico and the United States may have had on the pueblos in generalor on Sia in particular. After the American occupation, the PuebloIndians were administered by a Commissioner of Indian Affairswithin the War Department until March 1849, when the Departmentof the Interior was created. At that time the Bureau of IndianAffairs was transferred to the Department of the Interior, and the ad-ministration of Indians passed to civil control.Dm'ing the American Civil War a Confederate force invaded NewMexico, marched up the Rio Grande valley in 1861 and occupied thecapital, but in 1862 was defeated by a Union force in ApacheCanyon. We have found no documentary account of the effect ofthis engagement, if any, on the Pueblo Indians, and have never heardany legends or folktales about it from informants. Dm'ing the earlydecades of the American occupation there was much turmoil in NewMexico. The Pueblo Indians suffered much from raids by the Apacheand Navaho. The American administration forbade the Pueblos toretaliate but were incapable of providing them with adequate pro-tection from the marauders (Keleher, 1952; Dale, 1949, chs. 4, 8).There is little mention of Sia in the reports of the early Indianagents. In 1864, John Ward reported that Sia was in "a ruinous con-dition"; he repeated this statement 3 years later, adding that its pop-ulation was "fast decreasing" (Rep. Com. Ind. Aff., 1867, p. 194; 1868,p. 212). Anthi'opological science invaded Sia for the first time, in1879-80, in the person of Col. James Stevenson, as I have previouslynoted (p. 1).
28 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Capt. John G. Boiu"ke spent a few days at Sia in 1881. He madenumerous inquiries about the religion and social organization, andrecorded some valuable observations about the pueblo
:
[The village] I found to my astonishment, to be almost entirely in ruins;there were lights in nine houses only [when he arrived in the evening shortlyafter dark]; and many were occupied as stables for burros & cattle. Allowingfor other families absent or asleep & not having lights in their houses, therecan't be over fifteen families in Zia today. The deserted and ruined buildingswould lead one to believe that it contained in its palmy days ten times as many.[Later he observed that] this pueblo has evidently been at one time very large. . .One of the houses ... is two stories high. . . Windows of selenite in everyhouse except one or two of the newest . . . Saw an eagle, kept a prisonerin an abandoned house . . . [Bloom, 1938, pp. 219-223.]Bourke also described the Catholic church; I cite his account onpage 64.In 1883, the Indian agent reported that "the pueblo of Zia plantslittle. It enjoys good health, and has a considerable number ofanimals. It is superstitious and unclean, but promises to learn"(Rep. Com. Ind. Aff. for 1883, p. 123).A brief description of Sia and the mode of Ufe there is given in areport by Henry R. Poore (1894, pp. 430-431). He comments uponthe ruinous condition of the village, the meager population, and thepoverty. He deals with a few other aspects, also, which I shall referto topically later on.The Indian Agent in 1897 reported that the Sia, because of a hail-storm which had destroyed their wheat crop, were "absolutely withoutthe means of support." He commended "them to the charitablecommiseration of the Department" (Rep. Com. Ind. Aff. for1897, pp. 200-01).
SETTING AND BACKGROUNDThe historical sketch of Sia has thrown Ught upon a number ofsignificant points: (1) the subjugation and missionization of the Siaby the Spaniards; (2) the destruction of their pueblo and its subse-quent reoccupation ; (3) enmity of some other pueblos incurred by Siafor siding, together with Santa Ana and San Felipe, with the Spaniardsafter the Revolt of 1680; and (4) the decline of the pueblo due todisease, poverty, and possibly to factional strife and to executions forwitchcraft.* We now turn to a description of the setting and back-ground of Sia and its culture in relatively modern times, since about1890 when Stevenson concluded her study of this community.THE NAME TSl'YAThe name of the pueblo here described is Tsiya. Harrington(1916, p. 517) spells it Tse'ja, and says that it is a word of "obscureetymology;" I was unable to discover any English equivalent of it.The name has been spelled variously m the literature: Cia, Cilia,Ciya, Chia, Sia, Siay, Silla, Siya, Tsia, Tria, Trios, Tse-ah, Tse-a,Tzia, Zea, and Zia (ibid., pp. 517-518; Harrington gives a bibho-graphic reference for each use). After the Mexican War, someAmericans in the area, e.g., James Stevenson, apparently seem to havethought that the name was the Spanish silla (chair, saddle). ThePueblo Indians and the long-estabHshed Mexicans in the Rio Granderegion call people from Texas Tejanos. The people of Sia would,therefore, be Sillanos, and I find that some of the specimenscollected by the Stevensons, now in the U. S. National Museum, arelabeled "Sillana." The Keresan term for "people of Tsiya" isTse'jame, 'people' (Harrington, 1916, p. 517). By or before the 1950's,when the present study was terminated, "Zia" had become the mostgenerally accepted spelling of the name; it was necessary for the U.S.Post Ofiice to settle upon a spelling, and highway maps, the IndianService, and the U.S. Pubhc Health Service have tended to followsuit. I am retaining the earlier spelling "Sia" because it is the oneused by the Bureau of American Ethnology when it published M. C.Stevenson's monograph, and it is the one used in the Handbook ofAmerican Indians (Hodge, 1910, pp. 562-563).
* Bandelier (1890, p. 35n.) believed, on the basis of unspecified evidence, that Sia, Nambe, and Santa Clara"owe their decline to the constant inter-kUling .... for supposed evU practices of witchcraft." Therehave been rumors that factional strife broke out after Mrs. Stevenson left Sia and that "some people gotsick and died" as a consequence. 29
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184HABITATSia is located in the upper Sonoran life zone of north-central NewMexico, at latitude 35?30' N. and about 13 miles west of longitude106?30'; the elevation is about 5,500 feet above sea level. Thepueblo lies on the left bank of the Jemez River a few miles below theconfluence of the Jemez and the Rio Salado (Salt River) (fig. 2); it isabout 20 miles west of the Rio Grande. Rocky mesas and sandy slopesand plains are the principal topographic features. The Jemez Moun-tains (maximum elevation about 11,500 feet) lie about 15 miles to the
r // /\
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 31
north of Sia; the Sandias (maximum elevation about 11,000 feet) areabout 20 miles to the southeast.Pine, spruce, and fir in the mountains, junipers and piiion in thefoothills and on the mesas, and cottonwood in the Rio Grande valleyare the principal trees of the region. Grasses, yuccas, cactus, salt-bush (Atriplex canescens), rabbit brush {Chrysothamnus sp.), bushmorning-glory (Ipomoea leptophylla) , and snakeweed (Gutierrezia sp.)are characteristic plants of the region (White, 1945). Deer, antelope,puma, wildcat, bear, badger, coyote, fox, rabbit, and squirrel areprominent among the mammalian fauna. The bison merely touchedthe Pueblo country in the northeastern part of the State; antelopehave been rendered virtually extinct in the region by hunters(V. Bailey, 1931; White, 1947 b). Hawk, eagle, sparrow hawk, owl,hummingbird, road runner, dove, meadow lark, magpie, quail, sometiu-key in the mountains, and ducks in season are the principal birds(F. M. Bailey, 1928). Bull snake, king snake, rattlesnake, whipsnake, racers, hog-nose snake, and various kinds of lizards, turtlesand toads are found. Vernon Bailey's "Life Zones and Crop Zonesof New Mexico" (1913) presents an excellent description of the hab-itat of the pueblos of New Mexico, including data on cHmate, topog-raphy (illustrated with maps of life zones) , flora, and fauna.There are few minerals of consequence in the Pueblo country ingeneral or in the vicinity of Sia in particular. Sia has excellent clayfor pottery and a fine mineral pigment for its decoration. Malachite,a native green basic carbonate of copper, is available for making theblue-green paint for masks and other ceremonial paraphernalia. Micaor selenite or both are found; the former is used as a paint, the latterwas formerly used for windows (see p. 28). A natural mixture ofmagnetite and hematite is found "in hunks in the mountains." It iscalled stcamun and is used as a paint (see White, 1948, pp. 368-372,for data on use of minerals by Keresan pueblos) . Uranium has beenfound in considerable quantity on the Laguna Reservation, but by1957 none had been located on the lands of the Sia although little ifany competent prospecting had been done by that time.CLIMATEThe Jemez River is low during most of the year; sometimes it isalmost dry. I have crossed it many times in an automobile. Thearroyos are bone-dry most of the time, but after thundershowers inthe summer they may become turbulent streams for a short time.The following climatological data are based on readings at the U.S.Weather Bureau station near Bernalillo, the nearest one to Sia. Ber-nalillo is lower in altitude than Sia and may be a little warmer anddrier. Mean annual precipitation is about 9 inches. July, August,
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Ball. 184and September are the "rainy season," with precipitation averaging3.93 inches, or more than 44 percent of the year's total. Curiouslyenough, June had the least mean precipitation of any month between1938 and 1952, inclusive. Yearly averages are fairly uniform: theleast amount of precipitation, 1938 to 1952, inclusive, was 4.99 inches;the greatest, 16.72 inches; in 8 of these 15 years, precipitation wasmore than 6 and less than 9 inches. Eighty-two percent of the meanannual snowfall of 9.1 inches occurs in November to February,inclusive.The mean annual maximum temperature is 71?; the mean minimum,36?; and the mean annual, 54?. The highest temperature is 102? F.;the lowest, ?18?. June, July, and August are the hottest months,with means of 69?, 75?, and 73?, respectively. December, January,and February are the coldest, with means of 35?, 33.5?, and 37?, respec-tively. The interval between mean maximum and mean minimumtemperatures ranges from 30.5? in January to 41? in June. The dateof the last Idlling frost in spring ranges from March 20 to May 1,with a mean of April 13. The date of the first killing frost in fallranges from September 17 to November 17, with a mean of October 28.The growing season ranges from 157 to 239 days, with a mean of 198days.February, March, and April are usually very windy, with velocitiesoccassionally reaching 50 or 60 miles an hour. Sand and dust stormsare not infrequent and are very irritating to the respiratory tract andthe eyes. But, on the whole, the climate is healthful.PHYSICAL TYPEAlthough "the quantity of physical anthropological work pubKshedon the Southwest is greater than that available for any other Ameri-can culture area . . . with the possible exception of the Arctic Coastalarea," according to Spuhler (1954, p. 604; this article provides areview of the history of physical anthropological studies in the South-west), there are rather few data for the Keres in general and verylittle for Sia.Hrdli^ka described physical type in general among the pueblos,but emphasized that they do not constitute a homogeneous group(Hrdhfika, 1935, pp. 263-266, 457, 459). vSo far as we know, onlyseven Sias have ever been measured anthropometrically, namely,seven men measm-ed by Hrdlifika; the pueblo council would notpermit him to measure women (HrdliCka, 1908, pp. 133, 136; 1935,p. 246). The average stature of these men was 162.4 cm. The Siawere the shortest of men in nine New Mexico pueblos measured;shorter, also, than the Hopi. Hrdli6ka suggests that diminutivestature may be due, in part at least, to "chronic want" (Hrdlifika,
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 331935, pp. 269-70). At Sia Hrdlifika found the longest heads of anypueblo, with the exception of Taos, in a list of eight New Mexicopueblos. Cephalic index at Sia was 78.5, but this was an averageof only three crania. Sia, Acoma, and San Juan had the highestpercentages of artificially deformed (cradle flattening) male heads ofthe New Mexico pueblos measured (Hrdli^ka, 1935, pp. 250, 313).We may infer that the Sia belong predominantly to the O bloodgroup, with type A being next most frequent, since neighboring tribesare of this composition: Cochiti, type O, 88.0 percent, type A, 11.7percent; Jemez, type O, 78.4 percent, type A, 20.0 percent; New Mex-ico Navaho, type O, 69.1 percent, type A, 30.6 percent (Boyd, 1939,pp. 221-222). Ten Sias were tested at the U.S. Indian Hospital andIndian School in Albuquerque for incidence of the Rh factor; theywere all Rh positive, as were all others tested from Keresan pueblosand from Jemez (Gerheim, 1947, p. 420).Stevenson has a number of photographs in "The Sia," and there areothers in the Archives of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash-ington, D.C., which exhibit physical type at Sia very well.LANGUAGE AND LITERACYSia belongs to the Keresan linguistic family, which also includesAcoma, Laguna, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, and Co-chiti. There is considerable difference of opinion with regard todialectal differences among the Keresan pueblos (cf. White, 1942 a,p. 34). J. P. Harrington (1916, p. 519), a Unguist, states that "thedialect [of Sia] resembles closely the dialects of Cochiti, Santo Do-mingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana, and is more distantly related tothose of Laguna and Acoma." In the opinion of one of my infor-mants, the dialect of Santa Ana is closest to that of Sia; then comeSanto Domingo, San Felipe, Acoma, and Cochiti. All the Kere-san pueblos understand one another quite readily, however. I havethe impression that Acoma, and possibly Laguna also, present greaterlexical differences from the eastern pueblos than can be found amongthe latter villages themselves.Few studies of the Keresan language have been pubhshed. BoaspubUshed "A Keresan Text" (1921-23) and "Keresan Texts" (1925,1928). Robert F. Spencer wrote a master's thesis on "A Prelim-inary Sketch of Keresan Grammar" (Univ. New Mexico, 1940). Helater published "The Phonemes of Keresan" (1946). Irvine Davisdid a master's thesis on "Santa Ana Phonology" (Univ. New Mexico,1958). There is an appendix on "A Note on Cochiti Linguistics,"by J. R. Fox (in Lange, 1959, pp. 557-572).At the time of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, "many of the Indian lead-ers of the New Mexico pueblos could not only read, but could write
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
as well?fruits of the educational work of the Franciscan mission-aries. ... In the Vargas documents there are filed a number of letterswritten by the Indian governors of Santa Ana Tesuque to Vargas,and in very good Castilian" (Espinosa, 1942, p. 135 n. 72). Bart-olome de Ojeda of Sia (see p. 23) was one of these. Father Domin-quez (1956, p. 175) reported in 1776 that the natives of the Keresanpueblos spoke Spanish, "but brokenly." In 1890, 73 of the 106 Siacould speak Spanish, but only 1 was able to read and write that lan-guage ; only 3 could speak English ; 2 were said to be able to read andwrite English (Poore, 1894, p. 420). In 1910, 73 percent of the Siaof 10 years of age and over were unable to speak English; among theKeresan pueblos the percentage of those unable to speak Englishwas highest at Santo Domingo (85) and lowest at Laguna (55). Thispercentage was higher among women than among men, both at Siaand among the Keres in general (U.S. Bur. Census, 1915, p. 245). In1936, 125 of the 203 Sia were able to speak Enghsh; 110 were able toread and write English (United Pueblos Agency).I did not make a linguistic census of Sia, but I believe the followingstatements are valid: (1) Almost everyone can speak some Spanish,enough at least for social and business intercourse with theu' Mexicanneighbors; some speak it as well as their Spanish-American neighbors.(2) Almost everyone except those of 60 years of age or more can speakEnglish. (3) The percentage of people who can speak English hasdefinitely increased since 1900. (4) Most persons below the age of45 can read and write English. (5) A few Sias can speak some Nav-aho; a few know some words in the Jemez language but not enough,I believe, to carry on a conversation in that tongue.POPULATIONAs we have already seen, Espejo described Sia in 1583 as "a verylarge pueblo . . . with eight plazas . . ." the principal one of the fivepueblos in the province of Los Punames. Luxdn called it "an impor-tant city of more than a thousand houses inhabited by more than fourthousand men over fifteen years of age, and women and children inaddition" (Hammond and Rey, eds., 1929, pp. 83-84). This is nodoubt a gross exaggeration, but the extensive ruins upon which themodern village rests indicate that the town was once considerablylarger than it has been dming the past century. It is said that some600 Sias were killed by Cruzate when he destroyed their pueblo in 1689,and yet Vargas found enough survivors to reoccupy the village afterhis reconquest. Turning to actual accounts, accurate or otherwise,we have data for various times between 1694 and 1957 presented intable 1, and in part in figure 3.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 35
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYTable 1.
?
Population of Sia ? [Bull. 184
No.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 37
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 39
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
with 11.8 percent. But the percentage under 10 in 1930 was lessthan that in 1957: 27.1 percent as compared with 30.8 percent. Andthe percentage under 20 in 1930 was less than in 1957: 49.7 percentas compared with 52.3 percent.Table 2.
?
Population of Sia by age and sex
Whltel THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 41The percentage of the population under 20 years of age in Sia andin neighboring pueblos for 1930 and 1957 is shown in table 3. Datafor 1930 are from "Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the UnitedStates" (U.S. Sen., 1932, pt. 19); figures for 1957 are from a ProgramAnalysis of the U.S. Public Health Service, July, 1957 (their esti-mate for Sia's population is 345 which is much less accurate, 1 amsure, than our careful survey).It is apparent that Sia closely resembles her neighbors in thesepercentages. Apparent also is the fact that there was a uniform andan appreciable increase in percentage of young people in thesepueblos between 1930 and 1957. The significance of this increase isnot clear, however.Table 4 and figure 7 show a comparison of the population of Sia(1957) by age groups with that of the State of New Mexico (1950).The percentages of the younger age groups in Sia exceed those of NewMexico up to age 25, after which percentages for Sia are smaller.
IBn
16
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
with two exceptions. Of the population of Sia, 62.5 percent wasunder 25 years of age (1957) as compared with 51.7 percent for NewMexico (1950).The data show that Sia closely resembles its Indian neighbors withregard to age distribution of population. They show also that Siahas a young population; and, at least for the age group under 20, ithas become even younger since 1930. This may be due to decrease ininfant mortality in recent years, coupled with considerable increasein population. SEX RATIOThe percentage of males at Sia has exceeded that of females, some-times very greatly, for as long as data are available. But Sia is notexceptional in this respect by any means; the same situation has pre-vailed in pueblos in the vicinity of Sia (table 5), I am unable toexplain this preponderance of males over females. In 1930 Superin-tendent Towers of the Indian Agency stated that the preponderanceof males was due "largely to the death of mothers during childbirth,as we have been unable to prevail upon the Indian mothers to putthemselves under the care of Government physicians or attend Gov-ernment hospitals during confinement" (U.S. Sen., 1932, pt. 19, p.9875). But his own figures do not support this explanation: in 1930the percentage of females between the ages of 20 and 39, inclusive
?
the childbearing period?was slightly larger than that for men: 26.3percent as compared with 26.0 percent for males. My census of1957 would lend some support to Towers' theory, for it shows that51.5 percent of males and 53.9 percent of females were under 20 yearsof age, whereas 29.5 percent of males and 26.9 percent of females werebetween the ages of 20 and 39, inclusive (table 2). But, according toour information, from Government doctors and nurses as well as fromthe Sia, few women die in childbirth. I believe we have no adequateexplanation of the preponderance of males.I beheve we see a tendency of the predominance of males to di-minish between 1890 and 1957 among the five pueblos included in table5, although the trend in some cases is erratic. But in each case,except Santo Domingo, the number of males per 100 females is small-est for 1957. The data strongly suggest that some factor has beenoperating since 1890 toward an equalization of the numbers of thesexes, but what this factor may be I have no idea.MARITAL STATUSWe have two marriage censuses of Sia; and marital status couldbe inferred from all census rolls of the Agency, but not with a highdegree of accuracy. In 1923, Halseth (1924 b, p. 68) counted themarried, single, and widowed. He did not specify ages; he merely
White! THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 43distinguished "adults" from "children." In 1957, I worked out acensus of marital status bj^ age and sex (table 6). Table 7 presentsthe results of these two censuses.Table 5.-
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The percentage of married people in Sia strikes one as remarkablysmall, and it appears to have decreased between 1923 (61 percent ofadults) and 1957 (56.8 percent of persons 18 years of age and older).The percentage of single males is large. This is due in part, of course,to the numerical preponderance of men and to monogamy, but notwholly, by any means: in 1957 there were 16 unmarried females be-tween the ages of 18 and 25, inclusive, as compared with 22 unmarriedmales in the same age range. And the percentage of single males hasincreased between 1923 (27.9) and 1957 (41.1) despite a dechne inthe excess of males over females (see table 5). Of the 37 bachelorsin 1957, 15 were over 25; 13 were over 30; some never marry.Table 8 gives a comparison of the marital status in Sia in 1957with that of nearby pueblos in 1910. (The data for the latter arefrom "Indian Population in the United States and Alaska, 1910,"U.S. Census, 1915, p. 165).Table 8.
?
Marital status: Sia compared with nearby pueblos for persons 15 yearsof age and older {in percentages)
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 45The percentage of single persons is thus very high in Sia as com-pared with New Mexico, ahnost twice as high, as a matter of fact.It seems apparent from the foregoing statistics that marriage is notvery important, or essential, to the conduct of social life in Sia. In1957, 31 women, single and ?vN'idowed, comprising 39.2 percent of fe-males of 18 years of age and over, had no husband; 42 males, single orwidowed, or 46.6 percent of males 18 years of age and over, had nowife. Marriage in not necessary to procreation, and there is nostigma attached to unmarried mothers. In 1957 there were definitely3 women who had borne and reared children out of wedlock: one was74 years old and had reared 4 children; another was 62 and had reared2 children; and a third was 30 and had 4 childern. None had evermarried. In addition to these, there were 4 women who in all prob-ability (I cannot be sure from my census) had one or two childreneach without matrimony; they ranged from 22 to 30 years of age. Inone or two instances I heard of an unmarried mother whose daughteralso had borne children out of wedlock. No one, I feel safe in saying,need marry to gratify sexual needs.Nor is marriage necessary for economic reasons in many, if not all,instances. The household is the principal economic unit, and it al-most always contains one or more men, whether they are married ornot. And, besides, women make a contribution to subsistence, apartfrom housekeeping, through horticulture, in making pottery or curiosfor sale, or in chicken raising.Unfortunately, my statistical analysis of marital status at Sia wasnot undertaken until after my fieldwork there was terminated. Iknew, of course, that there were many unmarried persons in the com-munity, but I was astonished when statistical analysis revealed thevery high incidence of celibacy. Had I realized this earlier I wouldhave made it a subject of special inquiry.DRESSPhotographs in Stevenson's "The Sia" show that the old-fashioned,possibly aboriginal, woven, sleeveless woman's dress, which leaves theleft shoulder bare, was rather generally worn during the 1880's (seealso Curtis, ed., 1926, vol. 16, pis.). Women are shown wearing moc-casins and leggings, also. Photographs in the files of the Bureau ofAmerican Ethnology, taken about 1890, show men wearing pajama-like trousers and moccasins. But photographs of that era also showclothing, for both men and women, that had been obtained fromtraders' stores.A visitor described the costume of the governor of Sia in 1912 as
"orthodox Pueblo costume?flapping, white cotton trousers and cot-ton shirt, worn blouselike outside of them, his head encircled with a
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
red bandana and without a hat, his feet encased in home-made moc-casins . . . ." (Saunders, 1912, p. 60).The Sia have gradually abandoned more and more of their oldstyle costume and have substituted clothing purchased from stores; atthe conclusion of the present study the costume of the Sia was hardlydistinguishable from that of their Spanish and Anglo-American neigh-bors, except that headbands, rather than hats, were generally worn bythe men. Sia has not required the wearing of moccasins, for eithermen or women, as Santo Domingo has done. Cowboy boots areworn, especially by younger men, to a greater extent than at nearbypueblos.The eldest men either have long hair, which is done up in a "club,"tied with a narrow woven belt, or they have a short bob, reaching tothe nape of the neck. Younger men may have long hair, also, buttend either to wear a long bob or to have it cut short in Americanstyle. The youngest men and boys generally have short hair. Olderwomen have long hair; younger women tend to have bobbed heads.SMOKINGAlmost all adult male Sia smoke cigarettes; pipes and cigars arenot used. Sia women do not smoke, with the possible exception of avery few who had learned how in residence away from the pueblo inthe early 1950's. No one chews tobacco.DRINKINGThe Sia have had a reputation of being great drinkers (White,1942 a, p. 69). Drunkenness is, however, much deplored generally bythe people and also officially by the pueblo. Until August 1953, anIndian could not legally purchase alcoholic beverages in New Mexico,but they were easily obtainable from bootleggers. Since 1953, whenpurchase by Indians was legalized, the pueblo authorities have pro-hibited the bringing of hquor into the village, but they have not beensuccessful in keeping it out. Drunkenness is most common at fiestatimes. Occasionally even a dancer in a ceremony may be under theinfluence of liquor; Lange (1952, p. 24) noted an intoxicated manamong the dancers in the ceremony for the patron saint, and de-scribed what was done to him for this offense; I, too, have seen intoxi-cation among saint's day dancers upon a few occasions. Sweet "svineseems to be the favorite alcoholic beverage, but some prefer whisky;beer, also, is drunk. Drinking is confined almost entirely to males,and younger men tend to drink more than older ones.DRUGSPeyote has never taken hold in Sia, and no one there uses it,although they know about its use in Taos and elsewhere.
Whltel THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 47PETS; FLOWERSThe Sia have many dogs. JMost of them are nondescript mongi'els>but there were a number of emaciated whippets, or greyhounds,during the 1940's and 1950's. There are virtually no cats in Sia.No caged birds are kept as pets; eagles are occasionally captured andkept in cages for their feathers. There has been no parrot in Siafor many years, although there used to be one. The Sia do not keeppotted plants in their houses, as many of their Mexican neighbors do,nor raise flowers or other ornamental plants in gardens.THE PUEBLO ITSELFThe village is built upon a knoll about 250 feet above the JemezRiver and is reached by a steep climb from the river (pi. 2). Theknoll is covered with a profusion of basaltic, or scoriaceous, bouldersranging m size from a few inches in diameter to 3 feet or more. Theseboulders and stones of other material have been much used in the pastin the construction of houses, and ruins of former houses are to beseen on almost every hand (see Stevenson, 1894, pi. i). The longeraxis of the pueblo runs approximately north and south (fig. 8). Mostof the houses are grouped around two plazas. In recent years therehas been a tendency to build dweUings east of the church, and alsodown the hill toward the schoolhouse.HOUSESThe construction and design of houses at Sia are much like thoseof other pueblos in the region, except that stone and basaltic boulders,rather than adobe bricks, are used to a greater extent in Sia thanelsewhere. In 1881, according to Bom-ke, only one house was twostories high (Bloom, 1938, p. 223). In 1923, all houses were of onestory (Halseth, 1924 b, p. 67) as they are today. Bourke found thatwindows were of selenite "in every house except one or two of thenewest" (Bloom, 1938, p. 222). In 1957, virtually all houses wereequipped with windows and doors piu-chased from the white man'sstores, and many were supplied with screens.The typical house has three rooms. The general living room oftencontains beds. In some households meals are eaten in this room; inothers they are eaten in another room where they are cooked. Some-times there is a room, usually a smaller one, that is used almostexclusively for storage. Most houses in 1957 were furnished, ingreater or lesser amounts, with furniture and other equipment acquiredfrom the white man's stores. Most dwellings have a cookstove, butuse old-style fireplaces for heating. Trunks are widely used forstorage, but they have been supplemented by modern fm*niture insome instances. Walls, especially of the Uving room, are decorated
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
a ^ff=:iJ B c^^
SCALE IN FEETFigure 8.?Diagram of Sia Pueblo (courtesy of Stanley Stubbs and the University oOklahoma Press), drawn from an aerial photograph; the broken lines represent housesbuilt since the photograph was taken. 1, Hotcanitsa. 2, Juan Shije's (the cacique's)house. 3, Wren kiva. 4, Turpuoise kiva. 5, Caiyeik society's house. 6, House ofSnake and Kapina societies. 7, Fire society's house. 8, House of Flint and Kwirainasocieties. 9, House of the Katsina, Gomaiyawlc, and Hoaina. 10, House of Koshairiand Giant societies. 11, Large stone; home of Gacltiwa. 12, Stone; home of Moun-tain Lion. 13, Stone; home of War Gods. 14, Large wooden cross. 15, Undergroundchamber. (See pi. 2.)
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 49
with pictures, both religious (CathoUc) and secular, and with snap-shots of relatives and friends. Occasionally drums, bows, and itemsof ceremonial paraphernalia hang upon the walls or are suspendedfrom ceiling beams. The earthen floors are commonly covered withlinoleum. PLAZASThe village has two plazas, commonly referred to as north andsouth plazas. In the north plaza there is a large stone (fig. 8).This is the home of Gacitiwa, a supernatural being. In the southplaza there is a wooden cross. It was there in Boiu-ke's day (1881;see Bloom, ed., 1938); Stevenson, however, does not mention it. Itappears in many old photographs. This cross marks the spot andcommemorates the occasion of the first baptism of pueblo Indiansinto the Christian faith, according to one informant. There are twostones in the south plaza. The western one (No. 12 in fig. 8) is calledmokaitc, mountain Hon; it represents all the animals of the sixdii'ections; they protect the pueblo against disease. The other stone,No. 13, is called aiwana. It stands for the twin war gods, Masewiand Oyoj^ewi, and their eight helpers. They protect the villageagainst witches and disease. CHURCHOn the northern edge of the village is the Roman Catholic church,in front of which is an enclosed area where the dead are buried. Ishall return to this subject later under "Christianity."HOTCANITSAA small block of rooms, set apart from others, contains the ho-tcanitsa and the residence of the cacique (during the 1950's, at least).The hotcanitsa is, so to speak, the domicile of the government of Sia.It is the place where official meetings of officers and priests are held.It is under the jurisdiction of the cacique, but the war captains orthe governor may hold meetings there, also. The hotcanitsa isplastered and kept in repair, and is supplied with fuel, by the peopleof the village under the direction of Masewi, the principal war captain.Corn, grown in a community field, is stored in one of the rooms ofthe hotcanitsa (fig. 9). Deer and rabbit meat is dried and storedthere, also, for communal, ritual use. One room is sealed off, thesecret door being concealed by plaster. It is a certainty that thecacique has considerable ceremonial paraphernalia, and, no doubt,it is stored here when not in use.The residence of Juan Shije, who has been the cacique since about1917, adjoins the hotcanitsa. It was built in 1941 by the people of thevillage under the direction of Masewi. Whether this house is regardedas belonging to the pueblo, and is occupied by Shije because he is thecacique, or whether it is felt that this is his house, is not clear.
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYNORTH WALL [Bull. 184
CORNSTORAGE
DOOR /WINDOWS
SECRET DOOR /r^1 ''FIRE PLACEMAIN ENTRANCE
Figure 9.?Diagram of hotcanitsa.KIVASIn 1957, Sia had two circular Idvas, built aboveground, and setwholly apart from other structures (see pi. 3, a). They are con-structed, as are houses, of basaltic boulders laid in mud, with wallssmoothly plastered both inside and out. The entrance is in the roof:one ascends by a flight of stairs to the roof and then descends a ladderinto the kiva. The eastern kiva is called Turquoise; the western one,Wren (Cuti).Sia has a remarkable and unusual history with respect to kivas. Allother Keresan pueblos of the Eio Grande region have had circularIdvas for decades, and, so far as we know, they have never had anyother kind since the days of Coronado. Sia, however, has had rec-tangular, or square, kivas.Our earliest account, and by far the best description of Sia kivasthat we have, was provided by Bourke, who inspected them in 1881(Bloom, ed., 1938, pp. 228, 225):There are two Estufas in Zia. The new one, built of basalt, laid in mud, plas-tered within and without and washed a faint yellow on the inside, is overground,square, 12)^ paces on a side, 10 ft. high, and entered by a ladder to the roof andthen to the interior by another, of 9 or 10 rungs 12" or 15" apart. There is no
"altar" (hearth), but a regular fire-place. There are two small holes, each oneft. square, for light and ventilation; a hole for Omaha [Omawuh, a Hopi termmeaning rain-cloud; Bourke is here equating Keresan belief and practice withthose of the Hopi, L. A. W.].The "old" Estufa is precisely the same as the new, without having plaster on thewalls and without there being a hole for Omaha.[We] descended the 1st Estufa; rectangular 33' x 20' overground, 10' high:walls, brown-washed, covered with figures; of sun, moon, morningstar, evening
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 51
star, buffalo, pumpkin, corn, deer, horse, thunder, clouds, lightning, snakes andsea-serpents.The second Estufa had pictures in large size and, like those in first, extremelywell done, of turkeys, two eagles fighting, hares, morning star, moon, dipper ofseven stars.For some curious reason, neither James nor Matilda Stevenson tellsus anything about kivas at Sia. In 1917, Reagan (1917, pp. 70-71)reported thatthe Sia have but one estufa [kiva], a no-account building on the point of the mesasouthwest of the main village. The first time the writer visited it, it had its wallspainted in representative drawings of their deities, but on his next visit, its wallswere whitewashed and plain. It is the writer's opinion that the Sia Puebloswhitewashed their drawings to prevent him from seeing them.Reagan went to Jemez about 1900 and lived there for many years-According to a good informant, there was only one kiva in use in Siain 1914, namel}^, the Wren; it was rectangular. At that time, theTurquoise kiva had no roof, but much of its walls was standing. In1917 or 1918, the Tm*quoise kiva was rebuilt and made circular. TheWren kiva was rebuilt and made round in 1942 or 1943. In 1946 or1947, the Wren kiva was burned just before the dance in honor of thepatron saint on August 15. Some say that it was done mahciously byone of two factions within the pueblo (Stubbs, 1950, p. 79); otherssay that a neurotic young man?one who had once been committedto a mental hospital?did it. On the basis of my knowledge of Siain general and also upon specific data on this point from informants,I incline tov/ard the latter view. The Wren kiva was rebuilt within afew years. There is an aerial photograph of Sia, the author and dateof which are unknown, which shows one rectangular Idva.Why Sia had square, or rectangular, kivas until recently whereasall other eastern Keresan pueblos have had circular structures, forthe last centm-y at least, is a puzzUng question for which we have nosatisfactory answer. Rectangular kivas, both subterranean andaboveground, have been found in a goodly number of prehistoricsites in the Rio Grande region (Wendorf and Reed, 1955, pp. 141, 152,157). "No data [on kiva structm-e] is available from the time priorto the Pueblo Revolt ui the Keres area," according to Wendorf andReed (ibid. p. 157). "Following the Reconquest, rectangular kivasappeared at Jemez and in the Tewa villages" (ibid., p. 157). In re-cent decades, Jemez has had two rectangular kivas, but they are notseparate and apart from dwellings (Parsons, 1925, p. 13).Wendorf and Reed apparently believe that rectangular kivas are aWestern Pueblo trait. Speaking of the rectangular kivas at Jemezand among the Tewa they say: "Satisfactory explanations of thesechanges have not been offered, but it is not unlikely that, in part,they resulted from contacts with Western Pueblo groups during and
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
after the Pueblo Revolt" (1955, p. 157). It is significant, in this con-nection, to note that the Hopi and Zuni kivas are rectangular, as arethose of the western Keresan pueblo of Acoma. Perhaps the signifi-cance of rectangular kivas at Sia in recent times will some day bedetermined.My informants had no explanation to offer for the change to cu'-cular kivas except to observe that this shape will accommodate morepeople and is better adapted to round dances, but this sounds muchlike a rationalization after the fact. The Sia were of course familiarwith circular kivas for decades before the change was made.The War chiefs have charge of the kivas (one informant in 1957said that the sicti nawai "is in direct charge"; see ''Kiva Groups").Upon orders from Masewi the gowatcanyi keep the kivas clean andwomen plaster and whitewash them, inside and out, as required. Be-fore a kiva is used in connection with a ceremony a fire must be builtin the fireplace; in the summertime only a small fire would be madeand then allowed to go out. "The fire and smoke are to call thespirits to come to the kiva and take part in the ceremony," Menmay enter kivas with prayersticks or to offer prayers with petana(meal), but they should leave as soon as they are finished; womenmay enter with food for the spirits (which they leave for the birds).No one is allowed in the Idvas around midnight because the maiyanyi(spirits) are in there at that time. "If you went in then they mighttake your life or scare you to death." The people of Sia are dividedinto two groups; one belongs to Wren kiva, the other, to Tm'quoise.Kivas are used on a number of ceremonial occasions.There is a fireplace in the kiva, but we have no details as to its con-struction or location. Inside walls are painted much as they were inBourke's day, and as they have been at Jemez: Simpson's partyvisited Jemez in 1849 and copied, in color, many of their kiva paintings(Simpson, 1850, pp. 63-64 and pis.; see, also, Parsons, 1925, pi. 3),A photograph of a Sia kiva painting is reproduced in plate 2, b. Itwas not taken by me, nor did I obtain it from an Indian friend orinformant. I did, however, obtain it from sources which leave itsauthenticity unquestionable.CEREMONIAL HOUSESEach of the several groups of medicinemen (tcaiyanyi) has a cere-monial house where its paraphernalia are stored and where itsceremonies are held. In some instances two societies share the samehouse; in one case, three groups are housed together. Figure 8 repre-sents the situation in the 1950's, It is essentially like a diagram madefor me by an informant in 1928 except for the location of the Koshairi-Giant house. My earlier diagram was much less accurate than the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 53
one presented in figure 8, however, since the former was drawn fromvisual imagery by an informant, whereas the latter is based upon anaerial photograph.SECRET UNDERGROUND CHAMBEROn the east edge of the village there is an underground chamber:No. 15 in figure 8. Its existence is carefully concealed from outsidersand is said to be a secret to many of the Sia themselves. The roof of thischamber is a sacred spot called iwas (children) kowawa'atsecromi(a region or place sacred to a certain group or society is called by thisterm): the significance of this designation was not ascertainable.Children are not permitted to play on, or even to walk across, thisspot; they are frightened by being told that their feet will becomesmall and round, "Uke a dog's," if they walk upon it. Even adultsare "not supposed to walk on it." Two posts have been placed nearit so that wagons cannot pass over it. A stone about 18 inches indiameter lies in the area; it is said to conceal the entrance to thechamber.Only the head of the FHnt society, accompanied by one or two mem-bers of this group, has the right to enter this chamber; even the tia-munyi (cacique) is not allowed to go in. Flint nawai (head) and oneor two of his aides enter this chamber periodically in the dead of night,but what they do there, and what the chamber contains, could not beascertained: "no one but those tcaiyanyi knows." One informantopined that the four little cannon, given to the Sia by a captain ofCoronado's party (see p. 20), are kept there.Periodically the War captains, assisted by their helpers (gowat-canyi), go about the pueblo in the evening. They have a drum. Atthe door of each house they sing and dance. People give them food,pottery, arrows, and other gifts. The War captains take them to therock that covers the entrance to the underground chamber. Theygive small portions of the gifts to the sacred rock; the rest they de-posit in a pile nearby. After a simple ritual and prayers, the Warcaptain invites the people of the village to join them around the sacredspot. Then they tell the people to help themselves to anj^thing theywant in the pile of presents. This they do with alacrity, and the wholeaffair is ended. The significance of this ceremony, and of the chamber,could not be ascertained from informants, who, while stressing theimportance and the sacred character of both, professed to be unableto give more than the most meager information concerning them.REFUSE PILESThere are four refuse dumps on the edges of the village, one on thewest side, three on the east. They are called itsa-tyun (beads) ko-600685?62 5
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
mictca (ashes) ; they do not have mdividual names. They have beenconsecrated by a medicine society as a proper and safe place to throwrefuse. CORRALSOn the east side of the pueblo, down the liill from the dwellings, arenumerous corrals where horses, cattle, and sheep are kept on occasion.There are a few semienclosures with roofs upon which hay is piled forwinter feeding. There are a few small pens for pigs and turkeys.WATER SUPPLYThe water problem is always one of major concern among thepueblos, but it has been especially critical at Sia. They have longsuffered for want of decent drinking water. "The Rio Salado [SaltRiver]," wrote M.C. Stevenson (1894, p. 10), "empties into the Jemezsome 4 miles above Sia and so impregnates the waters . . . with saltthat while it is at all times most unpalatable, in the summer seasonwhen the river is drained above, the water becomes undrinkable, andyet it is this or nothing \vith the Sia." An Indian agent cites tbe waterneeds of Sia in his reports for 1901 and 1902 (Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff.for 1901 and 1902) In 1924 Halseth (1924 a, p. 12) reported that"good drinking water is the most difficult question . . , [the well]water is so full of alkali that it has a salty, bitter taste, even when madeinto strong coffee. The river water is softer, when there is any, andis mostly used by the the Indians . . . ." Sia had only two wells in1930 (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9929). Two more wells weredriUed between 1930 and 1957 to supply the village with water. Oneof them is located on a hill a mile or more north of the pueblo; it isequipped with an electric pump and the water is piped to the village.The other wells are equipped with windmills. For a number of yearsone had to go to the wells to get water. Then a few hydrants wereplaced in the pueblo; more recently water has been piped into manyhouses. Within a decade or two prior to 1957, six wells weredrilled on the range and equipped with windmills to provide water forlivestock. The water situation has been enormously improved sinceStevenson's day, but it still remains a problem: it was cited as Sia'smost urgent problem by a representative of the Pueblo council at aconference with Commissioner Glenn L. Emmons in Denver on Au-gust 1, 1956. STORESAs the Rio Grande pueblos become more and more acculturated,stores tend to make their appearance in them. Cochiti and SantoDomingo, for example, had stores in the 1950's. They were ownedand operated by Indians of their respective pueblos. Sia has had
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 56three such stores. The first was operated, probably during the early1920's, by Juan Bautista Medina, named James by Matilda Steven-son, who witnessed his birth and became his godmother (M, C. Steven-son, 1894, pp. 132-143). This may have been the "small store in thepueblo" noted by Halseth in 1923 (1924 a, p. 12) "where matches,flour, and a few other staples, can be obtained." It proved to be anunprofitable venture and was abandoned. Augustin Moquino oper-ated a store for a short time during the 1930's. Remijio Salas openeda store about 1948 and operated it for about 2 years before it, too,failed,A merchandizing institution, such as a store where commodities aresold with a view to private profit, is of course antithetical to the eco-nomic organization of a tribal society organized upon the basis ofmutual aid and kinship ties (White, 1959, pp. 237-260). The ap-pearance of stores within a pueblo is therefore an indication of thebreakdown of the aboriginal socioeconomic system. But there aretwo other factors also which are relevant, namely, size of pueblo pop-ulation and accessibility to non-Indian merchants outside thepueblo. If the population of the pueblo is very small, a storekeeperwould be obliged either to seU to close relatives, which would bein conflict with customary obligations of kinship, or exclude themfrom his prospective customers, which would reduce an already smallmarket still further. Other things being equal, the smaller the pueb-lo the more difficult it would be for a member of a pueblo to become amerchant within the community; and, below a certain size, a profitablestore would be impossible. With regard to accessibihty of membersof the pueblo to non-Indian merchants outside the community,the greater the accessibility the greater the difficulty of native mer-chandising within the pueblo, other factors being equal.Sia has been a very small commxmity for decades and has there-fore offered a correspondingly meager market, too diminutive, itwould seem, to encourage or permit an Indian operated store withinthe pueblo. Fifty years ago the Sias had relatively easy access tonon-Indian merchants at San Ysidro, only 4 or 5 miles away. Im-proved roads and automobiles have made Bernalillo and even Albu-querque increasingly accessible, which also militates against mer-chandising within the pueblo. It is not surprising, therefore, thatIndian merchants have repeatedly fafled in Sia. And, at the presenttime, 1957, the situation is not favorable. However should thepopulation continue to increase?and, of course, acculturation andbreakdown of old institutions are always in progress?a successfulstore might be established in Sia in the future.
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184POTTERYThe Sia have long enjoyed a reputation for excellence in pottery-making. Eandelier (1892, p. 300) characterized their pottery as
"quite elaborately decorated and handsome, much superior to thatof Cochiti and San Felipe." In Stevenson's day Santa Ana andJemez used to obtain their ceramic wares from Sia rather than makethem themselves (Stevenson, 1894, pp. 11-12; Chapman, 1936, vol.2, p. 6; 1938, p. 9). The slip "is white, but through use, it wears thinand becomes translucent, so that the reddish body clay imparts anever deepening flesh tone to the surface. To the traditional geomet-ric designs of the early post-Spanish period have been added a pro-fusion of plant and bird motifs, so that the range of Tsia decorationis wonderfully varied" (Chapman, 1936, v. 2, p. 6). Designs arepainted on the white slip in black and henna, or buff, colors: theseare the terms used by Maerz and Paul (1950) for shades 12-1, J,and K in plate 6, and for 9, 10, 11-C, and 10-D on plate 13, whichmatch the colors used on Sia pottery. The Sia make their blackpaint from a mineral rather than from the Rocky Mountain Beeplant which is used for this purpose in so many pueblos. Thismineral, collected by a Sia informant and myself a few miles north-west of the pueblo, was identified as "a mixture of pyrolusite (Mn02),limonite (Fe203-nH20), and psilomelane (Mn02, BaO, HgO)" (seeWhite, 1948, p. 370, for fuller discussion of this subject; see, also,Shepard, 1956, pp. 40?42, for data on use of manganese and iron-manganese paints in pottery decoration). The potter's wheel is notused.Apparatus for firing is crude. I once saw one of the better pot-ters at Sia place her wares on the heavy wire springs skeleton of anautomobile cushion, then cover them with slabs of sheep manure dugfrom a corral, and proceed with the firing. Shepard (1956, pp.83-85) has described the firing process at Sia. She recorded a max-imum temperature of 940? C, which was considerably higher thanthose noted by her at San Ildefonso and Cochiti.The closest resemblances to Sia pottery are to be found in formerSanta Ana wares and at Acoma (K. M. Chapman, personal communi-cation; see White, 1942 a, p. 48, for fuller statement). James Stevenson(1883, pp. 454-455) made a collection of pottery at Sia in 1880 whichwas deposited in the U.S. National Museum. Matilda Stevensonhas fine illustrations of ceremonial bowls in "The Sia" (1894, pis,16 and 35, in color; pi. 4 in black and white). Photographs of Siaceramic wares may be found also in Chapman (1936, vol. 2, pis.51-59, in color; 1938, p. 9). Mera discusses Sia pottery in "TheRain Bird" (1937, pp. 9-10, pis. 29-34); he describes the Puname
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 57Polychrome of Sia in "Style Trends of Pueblo Pottery" (1939, p,18, pis. 39-46 in color).Stevenson (1894, pp. 11-12) states that the Sia depended greatlyupon pottery manufacture to obtain food and other necessities duringthe 1880's, and many families have done likewise in recent decades.In 1936 the Pueblos Agency reported that 30 potters at Sia produced3,100 pieces valued at $1,085, of which $1,050 worth was sold. Al-most all the pottery made in Sia during the early 1950's, which wasrather considerable, was produced for sale or barter.SILVERSMITHINGThe Sias have done no silverwork at all so far as we know. AHopi silversmith, Pierce Kanateywa, married a Sia woman and cameto live in Sia; he died in 1954. He practiced his craft there, but noone else has taken it up. The Sia do not make necklaces or earringsfor sale as do Santo Domingo, for example.BUCKSKINThe Sia are fine hunters and take many deer yearly. They makeexcellent buckskin, and they make it very white. It is used princi-pally for the manufacture of men's moccasins.WEAVINGThe weaving of textiles for clothing was unquestionably practicedin the past, but we have no data, documentary or otherwise, on thissubject. Weaving of baskets may have been practiced, also. In-dian baskets were in use in the pueblo during the course of thisstudy, but they appear to have been acquired by gift or exchange,from the JicariUa Apache, for the most part.SCHOOLSFree public schools have long been one of the most important andcherished of American institutions. It is not surprising, therefore,to find the Bureau of Indian Affairs attempting to establish schoolswithin the pueblos of New Mexico as soon as feasible after the acqui-sition of the territory in 1848. But by 1871 no school had beenestablished in Sia apparently, for the Indian Agent in that year re-ported that he had arranged to send some Sia children to the dayschool at Jemez (Rep. Comm. Indian Aif. for 1871, p. 388).The first school was opened in Sia about 1885, in a room in a dweUingrented by the Federal Government for this purpose. There were some15 pupils in attendance. A schoolhouse was built about 1915. It wasdestroyed by fire about 1927. The present (1957) schoolhouse andliving quarters for teachers were completed about 1929, according tomanuscript records in the United Pueblos Agency consulted in 1957.
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Stevenson does not mention a school in Sia during her stay there. AFederal Government survey of 1890 lists schools in New Mexico
"supported in whole or in part by the government, at which werepueblo children" (Poore, 1894, p. 421). But this list does not in-clude a school at Sia, nor does it list any Sia children in attendance.There were two day schools in Jemez at that time.Fairly regular attendance at the day school in Sia began about1893, judging from reports of Indian agents, but it was erratic andinterrupted from time to time. Thus, Halseth (1924 b, p. 68) re-ported that in 1923-24 there was "a government schoolhouse at thepueblo but for the past several years there has been no teacher inattendance." Attendance at the Sia day school fluctuated from 27in 1893 to 25 in 1910. One of the highest estimates was 36 for 1899;one of the lowest was 13 for 1919. In 1930 the attendance wasonly 26 for the day school (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9883). Butby 1950-51 it had risen to 51, and it was approximately that figureby the close of my sm'vey in 1957.Sia, like other New Mexico pueblos, has sent some children toboarding schools: to Federal Government Indian schools in Albu-querque and Santa Fe and to Catholic schools in Bernalillo and SantaFe, but principally to the Government schools. Eight children fromSia attended the Albuquerque Indian school in 1887 (McKinney,1945, p. 121). The Indian Agent reported in 1901 that "Sia andSanto Domingo pueblos placed a class of boys in the boarding school,the first that has been sent for at least ten years to any school" (Rep.Comm. Indian Aff. for 1901, p. 551). Sixteen Sia children were inschools in Santa Fe and Bernalillo in 1923-24 (Halseth, 1924 b, p. 68).In 1930, 7 Sias were in the Albuquerque Indian School; 19 were inthe Indian School in Santa Fe (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9883).In 1956-57, 35 Sias attended Government Indian boarding schools;4 attended mission and private boarding schools (Records of theUnited Pueblos Agency, 1957).The day school at Sia in the early days was much like the pueblo ingeneral: poor and wretched. In 1898 the Indian agent reported thatthe "school is conducted in a building rented from an Indian. It isin a most lamentable condition, without any ventilation whatever;narrow dut floor, poor light, and altogether it is not fit for a stable ....The attendance, however, is the best of any of the schools, everychild except one being in school" (Rep. Comm. Indian Aff., 1898,p. 208). In 1905, however, the Indian Agent reported that "there isa very good day school here ISia]." He also stated that a noondaylunch had been instituted the previous year and that it had "improvedthe attendance and health of the children, as heretofore it was oftenthe case that children went to school hungry, having little to eat at
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 59home" (Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1905, p. 275). It is not known howlong the practice of serving a noonday meal was continued, butschool authorities at the United Pueblos Agency stated in 1957 thatit had been instituted not man}^ years previous to that time, and theyapparently believed that it was an innovation at that time.No Sia has ever attended the great Indian schools, Carhsle andHaskell, as far as we could ascertain, although some children fromother New Mexico pueblos have done so. No Sia has ever attendeda college or university, with the exception of two or three ex-servicemen who went to the New Mexico x^Lgricultiu-al and MechanicalCollege at Las Cruces at Federal Government expense, for a timeafter World War II.It is extremely difficult to try to assess the significance of Americanschoohng in the life of Sia. We may be quite sure that the childrendid not learn much during the first few decades the day school was inoperation. We know that many of them did not acquire an enduringcommand of simple and meager English. The status of a lone whitewoman teacher in, or on the outskirts of, the pueblo was not such asto inculcate in the children a desire for book learning or an inclinationto acquire American ways. In recent decades the day school hasunquestionably been more influential. The school is larger andoffers more varied and more effective instruction: in recent years,for example, moving pictures are shown occasionally in the school-house in the evening and the entire pueblo is invited to attend. Also,times have changed and the attitude toward American cultm-e isnot what it once was. Sia is much less isolated than formerly and itis obvious to all that American cultm-e is something that has to bereckoned with whether they like it or not. And many Sias reahzethat a good command of English and some acquaintance with Ameri-can culture is an asset in dealing mth the outside world.The boarding schools, both Government and church, but especiallythe former, have been much more influential, I believe, in bringingabout cultm-e change in Sia than has the local day school, and fordecades a goodly number of Sias have attended boarding schools.The boarding school removes the child from his home for months at atime, away from the influence of his family and the community withits rituals and ceremonies. It obhges the child to learn English, forhe must have this language to communicate with his fellow pupils ofother linguistic stocks. It throws him into close association withchildren from other pueblos and even with non-pueblo Indians.Some marriages eventuate from these associations. Children at theboarding schools have occasional opportunity to explore the noveltiesof urban culture in Albuquerque and Santa Fe and to learn consider-able about it. Some of the older girls obtain summer employment as
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184domestics in white American households, and some of the older boysget odd jobs in the city. Acculturation in such instances is inevitableand is accelerated. Extracurricular experiences of this sort have donemuch to pave the way for employment outside the pueblo today(1957), which is growing and is coming to be the most importantsingle factor in culture change.Some pueblo girls learn a great deal in domestic science courses inGovernment boarding schools: about new materials, nutrition, newtechniques of food preservation, sanitation and hygiene, which theytake back to their homes and put into practice. I believe thatthis instruction is as influential in bringing about culture change as isthe academic learning, if not more so. Some instruction in the indus-trial arts is offered the boys in boarding schools, but it appears to bemuch less adaptable to pueblo life than the learning acquired bythe girls.Some word should be said about the teachers at the Sia day schoolsince it opened in 1885. Most, if not all, of them have been whiteAnglo-American women. None, so far as I know, was accompaniedby a husband in the pueblo, although some had been married. I haveknown many teachers in pueblo Indian day schools in Arizona andNew Mexico since 1926. Some have had but little education, havebeen exceedingly ethnocentric, incapable of comprehending or appre-ciating dijfferences of culture, and have looked down upon the Indian.But others have had sympathy and understanding and have devotedthemselves with zeal and self-sacrifice to the welfare, not only of thechildren in their charge, but of the community as a whole. MissCaroline E. Hosmer was one of these.Miss Hosmer went to Sia in September, 1893, and taught there inthe day school for several years. In 1897 an eye disease broke outin the pueblo and reached epidemic proportions. The affected eyehad "the appearance of having bursted and lost a portion of thefluid, others, again, being left with what seems an excrescence orfungus growth attached to the pupil. . . . nearly every case attackedbeing left with impaired vision, some with none, and very many losingthe sight of one eye entirely. . . ." (Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1897,p. 200.) (An ophthalmologist, to whom I applied for elucidation,suggested that this disease may have been either a severe staphy-lococcus infection or a severe dendritic keratitis with secondaryinfection such as staphylococcus, streptococcus, or something else.Severe malnutrition, especially a vitamin A deficiency, may havebeen a contributory cause, he said).Throughout this epidemic, the Agent goes on to relate, "MissHosmer, herself so badly afflicted as to be totally blind for a fewdays, was physician, nurse, adviser, friend. The almoner of the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 61Government, through whom provisions and medicines were distrib-uted, she devoted herself to the welfare of these people with asingle-mindedness and an utter disregard of self rarely equaled, neversurpassed. I am happy to state that she has almost entirely recoveredthe use of her eyes. . . ." (ibid.).And there have been others like her. The teacher at Sia in 1903-4had been there for several years. "She is not only a teacher," theIndian Agent reported, "but sort of an adviser for the pueblo . . .helpful in many ways to these poor Indians" (Rep. Comm. IndianAff. for 1903, p. 221, and for 1904, p. 262). It is impossible to gagethe influence of women like this upon the course of culture change,but we may well believe that it has been appreciable. Many teachersare remembered in the pueblo with afTection and respect.
CHRISTIANITY AT SIAFrom the very beginning the invading Spaniards attempted toinstruct the Pueblo Indians in Christianity and to convert them tothis faith. Their efforts became both intensive and comprehensiveafter the period of colonization began at the end of the 16th century.The missionaries among the pueblos of the Rio Grande and RioJemez vaUeys were of the Franciscan order.The early missionaries, and indeed the Spaniards in general, pro-ceeded upon the principle that in order to convert the Indians toChristianity it was necessary to extirpate the native religions. Harshand repressive measures were adopted to this end. Dances andceremonies were prohibited, masks and other ceremonial paraphernaUawere burned from time to time (White, 1934; Bandeher, 1890, p. 151,n. 2), priests and medicinemen were flogged or put to death, while atthe same time missions and convents were being estabhshed withinthe pueblo communities. The Spaniards obhged the Indians tobecome church officers and assistants to the missionaries, and peoplewere required to attend services under penalty of flogging: whipsmay still be seen in some of the missions today (I have seen thiskind of whip at Santa Ana. See, also. Parsons, 1923 b, p, 179 ; Scholes,1937, p. 144; Rep. Comm. Indian Aff. for 1858, pp. 200-201, quotingthe Rev. Samuel Gorman). And, of course, the records of the greatRevolt of 1680 bring out clearly the bitter conflict between theIndians and the Catholic church.As we have already seen, a missionary was assigned to Sia byDe Vargas in 1598. A church and convent had been built by 1613(Scholes and Bloom, 1944, p. 334). At the outset the missionary atSia had Acoma, Zuni, and the Hopi villages under his jurisdiction,and later, Santa Ana was a visita of Sia, off and on, for many years
:
in 1614 (ibid., p. 334); in 1664, according to Z?,rate-Salmer6n (quotedby Scholes, 1929, pp. 48-49); in 1694 (Dominguez, 1956, p. 167), andin 1782 (Bancroft, 1889, pp. 274, 281). Eventually, however, themission at Sia ceased to have a resident priest and was served by onefrom Jemez. The date at which a priest ceased to reside in Sia isnot Imown. It seems clear from the account of Bourke (Bloom,1938), that none was in residence in 1881, and Stevenson (1894, p. 11)states specifically that Sia was served from Jemez in 1890. Thispractice has, apparently, been continuous since that time.62
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 63Lists of missionaries who have served at Sia are given by Scholesand Bloom (1944, p. 334) and by Dominguez (1956, pp. 150, 157,163-164, 172, 174).As previously noted (p. 21), Sia was named "Sant Pedro y SantPablo" by Onate in 1598, but on the establishment of the mission earlyin the 17th century it became known as Nuestra Senora de la Asuncionde Sia, which has been its name since that time (Hodge, 1933, p. 226).One informant offered the following legend of how Christianitycame to Sia:The first Catholic priest to enter the Rio Grande valley went first to Sia. Hewanted to convert the people to Christianity. The priests and officers of Siaheld many meetings at which they discussed this matter. They finally decidedto adopt Catholicism because it was the faith of the children of Naotsityi (oneof the supernaturals who figure prominently in the myth of emergence; see"Cosmology," p. 115). All of the Sias became Christians. Then the officers ofSia went to all the neighboring pueblos requesting them to send representativesto Sia to be converted. All the pueblos did so except Sandia, which refused.Thereupon, Sia sent 25 warriors to Sandia to insist that they become converted.The Sandias stubbornly refused, so the Sia warriors killed all the men at Sandiaexcept five or six. Then the Sandias gave in and accepted Christianity.The Catholic priest Christianized all the pueblos by baptising their represent-atives in the south plaza at Sia. The cross that stands there now marks thespot where the baptisms took place.This is, of course, a fanciful tale. It expresses well the conceptionthat each pueblo has of itself: it ranks first in all matters of customand faith. It is true, as we have already noted, that the Sia sidedwith the Spaniards after the Revolt of 1680, against the Jemez, SantoDomingo, Cochiti, Acoma, and Zuni pueblos. But in this thej'' werenot alone; San Felipe and Santa Ana were their allies, also.As previously noted (p. 24), the church at Sia was not destroyedin the Revolt of 1680, although it was much damaged. De Vargasordered its repair and offered tools for this purpose. I would agreewith Kubler (1940, p. 92) who observes that "no church ruins havebeen discovered in the neighborhood of Zia, so it may be assumedthat the Zias returned to their pre-Rebelhon village, and repairedthe church, which is the one visible there today ..." althoughBandeher (1892, p. 196) believed that the present church does notstand on the site, and that it is not a reconstruction, of the prerevoltchurch. The church has been rebuilt, revised, and repaired severaltimes since 1700. Church, altar, sacristy, and convent, together withtheir furnishings, were described in some detail and precision byDominguez (1956, pp. 171-75) in 1776:High Altar: Near the middle of the wall hangs a large canvas, old but nottorn, . , . representing Our Lady of the Assumption, which the King gave. Abovethis painting is a small old oil painting ... of St. Anthony Abbot. At the sidestwo small old oil paintings on canvas of St. Matthew and St. Bartholomew.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Above each of these two small . . . paintings on buffalo skin of the ImmaculateConception and Our Father St. Francis. There is a wide adobe gradin and onit stand: A small cedar cross with a copper Christus and Mater Dolorosa; . . .Lacquer Child Jesus ... A small carved Our Lady of the Assumption ... Acarved St. Anthony of Padua a vara high ... (p. 172).
"By 1808, the convento stood vacant, although the church was stillin good condition" (Kubler, 1940, p. 92). Captain Bourke describedthe church on his visit to Sia in 1881
:
Front of Ruined Church of the Virgin . . . Interior going rapidly to decay.The face of the Blessed Virgin in the main panel of the altar-piece has defied theravages of time and the elements and still preserves traces of gentle beauty.The side medallions are lambs, but somewhat better than the fearful atrocitiesto be occasionally found in Pueblo churches. The wooden figure of the Savioron the Cross must have been intended to convey to the minds of the simplenatives the idea that our Lord had been butchered by the Apaches. If so, theartist has done his work well. [Bloom, 1938, p. 222.]The church, its altar, and furnishings have been described morerecently by Prince (1915, pp. 175-76), and Halseth (1924 a) has re-ported upon repairs made upon it in 1923. The mission at Sia hasbeen called "one of the finest examples of Franciscan architecture inthe Southwest" (Hewett and Fisher, 1943, p. 126). Several fine pho-tographs of it, both of interior and exterior, may be found in Kubler(1940); others in Halseth (1924 a), Harrington (1916, pi. 21), Hewettand Mauzy (1947, p. 116), and Crane (1928, p. 192). (See pi. 4.)THE ROLE OF THE CATHOLIC PRIEST AT SIAAs we have seen earlier (p. 22), a Catholic priest resided in Sia inthe early part of the 17th century, and Santa Ana pueblo was avisita of the mission at Sia. I do not know when Catholic priestsceased to reside at Sia, but none lived there when the Stevensonswere in Sia, and none lived there for many years before my studybegan. During the period of my study, and for many years beforethat, Sia was served by a Catholic priest from the mission Jemez.One of my informants said that he used to perform Mass at Sia twicea year: on Christmas Eve and on Sia's saint's day, August 15. Fora number of years prior to 1957, he performed Mass only on August15, but came to the pueblo occasionally at other times, and alwayson All Saints' Day to receive payment for his services: for performingMass, marrying people, and baptizing babies.Each family, or household, in Sia is required to pay $1 per year tothe priest; the fiscales collect the money. On All Saints' Day, thepeople bring food?crops from field, garden, and orchard?and otherarticles of value to the church; this is a freewill offering (and, appar-ently it is considered to be an offering to the dead as well as a gift, orpayment, to the priest). The fiscales turn over the money they have
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 65
collected, and the gifts, to the priest at this time. The priest comeswith a truck to haul the gifts away. He is, however, at liberty tosell any of the gifts to anyone in Sia, thus exchanging property formoney. ARE THE SIA CHRISTIANS?I would answer, ''No, emphatically not, with possibly a few ex-ceptions," As I have previously noted, the Pueblo Indians opposedChristianity with everything at their command prior to the Revoltof 1680. After the reconquest they were obliged to submit, at leastoutwardly. They have accepted Catholicism after a fashion; theywill tell you that they are Catholics; and they have actually defendedCatholicism against the encroachments of evangelical Protestantism,as we shall see shortly. But all this does not mean that they havegiven up then- aboriginal religion and have become Christians. Whatthey have done since the reconquest is: (1) gone underground withtheir pagan beliefs and ceremonies, and (2) assimilated some elementsof Catholicism with the Indian religion.The Indians of the Rio Grande region, said Stevenson in 1890,are in fact as non-Catholic as before the Spanish conquest. . . . [They] havepreserved their rehgion . . . holding their ceremonials in secret, practicingtheir occult powers to the present time, under the very eye of the church ....The Catholic priest marries the betrothed, but they have been previously unitedaccording to their ancestral rites. The Romish priest holds mass that the deadmay enter heaven, but prayers have already been oflFered that the soul may bereceived by Sus-sis-tin-na-ko (their creator) into the lower world. . . . Thoughprofessedly Catholic, they wait only the departure of the priest to return to theirsecret ceremonials. [Stevenson, 1894, pp. 13-15.]Stevenson (1894, p. 77) observed a cross on the altar of the Snaliesociety during its rain ceremonial. But, she says,the cross bears no symbol of Christianity to these Indians . . . [It] was given toa theurgist of the Snake Society in remote times by a priest of so good a heartthat, though his religion was not theirs, his prayers traveled fast over the straightroad to Kopistaia; and so their reverence for this priest . . . led them to con-vert the symbol of Cliristianity into an object of fetichistic worship.By holding their religious ceremonies in secret the Indians havesought to convince the Catholic clergy and other outsiders that theyare no longer practiced. The seclusion and secrecy have by them-selves added sanctity and value to the Indian religion. Stevenson(1894, p. 13) was allowed to attend some of the secret ceremonials,and was impressed with the "tenacity with which they cling to theirancient customs . . . [and] their cunning in maintaining perfect se-clusion." The Cathohc clergy, on their part, know that some of thenative rehgion is still practiced in secret, but, as one priest franklytold me, they make a point of not interfering or even exhibiting
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
curiosity. They have, apparently, come to the conclusion that ifthey wish to have contact with the Indians they must do so on thelatters' terms.When the Catholic priest comes to Sia, he is treated with courtesyand respect. On the saint's day, August 15, he is invited by one ofthe Indian officers?the sacristan, fiscale mayor, or perhaps the gov-ernor?to his, the officer's, house for the noon meal. There is a boothin the church for confessions, but I am reasonably sure that no Siaever confesses to the priest. The rite of communion is not performedso far as my data go (see White, 1942 a, p. 60, for Santa Ana). Accord-ing to Curtis (1926, p. 65), the Catholic priest is guarded by Indianswhen he goes to Santo Domingo to prevent not only confession butany exchange of confidences.Offices of the Catholic church in Sia apart from the priest, namely,those of the fiscales, the sacristan and their helpers, are filled byIndians, chosen by Indians. Several religious ceremonies are asso-ciated or identified with Spanish Catholic ceremonies, such as Christ-mas, Easter, All Souls' Day, and the celebration of the day of thepueblo's patron saint; these will be described later, in the section onCeremonialism. And, as we have just seen, the Sia pay the priestfor his services. But, again, this does not mean that the Indiansare Catholics; rather, they have assimilated or adapted portions ofthe Catholic religion to their own (see White, 1942 a, pp. 58-67,where the relationship of Catholicism to the Indian rehgion is ana-lyzed more fully; virtually everything said about Santa Ana wouldapply to Sia as well).I do not wish to assert flatly that the Christian religion has madeno headway whatever in Sia. My impression is that people havebeen somewhat more inclined toward it in recent years than formerly.And I believe this is due to the fact that the Sia are in much closercontact with American culture, that they are obliged to reckon withit, and that they profit from it in many ways, especially economicallyand medically. It is not so much that the Sia are being convertedto a new set of beliefs as that they are moving toward greater toler-ance and acceptance of American culture, which carries with it theChristian religion. But Anglo-American culture, as distinguishedfrom Spanish-American, tends to be Protestant rather than RomanCatholic. And the attitude of the Sia (as well as their pueblo neigh-bors) is distinctly hostile toward Protestantism.Writing in 1890, Matilda Stevenson observed: "Though Protestant[Presbyterian] missionaries have been stationed at the pueblo ofJemez since 1878, no attempt has been made to bring the Sia withinthe pale of Protestantism. . . . [The Sia] have nothing of Protes-tantism among them" (1894, pp. 11, 15). But during the late 1920's
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 67
or early 1930's some Sia joined an evangelical Protestant sect inAlbuquerque. They thereupon repudiated and rejected both theirIndian religion and that of the Roman Catholic Church. Theytried also to convert others in Sia to their new faith, but in this theyhad but little success; the overwhelming majority of Sia dechned toaccept, or vigorously opposed, the new religion. Eventually virtuallyall the converts?who soon found themselves in the role of heretics
?
left the pueblo, either by request of the Sia authorities or becausetheir position had been made so difficult that they no longer cared tolive there. THE SIA HERESYFrom time to time during my study of Sia I heard of these hereticsfrom orthodox members of Sia and other pueblos nearby. They werealways spoken of as "Holy Rollers" or "Hallelujahs," and almost al-ways derisively. Protestant ministers in Jemez and Bernahllo were in-cluded in the category "Holy Roller." The adjective almost alwaysused by the orthodox to characterize Protestant missionaries andtheir Indian converts was "crazy" (White, 1942 a, p. 67). Thereligious behavior of the Holy Rollers was usually described as some-what orgiastic: "They holler and yell and cry."In 1941 I spent an evening with one of the Sia heretics and hisSanto Domingo wife, who were living in Albuquerque at that time.They gave me their story. In 1952 I interviewed Gregorio (George)Herrera, the first of the converts at Sia and the leader of the heresy,at considerable length. He was living in Albuquerque along withother members of the gi'oup. This interview was followed by a fulldiscussion of the affair with an orthodox member of Sia, who gavehis version of it. Finally, the records of the U.S. District Court inSanta Fe were consulted for an account of the lawsuit brought againstthe Pueblo of Sia by the heretics. A fairly weU-balanced and com-plete account of the whole episode was thus obtained.Florence Hawley (1948) has published an account of this heresyalso. Her version is substantially Uke mine except for details,Jennifer Chatfield (1948, p. 78.) wrote a master's thesis on the subject.Her thesis contains copies of letters written by George Herrera tothe United Pueblos Agency (presumably), presenting the case of theheretics.In what follows I shall merely report faithfully what the informantssaid; I cannot, of course, guarantee the veracity of their statementsand cannot be held responsible for errors or distortion.HERETICS' VERSIONIn the late 1920's there was a woman missionary in Albuquerquenamed Mrs. Crawford. She had a husband and children; they had
68 BUREAU OF AlVIERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184come from California. She was preaching a Christian reUgion andcuring the sick. It was reported that she effected some miraculouscures: cripples threw away their crutches, the deaf and dumb spoke,etc. Word of her wondrous cures and her religious doctrines spread.The Sia heard of her and some of them went to Albuqerque to seeand hear her. Jose Rey Shije, speaking for a group of Sia, askedher to go to Sia to preach and perform cures.Mrs. Crawford and F. C, one of her chief assistants, a man whohad come from Czechoslovakia, and possibly others, went to Sia.They arrived on the last of the 8 days of dancing and ceremonies atEastertime. They were met and taken to the house of Jose ReyShije. A meeting of the council was held to discuss what should bedone about her. George Herrera was fiscale teniente at that time.Fiscale mayor asked the council where Mrs. Crawford could preach.No one spoke up. Finally Juan Pedro Herrera asked what thechurch was for if not to accom^modate the clergy. So Mrs. Crawfordwas permitted to hold a meeting in the Catholic church. The teacherin the pueblo day school was notified and asked to bring the schoolchildren to the service. The teacher was a Catholic, so it was said,and later told the priest who came to Sia periodically about the event.The priest became angry and refused to come to Sia for a time."This is where the trouble started.'* Some of the Indians from Siawent to Jemez to see the priest and tried to explain the situationto him.A number of the Sia continued to be interested in Mrs. Crawfordand her work. "But they wanted to send someone to Albuquerqueto study her and to determine if she really was of God." GeorgeHerrera volunteered to go (Hawley, 1948, p. 276, has a differentversion of how George came into contact with the Holy RoUers).He spent 4 days with them, living with F. C, her chief assistant.He witnessed Mrs. Crawford's miraculous cures and listened to herpreaching. He was convinced that she really was of God. He joinedand was baptised by F. C; later, when he affiliated himself with thechurch of which he was a member in 1952, he was baptised again,this time by immersion.When George returned to Sia he reported to the people that Mrs.Crawford was genuine and authentic and that her religion was theonly true faith. Juan Pedro Herrera, George's father, expressed theopinion that actually both Mrs. Crawford and the Indians of Siawere worshiping the same spirits but in different ways. Georgestoutly maintained that this was not so, that there was only onetrue religion, and one could not continue in the Indian tradition ifhe accepted the gospel as preached by Mrs. Crawford.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 69On the first night after his return to Sia, George Herrera went tohis parents' house to spend the night (he was a widower at that timeand had a house of his own). At midnight a rustling wind filled theroom, waiving him up. Then he heard a voice speaking to him in theKeresan language. It said: "It is not that anymore. Tell all yourpeople to come this way and to do their own [i.e., the new] religion,and give them this and give them that." George identified thisexperience with a passage in the Bible: "And suddenly there camefrom heaven a sound as of the rushing of a mighty wind, and it filledall the house where they were sitting" (The Acts 2: 2).George was frightened by the voice. He said, "Let my people livethe way they have been living for a while." But the voice spoke tohim again, repeating what it had said before.On the second night after his return, George was again wakened atmidnight by the rustling of the wind, and again the voice spoke tohim, telling him to lead his people to the new religion.On the third night [before his conversion things went by fours intraditional Indian fashion; afterward, they went by threes], Georgeslept in his own house. This time, after the rustling of the wind, thevoice told him: "You are chosen to be a preacher (nyitikoyacd)."He knew then that he must try to convert the Sia to the new faith.George asked the War captain to call a meeting of all the people sothat he could address them and tell them about the new religion.But the War captain assembled only the officers; he told George thatthey, the officers, could communicate God's message to the people.George addressed the officers, but, as he told me, "this was notenough."George took his duty as preacher and missionary seriously. Hetried various waj^s to bring the message to the people of Sia. He gota group together in front of the church and preached to them. Heinvited people to meetings in his house. F. C, Mrs. Crawford's chiefassistant, came up a few times and conducted meetings in George'shouse.For a time many of the Sia seemed to show a sympathetic interestin the new religion, but after a time almost everyone turned his backupon it; many became quite hostile toward it and its new converts.San Juanito Moquino was the second Sia to be converted. Hewent to Albuquerque to be treated for boils. He attended Mrs. Craw-ford's meetings, but no cure was effected. He returned to Sia for aday, then went back to Albuquerque where he died [in 1937 or 1938,L. A. W.]. His body was brought back to Sia by a group of HolyKollers, all of whom were Negroes. [Mrs. Crawford and F. C. wereWhites, but all the non-Indian members of the congregation to whichGeorge Herrera and his group belonged in 1952 were Negroes, as we600685?62 6
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
shall see shortly. I know nothing about Mrs. Crawford's relations,if any, with Negro churches in Albuquerque.?L. A. W.] They buriedhim, not in the churchyard where all good and faithful Sia are interred,but on a little hill near, but outside, the pueblo.The converts are indicated in figure 10. All are closely associatedwith a small matrilineage of the Tobacco clan. Most of them aremembers of this lineage. Two of them, Juan Pedro Herrera andBenina Shije, married into this lineage; Juan Pedro Herrera was abrother of Benina's mother. Jose Rey Shije, who had invited theHoly Rollers to Sia in the first instance, but who never actuallyjoined, was the son of Juan Pedro Pino, a member of the Tobaccomatrilineage. We believe that Juan Pedro Pino did not become aconvert; he may have died before Sia became infected with heresy.The parent-child relationship appears clearly to be more significantthan the husband-wife relationship from the standpoint of rehgiousbehef. Jose Moquino, a Hopi, married to Juana Rosita Galvan andhving in Sia, had died before the conversions began. Reya Gachupin,the wife of San Juanito Moquino, refused to join. So did Jose CruzGalvan, the husband of Ascenciona Herrera. George's first wife,Carmehta, died in 1923, before his conversion; his second wife, JuanitaSimbola, from Picuris, became a convert. It is said that Velino
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if d" if 1^Figure 10.?Tobacco lineage showing Holy Rollers (indicated by capital letters).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 71Herrera and his wife, a sister of Juanita Simbola, both were convertedbut that later they "backsHd." All of Benina's children were said tobelong to the new religion, but they were very young, or as yet unborn,when the conversions began; WiUie, the eldest, was still in his teens.Augustin Moquino died suddenly during the period of the conversions;we do not know how he was inchned. His mother, brother, andsister became converts, and his wife, Benina, joined after his death.The approximate ages of some of the converts in 1930?withoutregard to the dates of their respective conversions?are as follows:Juan Pedro Herrera, 74; his wife, Reyes, 60; Juana Rosita Galvan(Moquino), 70; San Juanito Moquino, 32; Augustino Moquino, 45;George Herrera, 34; Benina, 35; Willie Moquino, the eldest of Benina'schildren, 18. An informant who had a copy of Stevenson's "TheSia" identified the women shown in her plate 3 as Reyes Ansala andJuana Rosita Moquino, the latter on the right.Interesting, too, is the relationship between the position held in theaboriginal religion and conversion. Jose Rey Shije, who first invitedMrs. Crawford to Sia and to whose house she went on her first visit,was a Shima medicineman. San Juanito Moquino and VivianoHerrera were members of the Katsina society. Most remarkable,however, was Juan Pedro Herrera, who, it will be recalled, asked whyMrs. Crawford could not preach in the church, was the head of theKoshairi and a member of the Giant society. On the other hand,Augustin Moquino, who did not join, was not a member of any society.We do not have precise data on which converts left Sia and whichremained. George Herrera and his brothers Vehno and Viviano, andBenina and her children, left the pueblo. Refugia Moquino marrieda Jemez Indian and left Sia. Ascenciona Herrera, wife of Jose CruzGalvan, wished very much to remain in Sia and has done so with theunderstanding that she would not obtrude her religion upon others.Many of the converts have married non-Sia. In addition toRefugia Moquino, mentioned above, George and Vehno Herreramarried Picuris Indian women. A number of Benina's children havemarried non-Sia, but all but WiUie were probably too young to marrybefore they left Sia. Willie married first a Santo Domingo woman;later he wed a white woman. Ignacio married a girl from San Juan;Leandro, a Mescalero Apache; Maria Reyes, a Hopi; Lucinda, aLaguna; Toribio, an Acoma. I understand that none of these spouses,with the possible exception of Ignacio's wife, is a member of the newreligion. Marcelina, daughter of George Herrera, was married andliving in San Juan in 1952.
72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The heretics tell a plaintive tale of persecution which I heard atlength from two sources : Willie Moquino and Rita, his Santo Domingowife,^ in 1941, and from George and Viviano Herrera in 1952. Afterthe initial attitude of curiosity, tolerance, and in some cases sympa-thetic interest, the people of Sia turned against the converts to thenew faith. They "said mean things" to them and about them; somepeople refused to speak to them. Young children were permittedor encouraged to throw rocks at them. Then matters became worse.They were denied water for irrigation, and an attempt was made torefuse them water for drinking and household purposes. GeorgeHerrera was told that his cattle could no longer be permitted to grazeon pueblo lands. Without water for irrigation and without pasturefor herds and flocks life at Sia would, of course, be virtually impossible."They were trying to drive us out of the pueblo." Rita said thatthe governor of Sia tried to force Willie Moquino to sell his, andperhaps his mother's, property at Sia in order to get rid of them.Thus, the converts reported that they suflPered persecution, indignities,and severe economic loss.ORTHODOX VERSIONThe orthodox version of the schism, as reported by a mature manwho witnessed the whole affair, is as follows: George Herrera wasthe first to be converted; he was followed by members of two otherfamilies, those of Reyes Ansala and Juana Rosita Galvan. Georgemade vigorous efforts to convert others, but no one else would join.This went on for 4 or 5 years. Finally the council called GeorgeHerrera and San Juanito Moquino to a meeting "to stand trial."The defendants had Mrs. Crawford's assistant, F. C, come to Sia tobe present, but the Council would not admit him "because that wasan all-Indian affair."George told the council that his conversion to the new religionobliged him to give up, wholly and completely, the old Indian religion.This meant that he could no longer take part in dancing, hold office,gather wood for the cacique, repair the church or kivas, or take partin communal hunts. Also, he could have nothing to do with theCatholic church or any of the Indian ceremonies associated with it.He did agree, however, to work on the irrigation ditches and to helpmaintain pueblo fences.
? She was about 27 years old at that time. She was a handsome woman with bright, shining eyes andan alert manner. She talked readily, incisively, and well; her English was good and she was perfectlyfluent and coherent. She spoke with great feeling about the only true religion which she had at last foundand about the persecutions which she and the Sia heretics had suflered at the hands of their benightedtownsfolk. She said that she was the only Santo Domingo Indian who had been saved. She no longerlived In the pueblo but returned to It occasionally. Once when she was there her brother slapped andabused her, but she merely said "Praise the Lord," which only made him the more furious. Two of herbrothers were living In Albuquerque In 1941, but they had not become converts.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 73The council, on its side, took the position that anyone who livedin the pueblo had to abide by all the rules and customs of the com-munity. All land belonged to the community; individuals merelyhad rights to use it, but only under certain conditions. The com-munity work required of everyone was to be regarded as a form oftaxation, and no one had the right to exempt himself from theseobligations.The converts continued to hold their meetings. "They wouldholler, cry, and laugh during their meetings." Their preaching and
"hollering" at night meetings disturbed nearby residents. Membersof the congregation of the heretics' church in Albuquerque, Negroes,used to come to Sia to help hold meetings. A group of them cameup when San Juanito Moquino died. "They pretended that theycould talk a strange language, but it was just gibberish that theytalked."In 1946 Viviano and Juan Pedro Herrera were brought before thecouncil. Two years later the council called William Brophy, specialcounsel to the Pueblo Indians, to settle the affair. Antonio Mirabal,a Taos Indian who was at that time a law enforcement officer of theIndian Service, was there, too. In the end, some of the heretics wererequested to leave the pueblo ; others were permitted to stay. Vivianowas not requested to leave, but he was told that he would have totake his cattle off pueblo grazing lands. Some promised to abide bythe rules of the pueblo in order to be allowed to remain, "but they didnot live up to their promises" [Ascenciona Herrera Galvan appears tohave been one exception to this statement at least]. Benina was quitewiUing to leave and take her children with her.A suit was filed by the heretics against the Pueblo of Sia on Novem-ber 25, 1947: "Viviano Herrera et al. v. Pino et al. and Pueblo of Zia,No. 1297 Civil, U.S. District Court for the District of New Mexico."Perfecto Pino was the governor, Joe Medina the Heutenant governor,of Sia at the time. In a document dated March 15, 1948, the defend-ants stated that tribal judgment was rendered on March 1, 1939,"by which the plaintiff's membership in the Zia tribe was cancelledtogether with all his rights therewith." This action was taken be-cause the plaintiffs refused to do community work; the defendantsdenied that the plaintiffs' joining a Protestant sect had anything todo with their action. The defendant "has no knowledge of the reli-gious affihations, if any, of the plaintiff," the court records say.The plaintiff declared that the pueblo did: (1) cancel his member-ship in the pueblo; (2) refuse to allow his stock water and grazing;(3) direct him to leave his home; and (4) deprive him of his farmlands.The plaintiff averred that the officers of the pueblo gave as their reasonfor their action the fact that he had become a Protestant and had
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184abandoned the Indian religion. He further declared that he was will-ing to do "community work," but only of a non-religious nature,whereas, he declared, the pueblo officers construed "community work"to include taking part in dances and ceremonies.^It seems fairly clear that the plaintiffs attempted to have the casetried on the grounds of religious freedom, but this delicate issue wasneatly sidestepped by the attorneys for the defense and by the court.Instead, the case was tried on the grounds of economic loss or injury.The defendants maintained that Viviano was not injured financially,that he had "never earned his living in the pueblo," but instead wasfrequently employed in Albuquerque.According to my understanding, the court that tried the case hadno jurisdiction over suits involving property valued at less than $3,000.The plaintiff argued that the injury was in excess of this amount. Thecourt recognized that more than one issue was involved, that a reli-gious issue was present as well as an economic one. But it ruled that
"the plaintiff . , . failed to prove jurisdictional amount of $3,000."The case came up for trial on June 21, 1948, It was dismissed on thefollowing day.The name of the sect which the Sia heretics joined was "Pentecos-tal Assembly of the World." Their church was the Bethel Pente-costal Church, located at 1600 North 5th Street in Albuquerque. Thecongregation consisted almost entirely of Negroes. George Herreraopined that formerly there were many White members but that "theybroke away to found a church of their own."In 1952 George and Viviano Herrera and Benina Shije and her chil-dren were attending a church at the corner of North Arno and GrantStreets in Albuquerque. My wife and I attended a Sunday eveningservice there on September 7, 1952.The church building was a rather small, one-story structure, poorlybuilt and somewhat dilapidated; it was plastered white. Over thedoor was a sign: "God's House?Everyone Welcome." The congre-gation was composed entirely of Negroes except for the tiny handfulof Indian converts. We arrived about 7:30, just as a prayer servicewas being concluded and many people were going outside for a breathof fresh air. We were welcomed in a most cordial and friendly fashionby many members of the congregation.As we entered the church there were a number of elderly womenkneeling in front of the pews praying, each by herself. Some prayedsilently; others, aloud. Some were crooning in a beautiful, melodiousvoice. There was no altar or pulpit in the church. Down frontwas an elevated stage. On the wall behind the stage was a big black-
' Keresan Pueblo Indians think and speak of performing ceremonies as work: "The cacique works forthe people" by fasting, praying, and performing rituals.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 75board. A bass drum and some traps were on the stage, but theywere not used during the service.The church now began to fill up. Females were in the majorityand they ranged in age from 3 years to 70 or more. On the stagewas a small choir of young men and boj^s. Three middle-aged menalso sat on the stage. The pastor of the church was not present thatevening; one of the three men took charge of the meeting, anotherpreached, while the third remained seated.When the people who had gone outside during intermission had re-turned, one of the men on the stage stood up and said in a loud voice:"By the Cross . . ." The kneeling women stood up and went to theirpews and everyone began to sing "By the Cross ..." After the songthe man in charge made a brief talk and then turned the meeting overto Sister X, a dowdy, middle-aged, light-colored Negress. She an-nounced that they would now receive testimony. People would getup, one after another, and give their testmiony. This usually con-sisted of a stereotyped formula: about how they had been saved, howthey had been cured of a severe illness, how a baby had been spared,and how they rejoiced in their salvation?although the testimony wasusually uttered in a rapid, perfunctory manner and in a flat colorlessvoice. Sometimes, however, a person would stand up and begin asong. After the first phrase or so everyone else would join in, keepingtime by clapping their hands. At the end of the song, the person whobegan it would give his or her testimony. A young woman accom-panied the songs on the piano, and occasionally a young man on thestage accompanied with a violin.The testimonials were continued for an hour or more. At the enda collection was taken and the man in charge of the meeting blessedthe offering. Then one of the men on the stage arose and began topreach. His sermon was loud, vigorous, gymnastic, and hortatory, butnot impassioned. On the contrary, it was marked by wit and goodhumor. He asked someone in the congregation to read a passagefrom the Bible. After a phrase or so had been read, he would inter-rupt and comment upon it. There was humorous response from thechoir. The service was concluded by a ritual of anointment: Womenfrom the congregation went forward to the stage where the preacherput ointment from a bottle on their heads while the man in charge ofthe meeting and an old woman placed their hands upon the recipient'shead and prayed. Someone announced that there would be a meetingof "the saints"at Sister Y's house on the following evening, and theservices for the evening were over.There was nothing frenzied or orgiastic about the meeting at all.^
' Hawley (1948., p. 277) attended many church services of this sect and reports excited and frenziedbehavior on the part of the congregation.
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184No one became much excited or "went outside himself" or "talkedwith tongues." Only one person lost control of his feelings: a youngwoman was overcome by emotion as she testified about the sickness,suffering, and death of her baby; she broke down and wept, but re-covered her composure and concluded her testimony in a firm evenvoice.The little group of Indians sat together during the service. BeninaShije and two or three of her children were there. So were VivianoHerrera, Rita, the ex-wife of Willie Moquino, and Juanita Simbola,the wife of George Herrera ; George himself was not there as he had towork that evening, Benina, a small, handsome woman, in typical,old-style Pueblo costume, her long hair tied in the back with a redwoven belt, clapped her little hands in time to the singing, as did thethe others. Rita testified in a clear, firm voice. She was followedby Juanita who testified in rather perfunctory fashion. Then Beninastood up and gave her testimony in the Keresan language, after whichRita translated for her. Viviano did not testify. He remainedseated throughout the services and appeared to doze from time totime. [Hawley (1948., p. 278) thought she observed "physical mani-festations of excitment" in George Herrera at one of these meetings.His knee trembled, his arm jerked, and his head t\vitched.]The "Holy RoUer" episode at Sia is remarkable. Nothing could befurther from the temper and practice of pueblo culture than thisexcursion into evangelical Protestantism. I will not undertake to
"explain" it. It happened, and to say that this sect gave the individ-ual who, in pueblo culture, is submerged in the community and re-pressed by it a chance to express himself; and to say that stressesand strains were created by the impact of individualistic Americanculture upon traditional pueblo society may be true and sound; butsuch statements do not seem to "explain" very much. One of mySia informants, a wise and thoughtful man, observed, after discussingthe heresy: "The Sia people are very hungry for religion all the time.Almost anyone can turn them." I am not sure how these remarksare to be interpreted. It would appear to be an exaggeration to saythat "almost anyone can turn them." The impact of the Protestantevangelists was strong, and it provoked great emotional response inSia. But by and large, the community stood firm by their old waysand traditions. And they ejected the dissenters.How did these heretics, hving in their little colony on the outskirtsof Albuquerque in 1952, unnoticed and unloved by the communityaround them, and trying to find fellowship in a congregation of Negroeswho were as alien to them?if not as unfriendly?as the Whites andMexicans, feel about their conversion and their exUe? It would bedifficult indeed to answer this question, also, although I talked with
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 77them at considerable length. I got these impressions: They felt, orwanted to feel, or insisted that they felt that the religion for whichthey had forsaken their home and birthplace was the only true faithand that they could not go back on it. Their hardships, persecutions,and loneliness were in the tradition of Christian martyrdom, and assuch became both comprehensible and endurable. I could not helpbut feel, however, that they were desperately lonely, that they feltout of place in the competitive, individualistic, impersonal communityof Whites, Mexicans, and Negroes that was Albuquerque, and longedfor home, their own, proper home. They had found another people'sgod and the promise of Heaven in the hereafter, but they had losttheir home on this earth, here and now. But they had made theirdecision, they had left the tiny pueblo in the beautiful valley of theJemez River that every Sia loves, and there was no road back. Or,was there?Sia has declared officially, as I understand it, that the dissentersare free to return at any time providing they abandon their heresy andprove that they are willing to live according to the faith and customsof the pueblo. But Sia has also made it clear that it will not toleratefurther interference by Protestant evangelists. Some years ago,after the Holy Rollers had left Sia, a Protestant missionary stationedin Bernalillo came to the pueblo several times. He was told by thegovernor that he was free to visit the pueblo but that he would notbe permitted to hold meetings or to proselytize. He declined toabide by these conditions and was consequently barred from thepueblo. In 1957 I interviewed the missionary at the Pilgrim MissionSchool near Bernalillo and on the road to Sia with regard to his workamong the Indians. He told me that Sia was "a closed pueblo" andthat he was not permitted to work there.PROTESTANTISM AT JEMEZHeresy broke out at Jemez, too, and for a time the conflict assumedserious proportions. I do not propose to tell that story here (see U.S.Senate, 1932, pt. 19, pp. 10038-10039, for a statement by the Pres-byterian missionary at Jemez who testified that he had a number ofconverts in Jemez but that the pueblo authorities were intimidatingand persecuting them). But the principles and conclusions set forthby a court which tried a suit brought against the pueblo by a groupof dissenters are relevant to the situation at Sia and do much toclarify the issues involved and to specify the rights and limitationsof the two contending parties.Six Jemez Indians brought suit against the Pueblo of Jemez:
''Toledo et al. v. Pueblo oj Jemez et al. Civ. A. No. 2410. U.S.District Court, D. New Mexico, March 8, 1954." lit will be recalledthat one of the Sia heretics, Refugia Moquino, married a Jemez
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Indian and went to his pueblo to live. His name was Jose ReyToledo.] The decision of the court is to be found in Federal Sup-plement, vol. 119, No. 3, pp. 429-432, April 26, 1954. The plain-tiffs charged that the pueblo?
?
has refused them the right to bury their dead in the community cemetery; deniedthem the right to build a church of their own on Pueblo land; prohibited themfrom using their homes for church purposes; refused to permit Protestant mis-sionaries freely to enter the Pueblo at reasonable times; deprived some of themof the right to use a communal threshing machine which threatened the loss oftheir wheat crop. They also allege that the officials of the Pueblo threatenedthem with loss of their birthrights, homes and personal property unless theyaccept the Catholic religion, [Ibid., p. 430.]Thus, it would appear that the issue was one of freedom of con-science, freedom to worship as one pleased. But this is not the waythe court saw it. "The question for decision," it ruled,is not whether the tribal government has the right to interfere with the religiousbeliefs and practices of its members, but whether or not the objectionable actionsof the Pueblo come within the scope of the Civil Rights Act and whether thiscourt has jurisdiction of this case as it is presented by the complaint. [Ibid., p.431.]For an action to succeed imder the Civil Rights Statute which plaintiffs relyon, at least two conditions must exist. First, a person must be subjected to thedeprivation of some right. . . . Second, the action complained of must havebeen done under the color of a statute ... of a state . . . [Ibid., pp. 431-432.]It has, indeed, been held that the powers of an Indian tribe do not spring fromthe United States although they are subject to the paramount authority ofCongress . . . Their right to govern themselves has been recognized in such statutesas the Indian Reorganization Act, Act of June 18, 1934 .... [Ibid., p. 432;emphasis mine, L. A. W.] [Furthermore], Pueblo Indian communities do notderive their governmental power from the State of New Mexico. . . . [Ibid.,p. 430.] [The court held that] the defendants did not act under color of Statelaw. . . . [therefore] no violation of the Civil Rights Act has been alleged, andthe Court, therefore, has no jurisdiction of the case. . . . The complaint, there-fore, will be dismissed. [Ibid., p. 432.]The gist of this is: A Pueblo Indian community has a legalright to govern itself. If, therefore, it wishes to require its membersto behave in certain ways and to prohibit them from behaving inothers, it has a legal right to do so. It must not be taken for grantedthat the BiU of Rights applies naturally and of necessity to PuebloIndians; it does so only if their respective pueblo governments specifyand assert that it does.This episode has thrown considerable light, I believe, upon therelationship of Catholicism to aboriginal Indian culture at Sia. Theheretics rejected Catholicism as they did the pagan beliefs and ritesof Sia; there was no indication whatever that they considered theelements of Cathohcism at Sia as being Christian. The orthodoxSia, on their side, regarded these elements as an integral part oftheir religion and way of life.
SIA AND HER NEIGHBORSWe know, and are able to infer, very little about the history ofSia prior to 1540. In subsequent paragraphs I shall draw someinferences with regard to the relationship between Sia and otherpueblos on the basis of cultural similarities. First, however, I shalldeal with Sia's relationships to her neighbors as they are known or asthey may be reliably inferred.The Navaho were the traditional enemies of the Sia, as they wereof other pueblos in the Jemez-Rio Grande Valleys. There can beno doubt about this on the basis of folklore, legend, and recordedhistory. Albert B. Reagan (1917, p. 27), an Indian Agent at Jemezfor many years, was told by Jemez Indians that in 1866 the Navaho,in a surprise attack, killed 66 Sias who were working in their fieldsand that the entire village would have perished had it not been forthe timely assistance of Jemez warriors. This account is no doubtgrossly exaggerated, but we know that there were occasional raidsuntil the 1880's. Incidentally, it is characteristic of Pueblo Indiansto tell stories like this; it is an oblique way of saying that they aresuperior to their neighbors.In recent decades, however, friendly relations have obtained be-tween the Navaho and the Sia and other nearby pueblos. Therehave been a number of Sia-Navaho marriages. Some Navaho spouseshave lived in Sia; a Navaho husband was living there in the 1950's.Many Navahos visit Sia at the time of the dance for the patron saint(mid-August) and at Christmas. They camp in, or on the edge of,the pueblo, trade with the Sia and others; some of them eat or sleepin Sia houses.We do not know anything about contacts, commercial or warhke,that the Sia may have had with the Jicarilla or any other Apachegroup, the Utes, or any other nonpueblo Indian tribe.In prehistoric times, Sia's contacts were, no doubt, closest withher nearest neighbors: the Tanoan pueblo of Jemez, and the Keresanpueblos Santa Ana, San Felipe, Santo Domingo, and Cochiti. Whatcontacts they may have had with the Tewan pueblos to the north,Sandia or Isleta to the South, or with Acoma, Zuni, and Hopi to thewest, we do not know.During the reconquest by De Vargas in 1692, Sia, Santa Ana, SanFeUpe, and Pecos sided with the Spaniards; all others were hostileand recalcitrant (see, "History of Sia," p. 24). In the revolt of79
80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1841696, Sia, Santa Ana, and San Felipe alone remained loyal to theSpaniards. At this time the Indians of Jemez, aided by the Acoma,Zuni, and Navaho, threatened the Sia for their betrayal of the Indiancause. In 1728-29, Sia joined Jemez, Santa Ana, and Cochiti, firstin rebelling against the Spaniards, and then fleeing their homes to amountain refuge. One can only speculate about the effect of thesedivisions and alliances upon Sia's relations to her neighbors.The Sia have been looked down upon by their neighbors in thepast chiefly, it seems, because of their dire poverty and their tinypopulation. The Poore report (1894, p. 431) states that in 1876 theIndians of Jemez, "out of good fellowship," sent a labor force of morethan 100 men to Sia to help "in the construction of an acequia [irriga-tion ditch]. This was allowed to fall into decay, and is now over-grown." The Poore report also touches upon Sia-Santa Ana relations:the Sia complained "to the agent that much of their property wasdamaged by marauding bands of cattle, especially from Santa Ana."Also, when the Sia needed help "in a time of starvation," they sentto Santa Ana for help, "offering them ready money obtained byselling their trinkets, [but] the Santa Anas refused them supplies,saying it was time they perished from the earth" (ibid., p. 431).Stevenson (1894, p. 11) states that "the Sia are regarded with con-tempt by the Santa Ana and the Jemez Indians, who never omit anopportunity to give expression to their scorn, feeling assured thatthis handful of people must submit to insult without hope of redress."One of Sia's closest neighbors is the little Mexican community ofSan Ysidro, about 4 miles to the northwest. And there are numerousother Mexican households or small communities in the region nearby.Sia's contacts with the descendants of the early Spanish colonistshave, therefore, been quite close for a long time. As we noted ear-lier, most of the Sia could talk Spanish a generation ago; the recenttrend has been away from Spanish toward English, however (seesection on "Language," p. 34). The relationship between the Siaand their Mexican neighbors has been, in general, friendly but notintimate. The Sia are incHned to look down on Mexicans, and thelatter probably regard Indians as inferior. Many Mexicans come toSia for fiestas, and some eat at the homes of their friends there. TheSia do not return these visits, not from lack of friendliness, probably,but from want of occasion. There is some buying and selling oflivestock and field and garden produce between the two groups. Weknow of two Mexican women who have married Sia and have gonethere to live (see "Marriage," p. 212).Another index of Sia's relationships with her neighbors is marriagewith non-Sias. The Hopi, Navaho, Acoma, and Indians from Jemezhave married into Sia; even one white man lived there as the husband
Whltel THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 81
of a Sia girl for a time. According to my census of 1957, most mar-riages with non-Sias were with women and men of Jemez (see "Mar-riage with non-Sias," p. 211).Sia has long been somewhat off the beaten track. Many of theparties that have tombed New Mexico, such as some of the early Ameri-can army expeditions, have missed Sia entirely as they often confinedtheir route to the Rio Grande valley and thence westward from Albu-querque. We have no evidence that Sia was appreciably affected bythe construction of the railroad, some 20 miles to the east, about 1880.Access to Sia was difficult even as recently as the 1930's, for therewas no bridge across the Jemez River at the pueblo. The only safeway to reach Sia, as Halseth (1924 b, p. 67) reported in 1924, was togo to San Ysidro, cross the bridge there, and then descend the leftbank of the river, to the pueblo. One could cross the river at thepueblo when the water was low, but this was dangerous because ofquicksand. The bridge opposite the pueblo was not built until the late1930's.Stevenson (1894, p. 11), reporting for the late 1880's, stated that
"limited intertribal relations exist [between Sia and other groups],"but that they were "principally for the piu-pose of traffic [trade]."But there has undoubtedly been much visiting back and forth betweenSia and her nearest pueblo neighbors for many decades. They visiteach other's dances and occasionally take part in them. Pueblos helpeach other initiate members of secret societies (see my account of theCaiyaik initiation, p. 172), or to install a cacique.A few decades ago the Sia had relatively few friendly relationshipswith Anglo-Americans, but these have increased with the years andwith improvements in transportation. A considerable number haveAnglo-American friends in Albuquerque, Santa Fe, or elsewhere, withwhom occasional visits are exchanged. Professional psychologistswho visited Sia in 1942-43 found the people "not unfriendly, but theyare shy. They do not meet strangers as easily as do the Hopi"(Havighurst and Neugarten, 1955, p. 10).Sia has had long contact with the Bureau of Indian Affairs throughthe agencies at Albuquerque and Santa Fe. Education, health, agri-culture, and stockraising have been the principal areas involved. Theattitude of the Sia has been somewhat inconsistent or ambivalent.On the one hand, they ask for help and have some appreciation ofassistance rendered. On the other hand, they have resisted thePueblos Agency on many occasions and have complained bitterlybecause of their neglect or incompetence. On the whole, however,the Sia have been quite receptive and cooperative, and this attitudehas grown stronger, we beheve, in recent years.
CULTURAL POSITION OF SIAThe culture of Sia is definitely and characteristically Keresan.It resembles very closely that of Santa Ana, San FeUpe, and SantoDomingo. But at a number of points the similarities between Siaand Acoma seem to be so striking and significant as strongly to sug-gest close ties in the past. It is true, as I have already pointed out (see
"Language," p. 33), that dialectically Sia is more remote fromAcoma than her Keresan cousins of the Rio Grande. But thereare impressive similarities. One of the most interesting is that onlySia and Acoma, among the Keres, have a snake ceremony. As faras we know, the only reference to a snake ceremony at Acoma is tobe found in an early Spanish account. But the snake ceremony atSia is a fuUfledged ceremony, and it resembles the Hopi ceremoniesrather closely. Of the Keresan pueblos Acoma is the closest to theHopi; perhaps both Sia and Acoma borrowed the snake ceremonyfrom the Hopi. But it is not without significance that among theKeresan pueblos only Acoma and Sia have this ceremony.Among the Keres, only Acoma and Sia have had rectangularkivas (see "Kivas," p. 50). Those at Acoma were incorporatedwithin house blocks, whereas those at Sia stood alone and apart.Acoma had 5 or 6 kivas whereas Sia had only 2, the conventionalnumber for the Rio Grande Keres. Nevertheless, here is anothersimilarity.At Acoma the cacique had to belong to the Antelope clan (White,1932 a, p. 41). At Sia the cacique must belong to one or another of3 or 4 clans, one of which is Antelope Washpa. "There used to bean Antelope clan in Sia," said an informant; "it was one of the clansfrom which the cacique was chosen. When it died out the Washpaclan took it over, and now the Antelope Washpa [clan] is one of theclans from which the cacique must be chosen." At no other Ker-esan pueblo is the office of cacique identified with the Antelope clan;as a matter of fact, Sia and Acoma appear to be the only two thatrequire affiliation with a specific clan, or clans, for this office.Sia pottery resembles that of Santa Ana more than that of anyother pueblo, according to Chapman (White, 1942 a, p. 48). Butresemblances with the wares of Acoma come next, and they are quiteclose, both in form and in decoration.Sia resembles Acoma more closely than other eastern Keresanpueblos at a few other points: the presence of the masked Gomaiya-82
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 83
wic; the Fire society's ceremony with Hve coals; and stick swallowing.Hrdh^ka (1935, p. 250) found a high percentage of artificial headdeformation?cradle flattening?at Sia and Acoma, as compared withother pueblo groups.Acoma folklore obtained by Bandelier (1892, pp. 312-313) relatedthat the Acoma separated from the other Keres at the pueblo of Siaon their mythical migration from the place of emergence to their placeof residence in modern times.The Acoma kinship term, tcitci (sibling), was used by one of mySia informants ; it is used in no other Keresan pueblo as far as I know.It is difficult to escape the conclusion that Sia and Acoma havebeen especially closely related, historically and culturally.
LAND, AGRICULTURE, AND STOCK RAISINGLANDNothing is more precious to the Pueblo Indian than his land; oneof his greatest fears, or sources of anxiety, is that he will be deprivedof it. And with good reason, for ever since the coming of the Whiteman the Pueblo Indian has been threatened with expropriation, andthere have been many instances of loss and deprivation. The landquestion in the Pueblo country is an old and complicated one, but itshistory has been well summarized by S. D. Aberle (1948).After the conquest of New Mexico the Spanish king granted a tractof land to each pueblo; Sia was allotted 16,282 acres (Aberle, 1948,p. 82.) For decades, however, the acreage for this grant has beencited as 17,515 (Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1874, p. 224; Royce, 1899,p. 922; Brayer, 1939, pp. 99-100; data given to me by the DistrictCadastral Engineer, General Land Office, Santa Fe, in 1933). The"Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States" (U.S.Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9888) gave the acreage as of 1930 as 17,750.The Spanish grants were recognized by Mexico after it achievedindependence in 1821, and they were also honored by the UnitedStates when it acquired the territory in 1848. Many pueblos of NewMexico lost land to squatters or from other kinds of encroachmentduring the 18th and 19th centuries. The lands of the Sia were sopoor, however, that when the Pueblo Lands Board undertook a studyof land problems in 1927 it "found no non-Indian encroachments"upon Sia lands (Brayer, 1939, p. 100).During the first four decades of the 20th century, many pueblosin New Mexico acquired the use of additional lands in one way oranother. In 1924, "a tract of land amounting to 386.85 acres locatedin the public domain adjacent to the northwest corner of the Ziapueblo grant . . . was set apart as a reservation for the benefit, use,and occupancy of the Indians of Zia pueblo" (ibid., p. 100). In 1938,the Sia were given by Executive Order the use of three tracts of landtotaling 40,585.41 acres (Aberle, 1948, p. 82). And in the same yearthey acquired, by lease or permit from Federal Government agencies,three additional tracts amounting to 57,807.24 acres (ibid., p. 82).Thus, by 1944, the Sia had 115,061 acres of land at their disposal(ibid., p. 84); no acreage had been added to or subtracted from theirholdings between that date and 1957, when the present study wasterminated.84
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 85In 1957 the Sia had 350 acres of land per capita, or 1,400 acres perfamil}'^ of four. But only a small portion of this can be cultivated;the greater part is classed as grazing, and a considerable portion issimply waste. In 1936, for example, according to the United PueblosAgency, 221 acres were irrigated, 15,055 were grazing lands, 2,108were waste, and 129 acres were idle. As a matter of fact, the Siaappear never to have had^as much as 2 acres of irrigated, cultivatedland per capita since the keeping of records began; in 1936, for example,they had only 1.09 acre per capita. Other dates and figures are:1900, 142 acres, cultivated (Rep. Com. Ind. Aif. 1900, p. 293); 1930,340 acres, irrigated (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9888); 1944, 312acres, "agricultural" (Aberle, 1948, p. 84); and 1957, 227 acres,irrigated.In 1776, Fray Dominguez noted that there were some arable landsin the httle caiiadas both north and south of Sia, and "the Indians
. . . have farm lands for a league upstream and a league downstreamalong the river. . . . The land in the small canadas is always depend-ent on rain. Those along the river are watered from it when therains are heavy; when they are not, there are difficulties. In view ofthis and because the said lands are very sterile, so Httle is harvestedthat when thing-s go well, they make the most of that year"(Dommguez, 1956, p. 175). IRRIGATIONStevenson (1894, p. 11) states that the Sia had "considerableirrigable lands" in the 1880's, "but a meager supply of water" becauseupstream Mexican towns and the Pueblo of Jemez took most of thewater, leaving little for Sia. In the 1950's the Jemez River was stillthe sole source of water for irrigation, but by the last of June or theearly part of July the flow is so diminished that its water cannot bediverted for use. The Bureau of Indian Affairs has done much toimprove the irrigation system; by 1952 it had constructed 12 canalsand main ditches and a reservoir of 50 acre-feet capacity. Figure 1
1
(facing p. 96) shows the location of the river, the reservoir, and theirrigated lands.The irrigation system in operation in 1952, according to a studymade by the United Pueblos Agency, was inefficient and wasteful.Much water was wasted by seepage in the numerous ditches neededto service a host of small, individually held plots. Many of thetracts were not adequately leveled, which means that much waterran off during heavy irrigation, carrying tons of precious topsoilwith it. In other places, irrigation water accumulated, raising thewater table, and causing accumulations of salt that made growth ofcrops impossible.600685?62 7
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184CROPSCorn, alfalfa, wheat, chili, oats, beans, fruits, and garden produceare cultivated. It would be meaningless to say which of these is "themost important" without specifying the context in which "important"is to be defined : whether it be food for people or livestock, contribu-tion to a balanced diet, cash income, or something else. Nutritionistssay that the Sia do not eat enough fruit, so that the meager amountgrown may be considered important. Considerable alfalfa is grown,but livestock could be fed on wild hay or pasturage. Chili has be-come a significant source of cash income, and so on. We have manyfigures on acreage, yields, and values of crops, taken from the files ofthe "Annual Keports of Extension Work" of the Bureau of IndianAffairs. It is difB.cult to obtain accurate information on these points,and many of their figures may be only approximate or even inaccurate.Nevertheless, we believe they do have value and significance.Alfalfa ranks first in term.s of acreage and money value. Anaverage of 102 acres was harvested annually during 7 selected years,1936 to 1956, inclusive, as compared with an average of 99 acres forcorn, and 31 for wheat. The average annual value of crops for 7selected years, 1930 to 1956, was $5,432 for alfalfa, $3,790 for corn,and $1,339 for wheat. Oats are relatively insignificant: an averageof 11.5 acres harvested per year, with an average value of $285 annu-ally, for 4 selected years, 1941 to 1949.For some reason, beans constitute a relatively insignificant itemin the agricultural economy. This is rather surprising, since theygrow well under arid conditions and are a staple article of diet amongthe Spanish-Americans of the region. As noted in the chapter on
"Health, Sanitation, and Diet," (p. 106) beans are relatively littleeaten in Sia. In 1930, beans valued at only $60 were produced(U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9888); this amounted to 17 cents perday for the entire pueblo. In 1936, only 15 bushels were produced;none was sold. In 1949, the last year for which we have figures, 140bushels were grown, of which 100 were sold, leaving less than 1 bushelper household for the year.Production of chili has, however, increased greatly since the 1930's,and informants said that it was acquiring importance as a cash crop.Only a few bushels were produced in 1936, and none was sold. Theacreage planted increased from 3 in 1941 to 18 in 1956, and the yieldincreased from 3 tons to 36 tons in the same period. The value ofthe chiH crop in 1956, $7,288, exceeded the combined values of corn,$2,307, and alfalfa, $4,867.An interesting, and rather surprising, aspect of Sia agriculturaleconomy is the extent to which crops are sold rather than consumed;
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 87and the percentage of crops sold has been increasing. Thus, 20 per-cent of the corn crop in 1941 was sold; 53 percent, in 1951. Sevenpercent of wheat grown in 1941 was sold; 66 percent, in 1949. Kela-tively little alfalfa is sold, however; none at all in many years. Ourdata on beans are meager, but they indicate that 20 percent -was soldin 1941; 71 percent in 1949. Ten percent of the chiU crop in 1941was sold; in 1951 the percentage was 77; but in 1956 it was 41. Thereasons why such large portions of agricultural produce?especiallycorn and wheat, which could be eaten in the pueblo?are sold are notclear, and I had insufficient opportunity to investigate the subject.One answer readily suggests itself, namely, the need for cash withwhich to purchase needed supplies, including food such as sugar,coffee, and lard.In addition to field crops, onions, cabbage, potatoes (Solanumtuberosum), watermelons, cantaloups, and squash are grown in gardens;apples, peaches, cherries, and grapes are produced in relatively smallquantities (White, 1945). Acreage devoted to gardens (irrigated)ranges from about 5 (1941) to 13.5 acres (1956).STOCKRAISING VS. FARMINGIn comparison with the nearby pueblos of Jemez, Santa Ana, andSan FeHpe, Sia has placed greater emphasis on stoclo-aising andcorrespondingly less on field crops, despite the fact that, according toSuperintendent Towers, they "have one of the poorest ranges in thispart of the country" (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9879). Thisemphasis is reflected in the greater extent to which cowboy bootsand other pastoral attire have been worn in Sia. Among the above-named four pueblos in 1930, Sia was first in number of cattle percapita, 2.0 head, foHowed by Santa Ana, 1.7, and San Fehpe thirdwith 0.7 head. Sia led in number of sheep and goats per capita,having 8.50; San Felipe came next with 5.7, and Jemez, third with0.5 head. With regard to horses, Jemez had 0.6 head per capita,Sia, 0.5; Santa Ana, 0.4. Sia was far ahead in number of cattle andsheep and goats per capita, with 10.5; San Felipe had 6.3; Santa Ana,1.7. And for horses, cattle, and sheep and goats, Sia had 11.0 headper capita; San Felipe, 6.7; Santa Ana, 2.1. Thus, Sia was markedlyahead of its neighbors in the extent to which it owned livestock in1930.With regard to total value per capita of three crops produced in1930, viz, wheat, corn, and alfalfa, Sia fell far behind Jemez, SantaAna, and San Felipe. Jemez led with $63.10 per capita; San Felipewas next with $54.70; Santa Ana had $37.80; Sia came last with only$27.90 per capita.
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184LIVESTOCKHorses, mules, burros, cattle, sheep, goats, and hogs are kept.The earliest count of livestock that we have for Sia is in the reportof Indian Agent Ward for 1864: horses, 10; mules, 2; burros, 36; cows,70; oxen, 32; swine, (Rep. Com. Ind. AfF., 1865, p. 199). No sheepor goats are mentioned in this report, although the Sia un-doubtedly kept them at that time. The next count is that of theIndian Agent for 1885: cattle, 400; sheep, 300; horses, 300; burros, 50;hogs, 10 (Rep. Com. Ind. AfF., 1885, p. 156). In 1890, Poore (1894,p. 431) counted 650 cows and oxen, 300 horses, 40 mules, 100 burros.Like Ward, Poore does not give figures for sheep and goats, perhapsbecause they were out on the range and anything like an adequatecount would have been impossible. Poore's figures are the largest onrecord up to 1957. Stevenson, reporting for the late 1890's, says(1894, p.25): "The Sia own about 150 horses."Burros were much used in the past as pack animals. Their numberhas decreased drastically since the turn of the century; Sia has hadbut few, if any, since the 1940's.The need for horses, also, has diminished, and their numbers havedecreased. Formerly, horses were used primarily, if not solely, fortransportation : for riding and drawing wagons. The pickup truck hasreplaced them extensively. Horses and mules are used to someextent in farm work, but I have no data on this point. The principaluse of horses that I have observed is in the ceremony of gallo, orrooster pull. Apparently it was rather generally felt, during the 1940'sand perhaps even earlier, that there were too many horses and too fewuses for them, for an Indian Agency study in 1952 stated that "it ishighly desirable that the program of disposing of excess horses becontinued." The number of horses and mules (the two are not dis-tinguished in many reports) remained fairly constant between 1936and 1951; the average for 6 selected years during this period was 148head. According to United Pueblos Agency reports, Sia had 173horses and mules in 1951, only 91 in 1956.In the old days, and as recently as 1910 according to informants,horses were tended in a communal herd (see p. 130).As we have seen, the Sia had 400 head of cattle in 1885; 5 yearslater they had 650 head. The number of cattle has remained fairlyconstant over the years. The average for 7 selected years between1936 and 1956, inclusive, was 480 head. These have been beef cattlewith very few exceptions, and these only within recent years. Noreference at all was made to dairy cattle in early reports; the reportof 1941 stated specifically that there were no milk cows. In 1946,however, there were 5 milk cows; in 1951, 7. The Pueblo Indianshad no cows in pre-Spanish times and of course used no milk. They
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 89have no aversion to this beverage, however, as many oriental peoplesdo. "The Indians do not like the responsibility for proper care ofmilk stock or milk products," says a report of the Indian Agency in1952, adding that lack of knowledge of proper care and feeding ofdairy cattle, limited farmland and water for irrigation?^making it dif-ficult to provide milk cows with sufficient food?help to explain whythe Sia have so few dairy cattle.Sia had only 300 sheep in 1885, according to the report of the IndianAgent; in 1930 they had 1,500 (U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9889).This number increased to 2,248 in 1941, the largest number I havefound, after which it has declined. The average for 6 selected yearsbetween 1936 and 1951, inclusive, was 1,648 head. But the flocksdeclined sharply from 1,279 in 1951 to only 550 in 1956, for reasonsunlaiown to me. There are always some goats in a flock of sheep inthe Pueblo country. Sia averaged 200 head a year between 1936 and1956, inclusive.Sia had 10 hogs in 1885 and 5 in 1900, according to reports of IndianAgents for those years. In 1930 it had 19 head, and this number hadapproximately doubled by 1951; the annual average for 5 selectedyears, 1941 to 1951, inclusive, was 26 head. The 37 hogs in 1951 wereowned by 17 famihes. They were kept in small pens on the edge ofthe pueblo and had to be fed; they could not be aUowed to foragefor themselves because they would destroy gardens.Sia has kept chickens and turkeys for many years. The formerwere, of course, introduced; the latter were kept in pre-Spanish days.For 6 selected 3^ears between 1936 and 1951, there was an averageof about 224 chickens in the pueblo. The number of turkeys hasranged from 5 in 1941 to 18 in 1946, with an average of 10 for 5 se-lected years, 1941 to 1951, inclusive. Only one-third to one-half ofthe households own chickens; only 1 to 3 families have turkeys.In general, beef cattle have been the most important class of live-stock at Sia from the standpoint of money value, with sheep and goatsnext, and horses third. In 1930, percentages of total value of five-stock were as foUows: cattle, 47; sheep and goats, 40; horses, 12; hogs,0.5; and poultry, 0.2. On the basis of data for 1930, 1936, 1941, 1946,1948, 1949, and 1951, the following significant changes in percent-ages of value took place: cattle declined to 34 percent in 1941, thenincreased to 68 percent in 1951, Sheep and goats fluctuated; theyreached a high of 48 percent in 1941, then declined to 26 percent in1951. Horses advanced to 17.5 percent in 1936, then decfined to4 percent in 1951, and the percentage has probably diminished furthersince then. Hogs have been erratic and insignificant: in percentageof value they advanced to a high of 1.6 in 1948, then decfined to 1.4
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184in 1951. Chickens and tui'keys likewise have fluctuated between 0.2percent in 1930, a high of 1.2 in 1946, then to 0.5 in 1951.The Sia have derived considerable income from the sale of cattleand sheep; a few goats, horses, and hogs are sold, also, from time totime, but income from these sales is relatively insignificant (seetable 10). Table 10.
?
Income from sale of livestock in dollars ^Year Cattle
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 91HIDESWe interpret "hides" to mean the skins of cattle as distinguishedfrom sheep pelts (table 12),Table 12.
?
Production, use, and sale of hides '
Year
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Table 14 reveals a progressive and marked increase in the portion oftotal yield sold between 1941 and 1951, inclusive, but a drastic dropduring the next 5 years. I shall try to evaluate this trend shortly.Some livestock and livestock products?meat, wool, pelts, milk,and eggs?are sold; some are consumed in the pueblo. Table 15shows magnitudes and proportions.Table 15.
?
Sales and home use of livestock and livestock products *Year
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 93There was an increase of 234 percent in actual money income be-tween 1941 and 1951, inclusive; in terms of 1935-1939 dollars, how-ever, the increase is only about 90 percent. Income falls off sharplyin 1956. The portion of total produce that is consumed increasedgreatly during the period 1941-1956.DISTRIBUTION OF FAMILIES ACCORDING TO OWNERSHIP OF LIVESTOCKThere is considerable lack of uniformity among the families, orhouseholds,* of Sia with regard to the amount of livestock owned.SHEEP
"Two men only are possessors of herds of sheep," according toStevenson (1894, p. 25). Ownership was more mdespread during thelate 1940's when 10 families owned flocks (table 18):Table 18.
?
Distribution of families by number of sheep owned ^Year
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184First of all, we note that from two to three times as many familiesown cattle as own sheep. This is due, in part at least, to the factthat sheep require almost constant attention in herding whereascattle do not; therefore it is desirable, from the standpoint of labor,to have fewer and larger herds of sheep than would be the case withcattle. Second, we note a marked uniformity of percentage of fami-lies owning cattle. Third, more than half the owning families possessless than 11 head each. HORSESWe do not have the distribution of families by number of horses,mules, and burros owned. (Note: The Agency's figures do notalways distinguish between horses and mules; and, as I have notedearlier, the number of burros has decreased virtually to a vanishingpoint. The animals in table 20 are, therefore, predominantly horses.)We do have, however, the number of families owning these animalsand the total number owned (table 20)
:
Table 20.?-Number of families owning horses, mules, and burros ^
Year
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICOCHICKENSTable 22.
?
Families owning chickens *
95
Year
96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The Agency report for 1936 estimates average family income at$353, which is less than $1.00 a day. Family income in actual dollarsincreased 175 percent between 1941 and 1951, inclusive; but in termsof 1935-1939 dollars the increase was only 56 percent.Sia resembled rather closely three of its pueblo neighbors withrespect to percentages of total amount of agricultural operationssold and percentages consumed (table 25).Table 25.
?
Percentage of total agricultural operations sold^
Pueblo


Irrigated l?i?ls and reservoir,

Whltel THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 97There were 400 tracts of land comprising 1,038 acres in the areashown in figure 11. Three hundred eighty-five tracts (96 percent ofthe total) comprising 844 acres (81 percent of the total) were held by-individuals. The rest was community land: 15 tracts comprising 195acres. Of the 400 tracts, 378 (94.5 percent) were cultivated, 16 tracts(4 percent) were not cultivated, 4 tracts (1.5 percent) were dry farmed.Of the 1,038 acres, 799 acres (77 percent) were cultivated, 183 (18percent) were not cultivated, and 57 acres (5 percent) were dry farmed.Of the 385 tracts held by individuals, 364 (94.6 percent) werecultivated, 16 (4.1 percent) were not cultivated, 5 (1.3 percent) weredry farmed. Of the 15 tracts of community land, 14 were cultivated,1 was dry farmed. Of the 844 acres of individual holdings, 619 (73.4percent) were cultivated, 183 acres (21.7 percent) were not cultivated,and 41 (4.9 percent) were dry farmed. Of the 195 acres of communityland, 179 (92 percent) were cultivated, 15.33 (8 percent) were dryfarmed. We thus see that a very large percentage of the land iscultivated.The size of tracts is small. The average size of all tracts held byindividuals is 2.3 acres; the average size of cultivated tracts held byindividuals is only 1.7 acres. Individually held cultivated tractsrange in size from 0.1 acre to 15.21 acres. Of the 364 individuallyheld cultivated tracts, 64 (17.6 percent) contain 0.5 acre or less;156 (42.9 percent) contain 1.0 acre or less; 116 (31.9 percent) rangefrom 1.1 acres to 2.0 acres; 45 (12.3 percent) range from 2.1 to 3.0acres in size. Thus, in 87.2 percent of the cultivated tracts eachcontains 3.0 acres or less; 8.2 percent (30 tracts) each ranges from3.1 to 5.0 acres. Only 17 tracts contain more than 5 acres each;only 3 exceed 10 acres each in size. The largest tract contains 15.21acres. One of the tracts of "noncultivated" land contains 148.62acres; no other tract of any kind can compare with this in size.Seventy-four persons hold 385 tracts of land, or an average of 5.2tracts per person. These 74 persons hold 844 acres of land, or anaverage of 11.4 acres per person. With regard to cultivated land, 74persons hold 364 tracts, totaling 619 acres, or an average of 4.9 tracts,8.4 acres, per person. The number of tracts held by individualsranges from 1 to 14: 15 persons hold 1 tract only; 8 persons hold 2or 3 tracts each; 6 hold 4; 8, 5; 10, 6; 5, 7; 2, 8; 4, 9; 2, 10; 1, 11;1, 12; 1, 13; and 3 hold 14, each. Thus, 31 persons hold 3 tracts orless each; 55 of the 74 holders have 6 tracts or less each; only 6 personshold more than 10 tracts each.Individual holdings of cultivated land range from 0.18 acres to56.21 acres. Of the 74 landholders, 9 have 1 acre or less each; 24have 3.0 acres or less each; 7 have between 3.1 and 5.0 acres each;23 have between 5.1 and 10.0 acres each; 7, between 10.1 and 15.0
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
acres each; 6, between 15.1 and 20.0; 3, between 20.1 and 25.0; 2,between 25.1 and 30.0 acres each. Then there are one holder with34.41 acres and one with 56.21 acres.Twenty-three (31 percent) of the 74 landholders are women. Theyhold 46 (12.6 percent) of the 364 tracts comprising 57.2 acres (9.2percent) of cultivated land. The women landholders have an aver-age of 2 tracts apiece; the men, 6.2; they have an average of a littleless than 2.5 acres of cultivated land per person as compared withshghtly more than an average of 11 acres apiece per man. Womenthus definitely play a minor role in landholding.Jose Rey Shije was by far the largest landholder in 1936. He held14 tracts of cultivated land totaling 56.21 acres plus one plot of not-cultivated of 4.10 acres, making a total of 60.31 acres. Jose was bornabout 1868. He was a member of the Tobacco clan. He marriedLuciana Salas of Antelope Washpa. He was a member of the Shimasociety, and had served as Masewi, lieutenant governor, and governor.He became interested in Mrs. Crawford, the evangelist who JSguredprominently in the heresy at Sia (see p. 68). Jose died in 1937.The smallest landholder among the men was Salvador Shije, JoseRey Shije's brother: he had only one tract of 1 acre. The next wasJuan Pedro Pino, born about 1848, Tobacco clan, married Catiye ofAntelope Washpa clan, had seven sons and three daughters. He wasthe head of the Flint society. In 1936 he was, of course, a very oldman and perhaps he had handed his land on to his children.The smallest of all landholders was Harviana Toribio : She had only1 tract, of 0.18 acre. Of the 23 female landholders 8 had less than 1acre each. The largest landholder among the women was JuanaRosita Moquino, born about 1872, Tobacco clan, married a Hopi, hadthree sons and one daughter. She and some of her children joinedthe heretical movement.CUSTOMS OF LANDHOLDINGThe following data were obtained from one of my best informantsin 1957. All land belongs, in theory at least, to the community, tothe pueblo ; individuals have only the right to use land which has beenassigned to them. In practice, however, it appears that a person ac-tually owns outright any land which has been allocated to him: hemay sell or trade it to someone else. Even if he ceases to use it andallows it to remain idle "they won't take it away from him." Intheory, the cacique is the ultimate authority in assigning land, but inpractice it is the governor who makes the assignments.When new land has been put under irrigation it is apportionedamong the men who worked on the project, made the ditches, etc.; the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 99governor will formally make the assignment. The land is usually di-vided into a number of narrow tracts so that each holder will have ac-cess to the irrigation ditch. On one such occasion the governor madeassignments by having one of the men draw lots.Girls do not have any land, as a rule, before marriage. When agirl marries, her father, or parents, decide whether to give her landand how much. Married women and widows may, and do, own land.When they die it will go to their children or to their brothers and sis-ters; in no case will the husband inherit. When a man dies his landgoes to his sons; the eldest son has the right and the responsibility todistribute the land, but he is under a moral obligation to be just andfair. If a man dies without children, his land will go to his brothersand sisters, not to his wife. If anyone should die without heirs?
a
virtual impossibility?land held by him would revert to the communityfor reassignment. There is said to be a great deal of transfer of landsby sale and trade as well as by inheritance; one man acquired the landof another by assuming the latter's debts incurred at a store off thereservation. The lands held on the south side of the river by theheretics, George, Viviano, and Velino Herrera, were taken from themby the pueblo and reassigned to others. Their lands on the northside were not taken from them, however, although the Council wishedto do this ; the Herrera brothers were allowed to sell them for the valueof the inprovements they had put upon them, (See Hawley, Pijoan,and Elkin, 1943, p. 548, for notes on landholding and inheritance atSia.)In 1952 the United Pueblos Agency selected Sia as a pilot area fora coordinated program of education for the development of more effi-cient utilization of agricultural resources. I have no specific informa-tion on the way in which this program was carried out, but one of thereports makes some recommendations and supplies some informationabout progress made by Sia farmers.First of all, it recommends that the small holdings be consolidated.This would make for more efficient utilization of water resources andmake cultivation of the land more economical. But it would runcounter to Sia customs of land allocation and inheritance. The re-port states that "manure, green manure crops, and commercial ferti-lizers have been used to some extent at Sia."One of the main obstacles to the development of stockraising, thereport states, has been a lack of water. This has led to localized con-centrations of livestock and consequent overgrazing and soil erosion.More wells, distributed throughout the range, would improve thissituation. The Sia have, in collaboration with the Indian Agency,bought some registered bulls and rams which have improved their
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184herds and flocks, and they have been encouraged to cull out inferiorfemales. Some Sia have adopted elastrators for docking and castrat-ing sheep instead of using the knife. And "many Sias vaccinate forblacldeg in cattle and sleeping sickness in horses." The quantitiesof pigs and chickens raised is inadequate, says the report; more couldbe raised with the Sia's resources and more should be to improve theireconomy and diet.
HEALTH, SANITATION, AND DIETHEALTH AND SANITATIONAs we have already seen (p. 34), the population of Sia declinedgreatly after the Spanish conquest, during the great revolt and re-conquest, 1680-89, and thereafter, reaching its lowest point about1880. There can be but little doubt that sickness and inadequatenutrition have played an important part in this decrease. We havenoted that a particularly severe epidemic of smallpox ravaged thePueblo country in 1780-81, striking the nearby pueblo of Santa Anawith especial virulence and no doubt affecting Sia greatly as well.We have also seen that an epidemic of an eye disease hit the Sia in1897 (p. 60). The report of the Indian Agent in 1899 stated thatthere had been much sickness at Sia and other nearby pueblos: "smallpox and diphtheria being the principal diseases" (Rep. Com. Ind. Aff.,1899, p. 264). We have no other accounts of particular epidemics oroccasions of high mortality but our information is far from completeand adequate.A physician of the U.S. Indian Field Service at Albuquerque re-ported on health conditions at Sia for 1923 (Halseth, 1924 b, p. 73)."The general health condition at Zia is good," he said; trachoma andbowel disorders were the "most prevalent diseases." Only one caseof tuberculosis was found; none of venereal disease.In 1931 the superintendent of the Pueblos Agency listed trachomaas "the most prevalent disease . . . among the Pueblo Indians" (U.S.Senate, 1932, pt. 19, p. 9876).The "number of cases of selected communicable diseases and caserates" for the pueblos of New Mexico in 1956, as reported in a programanalysis of the U.S. Public Health Service, March 28, 1957, were asshown in table 26.Table 26.
?
Communicable diseases, 1956, per 100,000 'population
PneumoniaMeaslesTuberculosis, respiratoryChlckenpoxMumpsInfluenzaSyphilis and sequelaeGonococcal infectionsDysentery, all forms
1,874
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184We note from table 26 that trachoma is no longer among the "mostprevalent diseases." The rates for typhoid and poliomyelitis arelow, and smallpox does not appear at all. Sia would probablyconform closely to the figures m this table.Causes of death among the pueblos of New Mexico in 1955 accordingto the U.S. Public Health Service are shown in table 27.Table 27.
?
Seven leading causes of death, 1955 {rale per 100,000)
AccidentsGastritis, duodenitis, colitisVascular lesions affecting central nervous system.Malignant neoplasinaHeart diseasesTuberculosisPneumonia
104.867.849.343.130.830.818.5
Death rates for the New Mexican pueblos in general are not high,according to the U.S. Public Health Service. The rates per 1,000population in 1955 were: 8.0 for the pueblos, 7.2 for the State of NewMexico, and 9.3 for the United States in general. But death ratesper 1,000 live births for pueblo children under 1 year of age are veryhigh (1955): 88.1 for the pueblos, 43.3 for the State of New Mexico,and 26.5 for the United States.The high death rates for infants are due largely to poor sanitaryconditions and to improper diet. Many mothers will permit theirbabies to eat anything they want, and are able, to eat?such as greenfruit or melons. "Bowel disorders, especially among small children
... is the cause of most of the infant mortality," said a Governmentphysician of Sia in 1924; "the lack of comprehension of proper diet
... is the main cause of death in these cases" (Halseth, 1924 b,p. 73).I have observations and notes on matters of health at Sia from timeto time beginning in 1928, and in the summer of 1957 I had severalextensive discussions with physicians and nurses who had workedwith the Sia. The following may be offered as a summary of thistopic for the last three decades:The hospital at the U.S. Indian School at Albuquerque has pro-vided the Sia with medical service for some decades. A field nursefrom the Pueblos Agency (since July 1, 1955, from the U.S. PublicHealth Service) has visited Sia and other pueblos periodically formany years. In recent years a physician has gone to the puebloabout once a month to hold clinic (in the facilities of the Governmentschool there) and to visit patients.Everyone with whom I have discussed health matters at Sia em-phasizes the poverty of the pueblo and its effect upon health. Thisexpresses itself primarily in their diet. The Sia have been badlyundernourished continuously for decades. Moreover, their diet is
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 103improperly balanced; it is excessively low in proteins, and there is amarked deficiency of vitamin C. For many years the Sia have pur-chased a portion of their food from traders' stores, at San Ysidro andBernalillo, but in recent years, with more and better transportation,more pm'chases are being made in Albuquerque. The amount offood purchased has increased, both absolutely and relatively, over theyears, but especially since World War II, owing in large part to anincrease in the number of Sia, both men and women, who work forwages outside the pueblo, and to a lesser extent to Government pay-ments to ex-service men. It is difficult to form an adequate estimateof the effect on total diet that these outside purchases have had. Itis probable that the Sia are eating more food nowadays than formerly,but whether they have a better balanced and more health-promotingdiet is open to question.The isolation and difficulty of access to Sia in the past have heldback progress in medical care. Not only was it difficult formerlyfor doctors and nurses to get to the pueblo, but it was even moredifficult for the Sia to go to Albuquerque for medical treatment.And even in 1955 there were insufficient transportation facilities tomeet medical needs.Another important factor in the health situation at Sia has been,and stiU was in 1957, widespread ignorance, and lack of appreciation,of all kinds of sanitary measures; e.g., the fact that ffies constitute ahealth hazard, especially to infants, is not appreciated by many.Only one or two households had refrigerators in 1957.A half-century ago the Sia had to rely almost entirely upon theirown folk medicine and the magical ceremonies of their medicinemenand curing societies. And when white man's medicine was graduallymade available to them, the Pueblos Agency encountered a greatdeal of hostility among the pueblos generally to American doctorsand medicine. In 1930 the superintendent of the Southern PueblosIndian Agency reported
:
The greatest difficulty at the present time in health work is our inability toovercome the ancient traditions and superstitions of the older Indians. . . .It seems impossible to render any assistance to some of the older Indians at all.
. . . the younger ones seem willing to accept medical service but are preventedfrom domg so by their parents. We frequently have cases wherein . . . doctorsor nurses are refused admittance to the homes of the sick. [It will be necessaryto overcome] their beliefs and superstitions of centuries, which of necessity is avery slow proposition. [U.S. Senate, 1932, pt. 19, pp. 9875-9876.]Much progress in this direction has been made since 1930. Almostall the Sias today (1957) would be willing to accept the white man'smedicine, although many would not seek it except in cases of seriousillness or injury. The doctor and nurse are welcomed on theirperiodic visits, and mothers freely bring their children to the clinic
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184held in the school buildings. A wise, mature, and moderate informanttold me in 1957 that he felt sure that there was no one in Sia whowould oppose the white man's medicine in toto, or as a matter of prin-ciple. Medicinemen themselves have sought American medical aidand have gone to Government Indian hospitals. I learned of a caseduring the 1950's where a medicineman who had been summoned to as-sist in a critical case of childbirth said that he could do nothing, andadvised the woman's relatives to take her to the hospital in Albuquer-que without delay. The Indian medicinemen stUl practice theirprofession, and the informant cited above said that probably few Siaswould refuse to patronize an Indian doctor as a matter of principle.Most of the Sias, it appears, avail themselves of both kinds of medicine.Snakebite is treated by medicinemen (see p. 158). No one hasever been taken to a hospital for snakebite, said one informant, "butno one has ever died of snakebite." The truth of this statement isvigorously denied by a Public Health nurse, however.The natural and cultural habitat of Sia, like that of other pueblos,possesses many advantages along with some disadvantages from thestandpoint of health. It has an abundance of pure air and sunshine.Excrement or other refuse is quickly dried up in sun and wind. Gen-eral aridity and drainage conditions do not aUow pools to persistwithin the pueblo; down the hill toward the river, however, there isa perennial marsh. The houses tend to be cool in summer and warmin winter; in the latter season, however, ventilation is sometimes bad.Much dust is blown about by the wind. Many, but far from all, ofthe houses in 1957 had screened windows and doors.
"There are no latrines" in Sia, Halseth reported in 1924 (1924 b,p. 73). In 1957 there were numerous privies on the periphery ofthe pueblo, most of them built according to approved specifications.Many, however, were located so far from the dwellings that theirowners tended to use nearby streets and alleys during the night.And corrals still serve as latrines.The rubbish heaps at Sia (see p. 53) contain refuse of all kindsand constitute a health hazard.In 1957 Sia had an abundant supply of clean, pure water for drinkingand household use.PubUc Health officials told me in 1957 that Sia had been excep-tionally cooperative in recent years in matters of public health andsanitation. They attributed this attitude in large part to the workand influence of Joe Medina, a Sia Indian and onetime governor ofthe pueblo, who had been for some time on the staff of the PublicHealth Service as a sanitarian. He had done much to introduce newideas and practices at Sia. Sanitarians from the Public Health Servicego to Sia every summer and spray the streets and alleys about the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 105houses?and inside the houses, also, if their occupants desire, or willpermit, it?the privies, refuse heaps, and corrals. They report thatbedbugs are numerous in Sia dwellings, some body lice, but very fewfleas. "Field mice" (possibly Reithrodontomys megalotis) are said tobe numerous, but there are virtually no rats (Rattus norvegicus).Dogs are vaccinated against rabies. The sanitarians offer instructionand give demonstrations of proper methods of sanitation in the home,including care and preservation of food, techniques of dishwashing,and so on. A young women's club in Sia also is worldng to improvethe health of the commimity.Influenza in winter and intestinal ailments in summer were themost common, and probably most serious, sicknesses in Sia duringthe mid-1 950's, according to Government doctors and nurses. I wastold in 1957 that tuberculosis had declined appreciably, but was stillpresent. Trachoma had almost disappeared. "They don't get polioand never did." The rate of venereal disease was less for Sia thanfor neighboring Anglo- and Spanish-ximerican populations.Data on the pathology of the Sia are meager. A woman physician,Dr. H, who had worked closely with them for a time, told me in 1957that women w^ere rather prone to a disease or disorder of the hip.Stillbirths and deaths of mothers during childbirth were estunated tobe neither more nor less common at Sia than in the population ofNew Mexico generally. According to some reports, both Indian andGovernmental, many Sia women were loath to have their babies inthe Indian Service hospital. One reason given was that some whohave done so have had no more childi'en. However, Dr. H. esti-mated that 40 percent of Sia babies in 1957 were born in hospitals.Women were disinclined, also, to take their babies and young childrento the Government hospital during the 1950's. One reason is thatthey do not wish to have their children hospitalized unless they canstay at the hospital with them; this was formerly possible at thehospital at the Albuquerque Indian School, but was not possible atthe hospital to which the Sia were sent in the 1950's. Dr. H. toldme that a mother had virtually nothing to say about whether herbaby should be sent to the hospital or not. Her father would bethe principal one to decide this question, and in any event the decisionwould be made by men. According to a Government physician anda nurse, the Sia do not practice either contraception or abortion.In the mid-1 950's there were three men, brothers, at Sia who weredeaf and dumb. Two other men wore hearing aids; one woman wastotally deaf but would use no aid. One small girl was very cross-eyed; one child was said to be feeble-minded; another, an epileptic.There have been no albinos in Sia, for many years at least, accordingto all informants, although they are fairly numerous at nearby Jemez,
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184and albinism has been introduced into Santa Ana through marriagewith Jemez women. Mental and nervous diseases were on the in-crease, according to an Indian Service physician and a field nurse. ASia man, born about 1921, was once committed to St, Elizabeth'sHospital in Washington, D.C. After a year or two he returned toSia where, apparently, he is not much of a problem either to hisfamily or to the commimity. He has never married. No informantsor Indian Service personnel had ever known of a suicide at Sia.DIETThe diet of the Sia is meager in quantity and deficient in someimportant food elements. Corn {Zea mays) was, without doubt, themost important food in pre-Spanish days. Nowadays corn and wheat(Triticum vulgare, introduced by the Spaniards) are the most impor-tant foods: "bread stuffs being the basis of every meal" (Hawley,Pijoan, and Elkin, 1943, p. 550). Considerable wheat is grown atSia; it is taken to miUs outside the reservation to be ground. Mac-aroni and, to a lesser extent, rice, purchased at stores, are fairlypopular.Beans (Phaseolus acutifolius and P. vulgaris) and the broadbean(Viciafaha) are grown at Sia, and one would expect them to be eatenin considerable quantity, since they form a large part of the diet ofnearby Spanish-Americans and Indian pueblos. Nutritionally theywould be very important, since they contribute proteins, and Siafare is low in proteins. However, the survey by Hawley, Pijoan,and Elkin (1943, p. 552) observes that "most Zia Indians lack . . .beans," and the reports of the Indian Service either fail to list beansat all among crops (1951, 1956) or indicate meager yields: 70 bushelsin 1936; 140, in 1949. Some Sia purchase beans from stores or othersources. This is a curious situation for which I have no explanation.Much chiU (Capsicum annuum) is grown and eaten, however; itis eaten almost daily and sometimes at more than one meal per day.Some potatoes {Solanum tuberosum) are grown and others are pur-chased from stores; they are eaten frequently and in considerablequantity. Two kinds of pumpkins are grown: Cucurbita moschata,which was cultivated in pre-Spanish times, and C. maxima, which theSia call merikana (American) pumpkin, since it is not indigenous tothe region. Watermelon (CitruUus vulgaris) and cantaloup {Cu-cumis melo) are grown and eaten but constitute an insignificantpart of Sia diet. Some peaches and apples are grown but not in quan-tities sufiicient to supply the needs of a well-balanced diet.In the past the Sia, and other Indians in the region, have exten-sively exploited wild plant resources for food and for materialsfor other purposes. The use of wild plants for food has undoubtedly
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 107decreased in modern times, especially within the last two or three de-cades with increasing purchases from stores, but we have no adequatedata on this point. Among the wild flora of the vicinity the followingplants have been used for food: amaranth (Amaranthus paniculatus),the seeds of which are eaten and the leaves used as greens (this plantis sometimes cultivated in the Rio Grande pueblos); Rocky Moun-tain bee plant (Peritoma serrulatum), seeds eaten and leaves cookedas greens; cactus, pricklypear (Opuntia lindheimeri), roasted in dampsand, eaten with chili; chenopodium, cooked as greens; wild potato(Solanum jamesii and S. jendleri) , eaten raw or cooked, with clay tocounteract astringency; pinon nuts {Pinus edulis), gathered in con-siderable quantities, roasted; Yucca baccata, fruits are eaten. Wildplants are used as medicines, teas, smoking material, condiments, andfor other purposes (White, 1945).The Sia are exceptional among their pueblo neighbors for theirnumerous cattle and sheep per capita. They keep chickens and a fewturkeys and pigs. They are probably the most diligent hunters ofdeer and turkey in the region. There are periodic hunts for rabbit,and everyone avails himself of every opportunity to catch wood rats{Neotoma), which are highly prized as food. But with all this, theSia eat very httle meat; they cannot afford to. "Meat is the foodmost desired," say Hawley, Pijoan, and Elkin, (1943, p. 552) "andmost difficult to obtain . . . under the most favorable conditions,the people do not expect to have meat more than two or three timesa week, and then more as a flavoring than as a food." Owners ofhvestock are loath to kill a beef or a sheep during hot weather?ex-cept at fiesta time?because the meat may spoil; some can be pre-served by drying. Small quantities of meat are purchased at stores.According to figures of the Extension Division of the United Pueb-los Agency, which are admittedly rough estimates, the followingamounts of meat were butchered for domestic consumption in Siain 1948 (in pounds): beef, 12,200; sheep, 4,160; pork, 3,800; goats,420; chickens, 1,500; tm-keys, 60; total 22,140 pounds. This wouldmean an average of approximately 60.7 pounds per day for the pueb-lo as a whole; 1.17 pounds per day per household; 0.23 pounds percapita per day. Specific information is lacking, but it may be pre-sumed that these weights are gross, i.e., they include bones and otherwaste. If this is correct, the edible portion would probably not bemuch more than half of the gross figure.The figures for 1951 are (in pounds): beef, 22,180; sheep, 4,660;goats, 1,500; pork, 5,275; chickens, 1,080; turkeys, 96. This wouldamount to about 0.33 pounds gross per capita per day. The amountof meat available to the pueblo in 1951 was 57 percent greater than
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184in 1948, but this does not necessarily mean that a substantial trendof this magnitude has been established.It is rather surprising to note the high proportion of meat derivedfrom pigs. The percentages of total meat butchered in 1951 are asfollows: beef, 64; pork, 15; sheep, 13; goats, 4; chickens, 3; turkeys,0.28.Dairy products form j an almost negligible part of the Sia diet.There were only thi'ee or four milk cows, owned by two families, inSia in 1948; in 1951 three families had seven head. Milk productionin 1948 was 2,400 quarts, according to Indian Agency figures; in1951, 8,800 quarts. This would mean an average of 6.6 quarts perday for the entire pueblo in 1948; 21.4 quarts in 1951. No butter orcheese is made; butter or margarine may be purchased occasionally,but cheese scarcely ever is (Hawley, Pijoan, and Elkin, 1943, p. 552).The survey made by Hawley et al. (ibid., p. 549) contains the recordof a 3-month (July to October, 1942) charge account (probably at astore in nearby San Ysidro) of a Sia family of three in the "upperincome group." Purchases totaled $41.42 for the period. This doesnot mean necessarily that this family made no purchases elsewhere,or that all purchases were for their own use. However, the figuresare instructive. The biggest item was flour, 34.5 percent. Nextcame lard, 15.4 percent; meat (corned beef and bologna), 7 percent;sugar, 5 percent; beans (pinto), 4 percent; potatoes, 3.6 percent;baking powder and coffee, 2.5 percent each; tobacco, 2.2 percent. Itis interesting to note that $1.60 (3.8 percent) was spent for fly spray.Typical menus in 1943, according to Hawley et al. (1943, pp. 552-553) were as follows: breaMast?fried potatoes and coffee; rnidday^
?
tortillas or bread, stew with meat, hominy and lard; evening-?tor-tillas, meat stew with hominy, chili and lard, or some vegetable cookedin lard.Much of the food, even vegetables and bread, is fried in lard orcooked in deep fat. Stews are common. Carbohydrates and fatspredominate in Sia diet; proteins are lacking. Other deficiencies arenicotinic acid, riboflavin, ascorbic acid, and vitamin C. The "averagedietary of the Zia Indian [is] a possible 2,000 to 2,100 calories daily,"according to the survey by Hawley et al. (1943, p. 553).Pupils in the day school probably have been the primary concern ofthose who have interested themselves in health and welfare in Sia.The children are required to go to school and attendance is good.Physicians, nurses, and teachers have told me that the children arefrequently not dressed warmly enough in wintertime, and that withthe onset of cold weather almost all of them have chronic colds,"runny noses," and many of them have low-grade fevers. A con-siderable number come to school without breakfast, according to
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 109
nurses and teachers; and the Hawley, Pijoan, and Elkin survey (1943,p. 552) states that "most of the children return" to their homes
"at lunch time, but many of them eat nothing at this time."Midday lunches were instituted as a part of the day-school pro-gram in Sia in 1905, but were discontinued after a time. They werereinstituted in 1952, however, and one official at the Pueblos Agencytold me that for a tune at least, Sia received a larger allotment forschool lunches than nearby pueblos because of its greater povert3^Twenty pupils in the Sia day school were given thorough medicalexaminations by the Hawley et al. survey (1943, p. 555) with thefollowing results: "Twelve had evidence of progressive dental caries(60 percent of total), nine had marked upper respiratory infections(45 percent), six had pellagra (30 percent) , and six had definite stigmataof ariboflavinosis (30 percent). Only four or five children were freeof stigmata of some debilitating process."In 1949 the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico became eligible forassistance from the State Welfare Department on programs to whichthe Federal Government contributes funds (this aid is, of course, inaddition to assistance from the Federal Government obtained throughthe United Pueblos Agency). These State programs are: (1) old ageassistance; (2) aid to dependent children under 18 years of age; (3) aidto the blind (of any age); (4) aid to totally and permanently disabledpersons between the ages of 18 and 65; and (5) medical treatment forcrippled defective children. Social workers visit families seeking aidand make recommendations.^
? In 1957 I was told by an official in the State Welfare Department In Santa Fe that some families at SanFelipe had sought and received financial assistance, but that the pueblo had decided that no one shoulddo this. Therefore the governor collected the checks and returned them to the Department.
COSMOLOGY AND PUEBLO LIFEThe Sia, like every other people, have a traditional ideology thatexplains the origin and natm-e of everything?the heavenly bodies,the earth, plants, animals, human beings, and culture?and showshow they are related to one another; their cosmology is the connectivetissue, so to speak, of the world?material, social, and spiritual?thatthey live in. Temporally, reahty or existence is divided into two eras:the mythical past in which supernatural beings brought the world toits present shape and condition, and the present real world of ordinaryexperience, which includes, of course, the memories and tales of grand-parents, great grandparents, and so on. In tliis respect Sia cosmologyresembles other nonscientific ideologies.^"The earth, according to Sia belief, is square and flat; and, since ithas thiclvness, it may be assumed to be a cube. It is divided intofour horizontal layers: the lowest one is yellow; the one above, blue-green (the Keresan language does not distinguish between blue andgreen; White, 1943 b); the third, red; and the top layer, white (thisis the opposite of the order at Santa Ana; White, 1942 a, p. 80; one ofthese reports is probably an error). Everything in the world aboveis arranged according to directions. There are six cardinal points:north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir; sometimes a seventh, the
"middle," i.e., the middle of the earth and the whole cosmos, is in-cluded also. These points constitute a ritual circuit, in the order justgiven, which is followed in songs and rituals : one addresses the northfirst, then west, and so on. Each direction, or cardinal point, has acolor and a mountain. And at each lives a weather spirit, a warrior,a woman with an appropriately colored face, an animal, a bird, asnake, and a tree (fig. 12).Colors?North, yellow; west, blue green; south, red; east, white;zenith, light yellow; nadir, black or dark (cf. White, 1942 a, p. 83, forcomparative data).Mountains?North, kawdicnima; west, tsiBino:; south, Daonyuma;east, k'otcana; zenith, kowaioyuma; nadir, ctiyatcana.
1? The reader is urged to read " Cosmology and Pueblo Life" in my monograph, "The Pueblo of Santa Ana,New Mexico." It prosents a much fuller study of this subject than was undertaken at Sia; it also containscopious references to the literature on this subjert for other Keresan pueblos. We are justified in believingthat the cosmology of Sia is fundamentally like that of Santa Ana and other Keresan pueblos, at least ingeneral outline. Many of the conceptions found at Santa Ana no doubt exist at Sia, also. An acquahitancewith Santa Ana cosmology will therefore illuminate, extend, and supplement the briefer treatment of thesubject at Sia.110
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 111N.WCorner
S.W.Corner
Q Home of DeadD Home ofCKoyo
Wenimq:HomeoT
_ KotsinaGomoiyowic
Place oFEmergenceLJ Home, ofCaiyaiKWhiteHouse
SIA
oHome ofSnoKeSociety
Kwirainad
, Flint
. I?Koshairi I
?
Home ofn Kapina Home,ofFtre Society D
N.E.Corner
S.E.CornerFigure 12.?Map of the World.Weather spirits?Csi-kaik lives at the North mountain; he sendssnow and winter weather. Cuitirawa'nt hves at West mountain;Maiyotctna, at South mountain (at Santa Ana he is said to be "gopherlike"; ibid., p. 83); Cruwisininawi, at East mountain; MacDiDyami,at zenith (at Santa Ana Mastyagama, "foxlike," hves at the zenith;ibid.); Mdrioyami, nadir (he is "molelike" at Santa Ana); and Ga-DaiDya'm? at the middle. Stevenson (1894, pp. 28, 124) gives thesenames for the respective directions but she translates them as namesof trees: spruce, pine, oak, aspen, cedar, and another kind of oak,respectively. Sia cosmology may well assign a tree to each of thecardinal points, but the preceding names are not those of trees (White,1945).Warriors.?North, Tsamahia; west, Cinohaia; south, Yiimahiya;east, Awahiya; zenith, Beyahdra; nadir, Keyachara. In addition tothese are Tsdrahoya whose location is "everywhere" and Aiwana forwhom no place was designated. Masewi and Oy(5yewi, the twin Wargods, are the heads of this group; they live in the east, in the SandiaMountains. These 10 warriors are addressed in "a rain song of theQuerranna society" recorded by Stevenson (1894, p. 130). The tsatyagowatcanyi, the present-day helpers of the War chiefs, bear the namesof the warriors of the north, west, south, and east, respectively. All10 of these warrior spirits are "armed; they protect the pueblo againstwitches (kanadyaiya), sickness, and ill will."Women.?North, kdtctmnako, "yellow woman"; women in mythsare usually referred to as kotcininako; west, mermako, blue-green
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184woman; south, kukanmliko, red woman; east, gdciyandko, whitewoman; zenith, mo?nanako, dark, or black, woman; nadir, kwicti-rinako, brown or tan woman ; there is no woman for the middle. Thesewomen-color-directions are mentioned in a rain song of the Kwiraina(Querranna) society as recorded by Stevenson (1894, p. 130), exceptthat zenith and nadir are reversed.Animals.?North, mo-kaitc (mountain lion); west, kowdhaiya(bear); south, dyu-pi (badger); east, k'ak'ana (wolf); zenith, dyami(eagle); and nadir, maioyup" (shrew). These animals are addressedin this order in the rain song mentioned above (see White, 1942 a, p. 83,for data on other Keresan pueblos).Birds.?North, h'a-Dyaiya (western tanager); west, ma-pewi (car-dinal); south, caiuactutc (unidentified); east, cr6wakaiya (magpie);zenith, waiya'ana (unidentified); nadir, ga-wa (a night bird like thePoor-will, cpiyuka, but larger) ; see White (1947 b, pp. 227-29) for namesof birds.Snakes.?I did not obtain their names, but Stevenson (1894, pp.69, 125-26) lists them as: north, Skatowe (Plumed Serpent); west,Kaspanna; south, Koquaira; east, Quissera; zenith, Huwaka [sky];the earth, Ya'ai. Only one of these appears in my list of names ofsnakes (1947 b, p. 239), namely, ya'ai, which is the hognose snake(Heterodon nasicus). Perhaps Stevenson's names are ceremonialterms (White, 1944 b).Trees.?I did not obtain their names but, as we have just seen,Stevenson identified them with the weather control spirits.To return to the "Map of the World": In the middle-north is thePlace of Emergence where the people came up from Shipap in theyellow world, the lowest of the four (the place of emergence itself hasoften been called Shipap, but I understood my informants to say thatthis name designates the place of origin in the lowest world). Caiyaik,the patron spirit of the Hunters' society, lives in Cloud-robe Housefhenati, cloud; naBack', robe or "manta"; kai, house) in the north.Also in the north, but between the middle and the northern edge ofthe world, is Kacikdtcutiya (White House), the place in all Keresanorigin myths where the people lived after their emergence and wherethey obtained most of their institutions and other cultural items.The modern pueblo of Sia is located in the center of the Earth, as areall Keresan pueblos (Zufii, also).In the northwest corner is Gyitibo-kai (northwest house), the homeof the dead. The Ckoyo (Giant) society has its home in the north-west corner, also.In the middle-west is Wenima, the home of the Katsina, the anthro-pomorphic rainmakers, and the Gomaiyawtc, Kapina fives in thesouthwest corner in Buniyana (westerly) Kacikactutiya (White
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 113House). Madjanyi, the "father of the Kapina," lives in the middle-south at Daotyuma Mountain. The Fire society has its home inthe southeast. Also in the southeast is a tunnel, or cave, calledMawakana (no Enghsh equivalent; the ceremonial chamber of theFire society is called mawakana) Gacoiyats (rainbow) Kai (house).It is here that all the spirits created by Tsityostinako gather atHanyiko to receive the prayers of the Sia people for rain, crops, andgame, and to help them select pueblo officers without quarreling;"some of the old people think that Carlsbad Caverns is this cave."The Flint and Koshairi societies, which are closely related to eachother in other Keresan pueblos (White, 1942 a, p. 117) though quitedistinct at Sia, have their home in the middle-east. Also in the east,but "a little north of the middle," is Gyitihanyi, the home of Kwiraina.The home of the Snake society is nearby.The most important deity in Sia cosmology is Tsttyosti-nako,
"Prophesying Woman"; Stevenson (1894, pp. 26 ff.) spells the nameSti'sistinnako, but my pronunciation of this spelling was incompre-hensible to my informants. This deity is found at Santa Ana (White,1942 a, p. 82) and at Laguna (Boas, 1925, pp. 221-222, 228; Gunn,1917, p. 89) also. But everywhere the conception appears to be un-clear and even inconsistent. Stevenson treats this deity as a male,but in her emergence myth Sussistinnako is addressed as "our mother"(in Keresen pueblos the cacique, a man, is ceremonially addressed as
"mother"). The ending -nako means 'woman.' But at Laguna she
"looked like a man" (Boas, 1925, pp. 221, 228). Stevenson saysthat Sussistinnako was a spider; my informants, that Tsityostinako"had the shape of a certain Idnd of spider."Tsityostinako is called Prophesying Woman because "she knows[rather than deciding, or determining] what is going to happen";one informant added "when a person is thinking about doing some-thing that is Tsityostinako expressing herself in him."Tsityostinako lives at Shipap in the YeUow world, "but she iseverywhere, like God," one informant said. She is the creator inSia cosmology as she is at Laguna (Gunn, 1917, p. 89). She boretwo daughters, utctstti, the mother of the Indians, and Naotstti, themother of other races and peoples.The Sun is an important deity, as is the Earth, naiya ha-atsi,mother earth.' Virtually everything, at least everything that issignificant in the life of the Sia, is a spiritual being, i-niyatsa arespirits in human form; maiya-nyi are spirits in animal form; "theiniyatsa, men, do things for the animal maiyanyi." One informant,and a good one, said: "Any spirit is maiyanyi. Maiyanyi is thatwhich makes a plant grow or an animal live. It includes such spiritsas Santiago and Christ. A person becomes a maiyanyi after death."
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184As we have already seen (p. 49), there is a spirit, Gacitiwa (Gact,white; -tiwa, man), who Hves in the north plaza in Sia. His "home"is marked by a large stone that used to be aboveground, but, becauseWhite visitors became numerous it was buried; only a sHght eleva-tion now shows where the stone is. At the conclusion of every katsinadance the masked dancers gather around this stone, facing it, andpray. I have not encoimtered Gacitiwa in any other Keresan pueblo,and one informant said that it was peculiar to Sia. Early in themorning small children go to the north plaza and sprinkle prayermeal to Gacitiwa in order to obtain iyanyi, beneficent supernaturalpower. Two spirits, mokaitc, mountain lion, and Aiwana, one ofthe 10 warriors of the directions, are represented by stones in thesouth plaza (fig. 8).Much of Roman Catholic theology has been incorporated into theaboriginal cosmology, as we have already seen (p. 65 ff.).My inquiries elicited no significant information about Bocaiyanyi,to whom Stevenson devotes much space (1894, pp. 59-67). He bearsa number of resemblances to Jesus Christ : born of a virgin, performsmiracles, is put to death by jealous men, promises to return, etc. AtSanta Ana there is an equestrian impersonation of Bdcaiyanyi whichis indistinguishable from that of the Spanish saint, Santiago (White,1942 a, pp. 256 ff.). But in a Santo Domingo myth B6caiyanyiopposes God in contests (White, 1935, pp. 178-79).A few concepts might be mentioned here. KoBictaiya is a difficultconcept to comprehend. It appears to have various meanings amongthe Keres, but they might all be reducible to a single coherent con-ception (see White, 1935, pp. 169-70; ^Vhite, 1942 a, p. 85, for datafrom other pueblos and for discussion of same). Stevenson (1894,pp. 32-33) says that kopishtaia is one of the three classes of thingscreated by Sussistinnako ; it includes the cloud, lightning, thunder,rainbow peoples, and all animal life not included in the other twoclasses. One of my most philosophical informants said: "anythingthat is worshipped is kosictaiya whether it be in human or animalform. [Even] kanadaiya (witches) are kosictaiya. Anyone whoinvents something wonderful, like the airplane or radio, is kosictaiya."At Acoma the koBictaiya are impersonated by masked figures (White,1932 a, pp. 86-88).There is definitely a conception of supernatural power although Ifailed to obtain the generic name for it; ianyi is beneficent super-natural power. Medicinemen effect their cures only by means ofpower which they obtain from the animal doctors, especially thebear, badger, eagle, snake, shrew, and wolf. One of the most effec-tive ways of obtaining and using supernatural power is by singing.Songs are tremendously important. If you comment to an Indian
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 115about the excellence of a dance that you have seen, he will almostinvariably comment upon the songs. They appear to be the mostimportant part of many, if not all, ceremonies. ''My friend," anexcellent informant once told me, "without songs you cannot doanything."In one of their adventures Masewi and Oyoyewi protected them-selves from intense heat by "throwing shells from their mouths"(Stevenson, 1894, p. 49).The following is a version of the creation and emergence myth atSia from one informant. He omitted a number of episodes, as weshall see later, I obtained some of these from other informants, butam not including them here.CREATION AND EMERGENCEIn the beginning were Tsityostinako and her daughters, Utctsitiand Naotsiti. There were clouds and fog (he-yac) everywhere.There were four worlds. The bottom world was Yellow. Abovethis was a Blue-green world. Above that was a Red world. And ontop was the White world. Tsityostinako and her daughters were inthe Yellow world.Utctsiti and Naotsiti had a naback' (a "manta," or blanket) anda Djacoma (cane) to create things with. Utctsiti created tiamunyi(cacique) first. She told liim that he would have to take care of thepeople and love them as a mother loves her children. Tsityostinakoand her daughters were sitting like tcaiyanyi (medicinemen) in aceremonial house. Tsityostinako was sitting between her daughters.They spread the naback (manta) on the floor in front of them andput the cane (Djacoma) on top of it. Then, with magic and songs,they created things under the manta. Then they would pick up themanta and see what they had created. Tsityostinako could not beseen, but she was there, and it was she who put ideas into Utctsiti'sand Naotsiti's heads. After they had created something, Tsit-yostinako would explain why it had been created. The daughterswould take turns: fh-st Utctsiti would create something, then Naotsitiwould.After they created tiamunyi they created the iariko (the corn-earfetish) of the Flint tcaiyanyi. It was in the form of a woman. Utct-siti told her what her work would be. When the various beings werecreated and were told what their duties would be they cried becausethey saw it would be hard, but they said they would try to do theirbest.Shikanyi (the name of a society) was created next and then Shima(a society). Then Koshairi was created in the form of a man; Ko-shairi Paiyatyamo (youth) was his name. The songs and rituals
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184for each creation were provided as they were made. Kwiraina wascreated next, in the form of a man, but without an iariko ("he doesnot have one to this day," interposed the informant). He wascalled Kwiraina Paiyatyamo. Cikame (a medicine society) was cre-ated next and then Ckoyo (or Giant society). Ckoyo was createdin the form of a woman. Next they created Caiyaik, the hunter;he was made in the form of mokaitc hatctse (mountain lion man).Katsina and Gomaiyawic, in the form of paiyatyamo, were madenext. Kapina came next, in the form of a woman. Crowi (snake)followed, also in the form of a woman; she had the power of thesnake. The Fire tcaiyanyi was brought into being in the form of awoman; she had the power of fire. The sicti (common) people werealso created. The various yaya (literally 'mothers', but the headsof medicine societies are men) had masks and things to entertain thepeople. All of these beings were created in the lower world byUtctsiti.Next came the creation of animals. All were made in pairs, maleand female. There were certain special animals: the lion, bear,badger, wolf, eagle, and shrew. They were to help the yaya (mothers,i.e. medicinemen) cure sickness.They Hved in the Yellow world for 4 years. Then it was time forthe people to ascend to the upper world. Thej'' wondered how theywould go up. Early in the fourth morning Tsityostinako, Utctsiti,and Naotsiti got together. They created a h'akak (Douglas spruce,Pseudotsuga mucronata) seed and planted it. It sprouted at once andgrew rapidly. By sunup it was 4 feet high. They sang songs tomake it grow faster. By mid-morning the top of the tree was outof sight. By noontime the tree had reached the next world. Theytold Koshairi to make the tree firm and strong. He climbed thetree, doing funny [whether funny here means amusing, grotesque,or peculiar and unintelhgible, I do not know] things, shaking thebranches as he went up. He was painted then as he is nowadays.When he reached the top he saw the Blue-green world. But allthere was there on the land was henati (clouds) and heyac (fog).Koshairi came down and told the yayas (mothers) what he had seen.He told them the tree was now ready and strong.They started to ascend. Koshairi went first. Then came the threemothers and all of the societies and the people in the order in whichthey had been created. It took only a short time for everyone to getto the Blue-green earth.They stayed in the Blue-green land for 4 years. The people werefed miraculously by Utctsiti and Naotsiti. Then a henati (cloud, un-identified) tree seed was created and planted. It grew up to the Redworld. Kwiraina was sent to try out the tree. He acted funny as he
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 117
climbed up the tree. He got to the Red world. He thought it wasnice. He said to himself: "This is the place my mother sent me to see,so I am making the tree firm." Then he came down and told Utctsitiwhat he had seen. She thanked him. Then everyone ascended to theRed world, with Kwiraina leading the way.The}^ stayed in the Red world for 4 years. Everyone did thethings?performed the ceremonies?that they had. Then they de-cided to move on. A seed of the heyac (fog, unidentified) tree wascreated and planted. They made it grow like they had the other trees.It had great difficulty, though, because in places it encountered solidrock. Koshairi was told to try the tree to see if it was suitable andadequate. He climbed up but after a while he came back and saidthat the tree had been halted by solid rock. Then they sent Kwirainaup the tree and he, too, came back with the same report. Next theysent Dyupi moti (Badger boy) up the tree; they sent him because he isa good digger. Badger climbed up the tree until he came to the rock.He started digging. He dug through the rock and came to dirt; fromthere on it was easy. The tree went on up as the badger opened theway. Badger came down. He told the yaya that he was finished,that he had done what they had asked him to do. But, he said thehole was rough and there were some sharp rocks: "Someone might gethurt," he said.So the mothers sent Tsika (cicada) moti (boy) up the tree. (Hehad been created in the Red world. When Tsika came to life underthe manta, he made the noise like they do now in the summer. Theytook the naback (manta) off Tsika and told him why he had beencreated.) Tsika said "I will do my best." So he went up the treeuntil he came to the hole. He made it smooth. He looked outinto the White world; Badger had already told him about the Whiteworld and how nice it was. Tsika came back down the tree andtold the mothers about the White world.Then everyone started climbing the tree. These trees were knownas watiyama (ladders). Finally everyone got up to the White world.They liked it so well they decided to live there as long as the earthlasts. The people said this to their mother. Yaya thanked themand said they would live there as long as the world should last.They heard a big noise like a storm coming behind them from thelower world. Utctsiti wondered who it was. The people wondered,too, and looked around to see who was missing. They missed Ho-DODo and Wikori, the "fathers" of Kwiraina. No one had missedthem since they had left the first world, but now they were comingalong behind. Soon Hododo and Wikori reached the White earth.You could hear them coming. They were very angry. You couldhear rock falling down as they came up. When they appeared before600685?62 9
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the people they saw that Hododo had somethmg with four pointson it. Only Utctsiti knew what it was: it was a deer horn. Withthat horn the Hododo can go through anything; it was strong andhard to punch holes with. Utctsiti asked them why they had fallenbehind, but they could not give her a good reason for their delay.So then their mother told them: "Hereafter, as long as 3^ou live onthis earth, you shall be the way you are. You shall cause the landwhere you walk to tremble and shake, and with the horn j^ou haveyou will have the right [and power] to go through anj^thing, even ifno one else is able to do it. You shall be always like you are. Youwill have very limited ianyi (beneficent supernatural power, orblessing) to give to the world." Then Wikori and Hododo calmeddown. From there on they went with the rest of the people andthe yaya.The home of Hododo (and presumably Wikori) is northeast ofSia. They are impersonated in the katsina dances; they are sidedancers and always come alone. The horn that Hododo carriescame from Sliipap before deer were created.(The place where the people came out into this world is H'a'atstKaDawei?Earth's navel. "The human body is just like the earth.We have a navel like the place where the people came out. Shipapis the place where the creation took place, down in the fourth worldbelow this one, the Yellow world.)The people built a pa'eima (a temporary place of residence) nearthe place where they came out. Then they began to migrate towardthe south, building pa'eima wherever they stopped for a while. Eachof these temporary pueblos had a name. Kacikatcutiya, WhiteHouse, was the last of the pueblos built before the people reachedtheu' present home. They lived at White House for awhile. Thepeople began to increase. The sicti (common people) were givenpermission to build homes wherever they wished to live. Theirmother said they could not return to one of the lower worlds, butmust stay here in the White world.When they got to White House they built houses. The men weretold to look around for land suitable for growing wheat, beans, melons,and other crops. When each man had his land Utctsiti began tocreate seeds of all kinds for them to plant. The people were eagerto see what would happen when they planted their seeds. After theseeds had sprouted and the plants were young and growing, thetcaiyanyi performed their ceremonies for them. The shiwana (kat-sina) were caused to come and bring rain. Everyone believed every-thing; things grew easier then.^^ It rained almost every day. There
11 A revealing expression of pueblo attitude today: "If you believe in our religion and follow the old wayseverything wiU be well. Contrariwise, if you fall away from the old ways and beliefs evils of all kindswill btfall us."
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 119was always dancing for rain. In the fall when the squash were ripethey gathered them. They were told how to prepare them to eat.Thus the people learned.But they began to have troubles at White House. Utctsiti sawthat her people were not living a good life. She decided to createofficers. The first one she created was Macta hotcanyi. His dutieswere like those of Masewi and Oyoyewi (the War chiefs) today. Butthis officer did not do right so Utctsiti punished him by turning himinto a rat. The next to be created was Opi hotcanyi (Warrior chief).He was given the right to go to the tcaiyanyi (medicinemen) and askthem to help when anything was needed, to pray for rain or anythingelse that was needed.The people increased in numbers. Soon there were not enoughcrops to support them. Then Utctsiti went to work again with hermanta and created all kinds of game animals. She gave to eachkind its life, its habits, and its place to live. Then the men of WhiteHouse were called out to see the game.The people continued to increase, and they kept on having troubles.There was a young woman, the daughter of the cacique. She wasvery industrious and very beautiful, but she would not have anythingto do with men. They would go to her but she would always refusethem. This was the work of Tsityostinako and Utctsiti. Onemorning, very earl}'-, she was grinding corn. About Gyitsityuye(mid-morning) she felt tired so she lay down near an opening in thewall of the house. As the sun climbed higher in the heavens his rayscame in through the hole in the wall and fell upon her. After a whileshe felt rested and went back to her grinding bins.^^Within a few months the girl began to grow big and she wonderedwhy. And everyone else wondered, too. Her father and motherbegged her, almost forced her, to tell them how she had become preg-nant for they knew that no man had had contact with her.The time for delivery drew near. But before the baby was bornthe girl's parents drove her out of the house, naked, because theywere so ashamed and angry with her. The girl left the pueblo, goingtoward the west from White House. But before she left she calledher four turkej'^s to her; she loved these turkeys as her own heart. '^The girl went to the ash pile on the west side of the village ; the turkeyswere following her. When they got there one of the turkeys said toher, "Mother, hit me on the neck, hard." "Why should I do that?"the girl asked, "I love you. I shouldn't hurt you." But the turkey
n Theepisodeof the twin Wargods, bom of a virgin and sired by the Sun, is recounted in the origin mythsin all the Keresan pueblos.
'3 This episode about the turkeys is not commonly associated with the birth of the War twins amongthe Keres. But see the Santo Domingo myth, "Turkeys Befriend a Girl" (White, 1935, pp. 191-194), Inwhich the same events befall an ordinary girl in a modern pueblo.
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
said, "Do as I ask." So the girl hit the turkey Hghtly with a smallstick. The turkey said, "Please, hit me harder." This time the girlhit the turkey harder. The turkey stumbled and coughed up a manta.Kotcininako (Yellow Woman; a generic term for women in myths)was pleased to see the manta. The turkey told her to put the mantaon. Then the second turkey told the girl to hit him. The girl didnot want to, but finally she hit the turkey hard and the turkey coughedup a woven belt (honiDya'nyi). They went through the same pro-cedure with the third turkey, who produced moccasins and leggings,and with the fourth turkey, who coughed up strings of beads. Sonow Kotcininako was completely and beautifully dressed.Kotcininako kept on going toward the west, where she knew not.After awhile she met an old lady who was sitting down, doing her hair.The old lady called Kotcininako by name, asking her "Where are yougoing? You shouldn't be traveling in your condition." "IVIy parentshave driven me out of our home," the girl told her, "because I couldnot tell them how I became with chUd." "Yes, I know," the old ladysaid, "later on you will learn who caused your trouble. But now youare welcome in my house. Come in!" This old lady was Tsityo-stinako. She walked a little way and came to a small hole in theground. "This is my home," she said. But the girl looked at thelittle hole and said "How can I go in there? It is too small." Butthe old lady said, "Just walk in." When Kotcininako stepped in thedoor it became larger. She went in; the old lady followed. She putthe girl in a room by herself. On the fourth morning the girl gavebirth to twin boys. On the fourth morning after they were born theold lady took the boys out at sunrise to introduce them to the worldand to the sun. She named the boys Masewi and Oyoyewi.Meanwhile at White House things were becoming worse. Thepeople were doing bad things. That is why Masewi and Oyoyewiwere brought into the world, to control the people.The twins went to K'oaik utc (place of the sunrise) to see their father,the Sun.^*^ Then they returned to White House. There were somemonsters (ckoyo) in the countryside about White House. They werecatching people and eating them.^^Naotsityi began to show her powers. She had different kinds oftcaiyanyi; she was doing her work. Naotsityi invented things morewonderful than those that Utctsiti had created. Naotsityi created
i< In Keresan mythology the Sun subjects the boys to a number of tests to determine whether they reallyare his sons. They pass the tests, the Sun accepts them, and sends them on their way with great powers.My informant omitted all this.
'* Cycles of stories about the adventures of the War twins with the ogres, and their visits to inhospitablepueblos which they turn into stone, common in Keresan mythology, were omitted bymy Informant. How-ever, he launched into another cycle about the contests between Utctsiti, the mother of the Indians, andher sister, Naotstiti, the mother of other races.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 121paper and it could talk to her and to her people. Utctsiti could nottalk to paper and it would not talk to her. She felt bad about it andbegan to cry. But Tsityostinako was always with Utctsiti. Shetold Utctsiti what the paper was saying.The sisters, Utctsiti and Naotsiti, decided to have a number of con-tests to see which one had the greater power. One would createsomething and challenge the other to guess what it was. Oneof Naotsiti's creations was a cross (which identifies her with the Whitesand with the Clu'istian religion). Utctsiti challenged her sister totell which way a bird was going by looking at its tracks in the dust.Naotsiti failed because the bird was djacka (road runner, Geococ-cyx californianus) , who has two toes pointing forward and two pointingbackward. Naotsiti had an army of sandaro (Sp. soldado; soldier).They were to have a contest with the Indians, shooting at a cotton-wood tree trunk. The soldiers shot with guns; the Indians, withlightning. The Indians won, but they gave Naotsiti lightning to takeup to heaven. The sisters stood together before sunrise to see uponwhom the sun's rays would fall first when it came up. Crowakaiya(magpie. Pica pica) flew up and kept the sun's rays from falling uponNaotsiti so that Utsctsiti could win. At the end of the contestsNaotsiti ran away, but Utctsiti caught her. Naotsiti turned herselfinto homaoka (no English equivalent obtained) cka'wac (wood rat,Neotoma). In Stevenson's version, Utctsiti killed her sister, took outher heart, and cut it to pieces which became wood rats (1894, p. 34).On August 15, the day of the feast for Santa Ana's patron saint,Utctsiti helps Naotsiti. Each society has prayers for her. "OurFather" is one of these. There is a cross in each society's house toshow that Naotsiti is helping.The cosmology of the Sia explains their world and makes it intel-ligible to them. They know how everything came into being andwhat its purpose and function are. And, knowing this, they knowhow to behave with reference to the gods, spirits, plants, and animals,and so on; they know what to do in all kinds of situations. Cos-mology is a guide to conduct as well as an explanatory device.But it is not the external world alone that is set forth and explainedby these myths ; the social and ceremonial world of the Sia themselvesis accounted for also. Tiamunyi (cacique) was created to take theplace of Tsityostinako, the Mother of All, and of Utctsiti, the motherof the Indians. It is his responsibility to take care of the peopleand work (i.e., ceremonially, magically) for them; he is to be fatherand mother to them. The Indians received corn, their chief meansof subsistence, from their mother Utctsiti. She made it out of bitsof her own heart and gave it to her people. "This corn is my heart,"she said, "and it shall be to my people as mOk from my breasts"
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184(Stevenson, 1894, p. 39). This is why the Indians today have theircorn-ear fetishes (iarikos) : they represent their mother.The creation myth tells how the Sia got their societies and how themedicinemen got their powers. The offices of War chiefs were insti-tuted to take the place of the War god twins, Masewi and Oyoyewi.Even their clan organization is accounted for.Thus the external world and their own sociocultural world areeach made comprehensible, and the relationship between the two isset forth and made clear. And, finally, the Sia are provided with acomprehensive guide to conduct: they know what to do in everykind of situation. They know how to live like the Sia.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONOFFICERSIt is impossible, of course, to determine precisely what officersSia, and other pueblos, had in pre-Spanish times. There is everyreason to believe, however, that each pueblo had a head, or chief, andthat he had both religious and political functions. We may be sure,also, that there was a War chief. The heads of the medicine societiesmsiy well have exercised political functions; there is reason to believethat they did. And there may have been som.e subordinate officerswho served as helpers to the chief priests.When the Spaniards entered the pueblo country they caused theIndians to designate certain men as officers through whom they coulddeal with the pueblos politically. In 1620, according to Bandelier(1890, p. 200), a royal decree of the King of Spain formally establishedcertain offices among the pueblos. But before this, at least oneSpanish explorer, Gaspar Castaho de Sosa, found it expedient toestablish certain offices. In his expedition of 1590-91 he visited SanFelipe or Santo Domingo, or both, and a number of Tewa villages; hedid not go to Sia or Santa Ana, though, so far as the record shows(Hull, 1916, pp. 328-29; Bandelier, 1892, p. 123). When he hadentered a pueblo, "the Indians swore allegiance to the king and Sosaestablished there a regular government, appointing from among theirnumber governor, alcalde, and alguazil. In all of the inhabitedpueblos which Sosa subsequently visited like ceremonies were re-peated . . ." (Hull, 1916, p. 324).In 1692, during the reconquest after the Revolt of 1680, Vargasvisited Cerro Colorado?near Santa Ana^?where Indians from anumber of pueblos had sought refuge, and in a low room "electionswere held" under the direction of Vargas "for a cacique, his lieu-tenant, an alcalde, a fiscal, a constable, and a war captain, to all ofwhom Vargas presented the appropriate emblems of office ("losbastones y barros") and enjoined them in a solemn ceremony of theobligations to fulfill their duties" (J. B. Bailey, 1940, p. 105).In 1694, Vargas visited Sia, where he was welcomed by the Indianswho had returned to their homes. He placed a missionarj^. FrayJuan Alpuente, in charge of the pueblo. He then told the Indiansthat they must elect officers, but they told him they had alreadydone so. "The officials were consequently given their oaths andsj^mbols [canesl of office" (ibid., p. 178). Vargas lists the officers123
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
as follows: 1 governor, or cacique; 1 lieutenant governor; 1 alcalde;1 alguacil; a captain of the pueblo; 7 War captains; and 4 fiscales.He lists each officer by name: Each had a Spanish first name, butthe second (last) name appears to be Indian (ibid., p. 178, n. 54).One of the shortcomings of Stevenson's study of Sia is that wecannot identify with precision, from her account, the officers of thatpueblo in the 1880's. She mentions a Tiamunyi and his "vicar," orassistant; two war priests, a War chief and his assistant; a governorand lieutenant governor; and a magistrate and his deputy. TheWar chief, governor, and magistrate and their respective assistantswere appointed yearly; the others served for life (Stevenson, 1894,pp. 16-19). Her Tiamunyi is, of course, the head of the pueblo, thecacique; his "vicar" is, no doubt, a tcraikatsi (see below). Therewere only two War chiefs in Sia during the course of my study. Ihave discussed the matter of the two war priests and two War chiefslisted by Stevenson with a good Sia informant. He stated positivelythat when the Opi, or scalp takers, society was still in existence ithad two heads who were called Opi hotcanyi (chiefs). They repre-sented Masewi and Oyoyewi, the twin war gods. They served forlife. In addition to the Opi hotcanyi, there were two War captainsappointed yearly by Tiamunyi. Stevenson's war priests were then,without doubt, the Opi hotcanyi. They ceased to exist with theextinction of the Opi society, leaving the annually appointed Warcaptains as the representatives of Masewi and Oyoyewi.Stevenson's governor and his lieutenant correspond with my ownfindings. But I cannot identify her "magistrate and his deputy,"unless they be the fiscale and his lieutenant; she does not mentionthese latter by name.During the course of my study, 1928-57, Sia had the followingofficers: 1 Tiamunyi, or cacique; 3 tcraikatsi, who are the Tiamunyi 'sassistants; 2 war chiefs; 4 gowatcanyi, helpers of the war chiefs; 1governor, or "Dapop;" 1 lieutenant governor, Dapop teniente; 4capitani, or assistants to the governor; 1 fiscale mayor, a church offi-cial; and 1 fiscale teniente. All these officers, with the exception ofTiamunyi and the tcraikatsi, are appointed by the Tiamunyi. Theterm of office is usually for 1 year, but sometimes Tiamunyi asks theofficers to serve another term instead of appointing new officers.All appointments are made without regard to clan affiliation.In a sense, the heads of the sacred and secret societies?or at leastthe more important of them?might be counted as officers inasmuchas they exercise considerable influence in the government of thepueblo. Tiamunjd is not supposed to appoint the head of anysociety to a pueblo office, although other members may be chosen.This might be interpreted as indicating that the heads of societies are
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 125
already pueblo ofRccrs. But informants never include them in adiscussion of pueblo officers, and we believe they are not generallyregarded as such. They are thought of as heads of secret societieswho, however, may have functions extending beyond the limits oftheir respective groups.Finally, there are some functionaries, such as the sacristan, drum-mers, etc., who are not officers, properly speaking. But, becausethey are persons with special functions within the pueblo, I shall in-clude them at the end of my list of officers. I shall now describe thevarious offices in turn. TIAMUNYIThe Diamvnyi (tiamunyi; see Wliite, 1942 a, p. 96, for a comparativediscussion of this term) is also called by the Spanish term "cacique"or casik, as informants usually pronounce it. Tiamun^a is the head ofthe social structure of the pueblo. But he is more of a priest than achief; his office is more sacred than secular. During the emergence ofthe people from the lower world, Utctsiti, the mother of the Indians,chose Tiamunjd to be her representative in this world. As a conse-quence, Tiamunyi is commonly addressed as yaya (mother) by theKeres and is regarded as "the mother and father of all the people."The principal duty of the Tiamunyi is to "watch over his people,"to fast and pray for the welfare of the pueblo; in short, to serve as theprincipal means by which the people may benefit from the super-natural beings and powers of the world. The Tiamunj'i, according toKeresan custom, is not supposed to work in his fields or to gather hisown firewood; the people of the pueblo, under the direction of the Warchief, are supposed to do this for him. This is to allow him to devotehimself wholly to his religious duties. One informant stated thatthis custom, or rather, rule, still holds (1957), but another said thatEliseo AguUar is obliged to do both. This may be because he is merelyan acting, not a full-fledged, Tiamunja. In 1941 the people of thepueblo, under the direction of the War chief, built a house for JuanShije, the Tiamunyi at that time. Stevenson (1894, p. 17) says thatthe Tiamunyi of her da}^ engaged in hunts and worked in his fields andthat such conduct was deplored. One of my informants opined thatthe young man called Tiamunyi by Stevenson was merely a tcraikatsi,acting as Tiamunyi. This seems probable since Stevenson (1894, pp.16-17) says that the Tiamunyi and his vicar both died at about thesame time and a young, untrained man was placed in the office.The cacique should hold himself somewhat aloof from the daily andmundane affairs of the pueblo; he is supposed to concentrate onspiritual affairs. He should take no part in any quarrels that mayoccur; in fact, such things should be excluded from his notice. Every-
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one should always treat the cacique with kindness and respect. Oneshould always be careful never to do anything that would offend himor say anything that would hurt his feelings. On rare occasions whenhe attends a meeting of the council one should be careful not to useany rough language that might offend him. On the other hand, theTiamun}^ should have only kindly and solicitous feelings toward hispeople; "he should never be hateful toward them." Should the ca-cique be remass in his duties, or conduct himself in a manner unbe-coming to his high office, he could be disciplined or punished. Itwould be the war captain's duty to do this, but he would undoubtedlyconsult the heads of important societies, such as Flint, Giant, andFire societies, and be guided by their advice. Informants knew of noinstance in which a Tiamunyi had been disciplined, however. Steven-son (ibid., p. 17) states that the Sia "were chagrined" by the unseemlyway their young Tiamunyi behaved, but does not say that they tookany disciplinary action.Tiamunyi has a staff of office. According to Stevenson (ibid., p. 17),it is a "slender staff crooked at the end." One of my informants calledit hatcamyn^d k'ayo-k' % which he translated "prayerstick bent."Another said that it was "a yapi [staff] something like Masewi's."He also has "some kind of yaj^a [mothers]," i.e., fetishes of some kind,but informants could, or would, give no information concerning them.Tiamunyi watches the sun rise, but informants differed on thedetails. One stated positively that he observed the sun every morn-ing, throwing petana to him v/ith a praj^er as his face appeared abovethe horizon. Another said that he makes his observations only todetermine the times for the summer retreats (kacaidime), the fallharvests, and the solar ceremonies of hanyiko and hanyikikj^a. Anda third added that Tiamunj'i "watches the sun during Christmasweek so that he can say 'goodbye' to it as it leaves this world onDecember 31 and to greet the new sun which arrives on January 1st."At Sia the sun comes up over the Santa Ana mesa, which is markedwith notches and prominences by means of which the course of hisrisings can be noted and followed with the eye. Tiamunyi alwaysstands on a spot a little to the west of the rock that covers the entranceto the underground chamber (see p. 53).The hotcanitsa is the Tiam.uDyi's official residence, or office. Hissacred paraphernalia, whatever thay may be, are stored here, and itis here that important meetings, called by Tiamunyi, are held. Corn,raised on community land under the direction of the War chief, andmeat from communal hunts, are stored in the hotcanitsa (figs. 8, 9).Tiamunyi and the tcraikatsi issue these stores as they are needed forceremonial use. Also, Tiamunyi may issue corn to any family in direneed.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 127Every year, late in January or early in February, tiamunyi callsfor a general curing ceremony for the whole pueblo.When the Tiamunyi dies, the mortuary ceremony for him should beperformed by the Flint society (but the informant could not rememberwhat actually w^as done when cacique Juan Shije died in 1943).When Tiamunyi dies he is succeeded by the first tcraikatsi, and thenanother tcraikatsi is chosen. The cacique must, or should, be a mem-ber of one of the following clans: Sia Corn, Acoma Corn, Sia wacpa(saltbush, Atriplex canescens), Antelope wacpa, or Coyote. (Seesection on "Clans" for an explanation of the distinctions between Siaand Antelope wacpa and Sia and Acoma Corn clans.) One in-formant said that the office should rotate among these clans, that aTiamunyi should not be succeeded by a clansman. Stevenson (1894,p. 16) says the office rotated among Corn, Coyote, and "a species ofcane" clans until the last named became extinct.The ceremony of installation must be performed either by the Flintsociety or by Koshairi (one informant said Kapina also could do this) ;the Flint would officiate at one installation, Koshairi at the next one.No account of the installation ceremony could be obtained, but oneinformant said that a part of it consists in dressing the new cacique ina woman's ceremonial costume, including a white manta with an em-broidered border. This is done because he represents Utctsityi, yaya(mother) Tiamunyi. This costume, which is quite expensive, is pur-chased by all the families in the pueblo. After the ceremony it istaken outside the village by Flint medicinemen (or, presumably, byKoshairi, if they should be the ofiiciating society) and buried as anoffering to yaya Tiamunyi; only the medicinemen know where it isburied. Stevenson offers a brief account of the installation ritual,obtained, apparently, from an informant.In about 1890, according to Stevenson, the Tiamunyi was a youngman and a member of the Coyote clan. His "vicar," i.e., successor,was a member of the Corn clan (ibid., p. 16). Accounts of informantsvary somewhat, but the following seems to have been the probablecourse of events. In 1915 there was no Tiamunyi at Sia, and only onetcraikatsi, namely, Juan Shije of the Sia Corn clan. The last tiamunyiprior to 1915, probably was Gacitiwa, Juan Ramo Shije (born about1860), the husband of Dominga (i'tiye; No. 98 on the 1904 census),who was the mother of Juan Diego Shije (or Herrera), Indian name,ye'siro. Another informant, however, said that the cacique who pre-ceded Juan Shije was Gyeiro, who also was said to be the husband ofDominga (i'tiye). It would seem that Gacitiwa and Gyeiro are oneand the same person ; both are said to have belonged to the Coyoteclan. But Dominga was Coyote clan, so we either have a case of intra-clan marriage or an error. It may be that Gdcitiwa, or Gyeiro, was
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Tiamunyiin Stevenson's day, and that Juan Shije was his tcraikatsi;the clan afRKations correspond. Katyetiwa, Cochiti wacpa clan, andFelipe Plata (born about 1819), the father of Lucia Salas (Plata; No.110 on 1904 census), also are said to have been former caciques.In 1916 three tcraikatsi were chosen. A j^ear or two later JuanShije was formally installed as tiamunyi. According to my 1941data, Juan Shije was serving as tiamunyi at that time, and EHseoAguilar, Acoma Corn clan, Jose P. Pino, Antelope wacpa, and JoseGachupin, Sia wacpa, were first, second, and third tcraikatsi, respect-ively. Juan Shije died in September 1943, and Eliseo Aguilar becameacting tiamunyi. My 1952 notes give EHseo Aguilar as actingtiamunyi and Jose P. Pino as tcraikatsi ; no mention was made of theother two tcraikatsi. In 1957 I was told that, in 1954, the actingtiamunyi and his tcraikatsi chose three young men to become tcrai-katsi: Avaristo Medina, Coyote clan and son of Lorenzo Medina;Vicente Shije, Sia Corn, son of Cecilio Shije; and Juan I. Medina,Cochiti wacpa clan, son of Jose Vigil Medina. All were ex-servicemen. At first these young men accepted the nomination, but latertheir respective families objected so strenuously that they withdrew.This caused much discussion, some of it rather bitter, in the pueblo.As things stood in the summer of 1957, therefore, EHseo Aguilar wasstill acting tiamunyi, and Jose P. Pino was serving as tcraikatsi.There has been much talk over the years of elevating EliseoAguilar to full status as tiamunyi, but this has not been done because,it is said, both of the societies who alone are qualified to install atiamunyi, namely, the Flint and Koshairi (and possibly Kapina)societies, have "lost," i.e., forgotten, some of the essential rituals.There has been some talk, also, of calling upon a Flint or a Koshairisociety from a neighboring Keresan pueblo to assist in installation,but this has not been done. At this point, 1957, it seems doubtfulif Sia will ever have a full-fledged tiamunyi again.As indicated above, a tiamunyi is succeeded by the first ("righthand") tcraikatsi ; and new tcraikatsi are chosen by the acting tiamunyiand the tcraikatsi. But, I feel sure, the War chiefs and the headsof some of the societies, especially the Flint, Koshairi, Giant, andFire societies, would have a voice in the selection of successors totiamunyi, the highest office in the pueblo.Tiamunyi may be a member of one of the societies; EliseoAguilar is, in fact, a member of the Fire and Kwiraina societies.TCRAIKATSILittle need be added to what I have already said about the tcrai-katsi (see White, 1942 a, p. 96, n. 4, for a comparative discussion ofthis term). They are the Tiamunyi's assistants; they help him with
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 129his work and advise him. They are ranked in order of seniority, butdo not have individual names as the War chief's gowatcanyi do.WAR CHIEFSAs previously m-entioned, Stevenson listed both War priests andand War chiefs at Sia in 1890. There are only two War captainsnow. They represent the twin War gods and are usually calledMasewi and Oyoyewi, although they are sometimes called Tsiakiyaand Tsiakiya teniente; in English, informants usually refer to themas War chiefs, or captains. The War chiefs are chosen annually,without regard to clan affiliation, by the cacique. Each has a staff ofoffice (yapi) : a stick very much like an arrow shaft, painted darkbrown. He receives this staff at the time of installation, and returnsit to cacique upon expiration of his term of office, to be passed on tohis successor. In the myths about Masewi and Oj'^oyewi, theformer is the elder and is represented as being shrewder and havingmore initiative and aggressiveness than Oyoyewi. In pueblo lifetoday Masewi is so much more important than Oyoyewi that thelatter appears to be little more than Masewi's helper.As we have noted, tiamunyi holds himself aloof from pueblo af-fairs so that he may address himself more fully to spiritual matters.It is the responsibility of Masewi and his assistant, Oyoyewi, toadminister pueblo affairs insofar as they involve the aboriginalculture (or what is considered aboriginal) and those affairs that arecommunal in character rather than private and personal (see "Gov-ernment")- They have virtual charge of almost all ceremonies heldin the pueblo, at least nominally. In many cases a dance or ceremonyis held at the initiative or request of Masewi. In instances where theinitiative comes from some other source, and where the responsibilityfor the conduct of the dance or ceremony rests in other hands, thepermission of the War chief must be obtained, and the dance orceremony is held within his jurisdiction, so to speak. On someoccasions at least, Masewi must obtain permission from the head ofthe singers, the Madaiko nawai, before he can put on a dance; ifthe head declines the dance cannot be held. On the other handthe head of the singers may initiate a dance, but he must obtain thepermission of Masewi before the dance can be held. If a gi'oup wishesto put on an impromptu dance of a nonsacred nature, merely forrecreation, such as a Comanche dance, or a very amusing dance inwhich Navaho men and women were im.personatcd by male Siadancers?which I witnessed in Sia in the fall of 1954?they do notneed to obtain Masewi's permission.Stevenson (1894, pp. 18-19) states that 'Tt is the duty of the Warchief to patrol the town during the meetings of the cult societies and
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184to surround the village with mounted guardsmen at the time of adance of the Katsuna." This latter function has doubtless beencontinued since Stevenson's day, although my notes do not specif-ically say so.The War chiefs do not transact any affairs with non-Indian out-siders: Anglo- and Spanish-Americans, the Roman Catholic Church,the U.S. Indian Service, and other like organizations. Nor are theyconcerned with the private life of individuals or households exceptinsofar as it may affect the pueblo. Customs should be observed,and it is the duty of the War chief to encourage observance by adviceand exhortation; but he cannot go farther except in cases of witch-craft; it is his duty to try persons accused of witchcraft and to executethose convicted.Masewi calls a meeting, of the council or any other grouping thatmay be appropriate to the occasion, whenever he wants to discussanything pertaining to his office. If the matter has to do with reli-gion, the meeting is held in the hotcanitsa; if with hunts, in a kiva;nonsacred, relatively unimportant meetings are held in the Warchief's residence.The War chiefs have charge of the kivas; they see that they arekept in repair and enforce the rules with regard to their use. Thecommunal farm is worked under the direction of the Masewi. And,as previously noted, a house was built for tiamunyi in 1941 underthe direction of the Yfar chiefs. Masewi and Oyoyewi have chargeof communal hunts.The horses of Sia used to be herded communally under the direc-tion of the War chief; the practice was continued until about 1910.Every Saturday night the stock is driven into these [corrals] and herders arechanged. Up the rocky sides come lines of horses, burros, mules, and cattle inheadlong precipitation, hurrying to escape long whips carried by the herders andby the awaiting members of the community. . . . The herders appear in thevillage with the necks of their horses garlanded with wood-rats [Neotoma] andother game which arrows and clubs have secured. Sunday, therefore, is day offeasting. [Poore, 1894, p. 431.]Stevenson (1894, pp. 25-26) reports that "the war chief designatesthe six houses which are to furnish the herders every Saturday for theweekly roundup. They set out Saturday, usually return Sundaymorning. They bring back many Neotoma which are eagerly re-ceived, cooked and eaten as a delicacy."I have a somewhat fuller discussion of War chiefs and their dutiesin "The Pueblo of Santa Ana," (1942 a, pp. 98-105). I beheve thatSia and Santa Ana are very much alike with respect to this office.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 131WAR chiefs' helpersWar chiefs' helpers are called gowatcanyi, or tsatya gowatcanyi.Gowatcanyi is plural; gaotcanyi, singular. There is no Englishequivalent for this term. Tsatya is said to mean "outside" (cf.White, 1942 a, pp. 102-103). There are four such helpers. Theybear the following titles: Tsamahiya, Cinohaiya, Yumahiya, andAwahiya. As we noted in "Cosmology and Pueblo Life," these arethe names of spirits of the cardinal points: north, west, south, andeast, respectively. The gowatcanyi are appointed by the cacique,but not every year; they usually serve for 4 years: "serving astsatya gowatcanyi is a good wa}^ to learn how to serve as war captain."But it does not necessarily follow that because a man has served asgaotcanyi he will eventually be appointed War captain, and, con-versely, one might be appointed War captain without having servedas gaotcanyi.The gowatcanyi are the helpers of the War chiefs. They runerrands for them, see that orders are carried out, and in some cases
"act for" the war chiefs. GOVERNOR(PI- 5)The governor is called Da-pop. The office of governor is of Span-ish institution, as we have seen, and it would seem that Dapop wouldbe a non-Keresan word, but we do not know its derivation; its Englishequivalent, so far as we know, is "governor."The governor is appointed yearly, without regard to clan affilia-tion, b}^ cacique. He has two staffs of office. They are canes ofEuropean culture. Both have silver heads, and both are varnishedin a very dark hue. One cane is said to have been given to the gover-nor "long ago by the King of Spain." The other was presented tothe governor b}^ "A. Lincoln, President of the United States, 1863,"and is so inscribed. Each cane has a few short ribbons, each of adifferent color, tied to it near its head. The governor carries bothcanes when he appears in a ceremony or upon some other officialoccasion; when not in use they are usually hung upon a wall, in fullfull view, in his residence. The canes are passed on from one gover-nor to the next at the time of installation.The governor's duties fall into two categories: (1) He has charge ofthe pueblo's relations with non-Indian outsiders, such as Spanish-and Anglo-Americans, the Roman Catholic Church, the UnitedStates Government, and organizations within contemporar^T- Americansociety; and (2) of social affairs of the people of Sia that lie outside
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the native religion. The War chief has jurisdiction over pueblosocial affairs that lie within the context of the aboriginal religion ; thethe governor has supervision over matters in nonreligious contexts.It is the governor's job to "preserve law and order" within the puebloin situations that do not come within the jurisdiction of the Warchief. It is his duty to keep liquor out of the pueblo. He may in-tercede in a quarrel or feud within the community, and he tries casesbrought before him. He may order whipping as punishment. Aplaintiff, upon bringing a case to the governor, may ask that the de-fendant be given so many lashes or fmed so many dollars; the governortries the case, hearing witnesses, and arrives at his decision. Informer times, one informant told me, the governor had a horsewhipwhich was handed on to him, along with the canes, at his installation,but this practice has long since been discontinued. The governor is,however, usually reluctant to intercede in a quarrel or to punish any-one for an infraction of the rules. This is due in part to the generalpueblo attitude of minding one's own business and letting the otherfellow behave as he sees fit, and partly to the fact that someone may
"hold it against him" after he has gone out of office. However,there has been considerable pressure upon the governor?and it ismy impression that this pressure has been increasing?to assumemore responsibility and to exercise greater authority. This hascome from the increased and intensified relationships that thepueblo has with outside organizations, and outsiders tend to regardthe governor as a responsible official and to hold him responsible forthe pueblo.There is only one instance m which the governor, as such, has any-thing to do directly with the native religion. This is in his capacityof superintendent of irrigation. Sia is, presumably, too small to havea "ditch boss," hke Santa Ana. So this duty devolves upon the gover-nor; it is he who takes charge of the ditch work, calling on the men ofthe pueblo to work on this communal enterprise. But at one point,when the ditches have been cleaned and made ready for the season'suse, the governor calls upon a medicine society to perform a ritual forthe ditches.The governor has four assistants, called capitani, who are appointedannually by tiamun}^. They help the governor whenever he needsand can make use of them; they carry messages, run errands, and soon. The duties and responsibilities of the governor have increasedduring the last decade or so, and it seems likely that they wiU continueto do so in the future. A recent innovation is the appointment of anadministrative, or executive, committee by the governor, to assist inthe management of pueblo affairs. He has also appointed a pueblotreasurer to take care of finances.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 133FISCALESThe Indians pronounce this Spanish word Bickari or eickali. Thereare two: Fiscale mayor and fiscale teniente. They are appointedyearly by tiamunjd. They have charge of the Roman CathoHc churchwithin the pueblo, and deal with the Catholic priests when they cometo the pueblo for church services. If a couple wishes to be marriedby the Catholic priest they tell the fiscale and he makes the arrange-ment with the priest. When the time comes, fiscale, carrying hisyapi, will escort the couple to the church and, after the ceremony, totheir home. Fiscales also have charge of a portion of the mortuaryceremony. And, according to one informant, they may try cases ofadultery. They have no helpers of their own as do the fiscales of San-ta Ana and Santo Domingo; when they need assistance they are freeto caU upon the governor's helpers,SACRISTANThe sacristan is, in a sense, an official of the pueblo, but he is notappointed by tiamunyi. The reason why tiamunyi appoints thefiscales and not the sacristan is that the former are pueblo officials whonegotiate with an outside, non-Indian organization: the Catholicchurch. The fiscales have no religious functions at all. The sacristan,on the other hand, is a functionary of the Catholic church; he hasreligious functions. He assists the priest when he comes to Sia, and,in the absence of the priest, he performs church services himself. Itwould not be fitting, therefore, for the cacique to appoint such anofficial. A person becomes a sacristan of his own initiative and will,and on the acquiescence and acceptance of the community. Heserves for life, or as long as he wants and the community wishes tohave him. He has a few helpers, men whom he has persuaded toassist him, or who have offered themselves for this service.KAHeRAI have discovered no English equivalent for the term kahera and Ido not even know if it is an Indian word?Keresan or otherwise?-orwhether it has been derived from some other source. The kaheramight be called the "church drummer." He has what appears to bean old army type drum, which he beats with two sticks; this is theonly instance in which a drum in a Keresan pueblo is beaten with twodrumsticks. The principal occasion upon which he performs is inthe ceremony in celebration of the pueblo's patron saint. He standsoutside the door of the church, and when Mass has been concluded hebegins to roll his drum with considerable vigor. Beating his drum,he accompanies the procession in which the image of the saint is car-ried through the pueblo, until the saint is deposited in her "house" in60O6S5?62?10
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the plaza for the day. He also officiates at equestrian impersonationof saints, beating his drum for the dancing. There is only one kaherain Sia. He assumed the office of his own volition and upon accept-ance by the pueblo; he may have assumed this duty as a consequenceof a vow, which is a common pueblo pattern. He serves for life.Antonio Gachupin was kahera in 1957 and had been since he quitschool in 1923.One informant, and a good one ordinarily, said that the termkahei'a is not used at wSia, and that Antonio Gachupin, who is also oneof the regular pueblo drummers, did not undertake the job of beatingthe church drum as a consequence of a vow: "he just beats it." Buthe, too, stated that Antonio, and he only, has been doing this fordecades.The institution of kahera has received little attention by ethnog-raphers although it exists in all the Keresan villages, probably,and the kahera is fairly conspicuous when he does function. See"The Pueblo of Santa Ana" (White, 1942 a, p. 109) for a summary ofwhat is known about him. DRUMMERSDrummers are functionaries, rather than officers, but, like thekahera, they may be dealt with here. Any man in Sia, no doubt, iscapable of beating a drum to accompany a song. But from thestandpoint of pueblo affairs, only certain men are official pueblodrummers. Others may be temporary drummers; but most men arenot pueblo drmnmers at all. A person may, of his own will, ask tobecome a drummer, or his parents may "offer" him?as is the case inaffihation with a society, or clan adoption. In either case, the personwho wishes to become a drummer or the parents who offer theirson, must take prayer meal (petana) to the head of the drummersor to the head of the singers; Masewi would have to be consulted,also, and his approval obtained. Whether such requests can be, orever are, refused, my notes do not say; but it is in the community'sinterest to obtain the best of performers. On certain occasions theold men have some young men beat the drum in order to discoverwho has a natural aptitude for it. In addition to petition, the headof the drummers, together with the head of the singers, can appointa man to serve as temporary pueblo drummer.In 1941 there was only one permanent pueblo drimimer: Jose VigilMedina, born in 1893; he is said to be a performer of extraordinaryability. He was chosen by the singers. He was assisted by two tem-porary drummers. In 1957 there were five drummers of whom JoseVigil Medina was the head; whether the other four were permanentor temporary my notes do not specify.A drummer is called Gaoctyuwits ; plural, Gowactyuwits.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 135POLE CARRIERS
"Pole carriers" is what informants call the men who carry thedecorated pole, or standard, called actitco'mt at Sia (see "Parapher-nalia and Ritual") in the dance held in honor of the patron saint onAugust 15. My data are not consistent on this subject: in 1941 agood informant told me that they were selected by the head of thesingers, and once chosen, held their post permanently; he named fivemen who served in this capacity. In 1957, an informant said that
"they used to have the same carriers every year"; I understood himto say that in 1957 the carriers were chosen for the occasion by thehead Koshairi (who was in charge of the saint's day dance in thatyear). He named the carriers for 1957, none of whom was on the1941 list. SELECTION AND INSTALLATIONIn the late fall of each year the cacique begins to consider theappointment of officers for the ensuing year.Accounts of the selection of officers and the announcement ofappointments contain some variations. Stevenson (1894, p. 16)states that Tiamunyi and the war priest and their respective vicars
"discuss the appointments to be made." My earlier informantssaid that tiamunyi consults with his tcraikatsi and, possibly, withthe heads of some of the societies, but that final decision rested withthe tiamunyi. My later informants said that Tiamunyi consults firstwith his tcraikatsi. Then, later, at a meeting called by Tiamunyi,the matter is discussed with the heads of the more uxiportant societies(e.g., Flint, Giant, Fire, and possibly Koshairi and Kapina), orpossibly all of them, and the War captains. Finally, on the eveningof December 28, Tiamunyi and his tcraikatsi meet with the Warchiefs, the heads of societies, and the male heads of the clans; finalselections are made at this time. If this is correct, the questionarises as to the influence exercised by the heads of societies, the Warcaptains, and even the heads of the clans. Stevenson (1894, p. 18)said that the cacique sought the approval of the medicinemen, butthat "this is always given, the consultation with the theurgists beingbut a matter of courtesy." And this may be the case today. Onthe other hand, it is possible that Tiamunyi may be influenced, if notguided, in his choice by the reactions of the other important leadersin the pueblo; this may be particularly so in the present instancesince Eliseo Aguilar is merely acting cacique (1957).My earlier informants stated that announcement of appointmentswas made on December 29, and formal installation?i.e., presenta-tion of staffs of office?took place on January 1. My later infor-mation is that both announcement and installation take place on the
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184forenoon of December 29; custom may, of com'se, have changed atthis point since 1930. Every Sia man is supposed to be in the puebloat that time if possible. Messages or messengers are sent to absen-tees, such as men who may be employed in Albuquerque or else-where, firmly requesting them to be present. Announcement andinstallation take place in the hotcanitsa. The heads of the medicinesocieties sit in the back of the room with the tiamunyi and the Warchiefs. As the names of the officers are called out, the outgoingofficer comes up and surrenders his yapi or cane to tiamun}^. Itis then "blessed" by the medicinemen and formally presented to theincoming officer. Masewi and Oyoyewi are installed first, then comethe governor, his lieutenant, the two fiscales, the gowatcanyi, andfinally the capitani, in this order. A dance in honor of the new offi-cers is held on January 6, King's Day.All officers serve without compensation. The responsibilities aregreat, especially for the more important officers, and the duties nu-merous and frequently onerous. Men are sometimes disinclinedto serve, but once public announcement is made they have no alter-native. And the number of offices is so great, the term of office sobrief, and the number of eligible men so small, that almost all menin the pueblo have held some office at least once; some have heldvarious offices or the same one a number of times.On certain ceremonial occasions, all of the major officers, i.e., ex-cluding the helpers of the War captains and the governor, sit in arow, usually on the north side of the plaza, to watch the dance orceremony in progress. The seating order is as follows:B-T B-M D-T D O M T-3 T-2 C T-1As here indicated, the officers would be facing toward the top ofthis page. T-1, T-2, and T-3 are the first, second, and thirdtcraikatsi, respectively. C is the cacique; M, Masewi; O, Oyoyewi;D, Dapop; D-T, Dapop teniente; B-M, Bickari (fiscale) major;and B-T, Bickari teniente. SOCIETIESBy society I mean an organization of men, or of men and women,established, according to Sia belief, in the mythologic past, by asupernatural being who thus became the society's "father," or patron.The societies were endowed with supernatural power and were pro-vided with songs, paraphernalia, rituals, and in some instances dances,through which this power was expressed or used for certain purposessuch as curing sickness, hunting, or warfare. The societies of themodern era are simply continuations of these original organizations.On page 73 of "The Sia," Stevenson (1894) states that there wereeight "cult societies" in Sia in 1890 (ca.). But she does not list them
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 137
at that point, and it is not easy to identify them from her discussionelsewhere. The first society originated by Masewi, she says, "wasthe Histian [Fhnt] or Knife . . . The next . . . was that of the cougar,then followed the societies of the bear, the skoyo (giant), the snakeand the ant . . . Masewi then organized the Ope Society (Warri-ors) . . ." (ibid., pp. 71-72). This would make seven societies.Then there were the Koshairi and Kwiraina (Querranna) societies,which would make nine societies instead of eight. Perhaps she didnot count the Warriors' society as a cult society since they do nothave a wooden slat altar, fetishes, and a sand painting.From my pre-1941 informants I obtained the following list ofsocieties at Sia: Kapina, Snake, Giant, Flint, Ci-ma (or Ant), Cikame,Fire, Koshairi, Kwirena, Caiyeik, and Opi. The location of the houseof each society was indicated on a diagram of the pueblo, but thenames of the members of the respective societies were not ascertained.From my 1941 informants I obtained the following list, arrangedaccording to one informant, in order of their rank, the Flint societybeing highest: Flint (hictianyi), Koshairi, Kwiraina, Giant (ckoyo),Kapina, Snake (crowd). Fire (hakanyi), Katsina, Caiyeik (Hunters'),and Opi. Later, I discovered Cima (or Ant, or Eagle) tcaiyanyiand a Gomaiyaw^ic society. Beginning in 1941, and continuing there-after until the conclusion of my study, I made a census of each societyto determine the num.ber of members and the name and sex of each.During the course of this inquiry I discovered that some persons whohad been included with the Flint society were not really Flint medi-cinemen at all, but Cima. Similarly, some people had been includedin the Katsina society who were not katsina but Gomaiyawic. Theassociation of Cima with Flint and of Gomaiyawic with Katsina wasso close that informants had not distinguished the lesser society ineither case (the Flint society is enormously more important thanCima; but the reason for the submergence of Gomaiyawic within theKatsina society is not clear). Although I made a careful census ofthe societies I am not publishing the names of members in this study;they will, however, be kept in my files.My two lists of societies are very similar. Cikame are not men-tioned by my later informants. They said that "there used to beCikame tcaiyanyi at Sia," but that they had become extinct; theythought that the Kwiraina society might have the altar and para-phernalia of Cikame. The other difference is that the earlier infor-mants did not list the katsina group as a society, although theymentioned them; and they did not mention Gomaiyawic at all.On the basis of studies of the Keresan pueblos in general we maydistinguish the following kinds of societies: (1) a Warriors' (Opi)society; (2) a Hunters' (Caiyeik) society; (3) Koshairi and Kwiraina
;
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184these two societies always go together; they resemble each other inmany respects; they are distinguished from societies such as Flint,Giant, and Fire in mythology, costume, and functions; and (4) med-icine, or curing, societies, such as Flint, Giant, and Fire. Thisclassification fits our Sia data very well in general, but there aresome exceptions and some discrepancies. In the first place, I donot quite know where to place, or how to characterize, the Katsina-Gomaiyawic societies. Secondly, there are discrepancies such asthe fact that the Koshairi, but not Kwiraina, society has some of thecharacteristics of the curing societies.In each of the Keresan pueblos there is a kind of society that treatsillness. These societies have wooden slat altars, corn-ear fetishes,make sand paintings on the floor, and wear bear leg skins duringcuring rituals. These societies?-the Flint, Cikame, Fire, and Giant,for example?^have been called medicine, or curing, societies byethnographers for j^ears, even though they have functions otherthan curing.But at Sia the Koshairi society is said to have an iariko (corn-ear fetish) and to do "some curing," although it does not have awooden slat altar and has no bear paws. Gomaiyawic does not havethe wooden altar, corn-ear fetish, or bear paws, yet it is said to dosome curing at Sia. The Katsina and Kwiraina societies have noneof the distinguishing characteristics of a medicine society as listedabove and do no curing at all.Another concept is relevant here, namely, that of ho-nawai'aiti.I have discussed it at length with a good informant, but feel that Ihave not comprehended it fully. I have not encountered this term atany other Keresan pueblo. ^^ Also, I have been unable to translateit, in whole or in part, into English. It will be noted that it resem-bles nawai, the word used at Santa Ana and at Santo Domingo todesignate the head of a secret society; in fact, nawai seems to be theprincipal part of honawai'aiti. But my informant declared thatthe two words are unrelated. Stevenson (1894, p. 69) uses H6-na-ai-teto designate the head of a "cult" society.The term honawai'aiti seems definitely to pertain to the magicalcuring function of societies. But there are degrees of "honawai'aiti-ness," so to speak. Some societies are designated as being "full-honawai'aiti," others as half, or part; and others as none at all. Thisis the first time I have found this concept of degrees among theKeres, although Stevenson (ibid., p. 74) long ago observed that "mostof the [Sia] societies are divided into two or more orders." "A full-
's Since this was written I have learned that it is present at Santa Ana where it is said to be an Importantidea, although I learned nothing further about it there. It would seem probable that this concept is atleast known to all the eastern Keres.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 139honawai'aiti is to a part-honawai'aiti as a physician is to a dentist,"according to one informant. He explained this by saying thatwhereas a ph^'sician's functions, or powers, embrace the whole organ-ism, the dentist confines his art to the teeth. And there are threeways of treating sickness, too, as we shall see shortly. Only the full-honawai'aiti societies can employ all of these means of curing.According to Stevenson (ibid., ftn. 1, p. 72, and elsewhere) the hona-aites, or "theurgists," obtain their power to cure disease from "prey ani-mals." According to one of my informants "the lion, bear, badger,wolf, eagle, shrew, all snakes, the Sun, Moon, Masewi and Oyoyewi,Tsamahiya, Cinohaiya, and the other spirits of the cardinal points,are all honawai'aiti. All have power to cure sickness." He went onto list four "badges," i.e., distinguishing characteristics, of hona-wai'aiti: (1) wicdyuma, i.e., strands of yucca that are tied around thewTists, sometimes around the biceps, around the waist, just below theknees, and around the ankles. If the honawai'aiti is "fully dressed"he will wear loops of wicdyuma from his right shoulder to his leftside and from his left shoulder to the right side; (2) bear-claw necklaceand a whistle; (3) bear leg skins (maca'in3^i) worn on the hands andforearms during curing ceremonies; and (4) kaotsaiyawat, i.e., twoeagle neck feathers painted yakatca (reddish brown oclier), tiedtogether and worn on the left side of the head. So much for thehonawai'aiti. Now let us turn to the kinds of curing.There are tliree Idnds of curing by means of supernatural power,as distinguished from m.atter-of-fact techniques. They are: (1)aictyuw^anyi, or "clearing things away." This is the simplest wayof curing. It consists merely of prayers and the administration ofmedicine; the wooden slat altar, the sand painting, corn-ear fetish,and other like paraphernalia are not used. (2) Wikacanyi, "doc-toring." The altar and accompanying paraphernalia are employedand songs are sung. (3) Tsinaodanyi wikacanyi, "all the way doc-toring." This wsij is much like the second, except that "they domore" in the third; also, certain songs for power are sung in thethird way that are not used in the second. These ways of curingwill be discussed more fully in our section on "Sickness and Curing."Only the Flint, Giant, and Fire societies are qualified to employall three methods of curing; the Kwiraina and Katsina societies arenot able to use any of these techniques; Snake, Kapina, Koshairi,and Gomaiyawic societies can perform the first two kinds of curingritual, but not the third.In order to obtain a synoptic view of the societies and their char-acteristics, I have undertaken a tabulation of them in table 28. Incolumn 1 I indicate whether the society is full, part, or non-hona-wai'aiti; in column 2 whether it has all, some, or none of the " badges"
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
So
IS
-a -3 3
OJO OOiOJ QJOJOOO
a o oaSS 00)00.2
1_? Ph i ??"S o c _I flPn o"^ ?'0pqO PhPQO ? ,'Ph
ma
..a I ,^ s&a i^a
--30 J? -J o >? fc--^ (J0.5 ? o OJX2;oz
I o _>J _>;.OSIM m G ?S ?:q 0(N g
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 141
of the honawai'aiti ; in column 3 which, if any, of the three kinds ofcuring ritual they are capable of; in column 4 whether or not theycure by sucking out objects that have caused an illness; in column5 whether the society has heart songs by means of which a stolenheart may be restored; in column 6 whether a society is always,sometimes, or never asked to take part in the communal curing cere-mony, or whether it might be so asked (Kwiraina, Gomaiyawic)
;
in column 7 whether the society has both the wooden slat altar (atcin)and the sand painting (ha'atsi), or the latter only, or neither; incolumn 8 whether the society has both the corn-ear fetish (iariko)and the little figures of men or animals (paiyatyamo), or one of themonly; in column 9 whether or not they have bear leg skins as a partof their curing equipment; and, finally, in column 10 whether thesociety can perform the ceremony to dispatch souls of the deceasedback to the underworld.From our table it appears very definitely that Flint, Giant, andFire societies are of the kind that are commonly called curing, ormedicine, societies. And they are the only ones that are full-fledgedmedicine societies: they are full-honawai'aiti and have all the badgesof this characteristic; they have the slat altar, sand painting, corn-ear fetish and bear leg skins; and they alone are capable of all threekinds of curing ritual, which means that they alone have the songsand ritual to restore a stolen heart; and they alone are always askedto perform the communal curing ceremony.Kapina and Snake societies also seem definitely to be curing soci-eties, although why the Snake society should have all of the badgesof the honawai'aiti when it is only part honawai'aiti is not clear; thismay well be an error of information. The position of the Koshairisociety seems anomalous from the standpoint of Keresan custom ingeneral. My data for Sia show it to be a curing society to some ex-tent, at least: it is said to be honawai'aiti, to have one iariko, and todo some curing; but, on the other hand, it has no wooden slat altar orbear paws, and has none of the "badges" of the honawai'aiti.Kw^iraina and Katsina societies seem definitely not to be curingsocieties, which is in accordance with Keresan custom in general. Thesituation with regard to Gomaiyawic is curious: it is said to be parthonawai'aiti and to do some curing, but it has none of the badges ofthe honawai'aiti, neither slat altar nor sand painting, no iariko and nobear paws. The Caiyeik society was declared to be part honawai'aitiand to be "able to cure," but informants knew of no instance in whichthey had exercised curing functions. The Caiyeik is definitely aHunters' societ3^ It has a ha'atsi, an iariko, and is said to have theleg skins of the mountain lion instead of the bear.
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Thus some rather definite generahzations emerge from our tabu-lation. The discrepancies, apparent or real, may be due to: (1)errors within the ethnographic record; to misunderstanding on thepart of the ethnographer; (2) or to inconsistencies or makeshiftswithin the ceremonial organization of Sia itself. We know thatsocieties occasionally die out and that their functions or parapher-nalia or both may be taken over by another society. It is my guessthat the Koshairi society has taken over the functions and some of theparaphernalia of a society that has become extinct. I do not under-stand the situation with regard to the Gomaiyawic society, and ourdata from other Keresan pueblos do not help much here.The societies of Sia, with the exception of the Opi and the partialexception of the Caiyeik societies, have two functions: (1) the curingof sickness, and (2) weather control. With regard to the latter thereare two kinds of ceremonies: (1) the Gacputice, or "wet," ceremonies,and (2) the tsi^panyi, or "dry," ceremonies. Wet and dry correspond,I beheve, to summer and winter, respectively. The following soci-eties perform both wet and dry ceremonies: Flint, Giant, Fire, Ka-pina. Snake and Gomaiyawic. Koshairi, Kwiraina, and Katsinasocieties have only the wet ceremonies. Caiyeik has dry ceremoniesonly.Each society has a house of its own or shares a house with anothersociety. "House" in this connection means the room in which cere-monies are performed, plus an additional room or rooms, if they haveone, in which paraphernalia may be stored. Only the Fire and Cai-yeik societies have a house of their own (see fig. 8). Each society,with the exception of Koshairi and Caiyeik, have masks which arestored in their ceremonial chambers. Each society has one or moresupernatural patrons who "look" after and help the society. Insome instances the patron is called "father," but whether this is trueof all patrons or not we cannot say. And, finally, each society has a
"badge," to use the informant's term. This is something that iden-tifies the society affiliation of the person wearing it. All badges areof feathers except those for the Koshairi society, which uses strips ofcornhusk. JOINING A SOCIETYWith the exception of the Opi, there are four ways of becoming amember of a society: (1) One may join voluntarily while in goodhealth; (2) one may join as a consequence of being treated by a soci-ety for an illness; (3) a parent may "put a child in"; and (4) onemight be trapped and forced to join. A person may be inductedinto a society as a full-fledged member or merely as a helper. Inthe latter case the person would not be admitted to the secret lore
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 143
and would not be qualified to perform cures; he would merely assistthe full-fledged medicinemen in their work.A person very rarely asks to become a member of a society whilein good health. The closest approximation of this that I learned ofwas the case of F. S., who lost consciousness during childbirth. Sherecovered consciousness while still in labor and offered herself to theFire society. Her baby was born safely, and eventually she becamea member of the Fire society.If a person has been treated by a society for a severe illness he mayask to become a member although he is not obliged to do so. Thesociety can, however, ever after call upon him for help if they haveneed of him. T. M. used to have fits; when she had a seizure itwould require the strength of two persons to hold and restrain her.Once she had a fit when the Flint society was having a meeting. TheFlint medicinemen were sent for and they came and treated her. T.became a member of the Flint society as a consequence.A parent, or parents, may offer a sickly child to a medicine societyin order to improve his health, or because of ominous dreams. I haveone instance in which both of these factors were present. Juana(not her real name) used to have bad dreams when her son, Jose,was a small boy and very sickly. She used to see the bears (kokoho
;
kohaiya is the usual word for bear) of the Fu'e society in her dreams.They would threaten to take her son away with them. Then sheused to see the bears if only she closed her eyes when she was awake.Once when Jose became very ill, the bears appeared to Juana in adream and told her they were going to take Jose away by a certaindate. Juana then pledged Jose to the Fire society. From the verym.oment that the Fire society accepted him Jose began to recoverand has never been sick since that time. Jose was initiated a fewyears later.A married couple had five daughters but no son. When the wifebecame pregnant again she and her husband pledged their unbornchild to the Fire society if it should be a boy. It was a boy, and hewas eventually inducted into the Fire society.Trapping ^^ persons and inducting them into societies is a generalpractice among the Keres, and it is observed at Sia. When a societyis holding an initiation ceremony, nonmembers are forbidden to comeclose to the house. On the first day of the ceremony an imaginaryline is drawn around the house; where these lines intersect to form acorner, a stone is placed to mark the spot. On the second day thetabooed area is increased in size, and on the third day it is made stilllarger. By the fourth day the taboo lines would be about eight paces
1' The Sia word here, tsiwikamt, is the same as that used for trapping biids or mammals; a steeltrap isw I kam ?.
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184from the ceremonial house. When the tabooed area is estabhshed theWar captain announces this fact pubhcly and warns people not to enterit. He then stations one of his assistants (a gaotcanyi) to stand guardnear the house for the 4-day period. If the gaotcanyi sees someonecross the line, he at once notifies one of the medicinemen in the house.The medicineman comes out and ties the feather badge upon the sideof the head of the trespasser. This person now "belongs to thesociety"; he is taken into the ceremonial house and inducted into thesociety then and there. A former member of the Fire society at Siawas trapped and inducted by the Fire society of Jemez.If a person should throw a stone on top of a society's ceremonialhouse during an initiation ceremony he would be caught and inducted.Little children who are so small that they do not realize what theyare doing when they cross the taboo lines are nevertheless caught andinducted.Apart from trapping, there is a procedure that one must follow if hehimself wishes to join a society or if he wishes to put one of his chil-dren in. One must obtain the permission and consent of the head ofthe Flint society, the War captain, and the Tiamunyi, but I am notsure of the order in which they are asked. If one of these should refuse
"that would be the end of it"; but it is said that permission is vir-tually never withheld. After these three have given their permissionthe person who wishes to join, or to put a child in, calls a meeting, tobe held in his house, of all his close relatives, at which time the matteris discussed. The relatives give their consent. Then the person hashis mother grind some prayer meal (petana). An elderly male mem-ber of the clan of the petitioner, "who knows how," makes a littlepacket of meal wi'apped in a cornhusk. The petitioner prays into themeal, after which the clansman takes it in the morning to the head ofthe society in which membership is desired. If nawai accepts it, as heis virtually certain to do, he will call a meeting of the members of hissociety for the following evening. If they accept the meal it will bedivided among them, and in this way their consent to the petition isindicated.In former times a period of either 2 or 4 years had to elapse betweenthe acceptance of a petitioner by a society and his formal induction.During this time the candidate had to raise corn, especially in theyear immediately prior to the initiation, which he would need for theceremony. This food and many other things are given to thesociety members at the time of initiation.An informant told me of stiU another way in which a person mightbecome a member of a society, and he cited a parti( ular instance thathad occurred not long prior to 1957. It is the only case of its sort thatI have ever heard of among the Keresan pueblos. The informant
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 145
stated that it was indeed rare, but indicated that it was a legitimateand proper way of effecting admission. A young man, F. L., mshedto become a member of the Flint society. But to join in the usualway would require a considerable period of time. And it would alsoinvolve great expense, since he would be obliged to give much foodand other things to the society at the time of initiation. So, one daywhen the Flint society was having a curing ceremony, he went to theirceremonial chamber and knocked on the door. It was opened by aFlint shaman. "May I come in?" the young man inquired. "Yes,"said the shaman. The young man entered, went over to where theFlint nawai was and sat do^vn. Then he handed nawai a cornhuskand asked to be admitted to the society. His request was granted.^*He was inducted into the society right then and there, and he was notobliged to make any payments of admission
.
All Sia societies are alike in a number of respects, as we have justseen. But there are differences among them, too. Only the Snakesociety performs the ceremony in w^iich live snakes are handled. TheFire society is the only one that has the ritual of fire eating. Membersof the Koshairi and Kapina societies are the only Ddwahi tcaiyanyi(d6 means "Look!"). That is, they are the only ones who can makethings appear magically in kiva ceremonies. The ceremony is heldin January or February at the request of Tiamunjd or Mase\vi. Itspurpose is "to help nature bring forth?crops and game?just as theshamans do." They can make ripe melons appear, mth green leaves,they can make corn to grow and ripen in a single night. They cancause rain to fall or a bowl to dance. The medicinemen set up theiraltar for the ceremony, which begins with a few songs while the medi-cinemen are seated behind their altar. Then two men, one from eachside of nawai, go out in front of the altar. In the songs which follow,the medicinemen ask for fruit, melons, corn, or other plant foods.When anything is mentioned the two men in front of the altar reachout or down and produce the food mentioned. Koshairi can produceGawai'aiti only, i.e., wheat, corn, beans, piiion nuts, berries, acorns,etc. Kapina can produce either Gawai'aiti or goj^aiti (game animals).Some societies have masks, others do not (see "Katsina: MaskedImpersonations"). There are a few other minor differences, too, butI shall note them as we go along. Let us turn now to the societiesin particular.Flint, Giant, and Fire societies are the principal medicine socie-ties at Sia; this is made apparent by the tabulation in table 28. Only
'8 Whether the society had any choice or whether this ritual request obliged them to accept him, my notesdo not specify. At Acoma, if a medicineman asks a young man for a cigarette and the youth gives him oneafter having lighted it, the doctor will take a puff, touch the youth and say, "You are my son." Theyouth may then be obliged to join the society (White, 1932 a, p. 112).
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1S4they (1) are full-honawai'aiti and have all the badges of it; (2) haveheart songs and are qualified for all three kinds of curing; (3) arealways called upon for the communal curing ceremony. Their pre-eminence may be deduced from the accounts of all the societies.A member of one of these societies could take the place of an absentmember of either of the other two in a ceremony, which is an indi-cation of their equivalence. Similarly, a medicineman of the Flint,Giant, or Fire society could substitute for an absent Snake shaman,but a Snake shaman could not take the place of a member of one ofthese three societies. FLINT SOCIETYThe Flint society is the highest ranking society in Sia. It was thefirst society to be organized. According to Stevenson (1894, p. 71.)it was the fu'st society originated by Masewi and Oyoyewi; my in-formants state that these two War gods are the patrons of the Flintsociety. Stevenson calls the Flint society the Histian or Knife society.Histian is the word for flint and, by extension, flint knife. The
"badge" of Flint tcaiyanyi is feathers of the eagle or turkey.The Flint society exercises more authority in Sia than any othersociety. As one informant put it, "everything of unportance mustgo through the Flint society," i.e., the head of this society must beconsulted, and he must give his assent, on all important occasions.If the Flint society does not approve, "they can stop anything thatthey think is not for the good of the pueblo. Whatever the Flintsociety says or orders must be respected by the other societies."The Flint society is one of the two (or three) societies quahfied toperform the ceremony of installing a new Tiamunyi. And it is thissociety that conducts the mortuary ceremony for a deceased cacique,to send his soul back to the underworld.All members of the Flint society are full-honawai'aiti and arequalified for all three ways of curing. The society has both generaland special curing functions. It may treat individuals suffering fromany severe illness, and it is one of the three societies that is alwayscalled upon to participate in the communal curing ceremony. Itsspecial medical functions include: (1) treatment of wounds caused inwarfare, i.e., those caused by arrows, guns, knives, or war clubs; and(2) lightning shock. Flint is associated Avith lightning, presumablybecause sparks of "lightning" can be struck by flint, which is probablythe reason why it is the Flint society's province to treat lightningshock.The Flint society performs weather control ceremonies for bothwinter and summer. They also do sahanyiko and sahanjdkikya, thetwo solar ceremonies. They do not, however, possess any katsinamasks.
Wl.ite] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 147The Flint society is closely associated with warfare, the Opi, andscalps among the Keres in general. At Sia, in the old daj's, it had aceremony for men going to war and gave them a medicine to sew intotheir clothes to protect them. And, as we have just seen, they treatedwounds inflicted in combat. Stevenson (1894, pp. 121-123) describesthe ceremony held in Sia when fresh scalps are brought into the pueblo,in which the Flint society takes a prominent part. My informantsstated that members of the Flint society at Sia arc also called nakats(scalp) icat' (fat or tallow) opewi (food) tcaiyanyi; the significanceof "fat" and "food" in this connection was not ascertained.The Flint society is closely associated with the Koshairi at SantaAna (White, 1942 a, p. 117), San Felipe (ibid., 1932 b, p. 41), and SantoDomingo (ibid., 1935, p. 54); but this is not the case at Sia. Here,the association of Flint is with the Shima medicinemen. The connec-tion is so close, in fact, that it was not until curing societies and ritualshad been discussed at great length with informants that the existenceof Shima was discovered. Early in my inquiry I obtained a list ofnames of the membership of the Flint society; much later I discoveredthat some of these persons were not Flint, but Shima. But theintimacy of the association between the two societies, and the pre-eminence of the Flint society, are the reasons, we suppose, why in-formants identified Shima with Flint and called both by the samename. In Stevenson's day the vicar (the man next to the head) ofthe Flint society was the head and only surviving member of the Antsociety (Stevenson, 1894, p. 104).A good informant stated positively that Flint and Shima each hasits own altar (atcin), ha'atsi (sand painting), and songs, and thatthey differ in each case. Yet, he said, the two kinds of medicinemenalways work together in any ceremony. We may question, however,whether Shima tcaiyanyi exercise all of the functions of Fhnt, suchas those pertaining to war, the cacique, and lightning shock. On theother hand, the special function of Shima medicinemen is the treat-ment of illness caused by ants, and prior to my discovery of the ShimaI was told that ant sickness was treated by Flint doctors. The
"badge" of the Shima society consists of feathers taken from beneaththe tail of the road runner, or chaparral cock, which, of course, dis-tinguishes it from the Flint society.No English translation of Shima could be obtained. One informantstated that Shima shamans are also called Eagle, or Ant. Antmedicinemen are called Eagle at Santa Ana, also (Vv^hite, 1942 a, p.117). Stevenson (1894, p. 104) obtained an account of the curingceremony of the Ant society at Sia from its last remaining member.In it, the eagle was invoked to eat the ants that had been brought tothe surface of the body of the sick person. But the curing ceremony
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184that she witnessed, in which ants were magically removed from thepatient, was performed not by the Ant but by the Giant society(ibid., p. 100).During the 1940's there were only four male members of the Flint-Shima group, two of each, and two female members, both Flint.The nawai of the Flint group, Pedro Pino, who incidentally wasblind, died during the 1940's. This all-important society was there-fore threatened with extinction. In spite of its importance in puebloaffairs, and despite the prestige that may go with membership, noone wanted to join the Flint society; membership involves *'toomuch work, too much responsibility." In the late 1940's the caciquechose two males to be inducted into the Flint society. One was amature man who had served in the armed forces dm-ing World War II,and who was the son of the Flint shaman who succeeded Pedro Pinoas Flint nawai; he gave his consent to induction. The other was animmature youth; in his case the consent of his father was soughtand obtained.Induction into the Flint society would normally proceed in foursteps, each separated by an interval of months or a year or more,from the next. But, due to the urgency of the situation, these twowere both initiated fully upon one ceremonial occasion; this wasdone upon orders from Tiamunyi and the War chief. The four steps,or stages, in normal procedure, would be as foUows: (1) The initiatewould take part in the dancing of the society and serve as helper toprovide firewood and other chores; (2) participate in the summerceremonies for rain; (3) participate in the winter (dry) ceremonies;and (4) would be initiated into the secrets of curing.The Flint society invited the Giant and Fire societies to assistthem in the initiation. And we have already seen how one youngman got himself initiated. Thus, in 1957, there were four male andtwo female members of the Flint society, with two more womenpledged but not fully initiated.Informants said that if the Flint society should die out in Sia itcould be reestabhshed by the Flint society from another Keresanpueblo.'^ "But it would not be exactly the same," the informantobserved. ''It would have the same name, yes, but it would havedifferent ways of doing things."The Flint-Shima group share a ceremonial house with Kwiraina,as they did in Stevenson's day (1894, p. 104), but at Hanyiko,Kwiraina moves to another house, borrowed for the occasion, toperform its ceremony.
" It is said that the Flint society once became extinct at Santa Ana, but that it was reestablished by theFlint society from San Felipe (White, 1942 a, p. 117).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 149In 1957 informants reported that a man and his sister had joinedthe Shim a, bringing the membership of this group to three male andone female members. GIANT SOCIETYThe Giant society is one of the "big three" societies along withFlint and Fire. Their patron spirit is Ckoyo (monster, or giant),who lives at Gjdtibo-kai. The badge of Giant shamans is feathers ofeagle or turkey. All Giant shamans are full-honawai'aiti and arequalified for all three ways of curing. They treat sickness in in-dividuals, and are one of the societies that are always requested toperform the winter communal curing ceremony. I obtained a list ofthe members of the Giant society in 1941, 1952, and again in 1957.The membership has remained stable and virtually stationary. In1957 there were five male and four female members. Giant societyperforms weather control ceremonies for both winter and summer. Ithas the following kachina masks: 7 Maidyana (seven), 2 Go'oldwa,2 Sikiri, and 1 Heruta. The Giant society shares a house with Ko-shairi. The Giants built the house and later the Koshairi moved in,possibly for economy's sake or for convenience. However, atHanyiko when the societies hold meetings simultaneously, Koshairigoes to some other house^ which it borrows for the occasion, to performits ceremony. FIRE SOCIETYThe Fire (hakanjd) society is the third of the "big three." Theirpatron spirit is fire. Their badge consists of white eagle or turkeyfeathers that have been dyed in alternating black and white bands. Itis worn on the left, instead of the right, side of the head; theFire society is unique in this respect. Fire shamans are fuU-honawai'aiti and are qualified for all three kinds of curing. They cureindividuals and are one of the societies that are always requested toperform the mid-winter communal curing ceremony. Fire medicine-men treat burns; they are the only ones to do this.INITIATIONThere are two initiation ceremonies that one must go through inorder to become a full-fledged member of the Fire society. At thefirst ceremony only shiwana (katsina) songs are sung. This cere-mony makes one a Fire shaman (hakanyi tcaiyanyi) and shiwana(katsina) tcaiyanyi. It qualifies him to participate in the weathercontrol ceremonies, both wet (summer) and dry (winter), and inthe two solar ceremonies. But it does not make him honawai'aitiand it does not qualify him for curing. He will be made honawai'aiti,600685?62 11
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1S4
which will qualify him for curing m a second induction ceremony held4 or 8 years later.A person v/ho wishes to join the Fu-e society, or a parent whodesires to have a chUd inducted, will take a packet of praj^er meal tothe head of the society with his petition for membership. The headof the Fire society will give some of the meal to the head of Kapinasociety, and he in turn will give meal to the head of the Snake society.Each head man will distribute the meal to his own society's members.All of them will then take part in the ceremony of induction. TheKapina and Fire societies help each other in initiation ceremonies;Kapina and Snake always help each other. The Snake society mayassist the Fire society, but the latter would not assist the former ininitiation ceremonies. A strip of cornhusk is enclosed in the packetof meal; it has knots tied in it, each knot indicating a year whichmust elapse before the family of the candidate will be ready for theinitiation ceremony.When the tune has come for the initiation, the Fire society willnotify the candidate and his family. The members of the societyretire to their ceremonial house for 4 days. During this time theywill be making paraphernalia?an iariko (corn-ear fetish), fetishes,etc.?for the candidate. On the third day of their retreat the medi-cinemen will call the candidate in so that he may choose his ''father"and "mother"; these will be a male and a female member, respectively,of the Fire society.On the afternoon of the fourth day the candidate is called intothe ceremonial house of the Fire society. They have their woodenslat altar up, their sand painting on the floor, and their fetishes andother paraphernalia laid out (fig. 13). The candidate stands beforethe sand paintmg, facing the altar behind which the medicinemenand women are sitting. The candidate's ceremonial mother standson his right side; his father, on his left. The medicinemen sing asong. When the song is ended, the head of the Fire society leaveshis place behind the altar, goes to the end of the line of medicinemenand women who are seated behind the altar and takes a bunch ofsticks from a basket which is held by one of the female members.These sticks are about 16 inches long and about one-tenth of an inchin diameter. They are split twigs of juniper (kanyi). Nawai dances,or marches, around the sand painting twice, going from west tonorth to east and to south. This is the reverse of the customaryceremonial circuit, and is a characteristic of the Fire society. Hethen goes to the fireplace and ignites his sticks. Then he goes aroundthe sand painting twice more. The sticks are aflame by now. Hestands on the south side of the ha'atsi, facing it. He thrusts theflaming sticks into his mouth. The flames are extinguished. He
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO
I SLAT ALTAPs"nr"-I
I SAND1^ PAlWTlhiG
151jrtMMMM K t= MMM
BASKET iOF STICKS
HEATS F1P.E
PATH E P.
. J- J, MOON
FiRE^PLACE M-MEDICINEMENK- HEAD OF KAPINA SOCIETYF-HEAD OF FIRE SOCIETYC- CANDiDATEFigure 13.?Fire society initiation.
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184takes the charred wood out of his mouth and rubs the candidate'sbody with it. Then he returns to his place behind the altar.Before performing this fire ritual the medicinemen chew a plantcalled hakanyi (fire) wawa (medicine). This protects their mouthsso that the flaming sticks will not burn them.After nawai has taken his seat the medicineman next to him in theline will perform the fire ritual in the same manner. All of the shamansin turn do likewise; each one has a song for his performance. Thenthe ceremonial father of the candidate must "eat" the fire, and "ifthe candidate is old enough to do so," he must eat it, too. Thecandidate is not given the protection of the plant fire medicine;he "must take it raw. It will not burn him if he believes and hasfaith." Whether the ceremonial father was protected by the plantmedicine or by his faith was not ascertained.^"In the evening of the fourth day, i.e., in the evening after the fireritual of the fourth afternoon, there is a meeting in the Fire society'sceremonial house. They sing and dance.On the morning of the fifth day, the Fire and Kapina societies takethe candidate to one of the kivas (either one) where they perform the
"sword swallowing" dance. ^^ As they dance they swallow smooth,dull sticks, called wa-Di. They are about 16 inches long and have anornamental head (fig. 14). In this dance Kapina faces first towardthe north, then to the west, south and east, which is the usual ritualcircuit. Fire shamans, however, face east first, then south, west,and north.In the evening of the fifth day the Fii-e society take their candidateover to the Kapina's ceremonial house, where they have their atcin(slat altar) erected and their sand painting on the floor. The Kapi-nas perform the stick-swallowing dance. My notes do not saywhether the candidate swallows the stick or not; he probably does
"if he is old enough."The first ceremony of initiation is now over. The second one, atwhich the candidate will be made honawai'aiti, will be held 4 or 8
*o Ceremonies In which one " eats fire," juggles with live coals, or bathes In a bed of live coals, are foundIn Zufll (Stevenson, 1904, p. 495;, and at Acoma (White, 1932 a, pp. 114-115). There Is no record of themat Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, or San Felipe. In "The Delight Makers," Bandeller (1918, p. 41) describes acuring ritual performed by a Fire shaman: he chewed burning grass then spat the charred remains uponthe patient; he remarks Ithat "this flre-cure was , . . practised by the Queres." Dumarest (1919, p. 188)mentions something similar at Oochltl.Mrs. Stevenson (1904, p. 495) describes the participation of "a guest from the pueblo of Sla, who belongsto the Fire fraternity of the pueblo," In an initiation of the Great Fire society of Zufil which she witnessedin 1891. He " goes to the fireplace and stamps in the fire and literally bathes himself In the live coals. Hethen takes a large coal in his right hand, and after rubbing his throat and breast with it he places it in hismouth."21 Stick swallowing was performed by the Fire societies of Acoma (White, 1932 a, pp. 115-116), Zufil (Stev-enson, 1904, p. 503), and Jemez (Parsons, 1925, p. 66), and by the Hlewekwe (Wood, or Sword Swallowers)society of Zufil (Stevenson, 1904 pp. 466-467). Kapina and Koshalri swallowed sticks at Lagima (Boas,1925, pp. 139, 291), and the Kaowatas at Santa Ana, who were said to be"the same as Kapina," did likewise(White, 1942 a, p. 119).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 153years later. One must petition with a packet of meal for the secondceremony as for the first.The slat altar and sand painting are used in the second ceremony,but the design of the latter is different. Instead of game animals itdepicts honawai'aiti animals, i.e., those from which the power tocure is obtained, namely, lion, bear, badger, shrew, eagle, w^olf, snakes,etc. There are also mocomi (nomadic Indian neighbors of the pueb-los; the name is almost synonymous with enemy) on the sand paint-ing: "the mocomi are gods of the Fire society; ianyi is obtained fromthem." The sand paintings used in the initiation ceremonies arequite different from the one used in curing ceremonies. Fire is noteaten in the honawai'aiti ceremony. "The medicinemen eat thefire to get the power of fire; fire is maiyanyi or kopictaiya," i.e., aspiritual being.
Figure 14.?Sword (wa-Di) swallowed by Fire medicinemen. The curved blade is made ofwood from the Gya-pl tree (mahogany, Cercocarpus sp., White, 1945, p. 562); the face ismade of the root of a cottonwood. The blade, which is about 16 inches long, is polishedvery smooth, rubbed with deer tallow (they used to use buffalo fat) and smeared with redocher. Colors of face: cross hatching, red; stippled, blue; black vertical band in middleof face with white circles on it; eyes, black; lightning symbols, yellow.
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184These initiation ceremonies are almost always held between No-vember and February, inclusive. The reason for this is that thisperiod comes after the fall harvests and before farm work begins inthe spring. The ceremonies are quite expensive; the candidate'sfamily must provide a considerable quantit}^ of food for the medi-cinemen, and this would be most readily available after harvest.The Fire society performs weather control ceremonies, both sum-mer and winter, and performs the solar ceremonies of hanjdko andhanyikikya.The Fire society possesses a nimiber of katsina masks (see p. 244).The membership of the Fke society has changed but little since1941; two male and two female members have died; one new femalehas been added. In 1957 there were four male and six female mem-bers. I obtained the names of all members.The Fire societies of Sia and Jemez used to assist each other inceremonies, said a Sia informant, "but they had some kind of trouble,so now they leave each other alone."KAPINA SOCIETYVarious translations of Kapina have been suggested: "good strongheart," "eat too much," etc. (see White, 1942, a, p. 119, note 44, fora summary of data on this point). Stevenson (1894, pp. 39, G9)equates kapina with "spider." According to her account, the Kapinasociety was the first to be organized in the underworld by Utsetupon instructions from Sussistinnako who, being a spider himself,became the head of this society (ibid., p. 69).According to my informants, Kapina medicinemen are full-hona-wai'aiti, but are qualified for the first two kinds of curing ritualonly; they do not have heart songs and therefore cannot restorestolen hearts. They are occasionally, but not always, asked to partic-ipate in the midwinter communal curing ceremony. However, theyhave the wooden slat altar and sand painting and one iariko; only thehead man has bear leg skins. They are qualified to perform theceremony for the dead. The "father" of Kapina society is Madja'nyi,a spirit who lives in the south at Daotyuma. It is Madja'nyi whobrings the things that Kapina produce magically in midwinter kivaceremonies. He assists, also, sometimes in the Kapina initiationceremony. The badge of Kapina consists of white eagle or turkeyfeathers dyed yellow.In a general review of societies, virtually at the end of my study,I learned something new about the Kapina society?and possiblytouched upon something new in ethnographic studies of the Keres.I have mentioned the doorkeeper that some, if not all, societies haveto guard their ceremonial chambers and keep out intruders when
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 155
ceremonies are in progress; he is called cocgaina (see White, 1942 a,p. 129, for discussion of this functionary at Santa Ana). My in-formant said that Kapina had a doorkeeper but that he was not calledcocgaina, but matc^nyi. Then he went on to say that he was notreally a doorkeeper, but had other functions. He then caught him-self up short and said that this was a "very strong subject," that thematcanyi was a "very mysterious person," and that this is one ofthe matters that he had "kept back," i.e., refrained from telling me.Having inadvertently disclosed the fact that there was a "cat in thebag" he refused to go further and let the cat out and allow me to seeit. He did, however, talk about the matcanyi in a guarded way:there is a man in Sia who is called matcanyi; very few in Sia knowwho he is; he is identified with the Kapina society and undoubtedlyassists them in their ceremonies. In alluding to the mystery whichsurrounds the matcanyi, the informant went on to refer to the mirac-ulous things that Kapina tcaiyanyi do in the dowahi ceremonies inthe kiva, such as making corn to sprout, grow, and ripen before youreyes. The informant politely but firmly declined to be specific, buthis veiled allusions and guarded remarks made me think that thematcanyi may be a confederate of the medicinemen, who makes itpossible for them to perform their feats of magic and thus deceivethe common people into believing they possess supernatural powders.No doubt my informant felt that it was unwise, if not dangerous,for him to expose this deception.In this connection the following incident is interesting and perhapssignificant: I once took a Sia informant w^ho was a member of amedicine society to the restored pueblo at the Coronado NationalMonument near Bernalillo, among other things, where we inspectedunderground Idvas. One of them had a shaft running verticallyfrom the surface of the ground to a point level with the floor of thekiva and close to, but quite apart from, the kiva wall. Shafts ofthis sort are not uncommon in archeological sites and they havegenerally been called ventilator shafts by archeologists. My Siainformant said that they were not for ventilation at all but weredevices used by the medicinemen to conceal the various things?such as fruit, corn, or a live bear?that the tcaiyanyi produce magi-cally during ceremonies. ^^ But the aboveground kivas of the modernpueblos do not have such shafts?unless it is possible to conceal themwithin the wall of the kiva, which I do not believe is the case (seeEllis' (1952) article on devices employed in magical performancesat Jemez.
"Hoebel (1953) once took two "high ranking society officers" from a Kcresan pueblo near Jcmc/. to MesaVerde where the Indians told him that "open spaces between the round kiva walls and the rectangularwalls enclosins; them . . . [and] tunnels leading into some of the . . . kivas" were used in the performanceof magical ceremonies and that "these things go on in our pueblo right now."
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Kapina society performs weather control ceremonies for both smn-mer and winter. They have two maslis of HiliUho katsina. They alsohave a device described as a wooden frame made of a number of slen-der sticks painted yellow and tied together with cotton string. Steven-son (1894, p. 40) described this device also and said that it belongedto the Kapina society. Both Stevenson and my informant describedit as an umbrellaUke device; it opens and closes like one. Stevensoncalled it Napakatsa; my informant called it Dyu'onyi (this is theceremonial name of a water bowl of a medicine society; see, e.g.,fig. 46 in White, 1942 a, where a medicine bowl on the Koshairi altarat Santa Ana is called wa-tyuonyi). My informant said that only thehead of the Kapina society had enough sldll to use this device prop-erly; as he dances with it, it opens and closes and assumes a varietyof forms. "He works magic with it; it brings magic and prosperityto the people." My notes do not specify the circumstances, or theoccasion, of its use. I do not know of the presence of this object inany other pueblo.The Kapina and Snake societies are very closely associated witheach other, and have been for a long time. Stevenson (1894, pp. 76,78) reports that one man was the head of both societies in 1890, andthat they worked together in a rain ceremonial. In 1957, the headof Kapina was also the head of the Snake society. They shared aceremonial house and "go in" together for the summer (wet) and win-ter (dry) ceremonies. Informants often say "the Kapina and Snakesocieties always work together." This is unquestionably true as arule, but the two societies are not identical and equivalent in allrespects. For example, Kapina but not Snake medicinemen are do-wahi tcaiyanyi, i.e., are able magically to produce corn or rain in akiva ceremony. On the other hand, the Snake society has functionswith regard to snakes which Kapina does not have. Kapina assiststhe Fire society in its sword-swallowing ritual whereas Snake does not.Kapina has charge of the Hahawo dance. And there may be otherdifferences.In 1957 there were only three full-fledged male members; theremay have been some males pledged, but not yet initiated, at thistime; my notes are not specific on this point. There were three orfour female members.Kapina medicinemen of Sia "used to go to Acoma to assist theKapinas there in their ceremonies."SNAKE SOCIETYThe Snake society is one of the most interesting, although not themost important, of societies at Sia because it performs a ceremonyin which live snakes are handled. Snake medicinemen are not full-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 157fledged doctors; that is, they are only part hoiiawai'aiti? althoughthey possess all of the "badges" of the honawai'aiti? and are qualifiedto do only the first two ways of cui'ing; they have no songs to retrieveor restore hearts. They are sometimes, but not always, requestedto participate in the midwinter communal curing ceremony. Theyhave the chief elements of paraphernalia of a medicine society: thewooden slat altar, the sand painting, iariko, and bear paws. Theycan conduct the ceremony for the return of a deceased person's soulto the underworld. Snake medicinemen are called to administermagical medicine to a newborn baby to protect him from evil influ-ences (see "Childbirth"). And they have a special ability to treatsnake bite. The patron spirits of the Snake society are the mythicalsnakes of the six directions (see "Cosmology").CONCEPTION OF SNAKESIt is not easy to comprehend the Sia conception of snakes. Theyare supernatural beings, but then almost every living being is. Butsnakes have a special significance. The horned snake is depictedupon medicine bowls, altars, and dance kilts. The Sia are unwillingto kiU a snake, even a venomous one. In 1957 a Government nurse,an Anglo-American woman, told me that on one of her periodicvisits to Sia to hold clinic she encountered a large rattlesnake in herpath near the schoolhouse where the clinic was held. The nurserequested her Sia woman assistant to remove the snake, but shewould do nothing. The nurse then set out to find a man who wouldremove, or kill, the snake. She found a Sia man and asked him tohelp her. He returned to the schoolhouse with her, but he did notIdll the snake. Instead, he took some branches of shrubs and verycarefuUy "swept" the snake away, and finaUy it crawled away outof sight. The nurse was so upset that she told the governor of Siathat she would not go to the clinic again unless they "did somethingabout the snakes." After that the governor sent one of the littleoflicers to the clinic every time she came, to see that no snakes werearound.This same nurse was once summoned to a house in Sia where awoman was critically ill; she had been bitten by a spider, the nursewas told. The woman was enormously swollen and in great pain.The nurse had the woman taken to the hospital in Albuquerquewhere examination revealed fang marks on the woman's buttocks,and the case was diagnosed as snake bite. The woman had goneout to a corral at night, without a light, to relieve herself, so thenurse was told. When she squatted down she was bitten (the heatperceptors of a rattlesnake could have felt the warmth of her body)."That woman died after great suffering," the nurse told me, "but
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1S4the Indians would not admit that it was a case of snake bite; theyinsisted that it was a spider." My informants, also, stoutly main-tained that "no one at Sia has ever died of snake bite."TREATING SNAKE BITEIf a person is bitten by a snake he should not return to the pueblo'but should remain where he is and send someone to Sia to notify amember of the Snake society of the incident. The Snake shamanwill go out and administer first aid to the person who has been bitten;that is, he will put "some snake medicine" upon the bite. Then theSnake medicineman will take the bitten person back to the puebloand put him in the ceremonial house of the Snake society where hewill be kept for 4 days. The Snake society wiU hold its curing cere-monial during this time. No live snakes are used in this ceremony.When the 4 days are up the patient is allowed to go home. Thepatient may decide to join the Snake society during the curing cere-mony, but he is not obhged to become a member. If he wishes tojoin he will be inducted dm-ing the 4-day curing ceremonial,INITIATIONHaving been bitten by a snake is not a prerequisite to membershipin the Snake society. A person may join because he has been dream-ing of snakes, for example, as was the case with a man cited byStevenson (1894, p. 86). The person makes known his desire bypresenting a packet of prayer meal to the head of the society, whodistributes it, with the petition, among his society members.The initiation ceremony will occupy 4 or 5 consecutive days.Our information is not wholly consistent as to chronology. Twoinformants stated that snakes were hunted for 4 days and the con-cluding ceremony was held on the fifth; another informant posi-tively stated that snakes were hunted on 3 days only, and that thefinal rituals were held on the fourth. Stevenson (ibid., p. 86), too,stated that snakes were hunted on 3 days only because there wereonly three members of the society at that time and, as a consequence,one of the four directions was omitted. I shall proceed on the basisof a 5-day ceremony.The Snake society retires to its ceremonial house where they fastfor 4 days. On the first day they caU the candidate into their cere-monial chamber and tie a turkey cpaiyak (short, fluffy feather) onhis head. The candidate must remain in his own house all of thetime during the first 2 (or 3) days, except when he is obliged to goout to answer the call of nature. On these occasions he must beaccompanied by a close relative. "He is in a delicate conditionduring this time," the informant explained. "Someone might bump
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 159into him or say something mean to him and it might hm"t him." Itis to guard against this sort of injury that the candidate is accom-panied by a relative. If, however, someone should "do somethingmean" to the candidate, the offender himself might be compelled tojoin the Snake society.On each of the first 4 days a Snake tcaiyanyi goes out into the countryto collect snakes. On the first day one goes to the north; on thesecond day to the west; on the third day to the south; and on the fourthday to the east. They bring back ahve all the snakes they see andcan catch and put them into two large ceremonial pottery bowls.The Snake nawai does not go on the hunts, but remains in the cere-monial house. Tsityostinako has something to do with the snakehunts, but it is not clear what. "If she wants the tcaiyanyi to havesnakes she will provide them; if she does not she will withhold them."On the morning of the fifth dsij, right after sunrise, the Snaketcaiyanyi go to their ceremonial house in the country. This is alittle adobe house located about 2 miles west of Sia. Stevenson(1894, p. 90), who saw and described the house, states that it was 6miles from the pueblo, but my informant denied that a new house hadbeen built within recent decades: "it has always been there where itis now." Also, on the morning of the fifth day, very early, a memberof the Snake society goes to the house of the candidate and conductshim to the ceremonial house in the country where he presents him tothe head of the society. Nawai "gives the candidate the right" tochoose a ceremonial father. "If the person is too small or too bashfulto speak for himself," a close relative will choose a father for him. Thefather will accompany the candidate until the ceremony of initiationis over.A ceremony is now held in the little adobe house (fig. 15). Itconsists of singing, for the most part, but a medicineman, the one whoranks next to the head of the society, goes out and dances before thealtar. He is the only one to do this. Finally the time comes forthe candidate to go before the altar. His ceremonial father goes overto where he is sitting, raises him up with his hicami (eagle wingfeathers) and leads him over to the altar and stands there with him.The singing is resumed. A medicineman comes out and gives thefather and the candidate each a live snake; or, possibly, only one snakeis used. This indicates that the candidate has now become a memberof the Snake society. The candidate and his father dance with thesnake, or snakes, for a time. This concludes the ceremony in theadobe house; the next stage of the initiation takes place in front of alittle conical "house" of cornstalks which has been built near theadobe house. Anyone from the pueblo may witness this part of theceremony, and a goodly number of people attend.
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184MMMM N MM M
i WOODEN ALTAPxillll IIII
?
^0. MEAL PAINTING 01
H h0-MEDlClNE BOWUN-HEAD OF SNAKE SOCIETY1 CKa'tooiC Nl-MEDICINENIENI- loriKosFigure IS.?Adobe house: Snake society initiationOn the ground surrounding the cornstalk house melons, fruit,melon vines, and vegetables of all kinds have been placed (fig. 16).These had been stored in excavations in a nearby arroyo bank untilthe time came to lay them out. The head of the Snake society issitting in the cornstalk house with the bowls of live snakes. Whenthe singing begins Snake nawai hands the snakes to the medicinemenoutside who dance with them. The songs tell the dancers how tohold the snakes: now with the right hand, now with the left; by theneck, by the tail, etc. If anyone is bitten during the dancing amedicmeman will rub a bit of snake medicine on the bite and nothingwill come of it. The candidate and his father also dance with snakes.After all the snakes have been danced with, they are returned to thenawai who puts them back into the bowl. Then the spectators are
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 161given the signal to come get the fruit, melons, and vegetables on theground. They run for them and a lively scramble ensues.The head of the Snake society now presents the new member totiamunyi. "If you ever need a Snake tcaiyanyi," he tells him,
"you may call upon this man." Tiamunyi responds by exhorting thenew member to do his work well, not to tire or shirk his duties,and so on.Then the head of the Snake society calls all of the males presentwho are 6 years old or over to come up and offer prayers to the snakes.Two of the Snake tcaiyanyi are standing there holding the snakes intheir hands. The men and boys come up and address prayers to thesnakes, asking them for long Hfe, good crops, etc. "Anyone whowants to and who is brave enough" comes up and smears a httleyakatca and stcamuna on the snakes' heads or bodies. When this isover, the head of the society dismisses everyone and they return tothe pueblo. Two medicinemen, the first and second ones in rankafter nawai, take the snakes in the two ceremonial bowls out into thecountry and turn them loose. These bowls formerly were kept in acarefully concealed niche in an arroyo bank, as described by Mrs.Stevenson (1894, p. 90). In about 1934 they were found and stolenby trappers who took them to Santa Fe and sold them to a museum.The members of the Snake society retrieved them, however, and they
CANDIDATE_SITS HERE
M MMM N M MMr ===?II 1 1 1 nil.L o oi
o oo O SNAKE MEDICINEMENV?
->r
Figure 16.?Initiation into Snake society. M= medicinemen; N= nawai, the head ofthe society; I= iarikos on meal painting.
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
are now kept in the Snake society's house in the pueblo, Mrs. Ste-venson recounts how the "vicar" of the Snake society gave her hus-band one of the ceremonial bowls (1894, pp. 90-91); it was taken toWashington and deposited in the U.S. National Museum (cf. Powell,1892, pp. xxviii?xxix). One of my early informants told me thatwhen Jesus Baca Medina was governor of Sia about 1901 or 1902, hewent to Washington on pueblo business and while there he saw thisbowl in the Museum. He, along with others, claimed that JamesStevenson had stolen it, and he tried to get the bowl back from theMuseum but was unsuccessful. Mrs. Stevenson reports that a meet-ing of the Tiamunyi and the heads of the "cult societies" had flatlyrefused Mr. Stevenson's request for one, or both, of the bowls, andthat as a consequence the vicar of the Snake society gave a bowlsecretly to Stevenson in the dead of night. A transaction of thissort could easily lead to an accusation of theft.After the ceremony of initiation has been concluded, the familyand close relatives of the new member give the members of the soci-ety "all kinds of food?matsinyis, meal, flour, bread, and meat."The Snake and Kapina societies are closely associated with eachother, as I have already noted. The Kapina tcaiyanyi "work with"(take care of?) the snakes during the 4 days of hunting, but they donot take part in the hunts. On the fifth day, the Kapinas join theSnake tcaiyanyi in the songs, but they do not dance with the snakes.The costume of a member of the Snake society is illustrated in fig-ure 17, The face is painted with red ocher and sprinkled with stcamun
;
across it are two horizontal bands of a shiny black paint (but notstcamun). The torso and upper arms are black. The disk on thechest is red. The lower arms and hands and the lower legs and feetare red. Yucca leaves, split into narrow strands, are tied around thewrists, around the legs below the knees, and the waist. The kilt isof white buckskin; jingles, made of rolls of tin (from a tin can), smallhoofs, or little pieces of iSint, depend from the bottom, I understoodthat the horned snake, which is painted on the kilt, might be black andwhite, or its body might be red (in which case it would be ckatowe,the snake of the North according to Stevenson, 1894, p, 69) or black(in which case it would be k'acBano: (the snake of the West). Hecarries a gourd rattle in his right hand; hicami (a pair of eagle wingfeathers) in the left. PUEBLO SNAKE CEREMONIESThe Hopi "snake dance" has been very widely publicized, but itis not generally known that other pueblos also had ceremonies withlive and poisonous snakes. The earliest published account of theHopi snake ceremony that we know of is that of Tom V. Keam, an
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 163
Figure 17.?Costume of Snake society.
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
early trader among the Hopi, in Chamber's Jom-nal of 1883. "TheSnake Dance of the Moquis of Arizona," by John G. Bourke (1884),was published in the following year. We do not know when it wasthat James and Matilda Stevenson learned of the Snake ceremony atSia, but it was probably during the fall of 1887, when they spentconsiderable time there. We first learn of their discovery in MajorPowell's Annual Report of the Director of the Bureau of [American]Etlmology for 1887-88 (1892, pp. xxviii-xxix) . The Stevensons didnot witness the ceremony itself, although they examined the littleadobe house where it is held and saw the niche where the ceremonialbowls were stored. Mrs. Stevenson did, however, obtain a ratherdetailed account of the ceremony from the vicar of the Snake society.We know of no non-Indian who has ever seen the Sia snake ceremony,and no eye-witness account of it has ever been published.There are indications that ceremonies with live snakes were oncerather widespread among the pueblos of the Southwest. In 1581-82,the party of Father Rodriguez and Captain Chamuscado witnesseda ceremony at a pueblo located near the Galisteo ruins of today inwhich two live rattlesnakes were carried about: "They coil aroundthe neck and creep all over the body" (Hammond and Rey, 1927,p. 347). Antonio de Espejo saw a ceremony at Acoma in 1583 inwhich Uve snakes ("vivoras vivas") were carried (Bandelier, 1890,p. 149). Live snakes have been kept in some pueblos, according toreports, for ceremonial purposes. Bandelier (ibid., pp. 306-307)believed that the reports he had of hve snakes being kept in the Tewapueblos where they were treated, "if not with veneration, at leastwith particular care," were "not unfounded." Matilda Stevenson(1914), too, has some allusions to snake ceremonies among the Tewa.Hodge (1896, p. 133) was told at Laguna that, prior to 1876, theIndians of one of the Laguna summer colonies "kept a large rattle-snake which they brought out in certain ceremonials." Fray Estevande Perea's party saw a number of hve rattlesnakes in an enclosureat Zuni early in the 17th century, but they were told by the Indiansthat they were kept to provide them with poison for their arrowpoints (Bloom, 1933, p. 228). Hodge (1896, p. 134) was told by theCochiti Indians that they had had a snake cerem^ony about 1865 orearher. As early as 1910 Walter Hough (1910, p. 605) had come tothe conclusion that "the Snake dance formerly must have beenwidely distributed among the Pueblo tribes." And we have a httlemore evidence now than he had then.The only reason for believing that Cochiti once had a snake cere-mony is that "an unusually intelligent Indian" told Hodge that theyonce had the ceremony and that they had introduced it into Sia,which had not had it previously. This evidence is virtually worth-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 165less; Indians are forever telling you that their pueblo is better than, orahead of, their neighbors in one respect or another. ^^ And Sia's re-lations with Acoma, where the snake ceremony has actually beenobserved, are probably closer than Cochiti-Acoma relations. Hodge'sinference that the Snake ceremony is dependent upon the presence ofa Snake clan likewise is unfounded (Hodge, 1896, pp. 134-135).There is no Snake clan in Sia, and informants assert positively thatclan affiliation is irrelevant to membership in the Snake society; atleast four clans are represented by members since 1940.Many years ago Fewkes (1895, p. 118) made a careful, point bypoint comparison of the snake ceremonies of the Hopi pueblos and ofSia and concluded that, despite a number of differences, "in essentialsthe Snake dance is the same in two widely separated pueblos." Hecalled attention to the similarity between the Keresan word for snakeand the Hopi word, tcua (1895, p. 139, n. 4). He noted further thatwords which he believed to be Keresan appear in the Hopi ceremony,and also that a personage appears which he thinks is foreign and pos-sibly Keresan (Fewkes, 1897, p. 306). The words Fewkes thoughtto be Keresan are, as he spells them, Tca-ma-hi-ye, a-wa-hi-ye, yo-ma-hi-ye, and tci-ma-hai-ye.^* We recognize them as names of warriorsof the cardinal points (see "Cosmology"), and they sound to me likeKeresan words.Weather control ceremonies.?The Snake society performs both thesummer, or wet, and the winter, or dry, ceremonies.Masks.?'The Snake society has only two kinds of masks: onemask of No'wira and four of Mokaitc (mountain lion).Membership.?There have been nine male and two female membersof the Snake society between 1940 and 1957. Four of the men haddied before 1957, The last to be initiated, according to my data,was a youth who was inducted about 1950. Of the two womenmembers, one had been bitten by a snake; the other had merely beentreated by the society for some reason.KOSHAIRI AND KWIRAINAThe Kosbairi and Kwiraina societies always go together in Keresanpueblo culture, with the possible exception of Acoma (White, 1943 a,pp. 307-308). They are not, properly speaking, medicine, or curing,societies; their functions appear to be primarily concerned withfertility. They are distinguished in mythology from other societies;Stevenson says that Koshairi and Kwiraina obtained their powerM See the Coehiti tale about their superiority over the Sia with regard to killing Navahos in Benedict(1931, p. 197).?? Fewkes cited these words In "The Snake Ceremonials at Walpl" (1894, p. 92), where he calls them "ar-chaic words." It was later that be came to believe that they were foreign, Keresan terms, apparently.600685?62 12
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184directly from the sun, whereas the curing societies get theirs fromanimals (1894, ftn., p. 72). They were created at the same time andare closely associated with the sun?at least Koshairi is, Kwirainais sometimes said to be associated with the moon?and have theirhome in the east near the place of sunrise. They are distinguishedin the life of the pueblos today by their costume (see fig. 18 for Kwi-raina; see White, 1935, pi. 3, for photograph of Koshairi at SantoDomingo; 1942 a, p. 125, for sketch of Koshairi at Santa Ana) andby their functions. Kwiraina and Koshairi are, in a sense, comple-mentary societies. Either one may accompany the katsina dancers,but one of them must always be in attendance. Either one has chargeof the so-called corn dance held in honor of the patron saint on August15, and selects the men to carry the actitcoma (pole, standard) inthis dance. But these societies are mutually exclusive with regardto membership; one may not belong to both societies. A memberof either society may, however, belong to one of the curing societies.Finally, a member of the Koshairi society "could substitute for amember of Kwiraina, and vice versa."Both Koshairi and Kwiraina societies used to have doorkeepers(c6cgaina; cf. White, 1942 a, pp. 16-17, 129), i.e., a man who stoodguard at the door of the ceremonial house while the society was insession to keep out any unauthorized person. In 1941, Koshairihad two cocgainas, one of whom died before 1952. Kwiraina hashad no doorkeeper since 1941.A person becomes a c6cgaina as a consequence of a vow; he is nota member of the society whose meetings he guards.The Koshairi and Kwiraina societies differ in their costumes.Koshairi seem to be more important in pueblo affairs than Kwiraina;at least they have more powers and functions. The Koshairi act asclowns and buffoons, especially at intermissions, during the corn danceon the saint's day, August 15, and, presumably, when they assist ata katsina dance. They amuse the people by "saying funny things";sometimes they "talk backwards," or say the opposite of what theymean ; they also indulge in obscene remarks. They amuse the peopleby comical and grotesque antics. The K\viraina apparently do nothave clown functions.The Koshairi act as disciplinarians, too. If not enough peoplevolunteer for some dance the Koshairi can conscript people; "theycan make people do anything; you can't disobey them." The Ko-shairi may punish people for wrong doing, too: "they might strip aman or a woman in the kiva in front of everyone as punishment fornot doing their duty." But the Koshairi are not as strict now asthey used to be, it is said. Sometimes a young man takes part in adance when he is intoxicated and the Koshairi do nothing to him.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 167
Figure 18.?Kwiraina.
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184One of the heretics at Sia who defected to an evangelical Protestantsect flatly defied the Koshairi and got away with it. Also, it is saidthat today the younger people could lodge a protest against the Ko-shairi with the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, "so they are afraidto go too far."According to one informant the Koshairi have complete charge ofthe equestrian impersonation of Bocaiyanyi. Another informantgave a quite different account (see "Equestrian Impersonations").As I have already noted, Koshairi and Kapina are the only Dowahitcaiyanyi, i.e., able to make foods appear magically in kiva ceremonies(see p. 155).The Koshairi is said to be full-honawai'aiti, which pertains tocuring, whereas the Kwiraina is only part honawai'aiti. But, forreasons which I cannot explain, Koshairi has none of the "badges" ofhonawai'aiti. Koshairi is capable of the first two of the three waysof curing, whereas Kwiraina is not qualified for any kind of curingritual. Koshairi is sometimes requested to take part in the mid-winter communal curing ceremony; it is said that Kwiraina couldbe, but seldom if ever is, asked to participate. Koshairi membershave one iariko, the principal fetish of a medicine society, but they donot have the wooden slat altar or bear leg skins. The Kwiraina doesnot have iariko, slat altar, or bear leg skins. Thus, it appears ratherclearly that Koshairi society has some curing paraphernaHa andfunctions, although it is far from being a full-fledged curing society,whereas the Kwiraina society definitely is not a curing society at aU.^^I am incHned to believe that the Koshairi society may have acquiredits curing functions and paraphernaHa by taking them over from acuring society that had become extinct. Makeshifts of this sort arenot at all uncommon among the Keresan pueblos. Koshairi andKwiraina, as such, do not perform cures at Santa Ana, Santo Domingo,or San Felipe, but at Cochiti, according to Dumarest, the Koshairicm'ed by brushing but not by sucking, a more advanced technique(cf. White, 1932 b, p. 18, n. 33; 1935, p. 54; 1942 a, p. 127; Dumarest,1919, p. 191).The Koshairi society has a patron spmt whose name was notobtained; his home is in the east at Koaikutc, the place of the sunrise.The Kwiraina society has two patron spirits: Hododo and Wikori.They are represented by masked personages in Sia ceremonies.Whether they are to be reckoned as katsina or not is a question,since they have their home at Gyitihanyi, a place a little to the northof east on the eastern horizon of the earth, instead of at Wenima, thecustomary home of the katsina, which is always located in the West.
>' Stevenson (1894, p. 113) says tbe Kwiraina has a medicine to help women to become pregnant.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 169Kwiraina members have one mask of each of these spirits, and onlythey can wear them.The "badge," or indicative characteristic, of Koshairi is a Httlebxmch of shredded cornbusk, tied to the side of the head. Kwira-ina's badge is a Httle bunch of the tail feathers of tcirika, the desertsparrow hawk {Falco sparverius phalaena) (fig. 19).Both Koshairi and Kwiraina take part in the summer ceremonialsfor rain, and also in the solar ceremony, hanyiko.The Koshairi society has no katsina masks, but Kwiraina has agreat many: 12 Deer, 14 Duck, 10 or 12 Kotcininako, 2 MountainLion, 4 Bear, and 6 Salt katsina masks.The Kosbau'i society has had seven male and three female membersbetween 1941 and 1957. Two of the male members died during thisperiod. Two small boys and two small gu-ls were inducted between1952 and 1957. It is a noteworthy fact that the former head of theKoshairi, Juan Pedro Herrera, became a member of the Protestantevangelical sect in the late 1920's or early 1930's. He withdrew atonce from all participation in the Indian religion. What happened tohis paraphernaha could not be ascertained.
Figure 19.?Altar (atcin*'') of Kwiraina society. The birds are the desert sparrow hawk(tciLi-Iia; Falco sparverius), mounted on slender sticks about a foot and a half high. Astring is drawn between the sticks from which depend bunches of sparrow-hawk tail feath-ers, the "badge" of the Kwiraina. This altar is shown in Stevenson (1894, pi. xxviii).
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Kwiraina has had six male and two female members between 1941and 1957; two of the former died during this period.As I have already stated, the Koshairi share the ceremonial houseof the Giant society; at Han3ako the Koshairi use another house bor-rowed for the occasion. Similarly, Kwiraina use the Flint society'sceremonial house except at Hanyiko when they move to another housepro tem. The Koshairi and Kwiraina societies of Sia apd Santa Anaassist each other in their initiation ceremonies.KATSINA-GOMAIYAWICThe Katsina-Gomaiya^vic grouping is described by informants astwo different and distinct societies, but they "always work together."They are so closely associated in fact that it was not until I wentover a membership list, obtained as that of the Katsina society, nameby name, that I discovered that some were Gomai3^awic, not Katsina.Katsina is, of course, the name of the rain-making spirit that is imper-sonated by people wearing masks. It is not customary, however, fora Keresan pueblo to have a katsina society. Gomaiyawic may betranslated "messenger," or "scout" (White, 1943 a, p. 312). The Go-maiyawic are katsina who live in Wenimatse. They have knobs ontheir heads (see fig. 30), resembhng the Koyemshi of Zuni with whomthey have been equated by Parsons and others (cf. Parsons, 1918,p. 183; Kroeber, 1917, n.l, p. 145. See Bunzel, 1932, pis. 23 and 24for pictures of Koyemshi). Gomaiyawic appear to be more important,more "at home," at Acoma and Laguna than among the eastern Keresamong whom we have found this concept at Santa Ana and Sia onlyw^here Gomaiyawic seems to be "just another katsina." At Acomathe Gomaiya\vic come to the pueblo in advance of the katsina toannounce the coming of the latter for a dance. In no Keresan puebloother than Sia is there a Gomaiya\vic society, as far as I know.The Katsina-Gomaiyawic group has custody of many katsinamasks (see p. 238), and its function is to dance for cultivated corn,just before it is planted in the spring and just before or just after theharvest in the fall. "They don't dance every year as the caciquespreads the work among other socities."The Katsina-Gomaiyawic societies are definitely not medicine, orcuring societies, although Gomaiyawic was said, by one informant,to be part-honawai'aiti and quaUfied to do the first two of the threeways of curing; he could not recall, however, any instance in whichGomaiyawic had done any curing. Gomaiyawic could be requestedto participate in the communal curing ceremony but Katsina is neverasked to do so. Neither society can perform the ritual for a deceasedperson. Neither society has iarikos, slat altars, or bear leg skins.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 171Katsina makes a sand paiuting and has paiyatyamo (fetish figures);Gomaiyawic has the latter only.Katsma society's "fathers" are (1) Cdryk'? (is this the Zuiii Shalako?s and r are often interchanged), (2) Onoma, (3) Saiyatac, and (4)Gomaiyawic. All of these are katsina and have their home in Weni-matse. There is no mask of either of the first two in Sia, but thereare masks of the other two. My notes do not indicate a "father" forGomaiyawic, who is said to be a "father" of the Katsina society.Gomaiyawic takes part in both the summer and winter weathercontrol ceremonies, but Katsma participates in the summer cere-mony only.Celestino Galvan was the head of both Katsina and Gomaiyawicin 1941 ; since his death each society has had its own head. Malemembership in Katsina society'' was reduced to one, an elderly man,by the death of Celestino, but in 1957 an informant said he believedthat a small boy had been pledged to Katsina, or to both Katsina andGomaiyawic, by his parents. Katsina has had four female membersbetween 1941 and 1957, two of whom died during this period. Therehas been some concern in Sia about the possible extinction of the Kat-sina society, but the community as such has done nothing about it."They [the Katsina society] used to get help from Zufii but they don'tany more."Of the four male members of Gomaiyawic between 1941 and 1957two have died, and the only female member has died, also. Thus itwould appear that this society, too, is threatened with extinction.CAIYEIK SOCIETYStevenson calls Caiyeik, or Hunters' society, the "society of thecougar"; she does not give the native name. Its patron spuit is thecougar, or mountain lion {Felis concolor). It has only male members;women are not admitted to membership nor are they permitted toenter their ceremonial chamber. Although it is a Hunters' society,members are said to be part-honawai'aiti and to have some power tocure; their medical functions may be limited to illness or accidents ofmen while on the hunt. They are never requested to participate inthe midwinter communal curing ceremony, however, and informantscould recall no instance in which they had done any curing. Theyhave corn-ear fetishes and paiyatyamo, but no slat altar; and insteadof bear leg sldns they have the leg skins of the mountain lion. Thefunction of the Caiyeik society is to assist the hunters in killing game.In addition to this, however, they participate in the winter ("dry")weather control ceremonies. Their "badge" is called kaotsaiyawa'nyi;it consists of two eagle neck feathers dyed with ya-katca (red ocher).The Caiyeik have no masks.
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Stevenson (1894, p. 118) reported that the Hunters' society wasalmost extinct in 1890, that it had only its head and his assistant.There have been only four members between 1941 and 1957. Twoof these died during this period; a third has not resided in the pueblofor some time; and the remaining member, the nawai, is so old that
"he can hardly perform any ceremony."INITIATIONAbout 1930 the Caiyeik society of Sia invited the Caiyeik societiesof Santo Domingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana to come to Sia to takepart in their ceremony to initiate a new member. The following ac-count of that ceremony was obtained by me from a Santo Domingoman who had assisted me in my study of his pueblo and who, as agaotcanyi, accompanied the Santo Domingo Caiyeik to Sia. He wit-nessed, or took part in, almost everything that took place.The head of the Caiyeik society at Sia went to the head of the Caiyeiksociety at Santo Domingo, with a handful of sacred meal and askedhim to assist in the ceremony at Sia. When the time came the SantoDomingo Caiyeik set out accompanied by one gaotcanjn. The Cai-yeik took his iariko (corn-ear fetish) , his hicami (eagle wing feathers)
,
and his mokaitc (little mountain lion effigy). The gaotcanyi took aquiver made of mountain lion sldn and a bow and arrow. When theywere near Sia pueblo the head of the Sia Caiyeik society came out,accompanied by a gaotcanyi, to meet them and to conduct them to theCaiyeik house. The hosts relieved their guests of their burden ofparaphernalia.It was about sunset when they arrived. They were escorted intothe Caiyeik house and given cornhusk cigarettes. Wlien they hadfinished smoking the Caiyeik nawai from Santo Domingo began totalk: "about how he got the meal and how he came there." Theother visiting Caiyeik also talked. When they had finished they allshook hands. Then they dismissed the three visiting gowatcanyi; aroom was assigned to them.The next day the gowatcanyi went over to the War chief's house;the Santo Domingo man spoke of the War chief as Tsiakiya (cf. White,1935, p. 38). Tsiakiya told them to watch outside the Caiyeik houseall day and to allow no one to enter. They watched all day. Whenevening came the gowatcanyi went into the house where the Caiyeikwere and ate supper. Then they were excused for the evening andgiven permission to visit the people of the pueblo.The procedure of the next day was the same as the first.On the third day two Caiyeik shamans went out to the mountainsto gather hadyaiyanyi (soapweed whips), and different kinds of grass(adanyi and sickuri), and oak (hapanyi) for use in the ceremony.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 173
o ^ o o o oFigure 20.?Altar of Caiyeik society at initiation. The light stippled areas are yellow pol-len; the dark areas are black powder. Five corn-ear fetishes (iarikos) are shown at thebottom of the painting; behind them sit as many members of the Caiyeik society (indicatedby circles). A "road" runs from the door of the room to the middle of the painting.Two medicine bowls and a number of small animal figures are placed on this road, outsidethe painting; a stone fetish is on the spot where the road enters the painting; and littleanimal fetishes line the front (upper) edge of the painting. A large stone mountain lion(mokaitc) is on each side and in front of the painting.They were not accompanied by the gowatcanyi. The other Caiyeikmade the meal painting on the floor (the yapaicini) and laid out theiriarikos, mountain lion figures, and other paraphernalia (fig. 20). Inthe afternoon the gowatcanyi came in and saw the altar. The medi-cinemen were sitting behind the yapaicini. After a while food wasbrought in and they ate. Then the gowatcanyi went out to visit inthe pueblo. They went back to the Caiyeik house that evening.The medicinemen sang for some time.The next morning the Caiyeik put a line of cornmeal on the groundaromid the house. This was the trap (tsiwikame);^^ should anyonestep across this meal line he would be forced to become a member ofthe Caiyeik society. The gowatcanyi remained outside the mealline. The Caiyeik were in then- house; "they're putting feathers onthe things they're going to use and getting the grass ready (to put onthe candidate)."
" The Santo Domingo Informant said that when one speaks of trapping a bird one uses the same word asfor trapping a person and Inducting him Into a society. Traps sold In stores are called Wlkame.
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184In the afternoon a medicineman came out and told the gowatcanyito be ready that night. At sunset a Caiyeik came out and brushedthe meal line away from the house. The gowatcanyi went to theirroom and dressed; they wore only a breechcloth and a woman'sbelt and moccasins. Then they returned to the Caiyeik house,entered and sat down and smoked. Then after a while the Caiyeiknawai put the three gowatcanyi in a line. The parents of the boywho was going to be initiated came in and sat down. The candidatehad not come in yet. Then the Caiyeik nawai began to talk abouthow they were going to initiate a new member. He said that thecandidate was going to be born again "just like a little baby;" hewas going to become a new person. Then they began to sing. Aftera while two Caiyeik medicinemen (one on each end of the line ofshamans sitting behind the yapaicini) got up and came out in frontof the altar and began to whip disease, or evil influence, away withtheir hicami (eagle plumes). The other medicinemen were back ofthe altar singing. When the song was ended the two curing shamanssat down. Other songs were sung; sometimes other shamans wouldgo out and whip disease away. Between songs the medicinemensmoked. They sang about seven songs.Then the nawai of the Sia society stood up, picked up an iarikoin each hand and went out in front of the altar. While he dancedthe others sang the following song: "" iariko (corn-ear fetish) kokoya(sit down), iariko kokoya, iariko kokoya, kokoya, kokoya . . . a !hawi (which) koyatc (game) dyanyi (deer) koyatc karotsiniya (forits, i.e., the game's sake) iariko kokoya, kokoya, kokoya . . . a !At the end of the song the nawai put the iarikos down and resumedhis seat. Then the Caiyeik shamans began a song, a slow song,this time. When they had finished two verses someone knocked atthe door. The shamans stopped singing. The one outside the doorasked if they would allow him to come in. They answered "Yes!"He then asked if Masewi and Oyoyewi and tsatyao hotcanyi (theoutside chiefs, i.e., Masewi and Oyoyewi and the gowatcanyi) werethere. "Yes!" was the answer. Then he asked if they wanted tohave the "new born boy" brought in. "Yes!" "Will you believe inhim?" "Yes!" Then they sang again, slowly. The door openedand a medicineman led the candidate in. The medicineman walkedin slowly; he had an eagle wing feather in each hand, held backwardover his shoulder. The candidate followed him, holding on to thetips of these plumes. A medicineman walked behind the candidate;he was dressed just like him. They had rings of grass around eacharm at the biceps, and a sling from the right shoulder to the left
"" This song was recorded and deposited In the Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y. It was subsequentlyacquired by the Archives of Folk and Primitive Music, Indiana University.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 175
waist, front and back.^ There was a red spot on the navel about 3inches in diameter, and around this was a circle of white bird down.He had a similar decoration on his back. (The Opi that I saw in awar dance at San Felipe at Christmas, 1928, were painted and feather-decked in this manner.) A bear-claw necklace, a buckskin shirt, andwhite moccasins completed the costume.The medicinemen and the candidate walked in over a road (hiyanyi)of meal and stood in front of the first waicti (medicine bowl) untilthe song ended. Then the medicineman in the lead sat down, leavingthe candidate and the other medicineman standing. This medicine-man stood behind the candidate; he had a whip in each hand. Thisman was called rohona (a small animal of some kind; see White,1944 a, for a full consideration of this concept.). They remainedstanding while the shamans sang another song. Then the Caiyeiknawai stood up. He came out and danced around the candidate.Then the medicinemen shook their rattles. The nawai crossed hishicami (eagle wing feathers) on the road of meal. The candidatestood on them and stooped forward. Rohona stepped forward andwhipped the candidate four times with his whips. Then the candi-date stood to one side. After a time the nawai crossed his plumes onthe road again and the candidate stood on them. This time therohona whipped him hard four times. Then the rohona whippedthe nawai. All the Caiyeik shamans came out and were whipped.Then the nawai took the whips away from the rohona and whippedhim (each person stood on the crossed eagle plumes while receivinghis whipping). The nawai threw his whips over by the door, pickedup his eagle plumes and went back of the yapaicini, where the othermedicinemen were sitting, smoking. The candidate was back there,too; at some point after the candidate was whipped a song had beensung in which he was given a new name. The candidate?or, rather,the new member, since he had received his new name in a song thathad been sung?was seated among them.After a time the new member and rohona came out in front of thealtar again. Two other medicinemen likewise came out and removedthe entire costumes from the new member and rohona. One medicine-man and one gaotcanyi escorted the new member and rohona downto the river where they bathed. The whips and grass bands werethrown into the river. They returned to the Caiyeik house. Theparents of the new member brought in lots of food and put it down.Then the father of the new member began to talk. He said that hegave everything to the Caiyeik, the baskets, pottery, etc. Hethanked them for initiating his son. Then the nawai gave the new
? These were undoubtedly wicdyunia, one of the distinguishing features of the honawalalti.
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBull. 184member an iariko, a rattle, some hicami, mokaitc, and paiyatyamo.The new member's mother came forward with a basket into whichshe put his paraphernaHa to take it home. The new member wasescorted home. Everyone then went home except the Caiyeik andthe gowatcanyi. They divided the food. The Caiyeik picked uptheir paraphernaUa. It was ahnost sunrise when the gowatcanyiwent to their room.The next day the gowatcanyi of Sia went out and got the visitors*horses. All the visiting shamans and gowatcanyi?from SantoDomingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana?set out for home together.They were accompanied by all of the Sia Caiyeik for about half amile to the place where the roads for the three pueblos separated.There they said goodbye and the Sia shamans went back.
opi, OR warriors', societyThe Opi group would more properly be called a scalp-taker's so-ciety, for merely to engage in warfare or fight with an enemy, is notenough to qualify one for membership. If a man killed an enemyand did not touch him he would not be qualified, or obliged, to jointhe Opi. But if a man kills an enemy and "gets his blood on him,and takes away his things," i.e., articles of clothing, his weapons,and fetishes, and above all takes the slain enemy's scalp, then hemust become a member of the Opi. The informant was asked if aSia who had served in the armed forces during World War II andhad killed one of the enemy would become an Opi.^^ The informantreplied, "No, because that was not the Indians' war." "But what ifthe Sia took the enemy's scalp after he had killed him?" "Well,in that case they might make him an Opi and put him through allthe ceremonies." The last of the Opi, Cpo'na (cpona is the name ofa pottery canteen), died about 1916; he had killed a Navaho near Sia.In taking a scalp one removed all the skin of the head (excludingthe face) upon which hair normally grows. The scalp was even-tually tanned, "just like buckskin." We have no record of the care,bathing, and feeding of scalps at Sia as was practiced at some otherKeresan pueblos (White, 1932 b, p. 13; 1935, p. 60; 1942 a, p. 305).The scalps that had been kept in the pueblo were buried with thelast Opi.30Only men were ehgible to become Opi. The society had two heads,Masewi and Oyoyewi, the war god twins of mythology. They wereprobably the war priests, as distinct from War chiefs, in Stevenson'saccount. The head of the Opi is said to have been an officer ofM At Acoma during World War I the Kapina medicine society held a 4-day ceremony every month to helpthe American troops, which included a few Acoma, in Franco (White, 1943 a, p. 309).3? The last Opi at Acoma took the scalps out Into the country and buried them (White, 1043 a, p. 308).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 177great importance in Sia: "He worked with the tiamunyi; he helpedhim to appoint the officers; opened hunts." The head of the Opiranked next to the tiamunyi in some (but unspecified) respects,
"ranking above Fhnt nawai in many things."It appears that the Opi had important mihtary functions in theda3^s of intertribal warfare, but no one today knows just what thesefunctions were. It is thought that the Opi, and especially the headsof the Opi, were the leaders in any communal military enterprise.They also had important ceremonial and magical functions; theyperformed a ceremony to receive a scalp into the pueblo, and, sub-sequently, performed a ceremony to safeguard the life of the scalptaker against the malevolent magical influence that was attached toIdlling and scalping.The Opi society, scalp dances and ceremonies, and the care andcustody of scalps within the pueblo are closely associated with theFlint society in Keresan culture generally. In Stevenson's day theOpi and the Flint societies had a ceremonial chamber together, andthe Flint society played a prominent part in Opi ceremonials. Thestaff (yapi) of the former head of the Opi hangs on the west wall ofthe Flint society's ceremonial chamber today. Scalps kept in SantoDomingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana were tended by a Flint shaman(White, 1935, p. 60; 1932 b, p. 13; 1942 a, p. 305); in the first two ofthese villages the attending Flint shaman was also the head of theFhnt society and cacique as weU.Although the Scalp takers' society is extinct in Sia today they stillput on the scalp dance in which men dress like, and take the part of,Opi. Also, there are "animal Opi," i.e., men who have killed eithera bear or a mountain lion and who have gone through a ceremonyas a consequence of this killing. It is my impression that the "ani-mal" Opi have been instituted to take the place of man killers andscalpers. Bandeher (1890, p. 300), referring apparently to Cochiti,says that "bear and puma killers appear in the scalp dance in placeof man-killers." But we are not siure that killers of bears and lionsdid not become Opi before warfare and scalping ceased. We have evi-dence of animal Opi at only three of the Keresan pueblos : Sia, SantaAna, and Cochiti (White, 1942 a, p. 132; one could become an Opi forkilling an eagle as well as bear and lion at Santa Ana; Dumarest (1919,p. 199,) says that killing bears or lions was equated with killing ahuman enemy).The costume of an Opi is shown in figure 21. He is wearing anentire tanned deersldn, the forelegs of which are tied beneath hischin ; the main part of the hide hangs down his back. A whistle, madeof an eagle wing-bone, hangs from a cord around the neck. He wearsan undecorated buckskin kilt, in front of which descends one end of
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
Figure 21.?Costume of an Opi.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 179
a black cloth breech clout. On the left side, at the belt, are attachedsome copper jingles (y^racnyuma) made of pieces of copper in rolls.On top of the head is a ho-D3iiW?mt; this is an arrow to which a short,fluffy eagle feather (cpaiyak) has been tied. The face is painted withred ocher over which stcamun has been sprinlded. The face is out-lined with white bird down (compare with the figures in Stevenson,1894, pi. xxxiv). White bird down (wa-boctca) encircles his armsat the elbow and around his legs at the garters below the knees, andthere is a circle of down on the top of the head (not visible in the illus-tration). The body (with the exception of the chest) and the upperarms and upper legs are painted black; the lower arms and legs are red-dish-brown. Yucca leaves, split into narrow strands, are tied aroundhis arms at the elbow and around the legs below the knees; wovengarters, also, are worn below the loiees. He wears bucksldn moccasinsbut no SOX. A reddish-brown disk, rimmed with white bird down, ispainted on the chest (see Stevenson, 1894, pi. xxxiv).BEAR OPIIf a man kills a bear while on a hunt?and he would try to do so if heencountered one?-and becomes the first man to touch it, he must be-come an Opi. He could, however, refrain from being the first to touchthe bear. But someone must do this: "it would be a great Avrong tolet him lie there and not claim him." In any event, the first man totouch the dead bear must become an Opi. If the killer and first totouch the bear is honawai'aiti, he can take his choice of the maca'inyi,or bear leg skins, used by medicinemen in curing ceremonies. If theone who touches the bear first is not honawai'aiti, he must summonone to skin and cut up the animal. To do this he would go to one whois honawai'aiti in the hunting party and, handing him a handful ofcornmeal (petana) which every hunter carries in a pouch, tell him thathe has killed a bear and ask him to skin and cut it up for him.One who is not honawai'aiti is not permitted to be present whilethe medicineman skins and cuts up the bear. The tcaiyanyi removesthe bear leg skins first. He cuts the skin around the shoulder orthe hip (to use the informant's language) and peels the sldn downto the elbow or the knee, then cuts the arm or leg off there, leavingthe bone and flesh in the lower part of the limb. The maca'inyi aretaken home like this; the bone and flesh are taken out later. Thebest maca'inyi is the left forearm "because bears are left-handed."The foreleg skins are better than those of the hind legs.After the honawai'aiti has cut off the maca'inyi he removes therest of the skin and cuts up the carcass. He lays the entrails, testi-cles, and scrotum to one side, calls the one who touched the dead bearfirst who sprinkles itsa'tyunyi (shell disk beads) on them, digs a
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184hole and buries them. All of this time the bear is treated with thegreatest respect. He is addressed as Grandfather (saBa) . His headis spoken of as squash (danyi) ; the meat, kinati (fresh ear of corn)
;
the skin, diskama (cornhusk); the feces, cebo'ta (corn smut). Thebear is addressed as cottontail rabbit (Lekyu). "This is to avoidhurting the bear's feelings."The bear skin and meat are taken back to the pueblo when thehunters return. They approach the village as warriors used to dowhen a scalp had been taken. The men of the pueblo go out to meetand greet the bear. They all sing scalp songs as the bear is broughtinto the village, but instead of saying "scalp" in the songs theysay "bear." The men with the bear, followed by those who havecome to greet him, circle the pueblo first. They then enter by wayof the north plaza, go through it to the south plaza which they circle,then go to the house of the bear's "owner," i.e., the one who touchedit first, with the skin and the meat. If, however, the bear has beenkilled on a hunt to provide the cacique with meat for hotcanitsa, hewill be taken to hotcanitsa along with the deer and turkey, the mensinging as they go. But the bear will not be kept there; after atime he will be taken to his owner's house. The owner is entitledto the bear's skin, apart from the leg skins, of course, and to the meat,which is eaten. "The best way to cook it is to roast it; it is fat andtastes like pork."When the bear is brought into its owner's house the skin is laid onthe floor on something to keep it clean. It is dressed like a dancer inthe corn dance, male or female according to the sex of the bear:kilt and white sash, a few necklaces, wabunja (shell gorget), etc.,for a male bear; the black, sleeveless dress and many necklaces fora female. Almost everyone in the pueblo comes to see the bear, tosprinkle it with petana and to welcome it into the pueblo. Thebear is addressed as sasa regardless of its sex.When everyone has come to welcome the bear, the owner skinsthe head, stretches the hide on a frame, and smears the inside witha thick paste of mi'ck'a'tc (earth used in plastering houses); this
"sucks the fat out of the skin." No part of the bear's skin is tanned.After the skin has had time to dry out, the owner calls a meetingin his house of all Opi who were involved in any way with the killing;the killer, in the event that he was not the one who touched the bearfirst, and the honawai'aiti who removed the maca'inyi, to decidewhen to hold the ceremony which will make him, the owner, an Opi,and also to decide which society shall perform the ceremony. Ournotes do not specify the societies that are qualified to perform thisceremony; we would guess that only those which are full honawai'aitiare qualified. The owner takes petana to the head of the society
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 181
chosen and asks for the ceremony. The nawai assembles his societymembers in their ceremonial chamber on that evening, distributesthe meal to them, and tells them of the request, which they grantas a matter of course. On the following morning the medicinemenbegin to vomit and fast for a 4-day period. All Opi must do like-wise; also, they must meet with the medicinemen in their houseeach evening to sing.On the morning of the fourth day the owner takes the bear'sskin and bones to the house of the society that is to perform theceremony. The medicinemen have laid down a sand painting andhave put up their slat altar. They "dress the bear": they lay theskin on the floor; the bones, which have been painted with red ocher,are placed under the skin so that both bones and skin assume theattitude of life. The bear is not a full honawai'aiti so the tcaiyanyimake him one at this time. They make a rattle for him and providehim with hicami, wicdyuma, and bags of medicine.The ceremony is held on the evening of the fourth day. The ownerof the bear is allowed, for that occasion only, to wear the bear-clawnecldace and whistle, and is permitted to talk and act like honawai'aiti.The owner and the honawai'aiti who removed the leg skins sit againstthe wall to the left of the altar, i.e., to the left of the medicinemenwho are seated behind the altar. The bear is made honawai'aiti:they give hun the paraphernalia they have made for him, put a pieceof turquoise on his head, and tie a kaotsaiyawat (badge of honawai'aiti)beside the turquoise. There is much singing.When the ceremony is over the bear's bones are gathered up and,together with his honawai'aiti paraphernalia, prayersticks, and itsa-tjmnjd (beads of various lands), done up in a bundle. The bear'sowner and one medicineman take the bundle to the top of Dyami Kot(eagle mountain) on the west side of Sia pueblo. There is a tsapa-croma (^sacred place) there: a cu'cle of stones with an opening on theeast side; pieces of petrified wood lie within the circle. The bundleis buried near, but not within, the sacred spot "so no one will find it."The o^vner and the medicineman then return to the society's cere-monial chamber. When they get back the ceremony comes to anend. The owner is now an Opi no longer. "When one kills a bearand touches him first one becomes an Opi. He ceases to be an Opiat the end of this ceremony. This ceremony sets him free." Thismeans, apparently, that the ceremony renders the killer immune toany evil influence that might be associated with killing a bear.LION OPIThe ritual and procedure for a lion is much the same as that for abear, but there are some exceptions. The Idller, or rather the one600685?62 13
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184who touches the lion first, may skin the animal entirely himself; nohonawai'aiti is required. The lion is not brought into the pueblo mthsongs. He is not addressed as Grandfather but by his name, mokaitc.He lies in state, however, in his owner's house and everyone comes tosee him, sprinkles him Avith petana, and welcomes him into the pueblo.A medicine society holds a ceremony for the lion as for the bear, atwhich time he is made honawai'aiti. The bones are buried at a tsa-pacroma north of Sia, at cpi*ya kot (hawk mountain). The lion'smeat belongs to the one who claimed him at death ; it is eaten.There were about 10 or 12 Bear Opi and 2 Lion Opi in Sia in 1957.Only one man was both. GROUPSThere are some nonkinsbip groupings at Sia which do not fall intothe class society, as I have used this term. We note the following.
In 1957 there were about 13 men and 4 women members of thisgroup. "One is really born into Hoaina," said an informant, "if yourparents, or either one of them, belongs to Hoaina you must join,or belong, too." But it was said that one may join of his own volition,too. I learned of no mythological account of the origin of Hoaina.They have no slat altar and they do not make sand, or meal, paintings.They do not have an iariko or any other yaya (fetish) except a pieceof petrified wood (dyatca'aicti), which is kept by the nawai (head)of the group. Apparently the only function of the Hoaina group isto put on masked dances, although formerly (as recently as 1928)they danced the Aiyakayatanyi, which is said to be similar to the Flutedance at Jemez. Hoaina owns four katsina masks: Berictca, Tsa-tcrati, Howi, and Ctiwictiwi. They have no ceremonial house of theirown; they use the Katsina-Gomaiyawic house when they put on adance. I have not encountered a group with this name at any otherKeresan pueblo. SICTIAnyone who is not a member of one of the societies, or who is notan officer, is a member of the sicti group, or class of people. Whena sicti man is appointed to an office he ceases to be sicti, but resumesthis status when his term expu-es. The sicti are, in effect, the commonpeople and are usually referred to as hano (people) sicti (cf. White,1942 a, p. 144). The sicti have a head, a man. One informant saidthat he was chosen by the body of sicti; another said that he waschosen by Tiamunyi or War chief. In either case, he serves for life.One informant asserted positively that the head of the sicti is alwaysthe head of the Singers, also. Andres Pino was the head of both the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 183
sicti and the Singers until his death in 1952. Actually, Andres wasa member of the Snake society and hence should not have been sictiat all, but he was such an able man, so intelligent, and such a goodcomposer, according to one informant, that he was chosen to leadboth the sicti and the Singers. His predecessor was Jesus BacaMedina (Indian name: D6tcanitiwa), who was head of both the sictiand the Singers, but he, too, was a medicineman?the head of Kapinasociety. In 1957, Amado Shije was the head of both groups.The sicti have no paraphernalia or house, and they do not makesand, or meal, paintings or perform any special ceremonies. Theyare said to be influential, however, in pueblo affairs, in settling dis-putes and in connection with the appointment of officers (which isnot in accord with the data I obtained when I inquired about thissubject specifically). singers; dancersThe men of the pueblo are divided roughly into two age gi-oups;the older constitute the Singers, the younger, the Dancers. The Sing-ers are referred to as madaiko ( grapes", so called, perhaps, becausethey form a bunch while singing; see White, 1932 a, p. 72), Thehead of the Singers, as we have just seen, is the head of the sicti,also. His position is considered to be an influential one. He hassome authority over the drummers, and, with the advice of some ofthe older Singers, he selects the men to carry the "pole" (actitcomi)in the dance for the Blessed Virgin on August 15. The head of theSingers has the power to initiate a dance, but he must obtain thepermission of the War chief to put it on. Contrariwise, the Warchief must obtain the permission of the head of the Singers on someoccasions to have a dance performed. The Singers have no para-phernalia or house. The Dancers do not constitute a group; theyhave no head, house, or paraphernalia.KivA groups: dual organizationThe normal and proper number of kivas in a Keresan pueblo (thewestern Keres?Acoma and Laguna?excepted) is two. As we havepreviously noted, Sia had two kivas in 1881. Later, one was de-stroyed and for many years there was only one. The second kivawas eventually rebuilt and this was the situation in 1957.The people of Sia are divided into two kiva groups : Turquoise andWren. Those who live north of an imaginary east-and-west line,drawn through the village between the north and south plazas, be-long to the Wren kiva; those who live south of this line belong to Tur-quoise. In 1941, a good informant stated that if a person, man orwoman, changed his residence from one half of the pueblo to the otherupon marriage he would change his kiva affiliation accordingly;
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184in support of this he cited specific examples. In 1957 I was told thata person could (or would) retain his kiva affihation even though hechanged his place of residence from one half of the village to theother. The War chief may change the kiva affiliation of a person,or as many as he likes, in order to equalize the size of the two groups.Affihation with a kiva is not, therefore, a hard and fast matter butrather one of convenience and expedience.My 1941 data state that the War chiefs were in charge of the kivasand that they could change membership in Idva groups. A goodinformant in 1957 said that "sicti nawai is direct charge of the kivas."But he, too, said that kiva affihation could be changed by the Warchief. I do not beheve that this necessarily constitutes a contra-diction ; more hkely, I beheve, it indicates a division of responsibihtyaccording to the occasion.For a number of years only one group performed in the dance forthe patron saint on August 15 when there should have been two.This was due, the Sia said, to the fact that their population was notlarge enough to muster two groups of sufficient size. But for manyyears they had but one kiva. Whether the people were divided intotwo ceremonial groups. Turquoise and Wren, during this time or notI do not know.The kiva groups are the only expression of dual organization in Sia.CLANSWhen Bourke visited Sia in 1881 he reported that they had thefollowing clans: TortoHta [Dove], Bunchi [Tobaccol, Oso [Bear], Maiz[Corn], Aguila [Eagle], Coyote, Pumpkin [Squash], and Huash-pa[Washpa] (Bloom, ed., 1938, p. 220; Bourke, 1890, p. 117. His twohsts are alike except that Squash appears only on the later one).Stevenson (1894, p. 19) listed the following clans as extant in Sia in1890: Corn, Coyote, Squash, Tobacco, Bear, and Eagle. She alsonames 15 other clans as having formerly existed but which had becomeextinct. Hodge (1910, p. 563) lists 16 clans as present and 21 asextinct. According to my census of the 1950's, the following clanswere present: Acoma Corn, Sia Corn, Water, Bear, Tobacco, Ante-lope Washpa, Sia Washpa, Cochiti Washpa, and Coyote.The correspondence between Bourke's, Stevenson's, and my listsis very close (table 29) ; Hodge's fist is virtually without value. Doveclan appears only in Bourke's fist. Eagle is in Bourke's and Steven-son's lists, but not in mine. Stevenson lists Washpa as extinct,whereas it is on both Bourke's and my lists. Washpa, incidentally,has been translated as dance kilt, cactus, buftalograss, etc. I iden-tified a specimen of saltbush (Atriplex canescens) as washpa (White,1945, pp. 561, 563).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 185Table 29.
?
Sia clans
Bourke, 1881
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The Acoma Corn clan was said to have been introduced by mar-riage from Acoma not many years prior to 1952. The Sia and AcomaCorn clans are regarded as separate clans; intermarriage betweenthem is permissible. However, the Acoma Corn clan will not bepermitted to have its clan house in the center of the pueblo.Results of a clan census made in 1957 are shown in table 30.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 187was born, 1910, into the Antelope Washpa clan and was subsequentlyadopted into the Coyote clan. Whether the reason in this case wasto prevent his becoming cacique?since Antelope Washpa is one ofthe clans from which the cacique is chosen?or not I was unableto ascertain.But perpetuation of clan is not the only reason for clan adoption;one may join, or be "put into," another clan because of sickness, as atherapeutic measure. As a matter of fact, the reasons for joining aclan other than the one into which one was born seem to be very muchlike the reasons for joining an esoteric society. The ritual and pro-cedure of adoption is as follows:Suppose that Jose's parents want to put him into the Coyote clan.Either parent takes a small handful of prayer meal (petana) and hasJose blow his breath upon it; after this is done the meal is alwaysreferred to as tsats (soul, breath), never as petena. Then the parent,or parents, wrap the meal in a cornhusk and take it to the head manof the Coyote clan. The clan head caUs a meeting of all members ofthe Coyote clan (except small children). He tells them that Jose'sparents wish to have him adopted by the Coyote clan. He then dis-tributes the tsats (meal) among them, giving each one a pinch. Thefirst person to receive the tsats will become a ceremonial parent ofJose, and his or her spouse will become the other parent. The cere-monial father-to-be will set the date for the adoption ritual; the healthof the child will be considered here if illness has been the reason forthe proposed adoption.When the time for the adoption ritual comes, all of Jose's closerelatives, regardless of clan aflBliation, wiU assemble in Jose's house.All members of the Coyote clan (except young children) will assemblein the house of the ceremonial parents. The ceremonial parents bringwater from the river?water from hydrants may not be used^?^and putit in large pottery bowls?metal tubs cannot be used. Then they putsoap weed {Yucca baccata) into the water and make a lot of suds.The ceremonial father puts a pinch of ashes into the water to purifyit?"ashes are the most pure thing there is," observed the informant;
"they have just come from the fire." Then he blesses the water witha prayer.Jose is then brought to the home of his ceremonial parents by hisown father and mother. He will be dressed like the singers for thecorn dance; a girl would wear a dress. Jose removes all his clothingexcept bis gee string; a girl would let down her dress from hershoulders. Then the bathing, or cleansing ritual, na-witca'nyi,begins. The ceremonial father scoops up a bit of suds in his handand rubs them on his child's (Jose's) hair. Then he scoops up morewater and rubs Jose's body lightly. Then the ceremonial mother
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184bathes her new child, after which all the Coyote people bathe him.Jose then kneels on the floor by the bowl and his ceremonial motherwashes his hair thoroughly. If the ceremonial father has no wife,his sister or other close female relative will perform this ritual. Ifthe ceremonial mother has no husband, her brother or other closemale relative will serve.After the head -washing, the candidate is given presents of variouskinds, first by his own father, then his mother, followed by everyoneelse who has brought presents for him. The ceremonial father giveshis new child two ears of corn. "Then he preaches to him: he tellshim not to think of the sickness for the relief of which be soughtadoption, that tsitsctoc (which means both water and snake) hascleansed and cured him." He admonishes him to respect his newclansmen. Then the ceremonial parents take their new child back tohis own house. His presents are carried by close relatives of theceremonial father. When they get to Jose's house, his ceremonialfather addresses him again, telling him that the washing has beendone, that he has received presents, and that everything is going tobe all right from then on. If the adopted child is to receive a newname it will be announced at this time. Then the child's ownfather talks: He asks the ceremonial parents to forgive him for causingthem so much trouble, and they graciously forgive him. Then thechild's own father excuses the ceremonial father, and everyone goeshome. The adopted person now has all the rights and duties of amember of his new clan.The adopted child will take exceptionally good care of the twoears of corn given him by his ceremonial father. He will plant theseed in the spring, apart from the regular planting, and tend thegrowing plants with great care until they mature.CLAN EXOGAMY
"Marrying into the clan of either parent is in opposition to the oldlaw," according to Stevenson (1894, p. 19) ; but she goes on to say: "butat present there is nothing for the Sia to do but to break these laws, ifthey would preserve the remnant of their people, and while such mar-riages are looked upon with disfavor, it is the 'inevitable.'" My in-formants said that one should not marry into his own clan, and thata generation or so ago it was a "shame" to do so. Nowadays thisrule is being relaxed "because the people are falling away from theold ways." There is another reason also, namely, relative size ofclans (see below). The Coyote clan is so large that sometimes a mem-ber has little alternative but to marry within his clan or remain celi-bate. Out of a total of 94 marriages for which we have clan data(Chart 1), there were 8 marriages within the Coyote clan. There was
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 189
"3o
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
only one other case of intraclan marriage among the 94: Juan Shije,born about 1862, Sia Corn clan, married a woman in his own clan.Juan Shije was cacique of Sia, but what bearing this may have, if any,upon his intraclan marriage we do not know.We found two cases of marriage between Sia and Acoma Corn clans,but these are regarded as separate kinship groups. But we foundonly one marriage between the three named Washpa lineages: an An-telope Washpa man married a Cochiti Washpa woman.Each clan has a male head and a female head; the latter is the "eld-est daughter" of the clan. Female and male heads of clans in 1957were: Sia Corn, Loretta Shije and Juan Shije; Acoma Corn, VicentitaPino, Eliseo Aguilar; Antelope Washpa, Isidora Pino (who succeededRita Shije), and Jose Pino; Sia Washpa, Trinidad Gachupin and JoseGachupin; Coyote, Martina Pino and Toribio Aguilar; Water, Theo-dora Shije, no male head; Bear, no female member, Jose la Cruz Gal-van; Tobacco, Juana Rosita Moquino and Viviano Herrera. Maleheads of clans assist the Tiamunyi in the selection of officers, as wehave seen.Only four clans have sacred bundles or fetishes; they are the onesfrom which caciques are chosen, namely, Sia Corn, Acoma Corn, SiaWashpa, and Antelope Washpa. Details of the significance of theseparaphernalia were unobtainable, but the relationship to the office ofcacique seems apparent.The clan at Sia regulates marriage to the extent of clan exogamy.It is a mutual aid group, also, to some extent; one is closer to a clans-man than to a nonclansman, at least theoretically. And some cere-monial functions are indicated by the possession of bundles or fetishesby the four clans mentioned above. More than this, clans at Sia haveno functions so far as I could ascertain. Stevenson (1894, pp. 12, 112)emphasizes that family ties take precedence over clan ties in times ofemergency, such as threatened starvation. I had no occasion to notethe relative importance of family versus clan ties, but I feel sure thatStevenson's observation was sound.KINSHIPKELATIONSHIP TERMSI have found it difficult to obtain data on relationship terms atevery Keresan pueblo with which I have worked, and Sia was noexception in this respect. This is not due, I am sure, to a particularunwillingness on the part of the informant but rather to a genuinedifficulty which he experiences in this area; he is not accustomed tothinking of relationship terms as a general kind of behavior. Oneinformant said, in reply to the question, "what do you call your
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 191
sister's son?" "I don't know. I don't have a sister." Genealogiesof informants were used as far as possible, but even then difficultieswere encountered and demonstrable errors were made.I obtained several lists of relationship terms, more or less complete,from a number of informants in 1941, 1952, and 1957. When collatedthey show marked similarities, or identities, at some points and greatvariation at others. There was virtual unanimity with regard toterms for one's own immediate relatives : father, mother, son, daugh-ter, and brother and sister. But I obtained five quite differentterms for sister's daughter's daughter, and two or three terms eachfor some other relatives. Some of this variation is unquestionablydue to error and misunderstanding. But part of it, without doubt,is due to actual variation of usage; the kinship system has beenundergoing change at Sia.Although I had no female informants for religious and ceremonialsubjects, I obtained kinship terms from two women among theSia heretics in Albuquerque.Instead of presenting all of my data, I have selected those termswhich, in my judgment, most reliably express usage in Sia in theyears above indicated. Use of terms is indicated in the followingfigures in which letters have been substituted for the terms them-selves. Most relationship terms are prefixed with a possessive per-sonal pronoun: sa-, my; ka-, his, etc., either in direct or indirectaddress. A few terms, used in direct address only, are used withoutthe possessive prefix : omoye, yaya, tcitci, and Daoa. In the followinglist of terms, m. sp. means "man speaking"; w. sp., "woman speaking";and m. w. sp., "used by both men and women." The notation "m.sp." or "w. sp." does not necessarily mean, however, that the term isnot used by the opposite sex; when we are sure that a term is usedby one sex only we shall make this fact explicit.TERMS OF CONSANGUINITYsanaicDia (A), "father"; indirect address and possibly direct also; m.w. sp.omoye (B), "father"; dh'ect address only; m. sp. only, sanaicniaand omoye appear to correspond with "father" and "dad,"respectively, in our society.DaDa (K), "father," direct address only; w. (only) sp.sanaiya (C), "mother"; indirect address and possibly dii'ect also; m.w. sp.yaya (D), "mother"; du'ect address only; m. and probably w. sp.Some articles of religious paraphernalia are called yaya.saoyum (E), "brother"; direct and indirect address; m. (only) sp.
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
sahatctse (L), "brother"; direct and indirect address; w. (only) sp,;hatctse is also the word for "man" (M. C. Stevenson, Ms. 503;White, 1942 a, p. 162).sakoye (F), "sister"; direct and indirect address; m. (only) sp.saaoc (I), "sister"; direct and indirect address; w. (only) sp.samo't' (G), "son"; direct and indu-ect address; m. and w. sp.sama-k (H), "daughter"; direct and indirect address; m. and w. sp.sanawi (R), mother's brother, sister's son; m, (only) sp.sawd'a (S), sister's daughter, m. sp.; mother's brother, w. sp.saBaBa (N), father's mother, mother's mother, son's daughter, daugh-ter's daughter, m. sp.; some male informants designated father'smother's mother and mother's mother's mother saBaBa. Womencall father's father, mother's father, son's son, and daughter'sson saBasa.saomomo (M), father's father, mother's father, son's son, daughter'sson, m. (only) sp.; some male informants called males in thethird ascending (great grandparent) generation saomomo.sarao (T), father's mother, mother's mother, son's daughter, daugh-ter's daughter, w. (only) sp.tcitci (V), "sister"; used by one informant to designate his ownsister and his father's sister's daughter. So far as I loiow, theonly other use of this term is at Acoma where it designates, indirect address, sister, and daughters of parents' siblings, m. sp.,and brother, and sons of parents' siblings, w. sp. (Parsons, 1923 a,p. 200; Parsons, 1932, table I; Mickey, 1956, pp. 252-254). TheSia informant who used tcitci was one of the heretics li^dng inAlbuquerque.There was complete uniformity among our informants with regardto terms, m. sp., for father, mother, father's brother, father's sister,mother's sister, mother's brother, brother, sister, sister's son, sister'sdaughter; the children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren offather's brother and mother's sister; and the children and grand-children of brother. Diversity was greatest among terms for personsin the second descending (grandchild) generation, second (grand-parent), and third (great grandparent) ascending generations, andfor the children of mother's brother.I obtained three different terms for sister's daughter's son and fourterms for sister's daughter's daughter, m. sp. One informant calledsister's daughter's son momo, and the reciprocal, mother's mother'sbrother, momo, which is consistent. Two informants called sister'sdaughter's son dyum (brother). One of them gave dyum as the re-ciprocal, but the other gave momo, which is not consistent (in anotherconnection he did, however, call mother's mother's brother dyum). Afourth informant called sister's daughter's son moti, son, but did not
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 193
supply a term for mother's mother's brother. Three of the aboveinformants gave terms for sister's daughter's daughter that were con-sistent with those they had given for sister's daughter's son: ma*iiwith moti, koye with dyum, and saBa with momo. But one inform-ant who gave dyum (brother) for sister's daughter's son gave naiya(mother) for her brother; this would seem to be an error. "Brother"and "sister" would be the terms used in the Crow system.As in the case of Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, p. 159) and Acoma(Eggan, 1950, pp. 237-238; Mickey, 1956), there appears definitely tobe a trend in Sia away from a terminology of the Crow type to one ofa bilateral system. Mother's brother was uniformly called sanawi,and some informants called his children moti (son) and ma-k (daugh-ter), which is the Crow pattern, but others called them dyum (brother)and koye (sister). Turning to the patrilineal side, all male informantscalled father's sister naiya (mother), and all called her son "brother"(dyum). With regard to father's sister's daughter, however, I gotdiversity. One informant called her naiya (mother) in 1941 and againin 1952 ; but on one occasion he called her sawA'a. Two other inform-ants called her "sister" (koye). And a fourth called her tcitci. Call-ing father's sister's daughter by the same term with which father'ssister is designated (naij^a) is consistent with Crow terminology,whereas calling her (koye) expresses bilaterality. But the informantwho called father's sister's daughter "mother" called father's sister'sson "brother," which is inconsistent, both with Crow terminology andwith his own term for father's sister's daughter.All inform.ants were alike in designating certain relatives sanawi(R), figm'e 22, with the exception of the son of father's sister's daugh-ter's son. But everyone who called a man sanawi called his childreneither "son" and "daughter" or "brother" and "sister." The son ofa "sister" (koye) was always sanawi; the daughter, sawa'a.I found two patterns with regard to great grandparents: some in-formants designated them with grandparent terms (momo and saBa),while others called them "father" and "mother". The latter wouldgive us an alternation of terms in the ascending generations: a man'sfather is "father" and his father's father is grandfather (momo); buthis grandfather's father is "father" again. This is the pattern that Ifound at Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, p. 156). It is reasonable to inferthat the children of a grandchild would be "son" and "daughter,"also, but terms for these relatives were not obtained.Bilaterality is even more pronounced in terms used by women thanin the terminology of men (fig. 23). All cousins are "brother" and
"sister," and their children are "son" and "daughter." The parentsof "grandparents" are "grandparents"; no one gave us "father" and
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
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White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 195
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196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
"mother" for these relatives. But one mformant gave "son" and
"daughter" for the children of grandson and granddaughter.Thus we see that the kinship terminology is in a process of transitionfrom one of the Crow type to a bilateral and generational system:father's sister is classed with mother and mother's sister; both maternaland paternal cross cousins are called "brother" and "sister" by someinformants. Of the features of the Crow terminology, only the re-lationship between mother's brother and sister's son, m. sp., remainsand even it is giving way in the usage of some informants. Theterminology has undergone more change in ego's father's matrilineagethan in his own.The reasons for believing that the change is in the direction towarda bilateral system and away from Crow type terminology, rather thanthe reverse, are: (1) Some of the earliest observations of kinshipterminology among the Keres give terms of the Crow type rather thanof a bilateral system. (2) The change from a Crow terminology toone of a bilateral type would be the result of a breakdown rather thanof development, and the culture in general is tending to break down.(3) There are indications that the influence of clan and lineage organ-ization upon kinship terminology, which would tend to produce Crowfeatures (White, 1939), is diminishing. (4) The influence of Spanishand American usage has been in the direction of bilaterality.TERMS OF AFFINITYApart from "husband" and "wife" there are only two terms of affin-ity: wati, male in-law; and Biye, female in-law. The prefix sa means"my," as in the case of terms of consanguinity. But the prefix cko or ckimeans "he, or she, whose male in-law I am," in the case of ckiwati; "he,or she, whose female in-law I am," in the case of ckoBiye (White,1942 a, p. 160, n. 141). The application of terms is shown in figure 24.The terms saokwi, wife, and satcu, husband, are not used much, ifat all, in direct address. If a married couple have children, teloiony-my is almost always resorted to, the husband calling his wife "so-and-so's mother," the wife calhng her husband "so-and-so's father." Ifthey have both male and female children either sex may be used in tek-nonymous reference ; there is no preference for either boy or gir] , Ifa couple have no children they usually call each other "father" and
"mother." This is considered "Idnder, more polite": "they call eachother father and mother because they take care of each other."Consanguine terms are commonly used in direct address for one'sspouse's parents?"father" and "mother"?and for the spouse of one'schild?"son" and "daughter." They may be, and probably are gen-erally, used, in direct address at least, to designate the spouses ofsiblings of one's own parents and grandparents, e.g., father's brother's
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wife, father's mother's brother's wife, etc. m. sp., and probably w. sp.,also. HOUSEHOLD GROUP AND FAMILYBy "household group" I mean those individuals who live and eattogether in a house. "Family" here refers to the nuclear familj^ com-posed of husband, wife, and their children. In some instances thesetwo groups may be identical, but in many cases they are not. As wehave seen, many adults in Sia do not have spouses, either becausethey have never married or have been widowed; they always live withothers; no one lives alone. Some unmarried women bear and rearchildren; they, too, live with others. In general, I believe it fair tosay that the household group, rather than the nuclear family, is thebasic economic unit of the community; the members of the householdobtain their food, clothing, and other necessities from this group, andall who are able to do so contribute to the subsistence of the group.It should go without saying that mutual aid takes place also betweenhouseholds. Here are a few examples of household groups (I am notusing the real names of the individuals involved)
:
(1) In 1957: Pablo, a man in his seventies, has been a widower forseveral years; he had one child who died. Anna, 23, a daughter of asister, or half sister, of Pablo lives with him and keeps house for him;she is unmarried, but has two or three children.(2) In 1941 : JPP, a very old man, blind, a widower, the head of amedicine society, owns the house; his wife, who bore some 10 children,died many years ago; PP, 41 years old, a son of JPP, has never mar-ried; one daughter, Pt, and three sons?JB, S, and F?of Is, a daugh-ter of JPP. Pt is unmarried but has a baby; JB, S, and F were with-out spouses at the time; and, lastly, Js, a half sister of Pt. JPP doesvirtually no work; he is too old, and blind besides. JB is a "goodworker"; S and F are young "but they eat the most." Pt does thehousework for the whole household. Js, who is only 9 years old, helpsPt take care of her baby and does a little work. Is, a daughter ofJPP, and her husband Sj? the parents of Pt, JB, S, and F?used tolive in JPP's house, also, while Pt was away at school. But when Ptreturned Is and Sj moved into a house that he had built.(3) In 1941: JS, a widower in his sixties, and his daughter LS,unmarried, who has a daughter, GS, who also is unmarried but hasa son. JS supports the family, with the women doing the housework.Their house became so dilapidated as to be untenable so they movedinto the home of AG, husband, and MG, wife, and their three children
;
MG is a daughter of JS. But JS is having a new house built, andwhen it is finished he and his daughter, granddaughter, and greatgrandson will move into it.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 199(4) In 1938: NG and his wife, CM, lived in a house owned by CM;they bad one child, D, a boy of 3. CM died and NG and his sonmoved into the household of RG, a sister of NG's mother; RG is awidow and has three or four children.In the 1950's, many households consisted of a nuclear family only,and the tendency is in this direction, as is indicated by the construc-tion of new houses to accommodate couples after marriage.INDIVIDUAL LIFE CYCLECONCEPTION, BIRTH, INFANCY, AND CHILDHOODCONCEPTION BT MAGICIf a wife who remains childless desires to have a child she mayappeal to one of the following societies to help her: Koshairi, Kwiraina,or Katsina-Gomaiyawic. The reason for this choice, according to oneinformant, is that these societies are not honawai'aiti and do not haveiarikos (but, as we have observed earlier in discussing societies in gen-eral, another informant stated that Koshairi and Gomaiyawic werepart-honawai'aiti and that Koshairi has one iariko). The society willhold a ceremony for her in their house, the woman being present.Sometimes her husband will go through the ceremony with her. Itconsists primarily of singing, dancing, and prayer. When the cere-mony is over the head of the society gives her a paiyatyamo (a littlestone anthropomorphic figure) to take home with her ; she keeps it fora few nights and then returns it to the society.A childless wife may ask a society?any society that has masks
?
for a shiwana 6wak (ahiwana baby; see pi. 9, a). Data on the ritual ofpresentation, if any, were not obtained, except that the society givesthe owak a name at that time. The woman puts the owak in atiny cradleboard and takes care of it as if it were alive.PREGNANCYFew restrictions are put on a woman during pregnancy. She maysleep with her husband during the first 5 months, after which theymust sleep apart. She may eat or drink anything she wants duringpregnancy. A pregnant woman who belongs to a society that holdsa ceremon}^ at kacaidime or hanyiko is not permitted to take part init because to do so she would have to fast, and pregnant women musteat in order to nourish the unborn child. On the other hand, shemust not eat ''too much corn for this would make the baby too fat."One informant said that an expectant mother should not stand inan open doorway, as this would make dehvery difficult. She shouldnot sew with a sewing machine, as this would entangle the umbilicalcord. It seems Ukely that these beliefs are optional, or are peculiar
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184to families; had they been standardized all informants would havecited them.No restrictions at all are placed on a man while his wife is pregnantexcept the one aforementioned: he may not sleep with her after thefu'st 5 months. CHILDBIRTHMrs. Stevenson witnessed all of the activities attendant upon thebirth and naming of a baby at Sia about 1890, and has given us avivid and moving account of the events (1894, pp. 132-143). Myaccount differs from hers at some points, but corresponds closelywith it at others.As the time for dehvery draws near, the expectant mother takes ahandfuU of prayer meal (petana) to the midwife she wishes to havehelp her. MIDWIVESThere are a number of midwives (tsaiyawaiya) at Sia. Thej areappointed by Tiamunyi and tcraikatsi. I obtained the names ofseven midwifes in Sia in 1954; one of them however had become amember of the Holy Rollers and declined to continue to serve. Col-lectively, the midwives are called tsaiyawaiya yayatitcra. One ofthe women acts as leader of the group. They have a kotcininakofetish which is kept by one of the midwives; she is the granddaughterof Gye-iro, the last cacique who served as midwife (in the old days,it was said, the cacique was the obstetrician of the pueblo).One woman, Re3^es Galvan, has some paraphernalia that is usedin very difficult cases of childbirth, but she is not a midwife. Sheinherited the paraphernalia from Latiye, a woman who belonged tothe Fire society and with whom she lived. Reyes is not a memberof a curing society. PAETURITIONWhen labor begins two or three midwives go to the house of theexpectant mother; the group always includes the leader of the tsai-yawaiya yayatitcra and the one to whom the prayer meal had beengiven. The midwives brew a tea of sprigs of kanyi {Juniperus mono-sperma) . As soon as the baby arrives the midwives put the mother tobed and give her a drink of hot kanyi tea.I obtained no data on the parturition itself, but Mrs. Stevensonhas a full account (1894, pp. 132-43). The mother was assisted byher father who was the head of a medicine society and by a "doc-toress." Virtually all the assistance was of a magical nature, withthe possible exception of massaging, or pressing, the mother's abdomen.The doctoress, said Stevenson, "seemed perfectly ignorant and un-able to render any real assistance" (1894, p. 136).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 201After the baby arrives a midwife ties, then cuts, the umbiHcalcord. The afterbirth (wacanyi) is put into a pottery bowl: into acooldng pot (aDaoc) if the baby is a boy; into a waicti (a bowl forsoup or water) if a girl. It is sprinkled with petana and taken downto the river where it is buried.The baby is bathed by the midwives. The one to whom themother took the prayer meal is the first to bathe it; she becomes thebaby's mother as a consequence. No one is allowed to see the new-born baby except the midwives, the baby's mother, and possibly themother's mother. After the bab}- is bathed, it is put into a cradle-board (cradleboards are said to be made ritually?they may be
"given life" perhaps by a medicineman or society?but no data wereobtained on this point). The midwives then send for a Snake medi-cineman (or a female member of the Snake society), a packet ofprayer meal being the vehicle of the prayer request, as usual. Hecomes with his bag of medicines and his eagle wing feathers (hicami)
.
He talks to the child, prays, and "preaches to the mother and thechild." He drives sickness and evil influences away with his eaglefeathers. Then he chews some medicine and blows it out of hismouth in a spray over the baby. He now gives permission for anyoneto come in and see the baby; prior to this time the baby would havebeen vulnerable to any evil influence that may accompany a visitor.A person who had been bitten by a snake would be especially dan-gerous to the baby because he would injure both mother and babywith the snake's poison that had remained in his system. The Snakemedicineman is given a small basket of flour (inawi) which must havebeen gi'ound by the mother. The midwives are given baskets offlour, too.After the Snake tcaiyanyi has left, the father of the newborn babeties cords made of native grown cotton around the baby's ankleswhere they remain until they fall off?although the father "may cutthem off if they stay on too long."
The midwife who has become the baby's ceremonial mother goes tothe baby's house each morning and evening of the first 4 days afterbirth to bathe the baby. On the morning of the fourth day, beforesunrise, the midmfe goes to the baby's house and takes him, or her,outdoors toward the east. As the sun rises, the midwife presents thebaby to its sun father and gives the child a name. Then she bringsthe baby back to the house and returns it to its mother, pronouncingthe child's name as she does so. This ends the duties of the midwife,and she is "dismissed."
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The mother remains in bed for 4 days after her baby comes. Shemay not drink water, but only kanyi tea; she may be permitted todrink coffee or tea, also, if it is hot. The mother may eat ahnost any-thing she likes in the weeks that follow childbirth, but there are somethings that she should avoid. She should not eat peaches or porkbecause they produce pus. The wood rat, ckawac (Neotoma), is noteaten because he eats puslike material that is found on cactus plants.She cannot eat watermelon because that is "raw water," i.e., notbrewed tea. Beans are not eaten for a reason that I neglected to as-certain.The mother should drink kanjd tea for a specified time after child-birth. Clans vary with regard to the length of time specified: Coyoteclan women are required to drink the tea for 1 month only ; the Wacpaclan requires 2 months; and there is one clan, or perhaps a lineagewithin the clan, whose name was not ascertained, that requires itsmothers to drink the tea for 4 months. The mother is not permittedto have sexual relations during the time that she is required to drinkthe tea.When a mother's tea-drinking period has expired, she and her grand-mother go to a place on the south slope of Sia hill. There is a big rockthere called yaya kapc (yaya=mother; kapc= "where anything issitting down"); this is the mother of all the females in the pueblo.Mother and grandmother take the last of the kanjd branches to thisplace and deposit them there; they address prayers to the yaya andask her to release the mother from the kanyi. Then they return totheir homes.The father periodically bathes the baby with a strength-givingmedicine for 6 months or a year.Stillborn babies are not buried in the churchj^ard cemetery. Oneinformant said that they were wrapped and buried in the floor of aback room in the house of the mother; another said that they weretaken outside the pueblo "toward the north," i.e., in the direction ofShipap, and buried there. "It is rare," says Stevenson (1894, ftn.,p. 135), "for a Sia woman to die in childbirth; or for a child to be still-born." We have no record of a woman dying in childbirth, but, itis said, babies occasionally do, and we have a record of a specific in-stance. Aberle (1932, p. 347) found "the rate for stillbirths ... [atSan Juan and Santa Clara to be] 1.6 percent as compared with 3.4 per-cent for the white population."Some Sia women in the 1940's and 1950's have gone to Governmenthospitals to have their babies, but in smaller percentages than in otherneighboring pueblos, according to the impressions of doctors, nurses,and some of the Sia themselves.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 203AGE AND CHILDBEARINGI ascertained the age of 24 women, selected more or less at random,at the time of the birth of their first child. One had her first baby atthe age of 17 years; 3 at 18 years; 4 at 19; 2 at 20; 3 at 21; 2 at 22;4 at 23; 3 at 24; 1 at 25; and 1 at the age of 30 years. The averageage at the time of the first baby was 21.4 years. These figures, likethose for marital status (p. 42), indicate that women at Sia have nottended to marry and have children while still in their teens; and thefigures on marital status seem to indicate that the tendency has beentoward later marriages and childbearing.The span of years during which women bear children is quite longin some instances. In 1957 there were 7 women who had borne chil-dren over a period of 20 years or more : 2 had a span of 20 years ; 1 of22 ; 2 of 23 ; 1 of 25 ; and 1 of 28. This means that such women are stillbearing in their forties. Of 9 women noted in 1957, one had borneher most recent child at the age of 40 ; 1 at 41 ; 2 at 43 ; 2 at 44 ; 1 at 45
;
and 2 had borne their most recent child at the age of 48.There were 11 large families in Sia in 1957. Of these, 1 woman hadborne 6 children; 3 had borne 7 each; 5 had 8 each; 1 had 9; and 1 hadborne 10 children. Two women were especially noteworthy: one hadher first baby in 1931 at the age of 20; by 1957 she had borne 8 chil-dren, the most recent of which had been born in 1956; the other hadher first baby in 1921 at the age of 25; she had borne 8 children by1957, the most recent of which was born in 1955.
I have uniformly experienced difficulty in obtaining informationpertaining to names and naming among the Keresan pueblos. AsI have previously suggested (White, 1942 a, p. 165), this may be dueto a feehng that a name is very personal and sacred thing, and oneshould not divulge much information about names lest one be magi-cally injured thereby. To give someone your name is to give himsome "power over you."Anyone can give a person a name after the Ikst name has been be-stowed by the midwife on the morning of the fourth day of life; onesimply gives the person an ear of corn and pronounces the new name.Stevenson (1894, ftn., p. 141) says that the first name given usuallyserves a female for life, but that males frequently get new names aftersome noteworthy event, such as maldng a long jom'nej^ or performingsome valorous deed. My data state that a person is given a new namewhen he or she is adopted into a clan or inducted into one of the so-cieties (the Opi excepted).My data on names are meager. Everyone has an Indian name anda European language name, the latter having been instituted for pur-
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184poses of intercourse with the Whites. On many occasions informantsloiew the Indian names of persons who had hved, and perhaps died,before 1900, but could not remember their Spanish names, which nodoubt reflects the relative importance attached to these names. Awoman adopts the European surname of her husband at marriage,and children take the surname of their fathers. But there has beenconsiderable uncertainty and instability with regard to these surnames
;
a group of related persons will appear on one census under one name,and years later they will be listed under a different name. The onlyreason for this that could be elicited from informants was "1 guess theychanged because they thought that that [the former name] was nottheir right name." This, no doubt, is another indication of the les-ser importance of the European name. In 1957 there were only about11 European language surnames in use in Sia, excluding about 3 thathad been introduced by men who had married into Sia. Of the 329Sias in 1957, about 67 were named Pino; 48, Shije; 43, Medina; 32,Galvan; and 29, Gachupin (Spaniards who settled in Latin Americawere called cachupin), wives being counted as having the same sur-names as their respective husbands. Only 2 Sias bore the name ofAguilar; both were old men. In recent decades, and especially sinceWorld War II, there has been a tendency to give babies Anglo-Ameri-can names (Mark, Edward, Grace, Helen) rather than Spanish-Ameri-can names (Jose, Ysidro, Refugia), which is in keeping with thegrowing influence of Anglo-American culture.Some Indian names are said to be "just names," i.e., they have noother meaning in the Keresan language and have no English equiva-lent; Ha'aiDyuwitsa, for example. Some are names of things in theSias' habitat (Hatyayeitiwa, a yellow bird), an item of material cul-ture (Cpo'na, a pottery canteen), or a mythological figure (Tsama-hiya). One name, Ka'ao'tiye, was translated one person going outinto the open, or winning honors or advantages. Some names of menend in -tiwa, which in this context means man, although tiwa is notthe ordinary name for man: Gacnyatstiwa, Rainbow Man. Namesending in etsa, or tsa, are women's names. Cakak is the god of thenorth. Cakaktiwa is a man's name; Cakaiyetsa, a woman's name.But in most instances, I believe, one cannot distinguish a man's namefrom a woman's name. And names give no indication of clan afiilia-tion. I add the following examples of Sia names, first for men:Ctiyai'tiwa, Tsiwai'wonyi, Masewi (the elder war god), Ctimoye,Ho-waka ('sky'), Cinohai'ya (one of the warriors of the cardinalpoints), Ye-siro. Names of women are: Gaiwacro, Hocetiyetsa,HaDawi (flour), Tsiyati, Kamoye, I-tiye, Tsisiye, (Tsisi, SandiaMountains).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SL\, NEW MEXICO 205Personal names are not used in social intercourse among close rela-tives. For relatives not very close, personal names may be used, butonly when a kinship term precedes the name.CHILD REARINGMy data are meager on the subject of child rearing, in part be-cause I had so little opportunity to discuss it with women, and alsobecause of limited opportunity for direct observation. A few gen-eral statements may be set down as having some value, however.The cradleboard was still used in the 1950's, but "much less than itused to be." Som.etimes the baby is put in the cradleboard for onlya few hours a day. In older days, the baby was kept in it untilweaned. The Government doctors and nurses tend to discouragethe practice (Aberle, 1932, p. 341).Mrs. Stevenson was impressed with the expressions of great delightwith which the baby, whose entry into the world she witnessed, wasreceived by every member of the household, young and old alike. I,also, have been impressed with the same phenomenon; everyone, with-out exception, seems obviously to take great delight in babies andyoung children. 1 have never seen, or learned of, any indication ofjealousy on the part of a child toward a younger sibling. On the con-trary, children, both boys and girls, love to play with their infantsiblings and to take care of them. Sometimes little girls hold andcarry about babies and small children but little smaller than them-selves. No amount of pains or patience seems to be too great tolavish upon an infant.Babies are not permitted to cry unattended; they are picked up andcuddled (see also, Aberle, 1932, p. 341). The mother often gives ababy her breast if it continues to cry. Children are very rarelyscolded, although they may be admonished not to do something.Whipping or beating is, I believe, unheard of. There is some resortto frightening children as a disciplinary measure ; we have already seenthat children are warned not to tread on the roof of the sacred subter-ranean chamber, for to do so w^ould cause their feet to become de-formed. How extensive this practice is, and what use is made ofsupernatural bogies, I cannot say.In Sia, as among other pueblos, the death rate among babies andyoung children has been very high as compared with white popula-tions and with pueblo populations of greater ages (Aberle, 1932, pp.344-347, for a medical and statistical study of San Juan and SantaClara, which resemble Sia). One reason for this is lack of proper sani-tation and hygiene; another is improper feeding. The former customamong Sia mothers was to permit their babies to eat anything theycould chew and swallow, and even to encom*age them to eat "grown-
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184up" foods. "Indian mothers are proud of having their offspring takesoHd food at an early age," says Aberle (1932, p. 341); "children areencouraged to partake of food that has been prepared for the adults,consisting largely of beans, chiU, and tortilla." They were occasion-ally fed large fat worms found within cornhusks "to prevent stomachaches from over indulgence in corn. Fried ants were rubbed on thelegs to make them strong and straight" (ibid.). Since the 1930's,however, the Government doctors and nurses have done much toimprove the methods of child care at Sia.Children play a great deal, boys and girls often playing together.They seem never to fight, although one will occasionally cry, as if infrustration.One thing that I can point to, but cannot delineate in any detail,is, without question, a tremendously important factor in shaping thepersonality of the growing child. This is the fact that every childfrequents many households daily and has intimate association withmany individuals outside his own family or household. Every childhas several mothers and fathers and has daily contact with them. Hisown parents may well come first in his life, but they are far from beingset apart and above other people. Moreover, he has close and dailyassociation with the children of many households, in his own house,in their houses, and in the village streets. Every day and everyhorn* prepares the child to live in a small, compact, and close-knitcommunity.Another fact of unquestioned significance is the almost completelack of privacy in personal, family life in the pueblo. The secretsocieties can retire to their ceremonial chambers and shut out the restof the world?some of them have guards or doorkeepers to insureseclusion and privacy?but the family cannot. Some families nowlock their houses when they leave them to go to some other part ofthe pueblo, but this is a safeguard against outsiders who may enterand wander through the pueblo rather than against the citizens of Sia.But when a family is in its house any relative, and probably anymember of the pueblo, may enter. Probably no one would or couldrefuse to admit any member of the village who presented himself atthe door. It is not considered bad manners for one to look throughwindows to see who is in a room; and to draw blinds to prevent thiswould almost certainly lay one open to a suspicion of wrongdoing
?
if not worse. In many instances several, if not all, members of thehousehold sleep in the same room. There were a number of people,children as well as adults, in the room in which the birth observed byMrs. Stevenson took place. It is impossible, therefore, for a child togrow up in Sia without acquiring a great amount of information onmany aspects of life.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 207Nowadays children go to school from the age of 5 or 6. Some attendthe Pueblo Day School on the edge of Sia; others attend the U.S.Indian School in Santa Fe. In the latter place, children undergo abroadening experience. They not only become acquainted with a non-Indian institution, but they get to know children from other pueblosand also from non-pueblo tribes, such as the Navaho and Apache.No adequate, or even superficial, study of the effect of boarding-schoollife upon a pueblo child has been made, so far as I know. But it wouldcertainly be important, and no doubt revealing. It is a fact that ac-quaintances made there sometimes persist as friendships, or culminatein marriages, after schooldays are over.In the old days, before children were obliged to go to school, theywere initiated into the secrets of the katsina cult at about the age ofpuberty, or even earlier, at an age when they could comprehend suchmatters and appreciate the necessity for secrecy. Nowadays there is areluctance to initiate children into the lore of the kachinas before theygo off to boarding school lest they betray some of these secrets whileaway from home. Children learn to take part in dances, such as the
"corn dance" on August 15, at a very early age. They may also be
"given" to a medicine society at an early age. There are no specialceremonies or rituals for either gu'ls or boys today, as far as myknowledge goes. PSYCHOLOGICAL TEAITS OF CHILDRENIn 1942-43 Havighurst and Neugarten (1955) made a comparativestudy of Ilopi, Zuni, Sia, Navaho, Papago, Sioux, and "Midwest"children; the latter lived in a small, midwestern, White, Americancommunity. Sixty-seven Sia children, 37 boys and 30 girls, rangingin age from 5 to 18 years, were included in the study. The readermust, of course, consult their report for a complete account; I cite onlya few of their interesting, and perhaps significant, findings here.These authors found the Sia "not unfriendly, but they are shy.They do not meet strangers as easily as do the Hopi" (ibid., p. 10),The principal source of happiness of Sia children was "receiving food,gifts, money"; only the Navaho among the eight groups studied ratedthis source higher than the Sia. The best thing that could happen to aSia child was "receiving clothes, property"; but all groups rated thisvery high, or highest, of good things. Sia boys rated "illness or injuryof self" as the principal source of sadness ; the girls felt that loss of prop-erty was the chief source. Death of someone rated high as a source ofsadness among most of the groups. Danger from animals wasrated as the principal source of fear by Sia children ; they rated fear ofthe supernatural much lower than did Hopi children. All groups ratedaggression by others as the principal source of anger, with the Sia near
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the top of the hst. Bad behavior aggression was rated as the principalsource of shame by the Sia; this was in sharp contrast mth the Zuni,who rated embarrassment before others as the principal source. Theworst thing that could happen to a chUd, according to the Sia, was ac-cident or illness to self; the Sia led all other groups in this respect.There were some interesting sex differences in the responses of Siachildren. In addition to the one already mentioned, 16 percent of theboys cited meeting social expectations as the best thing that couldhappen to a child; none of the girls mentioned this. Sia "boys (10percent) rated fear of the supernatural much higher than did the girls(6 percent). In some respects the Sia resembled the White childrenof "Midwest" more closely than they did some of the Indian gi-oups.Havighurst and Neugarten conclude that their findings show "Sia tobe a community of relatively high moral constraint" (ibid., p. 138).The Sia children, along with the Hopi, Zuni, and Navaho children, tendto place the father "in the gift-giver and happmess-bringer roles," butSia is exceptional in that the "father is also the chief bringer of nega-tive emotions to boys" (ibid., p. 74). "As a praiser, the father is . . .mentioned less frequently than the mother in Zia ... As a blamer,the father is mentioned more often than the mother for Hopi, Zuni,and Zia" (ibid,, p. 196). "For Zia, we have a pattern similar to thatof the Hopi, in that the family is less exclusively the focus. In Zia,however, the mother alone obtains a higher proportion of responses.It is interesting that not a single Zia girl mentioned the father as apraiser or blamer. The Zia children use the category 'elders' morefrequently than does any other group, and the category of age-matesless frequently" (pp. 120-121).MARRIAGEAs we noted earlier in our analysis of marital status, marriage iscertainly not essential to the conduct of social life in Sia: a very highpercentage of both men and women have had no spouse (see p. 44).And the percentage of the unmarried seems to have been increasing.We have no evidence, however, that the community as a whole orthe individuals in particular suffer because of the high incidenceof celibacy. CONTRACTING MARRIAGEThere is no ritualized courtship. Out of the long and close associa-tion which characterizes life in this small community, men and womensimply discover that they wish to marry each other. Virtually allmarriages, apparently, are initiated by the persons themselves whowish to marry, although, of course, parents and other close relativesmay, and frequently do, try to influence them to a greater or lesserdegree. I learned of a case in which a young unmarried woman be-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 209came preg'nant. She divulged the name of the man involved and herfather insisted that they be married and they were. There are in-stances of deep love and frustration, too. A close friend (not aninformant) told me that when he was a young man he was much inlove with, a girl and she loved him dearly. But the girl's mother hadheard, and beheved, that the man was having intimate relations wnthanother woman and refused her daughter permission to marrj^ him.The girl so desired to marry him that she proposed that they runaway together. But the man declined to do this. Eventually eachmarried another, but they continued to cherish their love for eachother.When a young man and a girl decide they wish to marry they mustfirst seek their parents' permission. Older people, including wid-owers and widows, also must obtain the permission of their parents,if Hving, and of other close relatives, including their children if theyhave any. If the parents approve of the match the couple must thenask their godparents for their approval. If all the parents approve,a meeting of the close relatives of both parties will be held, at whichtime the proposed marriage will be discussed; each group of relativesselects one of their number to speak for them. It may very well bethat all the relatives, and indeed the entire pueblo, may be aware ofthe course of events before the meeting of relatives takes place. Butthis meeting is the formal way of dealing with the situation. Unani-mous approval by the relatives constitutes marriage, and the coupleleave the meeting as man and wife. No gifts are given or exchanged.Whatever may have been the custom in former times, the tendencyin recent years is for the newly married couple to live in a house oftheir own if they can. If this is not possible, they may hve in thehousehold of the parents of either bride or groom or even in the homeof some other relative.Shortly after marriage the people of the pueblo are invited to thehome of the newly married couple to eat.The "Indian marriage" may be followed by a CathoUc wedding inthe church when the priest comes to the pueblo on a regular visit,such as at Christmas or on the day of the patron saint, August 15.The couple are supposed to tell the priest well in advance so that hecan announce the event. He also asks if there is anyone who has anyreason for opposing the marriage and requests any such person tocome to him privately and divulge the reason. "The priest usuallycharges $5 for performing the ceremony," an informant told me in1957, "but if they are too closely related, or if there is some otherobjection, he will charge more, even as much as $25 sometimes."Since World War II a few couples at Sia and at other, nearbypueblos have been married by a justice of the peace instead of by
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the priest, I was told, but I have no sure data on this point. Nordo I know what percentage of couples are content with the Indianstyle marriage and what percentage desire the Catholic ritual as well.In the old days, say informants, if parents and godparents refusedpermission to a young man and girl, they could not marry. But inrecent years there has been a growing tendency for young people todisregard the wishes of their parents and other close relatives. Oneinformant stated that this was due largely to an increased regard forthe laws of the State of New Mexico with respect to marriage. Thelaw says that persons of 18 years of age or over may marry withouttheir parents' consent, and more and more young people are availingthemselves of this law to justify themselves if they wish to go counterto their parents' wishes. In one case that I learned of, a youngcouple were denied permission by their parents so they went to Jemezand were married there. They were married again later in Sia.EXOGAMYFirst of all, one is supposed to observe the rules of clan exogamy.In addition, informants say that one should not marry anyone whois "too closely related to you." But the definition of "too close"seems not to be very definite or expUcit. One should not marryanyone designated as "brother," "sister," "uncle," "aunt," "nephew,"or "niece."In the 1950's there was one case of cohabitation in Sia that wasbranded as incestuous by one informant who said that it was "shame-ful," and he was loathe to tell me about it. It was a case of a manand his sister's daughter. The Agency's census lists both as unmarriedbut living in the same household together with two other unmarriedmales. SEXUAL PROMISCUITYNo systematic study of this subject was made. We have littlespecific information, therefore, upon adultery and sexual intercourseamong the unmarried. We know, however, that a high percentageof adults are unmarried and that a number of unmarried womenare mothers (see p. 45). But I cannot even guess at the extentto which promiscuity obtains in the pueblo, or whether it has tendedto increase or decrease since, say, Stevenson's day. Stevenson (1894,p. 20) beUeved that much promiscuity prevailed in Sia, that offerswere made by men, married as well as unmarried, to the mother ofa girl who had just reached puberty "for the privilege of sexualrelations" with her, "the mother holding her virgin daughter for thehighest bidder." One of my informants repudiated this allegationwith much indignation and scorn. Stevenson (ibid.,) also observedthat "though the Sia are monogamists, it is common for the married,as well as the unmarried, to live promiscuously with one another; . . .
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 211That these people, however, have their share of latent jealousy is evi-dent from the secrecy observed on the part of a married man or womanto prevent the anger of the spouse."I have data on one case of adultery, however. A man returned un-expectedly from sheep camp one night and found his wife in bed withanother man. The aggrieved husband went to the governor andasked that his wife and her lover be punished by whipping. The gov-ernor heard the case, but no whipping was administered. However,husband and wife were brought before the pueblo council, whichordered that the wife be forgiven. The husband and wife "made up"then and there and the case was officially closed.It is said that fiscales, also, can try cases of adultery.DIVORCEThe Sia, like other pueblos in the Rio Grande region, declare thatdivorce never takes place. They frequently add that they are Cath-olics and hence cannot divorce a mate. The reason given is not asound one, I beheve, but the facts seem to warrant the claim thatdivorce does not occur. We have numerous cases where a widow orwidower has remarried. But I found no instance within the puebloin which a remarried person's previous spouse was Uving; one or twoSia who had left the pueblo?such as Willie Moquino, the son ofBenina Moquino, one of the expelled heretics, had divorced a spouseand remarried. The claim that divorce does not occur in Sia appears,therefore, to be a vaHd one.WIDOWHOOD AND REMARRIAGEThere is no attitude in Sia that tends to discourage a widow or awidower from remarrying; nor is there an attitude that encouragesthem to marry, so far as I could discover. And about all that onecan say about practice is that some do and some do not.MARRIAGE WITH NON-SIASNone of the pueblos is wholly endogamous, although the greatpreponderance of marriages are intrapueblo unions. The tendencyto marry outsiders has increased, I feel sure, within recent years; theSia have many more contacts outside the pueblo now than formerly.Even so, there were only 9 alien spouses in Sia in 1957. And, apartfrom the Protestant heretics who had left Sia, I learned of only twoSias who were married and living in another pueblo in 1957, namely,two women who went to Jemez.We have records of some men and women who married Sias in the19th century and went to Sia to live: (1) Vavalita Galvan (Kaiyuti),Coyote clan, who is listed as 75 years old in the census of 1904, camefrom San Felipe. She was a widow in 1904; we do not know who her
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 18thusband Avas. She was the mother of Rej'es Galvan, born 1860.(2) Juan de Jesus Gachupin, born about 1859, clan unlaiown, camefrom Jemez to Sia, where he married Lucia Plata. (3) Jose Moquino(i.e., Joe Hopi) was born of a Hopi mother and a Navaho father andwas named Ctimeoka. His mother died when he was a small boy andhis father sold him to the Sias for 15 sheep and 2 oxen (M. C. Steven-son, MS. 2 100). Jose was living in Sia as the husband of Juana RositaGalvan, Tobacco clan, when the Stevensons w^ere there. He assistedColonel Stevenson in compiling a vocabulary in 1887 (J. Stevenson,MS. 507). He was the Snake society man whose photograph appearsin plate xvii of "The Sia," according to one of my elderly informants.(4) Hetrude, the Navaho woman living in Sia when Mrs. Stevensonwas there. She had been left in Sia by her parents when the Navahowere being taken to Bosque Redondo about 1863 (Stevenson, 1894,p. 132). Mrs. Stevenson witnessed the birth of one of Hetrude's chil-dren, Juan Bautista ("James," for James Stevenson) Medina. Hetrudewas loved and cherished by her foster parents. She was adopted intothe Coyote clan. (5) Jesus Salas, born about 1883, married a Navahowho lived in Sia for a time and bore two sons. She left the puebloeventually to return to her own people, taking her two boys with her.(6) Pierce Kanateywa, born about 1885, a Hopi, came to Sia to liveas the husband of Luciana Shije; they had a son, Riquel. Pierce re-turned to his Hopi home, where he died in 1954. (7 and 8) Ferminaand Geronima Cordero were born in Cochiti, the daughters of the ca-cique and his Mexican wife. They married Crescencio Toribio andEmiliano Galvan, respectively, and lived in Sia for a number of years.They enjoyed all the rights and privileges held by Sia women with re-spect to witnessing or participating in ceremonies and in other matters.Fermina bore two daughters; Geronima remained childless, apparently.I was unable to ascertain their clan affiliation. They eventually re-turned to Cochiti, taking the two girls with them (they appear on theAgency's census rolls for 1934, 1941, but not for 1948). (9) EmmaGallegos, a Mexican, was born in Cochiti in 1906. She married Remi-jio (Ray) Salas and went to live in Sia. After she had been there about3 months, Remijio requested the War captain to convene a meetingof the pueblo council so that Emma might be introduced to the cacique(cf. White, 1943 a, p. 321, for account of reception of foreign spousesat Acoma). The meeting, attended by men only, was held in the ho-tcanitsa. Emma was brought into the council chamber; she worestockings but no shoes; she was visibly agitated and frightened. Themeeting was opened by the War captain, but it was Remijio who pre-sented his wife to the cacique, who formally accepted her. A subse-quent meeting, called by the governor, was held in Remijio's house.At this time Emma was obliged to promise that she would be faithful
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 213
to the Sia and their customs, that she would Hve out her life in Sia andbe buried there.
"There was some criticism of Remijio for bringing a Mexican womanto Sia as his wife," an informant told me in 1941. They were afraidthat she might give non-Indians information pertaining to the reli-gious life of Sia. But in 1941 they had accepted her at least provision-ally. My informant said that they would keep a close watch on herand if, after some years, she had demonstrated her fidelity to Siacustoms and had convinced the people that she could be entrustedwith the secrets of ceremonial life, she would probably be admittedto all the ceremonies and be permitted to participate in them and per-haps even be admitted to one or more of the societies. She wasadopted into the Coyote clan ; Rosalie Medina became her clan mother.She was living in Sia in 1957 and had borne eight children, all livingat that time.(10) Frank Delgarito is a Navaho, born in 1924. He worked inshipyards before World War II and then served for 3 years in the U.S.Navy. In 1946, he married Andreita Salas, Sia Corn clan, whom hemet at the Santa Fe Indian School, and came to live in Sia. Therewas no ceremony of adoption for Frank, but he was required to swear,in a council meeting, that he would live in Sia and that he would "obeyall the rules." Once in 1952 when he was hitchhiking I gave him alift, and we had a talk with no one else present. He spoke Englishvery well. He said that he spoke the Keresan language fairly well,also; his wife took much pains to teach him. He said he had had ahard time learning the Sia customs, but that the people were kind andhelped him. He took part in the dance for the saint on August 15,and has been appointed to a minor office. In 1957 they had two chil-dren Uving; they had lost one. Frank did no farming; he was em-ployed by a Federal governmental agency. He wore his hair cutshort and had heavy sideburns.(11) Elmer A. Bell was a White man, born in 1918. He marriedSeferina Pino, Coyote clan, and lived with her in Sia for a time. Onechild, a girl, was born to this union. Elmer left Sia and his where-abouts were not known to my informants.(12) Florence TrujiUo, a Cocliiti Indian, Water clan, born 1904,married Sebastiano Shije and came to Sia to live. She became a mem-ber of the Fire society. She had five children, only one of which wasa girl (Sofia Ramona). (13) George Gachupin, of Sia, married MariaFragua of Jemez at her home in 1946, then brought her to Sia to live.Her clan affiliation was not ascertained. In 1957 they had threedaughters and three sons. (14) Marcelino Gachupin of Sia marriedCrescencia Panana of Jemez at Sia in 1957, where they estabhshedtheir residence. Maria's clan affiliation was not ascertained. (15)6006S5?'62 IS
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Joseph Manuel Reed, a Jemez Indian, whose father was a Laguna mar-ried and living in Jemez, married Rafaelita Galvan, Sia Corn clan, ofSia, in Albuquerque in 1954. They established their residence in Sia.(16) Vincente Shije of Sia married Juanita Charhe of Acoma at SanFidel in 1953; they reside in Sia. Juanita's clan affiliation was notascertained. (17) Marcus Shije of Sia married Dorothy Pedro ofLaguna (Paguate) in the Sacred Heart Church in Albuquerque onMarch 5, 1955. They were married after the Indian custom in Siaon April 17, 1955, and established their residence there. Dorothy'sclan affiHation was not ascertained. (18) Jose Medina, a Sia, born1915, Coyote clan, married Ehzabeth Cimmaron of Acoma. She ap-pears on the Agency's rolls for 1948, but it is said that she did notHve in Sia. In 1957 they were said to be "separated."We have records of 17 people who married into Sia and lived there.Eleven were women; 6, men. Fifteen were Indians; 1 was Anglo-American; 1, Spanish-American. Of the 15 Indians, 4 were fromJemez; 3 from Cochiti; 3 Navahos; and 1 each from SanFeliipe,Acoma, and Laguna. In 1957 there were 8 alien spouses living in Sia.Six were women; 2, men. Seven were Indians; 1, a Mexican. Threecame from Jemez; 2 from Cochiti; and 1 each from Acoma, Laguna,Navaho.It is clear that women are much more likely to marry into Sia thanmen. The number of marriages with Jemez Indians is rather sur-prising. It is cm'ious, too, that we have no record of marriage witha Santana at all. MARRYING OUTSIDE OF SIAI have knowledge of but few Sia who have left the pueblo becausethey had married someone elsewhere and went there to live. One JuanAndres Shije, born 1897, married a Santa Clara woman and went toher home to live. Two women married into Jemez, but marriagemay not have been the only factor involved. Refugia Moquino andAdelaida Moquino married Jose Rey Toledo and Simon Toyah,respectively. But Refugia was a sister and Adelaida a daughter ofSan Juanito Moquino, one of the early leaders of the evangelicalheretics; and we believe Toledo was a heretic, also. George Her-rera, a leader of the Sia heretics, married a Picuris woman; andVelino, George's brother, married the sister of George's wife. Oneof George's daughters married into San Juan, and most of the childrenof Benina Moquino, another heretic, married non-Sias after theyleft home. A few men, such as Juhan Salas, born 1895, have left Siaand may have married after their departure.No doubt we are more Ukely to have knowledge of outsiders whohave married into Sia than of Sias who have left the pueblo because
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 215
of marriage. Nevertheless, I believe that Sia has gained morecitizens by marriage than she has lost between 1900 and 1957.DEATH AND BURIALBm"ial takes place as soon as possible after death, but intermentmust be completed before noon; if it is seen that this cannot be done,burial is postponed until the morrow. All people are buried in thewalled enclosure in front of the Church, which is regarded asholy ground. But its holiness is not derived from the Catholic churchor from Christian gods (see our discussion of Christianity, p. 65).Exceptions to the above rule are: (1) stillborn children (see
"Childbirth"); (2) caciques, sacristans, and heads of societies, whoare buried in the floor of the church (this information came from oneinformant only); and (3) the heretics who became "Holy Rollers"?Juan Pedro Herrera and San Juanito Moquino were buried outsidethe churchyard east of the church, and without the aid of the fis-cales or medicinemen.When a death occurs a member of the deceased's family will no-tify the sacristan at once. He in turn will notify the fiscale mayorand one or two of the governor's helpers, who will assist the fiscale(the governor's helpers may be notified by the fiscale rather than bythe sacristan; my data are indefinite on this point). The fiscaleand the capitani (governor's helper) will begin to dig the grave atonce unless it is clear that interment cannot be completed beforenoon. While the gTave is being dug a capitani will ring the churchbell, slowly and at uniform intervals at fii'st, more rapidly as thegrave becomes deeper. In digging a grave anywhere in the yard,previous graves will be distm-bed, but this is inevitable because theyard is both small and finite and has been filled long ago. There isno division or segregation within the yard with regard to sex or anyother principle.The body of the deceased is bathed by members of his family, andhis hair washed. Then the body is dressed. Members of the socie-ties are dressed in the costume worn in their ceremonies. Nonso-ciety members are dressed in ordinary clothes. Tiny bits of food ofall kinds are deposited with the dead; they are put into a bowl for aman, a basket for a woman, and placed under the left armpit. Thisis to feed him on his trip back to the underworld. Then the body iswrapped in a blanket and tied securely with a woman's belt, split bycutting it lengthwise, if the deceased is a woman ; with buckskin madeinto a rope if a man. If they do not have buckskin, an ordinary ropeis used. If the deceased was a member of a secret society the headman of the society is notified immediately after death occurs. He
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
notifies all the members of the society, and they gather in their cere-monial house to prepare the costume and paints for the deceased.When they are ready they go to the home of the deceased and preparehim for burial: they put on his ceremonial costume, paint him, andwrap him in a blanket.When the body is ready for burial the sacristan and fiscal e are no-tified. They come to the house where the body lies, bringing a ladderwith them. They leave the ladder outdoors and go inside where thefamily of the deceased are gathered. The sacristan and the fiscalesay some prayers. The members of the household pray also. Thenthe fiscale and his capitani helpers carry the body outside and placeit upon the ladder and carry it to the grave. The family of the de-ceased remain in their house. At the grave the sacristan and the fis-cale pray again as the body is lowered into the grave with ropes. Thenthe grave is filled; a big tamping stick is used to pack the earth firmly.All tools used in digging and filling the grave are taken down to theriver and washed.Right after the body has been taken out for burial, the mother,mother's mother, or eldest sister of the deceased puts a sheep skin onthe floor where the deceased had lain and upon this she places an earof corn, symbolizing "the living breath," a stick that has been usedto poke or stir the fire (opaiyakanyi) , which symbolizes the dead body,and a heap of beads (itsatyunyi) of different kinds, the symbolism ofwhich could not be ascertained.A small basket, bowl, or shell of hadawe (pollen) and one of petana(prayer meal) are placed nearby. The little pile of beads is coveredwith a sheet. Candles are kept burning day and night. When any-one from outside the household comes into the room he takes a pinchof prayer meal with his left hand and a pinch of pollen with his rightand sprinkles them on the sheet covering the beads. "The dead arealways fed with the left hand."Four days after death occurs, or four days after the body is interred,a ceremony is held to send the tsa'ts (literally 'breath,' i.e., soul)back to the underworld whence it came. This ceremony must beperformed by the Flint, Giant, Fire, Snake, or Kapina society; noother society is qualified. In order to perform this mortuary cere-mony a society must be honawai'aiti (like Flint, Giant, or Fire) or atleast part-honawai'aiti (like Snake and Kapina). If the deceased werea member of one of the honawai'aiti societies, then it will perform thisceremony. If he were not, then his family will decide which societythey wish to have. The entire membership of a society is not neededif it exceeds three men; women members are not qualified to take partin this ceremony. The members of the deceased's family will decidehow many tcaiyanyi they want. If the deceased were a member of a
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 217
medicine society they will ask for three; if he were not they usuallyask for only two. The head of the society does not need to officiateif he has someone who can take his place. The society is notified byhaving a member of the family of the deceased, usually a grand-father, take a handful of prayer meal (petana) to the head of thesociety who always accepts it and divides it among the members hewishes to have help him.During the 4 days between the occurrence of death and the soul-dispatching ceremony, the members of the deceased's household willbusy themselves preparing food for the mortuary ceremony. Theyprepare "the kinds of food that the deceased ate while he was here onthis earth."On the morning of the fourth day the medicinemen meet in theirceremonial house to make prayersticks for the dead and to make anyother preparations that may be necessary. At about botsidyuye (1 or2 o'clock in the afternoon) they go to the house of the deceased.Each medicineman has his iariko (corn-ear fetish) ; they have a medi-cine bowl (waititcanyi) and one or two paiyatyamo (little stone fig-ures). They seat themselves with the sheepskin, corn ear, poker, andmeal and pollen in front of them. The nawai talks: "We are herenow and are about to send so-and-so's breath away from his house,back to Shipap, etc." Then the medicinemen remove their clothesexcept for the breechcloth and put on their bear-claw necklaces.They remove the beads, the corn ear, and the poker and put them toone side. Then they make a little meal painting on the floor wherethese things had been (fig. 25). On this they place their medicinebowl and mix some medicine in it, the water for this purpose beingbrought by a woman of the household. A road is made from theha'atsi (meal painting) to the door. It is a road drawn with twolines: one is made of cornmeal and begins where the corn ear had lain
;
the other is made with ashes and proceeds from the place where thepoker had lain?again the symbolism of life and death. These roadsgo outside the door.Nawai asks the people if they have food which they wish to oft'cr thesoul before it is taken out of the house. They come forward with thefood that they have prepared and offer it to the soul. Nawai beginsto speak, saying that he "is feeding the tsats, etc." While nawaitalks, a medicineman arises, gets pieces of food, and places them onthe left side of the meal painting as they face the door, making a littlepile of them. Any land of food is appropriate for this occasion, "evencanned food or candy." When the feeding of the soul is finished, thenawai orders all the food to be cleared away; any that remains is takento the medicinemen's house for their own use. The medicinemensing three songs before the soul, with the food, is taken out of the
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
Figure 25.?Meal painting and paraphernalia for mortuary ritual. The X designrepresents the tracks of the road runner; those with three toes, the turkey.dwelling. The corn ear and the poker are laid in front of the mealpainting. A medicineman sits on the road with his eagle wing featherson the road in front of him while he talks. When he gets up he picksup his feathers and goes toward the door, sweeping up the road withhis plumes as he goes.The medicinemen take the soul out of the house together with theprayersticks that he will need on his journey. The prayersticks arehis credentials which he must show to Utctsiti to certify his right toenter the underworld (see Stevenson, 1894, p. 145; also the accountof an Acoma Indian's dream in which prayersticks vie with the Bibleas credentials for admittance to the underworld. White, 1932 a, p. 32).The medicinemen exhort the departing soul not to tarry on the roadback, not to hsten to any unfaithful spirits who sit by the roadside, andnot to accept any offerings from them, for if he does he will never reachShipap but will be doomed to sit by the roadside.Nawai stays in the house while the medicinemen go out to set thesoul on the road toward the north. He tells the deceased's relatives
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 219to take the food out and deposit it on the road toward the north.This they do. They also take the deceased's blankets out towardthe north and burn them.While the medicinemen and the relatives are out on their errands,nawai makes a new meal painting on the floor, and places his iarikoon it (fig. 25). When the relatives return, nawai tells them to graspthe iariko. As many as can, do this, and those for whom there isnot enough room grasp people in front of them who are holding theiariko. All the medicinemen (who have returned by this time) stand,with nawai in the middle. They pick up their bear leg skins andhold one or lay it across a forearm. They sing a few songs. Theceremony is now over. Nawai talks, telling them that the breath ofso-and-so has now gone back, etc. The people sprinkle the mealpainting and the corn-ear fetish with petana. Nawai continues totalk: "Do not think of so-and-so," he tells them; "he has gone backto his mother and is now happy." The women of the household bringin food and the medicinemen eat first, then the rest of the people.If any food remains, it is returned to the family. The medicinemengather up their paraphernaha, clear away the meal paintings, and goto their ceremonial house where nawai dismisses them.If the deceased were a member of the society who performed theceremony of dispatching the soul, the members of the society meet intheir ceremonial house on the fourth day after the soul began his tripto Shipap. The female members of the society are asked to preparesome food, "just enough to feed the maiyanyi (spirits)." If the de-ceased had an iariko (corn ear), they will remove the wrappings andfeathers from the corn ear, and remove the "heart" which is withinthe cob. They shell the corn from the cob and put the latter backin its wrappings. The iariko is now dead. One or two medicinementake the dead iariko and one or two paiyatyamo (stone figures) thatbelonged to the deceased, and carry them out and bury them in thevarious places toward the north where the prayersticks for him hadbeen deposited. The food is deposited with the paiyatyamo.
"If a person has been good during his Hfetime," according to oneinformant, "Utctsiti will give him another life and return him to thisWhite earth (the reference is to the four colored worlds throughwhich mankind ascended; see "Cosmology") in the form of a swallow,butterfly, henati-hayac (cloud fog), or a bird?except a crow, owl, orblackbu'd." A dead person could become a katsina, also (see White,1935, pp. 198-99).
GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL LIFESia, like other Keresan pueblos, is a compact, well-integrated com-munity. Correlation, regulation, and control are effected by a num-ber of institutional devices: a hierarchy of officers, a council, the rightsand duties of kinship, and custom in general.We may distinguish two spheres, or levels, of sociopolitical activi-ties : public and private. The former has to do with the pueblo as acom.munity, such as ceremonies of the medicine socities, maskeddances, communal hunts, administration of the irrigation system,upkeep of the kivas and the Catholic church; providing the hotcanitsawith corn, meat, and firewood. By private affairs I m_ean relation-ships between individuals as members of families, households, clans,and of the community. Quarrels, petty theft, adultery, and the likeare instances of private matters. An event which begins as a privatematter may become a matter of official pueblo concern, however: ifa personal quarrel assumes such a magnitude that it poses a threat tocommunity solidarity, the pueblo?most likely in the office of gov-ernor?will step in and put a stop to it. In our discussion of adultery(p. 211) we have an example of this. In another case, the widow andother relatives of a man who had been murdered were brought beforethe Council and obliged to forgive the murderer, who had just returnedto Sia from serving a term in the penitentiary for the offense. Thepueblo, like all healthy sociopolitical organizations, cannot toleratethi'eats to its integrity.
"Public and communal" and "private and personal" are logicallydistinct and valid categories, but there is a kind of situation in which anevent belongs equally to both. When a person decides to request ad-mission to a medicine society, or makes a vow, or pledges himself, toimpersonate Santiago, or asks to be adopted, or to have a child adoptedby a clan other than the one into which he was born, this is a personaland private matter in one respect: it is his doing and he is not obligedto divulge his reasons for his actions. But, adoption into a clan,joining a society, or impersonating Santiago is a pueblo function aswell, and one must obtain permission from the proper official, orofficials?in the last analysis, the War chief?in order to have thedesired action taken.Government is a religious function as well as a secular one. Thecacique and the War chiefs, especially the former, are priests as wellas governmental officials. The governor and fiscale mayor do not220
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 221
really have priestly functions, but virtually everything in the way ofcustom and social regulation is set within a matrix of supernatural-ism: custom is sacred, and it is the duty of everyone, officer and com-mon person alike, to see that it is followed. One gets the impressionfrom informants that the medicinemen are more likely to take it uponthemselves to see that custom is followed than are other nonofficersof the pueblo.The governmental functions of the officers have been set forth inour chapter on officers. I might, however, review them briefly here.The cacique is too sacred to concern himself directly and actively inpueblo affairs; it is the War chiefs who do this. The governor's officehas two dimensions: intra- and extra-pueblo. On the one hand it ishis duty to maintain "law and order" within the pueblo and to seethat certain communal tasks are performed, such as maintaining thein-igation system. On the other, he has charge of the pueblo's re-lations with the outside world: with the Indian Agency, the PublicHealth Service, and non-Sias generally, especially Anglo- and Spanish-Americans. Fiscale has charge of matters pertaining to the Catholicrehgion, although it is said that he can "try some cases like the gover-nor," e.g., adultery. THE PUEBLO COUNCILThe Pueblo Council is one of the most important agencies for thetransaction of governmental business in Sia. It is composed of alladult males; women are not admitted (one informant stated that once,in 1935 when the Wheeler-Howard bill was being discussed, womenwere allowed to attend). One informant observed that in someneighboring pueblos all men were not admitted to the council becausethey were too numerous to assemble under one roof and that thiscaused some dissatisfaction among those not included. But in Sia, hesaid, all adult males are members and this makes for a more demo-cratic conduct of pueblo affairs.Meetings of the council are summoned by the War chief, the gov-ernor, or fiscale mayor. Or, anyone may request one of these threeofficers to call a council meeting to consider some problem or issue;the officer so requested will use his discretion in such a case. Meet-ings called by the War chief have to do with "troubles connected withhunting, or with anything pertaining to the Indian religion or cere-monies." The governor would call meetings to consider domesticand secular issues, such as quarreling, theft, trouble with outsiders,i.e., non-Sias. Fiscale mayor may summon meetings much as thegovernor would. Any of the three officers cited above could call acouncil meeting to deal with irrigation problems.
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184There is no special council house in Sia. The council meets in thehouse of the officer who summons it if the house is large enough to doso, otherwise he borrows someone else's house. The council membersare notified of meetings by the helpers of the War chief (gowatcanyi)or of the governor (capitani), depending upon which one called themeeting. These little officers go about the pueblo from house tohouse with their announcement, but they do not disclose the purposeof the meeting; they merely specify time and place.Tiamunyi never attends council meetings, and would do so onlyunder the most extraordinary circumstances, e.g., if one of the societiesrefused to comply with a request of the War chief or had been guiltyof some other misconduct, the War chief might call a council meetingto deal with it and ask the Tiamunyi to be present. Tiamunyi wouldnot, however, speak at this meeting unless the War chief asked himto do so. The tcraikatsi (vice caciques) may attend coimcil meetings,but custom requires them to speak very sparingly, if at all, uponsuch occasions.The council is, therefore, a sort of clearing house for all sorts ofproblems and issues arising within the pueblo, whether it be an im-portant communal matter, or a case of adultery. Any council memberis free to speak at meetings, but many of the younger men are tootimid to do so except in some matters where they have informationabout the outside world, such as Federal or State legislation, that theold timers are not familiar with. Unanimity was formerly a requi-site of all decisions according to all informants, but they differ some-what as to precisely what the situation is now.The following is an interesting example of the sort of business thegovernment of the pueblo may have to undertake : If a man, Jose,buys a team of horses, a wagon, or an automobile outside the pueblo,he will, upon bringing his purchase into Sia, present it to the caciqueand place it at the disposal of the pueblo for community work. Hewill ask the War chief to call a meeting for this purpose. The gowa-tcanyi are dispatched throughout the pueblo announcing that ameeting is to be held at the hotcanitsa (the cacique's official residence)at a specified time. The meeting (of adult males) convenes; thetiamunyi is present. Masewi (War chief) opens the meeting, inform-ing those present who has requested the gathering and for whatpurpose. He then invites Jose to speak. Jose addresses the meeting,remaining seated, as follows: "Canaiya [our mother] Tiamunyi, tia-munyi tcraikatsi, caotcanioyame [I think this means officers andpeople] . . . and then he says what he has to say?that he has boughtsuch and such and is bringing it into the pueblo ; he is placing it at thedisposal of the pueblo for community work. Then the Tiamunyitalks. He addresses Jose as cai-wi [son; this must be a ceremonial
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 223term]. He thanks Jose for his offer, which he accepts. Thereafter,if his horse or whatever it may be is needed the governor may callupon him for its use (compare this with the reception of an alienspouse at Acoma (White, 1943 a pp. 321-322) and with the receptionaccorded Acoma immigrants into Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, pp.198-199).The maintenance of law and order in Sia is the duty and responsi-bility of the pueblo government and officers except in the case of majorcrimes, such as murder and rape, which come within the jmnsdictionof the Federal Government. The distinction between the powers ofthe pueblo government and State and Federal Governments is clearlybrought out in our discussion of the suits of heretics at Sia and Jemezagainst the pueblo governments (see pp. 78 ff.). State and local offi-cials have no jurisdiction within the pueblo except and unless ihej areinvited, or requested, to assist the pueblo officials. Once, on the eve-ning of August 14, the day before the big fiesta for the patron saint,my car was stopped, along with other vehicles entering the pueblo, bythe State poHce to inquire if I had any liquor in my possession.Individual Pueblo Indians pay excise taxes to New Mexico such asgasoline and sales taxes, as well as others. They pay Federal incomeand excise taxes and State income taxes, at least on money earnedother than from their pueblo lands. Individual Pueblo Indians whoown land outside the pueblo area pay the same taxes on such land asanybody else. They are ehgible to vote and to serve for jury duty inthe courts and a number of them have served as jurors in the Federalcoiu-t, although we cannot specifically state what members of thispueblo have served as jurors. They have all the responsibilities ofcitizens including the duty of serving in the Armed Forces in accord-ance with law. The pueblo officials indicated that thej^ are againsttaxation of their lands.
"Prior to 1948 Indians were not eligible to vote in New Mexico be-cause of a New Alexico constitutional restriction, but in that year theFederal court . . . held that the Indians were lawfully entitled tovote. An increasing number of them are exercising the franchise andmore will gradually do so" (U.S.H.R., 1954, p. 457).INFLUENCE OF INDIVIDUALSAs we have seen, the cacique. War chief, and governor, and medi-cinemen?especially the heads of societies?embody authority andexert very considerable influence in the community hj virtue of theiroffice and membership. To what extent can individuals exert influ-ence as mere individuals?as hano sicti?quite apart from office orsociety membership? This is a question that I investigated at SantaAna (White, 1942 a, pp. 190-191) where I found that the most influ-
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
ential man was "not a medicineman or even a member of any of thesecret societies or kachina dance groups." I made a similar inquiryat Sia and found the situation to be much the same. The officers ofthe pueblo are undoubtedly important. They are vested with greatauthority and through them the will of the community is imposedon individuals. But a distinction is made, implicitly, between theman and the office. The cacique and the medicinemen may be per-sons of little ability and force of character. And the community is sosmall that almost all mature men will have held a fairly importantoffice by the time they are 50 or 60. But, apart from office andsociety membership, there is room for very considerable influence byindividuals as persons.In 1941, according to one of my best informants, A. P. was un-questionably the most influential man in Sia. He was said to be wise,intelligent, the best informed in "Indian lore," far-sighted, and a manof great strength of character. At that time he was about 56 yearsold. He spoke little English, but was fluent in Spanish, and "spokevery fine Keres." His discussion of issues in council meetings veryoften precipitated and determined its decisions. But A. P. was amember of the Snake society and the head of the sicti and the singers,and he had served as Mase"\vi and as governor. As we have notedelsewhere (p. 182), he should not have been head of the sicti since hewas a medicineman, but because of his ability and influence an excep-tion was made in his case. In my informant's judgment, A. P. exertedgreat influence because of his personal qualities.In 1941, A. T. was said to be the next most influential man in Sia.He was well informed upon matters of Sia culture and "was a goodtalker." He, too, was a medicineman, the head of the Fire society.But here, also, my informant maintained that his influence derivedfrom his personal qualities rather than from his society headship. Thehead of the FHnt society, by virtue of his office, is tremendously im-portant, as my informant reminded me. He must be consulted oncertain occasions, and his permission is necessary for the performanceof certain pueblo functions. But as a person he may be a man ofmediocre, or even inferior, ability, and, as a person, exert little or noinfluence in community affairs. In 1952 the informant who, in 1941,gave me the above information observed that A. T. had lost much ofhis earlier influence "because of his impatience and his hot temper."PROGRESSIVES AND CONSERVATIVESI did not press my investigations deeply into the subject of progres-sives and conservatives. The situation at Sia appeared definitely tobe much the same as at Santa Ana, which I have discussed elsewherein some detail (White, 1942 a, pp. 188-189). Some men and women
WWte] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 225
are definitely opposed to the use of tractors, the introduction of elec-tricity, and other acceptances of American culture. Others wereidentified as being much in favor of things of this sort. However,these differences in attitudes never crystallized into "progressive"and "conservative" parties, and they never erupted into a pueblodispute or fight. The community seemed to be well integrated andto be able to contain and to harmonize these two opposing tendencies.And so it has gone on, opposing change on the one hand, but givingin to it on the other. In this game, the conservatives always lose.
"RICH" AND "POOR"
"All Sias are poor, but some are poorer than others." Somefamilies, even as recently as the 1950's, lived in abject poverty: the}''had httle or no livestock, a small amount of land, meager householdfurnishings, and no "luxmies." At the other end of the scale, somefamilies had many cattle or sheep, considerable cultivated land, goodfurniture, and perhaps a gas range, a television set, or a pickup truck.^^(See data on tenure of land and Hvestock by families in our chapter,
"Land, Agriculture, and Stockraising.") These differences in mate-rial well-being are obvious and readily recognized by the Sias them-selves. But, so far as my observations and inquiries could determine,no family is looked down upon because it is poor, or looked up tobecause it is relatively well to do. Nor does influence within thecommunity depend upon economic status. The nature of the kin-ship system and the principle of mutual aid upon which tribal lifeis organized militates against distinctions based upon wealth.There appear to be some definite correlations, however, betweeneconomic status and political attitude: the conservatives tend to bepoor, while the relatively well to do are inclined to be progressive.And, outside employment, which brings money and welfare into thehousehold and the community, facilitates acculturation. Here again,the tides are against the die-hard conservatives.The reader is urged to consult the chapter on "Government andSocial Life" in my monograph, "The Pueblo of Santa Ana." ThereI have discussed such topics as "Democracy or Oligarchy?" the placeof pueblo culture in the scale of social evolution, "Social Life," "TheStatus of Woman," and "Law and Order." Apart from some localdifferences, which will be made apparent by a comparison of the twostudies, what has been said for Santa Ana will apply equally well toSia, and will add materially to the study of Sia here presented.
?> But, say Hawley et al. (1943, p. 548), "there Is little difference between the menus of the poorest andthe richest families."
CEREMONIALISMPueblo life consists of effecting adjustment to and exercising controlover the external world, on the one hand, and in adjusting and regu-lating the relations between person and person, on the other. Thesethings are done in two ways: matter of fact, naturalistic, and super-naturalistic and symbolic (ritualistic) . Matter-of-fact means are em-ployed in hunting, farming, and in exploiting wild plant and mineralresources. Naturalistic means are employed also in social organi-zation and control through custom, education, exhortation, criticism,ridicule, and the hke. But supernaturalistic means?ceremonies, rit-uals, songs, prayers, and paraphernalia?are used with reference bothto the external world and to the realm of social relations. The PuebloIndians, like many other peoples, both primitive and civihzed, livein a dualistic world. And pueblo life consists in following through ayearly round of matter-of-fact and ceremonial activities. We presentherewith a calendar of events (cf. White, 1942 a, pp. 92-94, for SantaAna; 1935, pp. 33-34, for Santo Domingo; 1932 b, pp. 50-52, forSan Felipe; Dumarest, 1919, pp. 203-206, for Cochiti).CALENDARIt is difficult to determine when, in pueblo conception, one yearends and a new one begins, but the dividing line would come close tothe celebration of hanyiko about mid-November and the selection ofofficers on the evening of December 28.December 29. The new officers receive their "canes", i.e., staffs of office.January 1, Manuel's day. Sometimes they have a dance?a "corn dance"(such as is held on August 15, but without the dctitco'mi, or "pole") or a Comanchedance. The mothers, wives, and sisters of all males named Manuel invite thepeople of the village to their houses (or to Manuel's house?) to eat.January 6, King's day. The wives and mothers of all the new officers, and ofanyone named Rey or Reyes, invite people to their houses to eat. They mayhave a dance such as White people are permitted to see in the plaza in the day-time or a masked dance in a kiva, either one, that night.February 1 to 10. Tiamunyi and the War chief prepare for the communalcuring ceremony; this will take place between February 10 and 20. The Warchief calls for a rabbit hunt to provide meat for the occasion.February, the last week. If the winter is a mUd one they begin to clean theirrigation ditches and prepare them for use. When the work is finished theyhave the Owe dance. Then the water is turned into the ditches.March. Wheat is planted.April. Corn is planted about the middle of the month.Holy Week and Easter are celebrated according to the Catholic calendar.226
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 227June. Early in this month the War chief orders a communal rabbit hunt toprovide meat for KacaiDime.June-July. Approximately between June 10 and the last of July the ceremonyof Kacaioime is held.June 2Jf, San Juan's day. Rooster pull (gallo).June 29, San Pedro's day. Gallo.July 25, Santiago's day. They may have the equestrian impersonation ofSantiago and Bocaiyanyi; also, gallo.August 15, Feast for the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin.Aug^ist-September. Communal rabbit hunts under the direction of the Warchief's helpers (gowatcan3n)
.
August-September. Late in August or early in September, Tiamunyi directs thepeople to harvest melons and chili so that it will be done before a killing frost.September. Early in the month, soon after early frosts, Tiamunyi calls for acorn harvest ceremony called 0-wamo-ts, after which the corn will be harvested.Sometime after the harvest another ceremony, called Ayayutsicyits, is held; thisis for the corn that has remained on the ground after the harvest.November 1, All Souls' Day. The Feast for the Dead who return to Sia at thistime.November 2, All Saints' Day. The Catholic priest comes and celebrates Mass.November 10 to 20, Hanyiko.December 24-26. Church service conducted by the sacristan (the Catholicpriest does not come), at midnight, "when Christ was born," followed by a dancein the church. This is followed by 4 days of dancing.December 26-28. The cacique and tcraikatsi meet each evening in the hot-canitsa to select pueblo ofBcers for the coming year; final decision is made on the28th, and the new officers receive their staffs of office on the following day.CEREMONIES FOR THE SUN: H'A-NYIKO AND H'ANYIKIKYAThese ceremonies have frequently been called solstice ceremonies,hanyiko being the winter, hanyikikya the summer, solstice (Parsons,1918, pp. 183-184; Goldfrank, 1927, p. 59; White, 1932 a, pp. 84-85;1932 b, pp. 52-53; 1935, pp. 132, 139; 1942 a, p. 205). Although Ihave done this myself, I am inclined to believe that this is an error.It now seems to me that both ceremonies are concerned with theturning point of the sun in wintertime: as autumn progresses andwinter approaches, the sun rises farther and farther to the south onthe eastern horizon until it reaches its limit on December 21 afterwhich it returns toward the north. The actual dates for hanyiko andhanyikikya given by informants do not correspond at all with thetimes of the solstices. At Cochiti, Dumarest (1919, p. 204) notedthat the Indians sing and dance for the sun in November; Lange(1959, pp. 262, 321), also, places hanyiko in November at Cochiti.At San Felipe, hanyiko is held in November or December (White,1932 b, pp. 52-53). Hanyiko is celebrated at Santa Ana aboutNovember 12 or 13, "shortly after the Jemez fiesta [November 12]"(White, 1942 a, p. 205). And at Sia, our informants placed it aboutthe middle of November.
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The hanyikikya ceremony is held in February at Cochiti (Lange,1959, p. 262); in February at Santo Domingo (White, 1935, p. 139);in January or February at San FeHpe, according to one informant(White, 1932 b, pp. 52-53); and at Sia, according to my informants,in March or April.It is true that some studies give the dates of these ceremonies asapproximately June 21 and December 21, or call them "solstice cer-emonies" even though they place them in November and February(Lange, 1959, pp. 321, 611). This may be due, I believe, to the factthat some ethnographers believe that they are dealing with solstices;they may think that the Indians do not know the dates of the sol-stices so they have "corrected" the dates given by the informants. Ibelieve I did this in the case of Acoma (White, 1932 a, pp. 84-85).The Indians may not know the calendar dates of the solstices, butthey do know when hanyiko and hanikikya occur. It seems clearthat hanyiko takes place shortly before the sun reaches its southern-most point of rising, and hanyikikya shortly after it has begun itscourse northward. Therefore it would seem to be more correct tocall hanyiko and hanyikikya solar ceremonies rather than solsticeceremonies.Hanyiko {or sahanyiko).?The cacique determines when the cer-emony shall be held by watching the risings of the sun. But he isinfluenced by another consideration, too, namely, the situation withregard to the harvest: the ?harvesting should be virtually finishedbefore hanyiko is celebrated. As a rule, the ceremony takes place
"shortly after the Jemez fiesta [November 12]," i.e., about the middleof November.It is the War chief's duty to see that the cacique has enough deermeat for the occasion. When cacique has decided upon the date hecalls a meeting in the hotcanitsa of the heads of the societies who willtake part, namely, Flint, Koshairi, Kwiraina, Giant, Fire, and Snakesocieties, sometimes the Caiyeik society participates, sometimes not.Sometimes the Flint society postpones its ceremony until the eveningof December 24 (for reasons which were not ascertained). When theheads of the societies have gathered in the hotcanitsa essentially thesame procedure is followed as in kacaidime : the deer meat is distrib-uted among them and they are notified that the time for hanyikohas come and they are requested to perform their ceremonies.The head of each society calls a meeting of his members in theirceremonial house on the evening following the meeting in the hotca-nitsa. He distributes the deer meat to them and teUs them thatcacique has requested them to perform their ceremony for hanyiko.The next morning the members of each society take an emetic andvomit; they do this each morning for 4 consecutive days. On the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 229
first of this 4-day period the members may fast if they wish to, butit is not compulsory. If one elects to fast he must not eat or drinkanything whatever until noon of the following day. The meal atnoon on the second day, which will be brought to the ceremonialhouse by women, consists of mush only, cooked without salt orgrease. The medicinemen are not required to spend the 4 days andnights in their ceremonial houses as at kacaidime, but are free to goabout as they please, except when their ceremonial labors requirethem to be in their houses. They must, however, observe sexualcontinence during this period. On each evening of the 4 days themedicinemen gather in their ceremonial houses. They sing and sayCatholic prayers in Spanish, such as "Hail Mary. ..." This isbecause Naotsityi, the mother of white people, is meeting at thistime with Utctsityi, mother of Indians, at Mawakana Gactyats-kai(see "Cosmology"). On the second and third nights the societiesvisit each other's houses to dance; some of these dances may be foramusement and may be humorous in character.On the morning of the fourth day each society sets up its slataltar, makes a sand painting, and lays out its paraphernalia. Duringthe day they make prayersticks and a wicpi (see "Paraphernalia").On the evening and night of the fourth day each society holds apublic ceremony which may be attended by anyone (Sia Indian, thatis), and almost everyone does attend. Cacique goes to the societyhouse of his choice. The Fire and Kapina societies visit each other'shouse and give exhibitions of stick swallowing. The ceremonies lastall night. During the evening the people of the pueblo bring things
?
"anything they want to"?to the houses as offerings to the spirits;they are eventually wrapped in a cotton blanket.^^ Early in themorning, about dawn, the medicinemen take these offerings, theprayersticks, and the wicpi outside the pueblo and bury them justas the sun appears above the horizon. This concludes the ceremonyof hanyiko.The purpose of hanyiko is to address prayers to all the spkits createdby Tsityostinako, such as Mase\vi, Oyoyewi, the warriors, birds,animals, and other spirits of the cardinal points (see "Cosmology")who are gathered at this time in Mawakana GacDyats-kai, at thesoutheast corner of the world (see fig. 12). The prayers are for rain,crops, and game. They also ask the spirits to help the Sia appointtheir officers without trouble or quarreling.Hanyikikya.?This ceremony is held in March or perhaps as late asApril, the exact date being determined by the cacique, who watchesthe risings of the sun for this purpose. The proper time, apparently,
32 This appears to be equivalent to the "sun" that is made at Santo Domingo at hanyiko (Whlte,193S,pp. 133-135).6006S5??2 16
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
is when the sun has got a good start on his way back toward the northalong the eastern horizon.The cacique does not summon the heads of societies to a meeting athotcanitsa as in hanjdko; each society takes its own initiative in thismatter. There is very little ceremony. Members of each societyvomit each morning for 4 days. On the fourth day they makeprayersticks. On the evening of the fourth day they meet in theirhouse and sing. When they have finished they take their prayersticksout and bury them.KACAIDIMe: SUMMER RETREATS FOR RAINSocieties go into retreats for rain during the summer in the Keresanpueblos (White, 1942 a, pp. 207 ff.; White, 1935, pp. 88 ff.). A "re-treat" involves seclusion in the society's ceremonial house, fasting,and the performance of a ceremony. At Sia, these retreats are calledkacaiDime (kacaini, 'summer'). Stevenson has detailed descriptionsof these "rain ceremonials," which she witnessed, for the Snake,Giant, Flint (Knife), and Kwiraina (Querranna) societies in "TheSia"; they are unique for the Keres.The Flint, Koshairi, Kwiraina, Giant, Fire, and Kapina societieseach has a retreat during the summer. They may all go in at one time
;
or they may go in two at a time; or they may go in singly. The Tia-munyi decides which procedure is to be followed. The retreats occurbetween about June 10 and the last of July. One informant saidthat the time was set by cacique who observed the rising of the sunfor this purpose; another said that Tiamunjd did not watch the sun:
"they go pretty much by the white man's calendar now."About June 1 the War chief orders a community hunt in order toprovide Tiamunyi with an adequate supply of meat for kacaidime.They hunt for cottontails and jaclo-abbits and for wood rats (ck'awac,Neotoma). The animals are dried and then tied together to formstrings; 4 or 5 jaclcrabbits, 8 cottontails, 25 to 30 rats will form onestring. The meat is delivered to cacique at the hotcanitsa (thecacique's official residence).The cacique asks the War chief to call a meeting of all puebloofficers, the governor, fiscales, and everyone, to meet in the eveningat the hotcanitsa to decide when to begin the ceremony of kacaidime.A date for a future meeting is set at this meeting.This second meeting is attended by all pueblo officers as before.But this time the War chief sends a gaotcanyi to the home of the headof each of the six societies mentioned above and requests them toattend the meeting at the hotcanitsa. Each nawai (head) is escortedto the hotcanitsa by a gaotcanyi. Wlien a society head enters heshakes hands first with Tiamunyi, then the tcraikatsi, Masewi, Oyo-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 231
ye\vi, and the other ofl&cers, then takes his seat. The seating arrange-ment on this occasion is indicated in figm-e 26.The War chief opens the meeting. Then cacique talks. He asksthe heads of societies for their permission to go before them with a re-quest. The head nawai (it would be the head of the Flint society oneyear, the head of Kosham the next), speaking for all, grants himpermission. Tiamunyi then asks one of the tcraikatsi to distributethe strings of meat to the heads of societies. Tcraikatsi places onestring of meat before each nawai except the head one ; instead of givinghim one, he gives it to tiamunyi. Tiamunyi takes the string, goes tothe head nawai, sits down before him, and then, as both tiamunyiand the head nawai grasp the string of rabbits or rats, the tiamunyimakes a little speech. He tells nawai about how they are going tohave kacaidime, and so on. At the conclusion of his talk he gives thenawai ianyi ("blessing"). Then the head nawai talks: "about howthey are going to have kacaidime." Then each nawai down theline talks, holding his string of meat before him.When all of the society heads have spoken, tiamunyi gets up andresumes his place among the tcraikatsi and other officers. The Warchief then talks, giving the nawai ianyi and encouragement. Thegovernor then addresses the nawai. Sometimes the fiscales talk. Theleader of the society heads now addresses the officers, "giving tia-munyi, the tcraikatsi and all the other officers encouragement andianyi." Each nawai in turn makes a similar speech. The meetinglasts from about 7:30 or 8 p.m. to 1 or 2 o'clock in the morning. Atlast, when everyone has spoken, the Tiamunyi dismisses the nawai.
CornStoraqeRoom
SecretRoom I
jroT4'r.i^
o o o o o o F iVe OKap'ina oCKoyo oK^ira\r\a oKosha'iri oFlint oTC3TC2.T Tc,Door Fireplace t tTc, 2 3=the 3 TcraiKots'lFigure 26.?Meeting in hotcanitsa: Kacaioirae.
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184As they leave they shake hands with tiamunyi and the other offi-cers, saying "Driiwawicatse (goodbye)," and return to their homes.Whether they are escorted by gowatcanyi or not my notes do not say.The officers remain in the hotcanitsa for a time after the nawai leave.Then tiamunyi dismisses everyone. The War chief talks and thendismisses everyone. The meeting is now over and everyone goeshome.On the evening of the following day each of the six societies holdsa meeting in its own ceremonial house. Each group is addressed byits nawai, who tells them of tiamunyi's request to perform the cere-mony of kacaidime. Only nawai talks. Wlien he has finished hedismisses the meeting and everyone goes home.It was decided at the meeting between tiamunyi and other officersand the society heads what procedure is to be followed, i.e., whetherthe societies will go into retreat simultaneously or not. If there areto be two retreats, one will take place before the feast for the saint onAugust 15 and one afterward. If they go in one at a time they willfoUow this order: Flint, Koshairi, Kwiraina, Giant, Kapina, and Fire(Flint and Koshairi will alternate in first place yearly). If two soci-eties go in at a time, each will go to its own ceremonial house, butFlint and Koshairi share a house, as do Kwiraina and Giant; Kapinaand Fire, however, will each have its own house.The retreat lasts 8 days, divided into two equal parts. Duringthe first 4-day period the medicinemen take an emetic and vomiteach morning. They must abstain from sexual intercourse duringthis time, but they may eat anything they wish. On the first 2days of the fii'st 4-day period the medicinemen may do their ownprivate work; on the next 2 days, however, they must prepare forthe ceremony to foUow.On the morning of the third day, one, two, or three members,selected by the nawai, go out to the mountains to collect materialsto decorate their ceremonial chamber. They get two small spruce,pine, or pinon trees; these will be placed on either side of the slataltar. They bring back a quantity of spruce or pine boughs fordecorations, willow branches for prayersticks, some oak for a kick-stick if they are to have a race, and four waterworn pebbles whichwill be placed one on each of four sides of the waititcanyi (medicine-bowl) which will be placed on the sand painting. The tcaiyanyireturn from their collecting expedition after dark and go directlyto their ceremonial house, where they wiU sing a few songs beforeretiring.The next morning they begin to decorate their ceremonial room.They erect their slat altar (atcin), lay down their ha'atse (sand paint-ing), and put out their paraphernaUa (fig. 27). They tie a deerskin,
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 233
a whole one, to the ceihng above the sand painting, tying it by eachof its legs and by the eye holes. The head of the skin will pointtoward the door. On the deerskin, near each leg, a bough of spruceor pine is thrust. Two sashes?one white, such as is worn by maledancers in the "corn dance," and an embroidered one?are hung fromthe deer's neck. Spruce or pine boughs are thrust between the beamsand the ceiling all the way from the deerskin to the door. Finewhite embroidered mantas are hung on the wall back of the altar.Prayersticks are made and deposited during the night.The next morning nawai excuses anyone who cannot, or does notwish to, go through a 4-day fast. Those who have been dismissedmay go to their homes; the others will retire to the ceremonial housefor the second 4-day period, where they will remain night and dayexcept upon occasions which will be noted later.
Figure 27.?Paraphernalia of Fire society, a, Medicine bowl; b, yucca leaf hoop uponwhich bowl is placed; c, meal painting upon which medicine bowl is placed; d, tube throughwhich one blows the water in the bowl to form bubbly suds ("clouds")-
234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184On the first day the fast is complete: they eat nothing, drinknothing. On the second and third days they eat only one smallmeal?a little mush or beans, cooked without salt or grease?atmidday. On the fom-th day, after they have performed their cere-mony, they break their fast. The women of the pueblo bring foodto the ceremonial house and the medicinemen can eat whateverthey wish and as much as they want. They smoke a great dealduring this 4-day period.On the first day of the second 4-day period, the society performsits ceremony twice: once m the forenoon and again at night. Theprogram is the same for the second day?except that they have aUght repast at noon after their ceremony. Very early on the morn-ing of the third day a medicine man from each society, accompaniedby a gaotcanyi, goes to a spring to get a cpona (pottery canteen) ofwater. They run all the way, going and returning. Upon theirreturn they pour the water into the two medicine bowls in the cere-monial chamber: one is on the sand painting itself, the other is infront of it, on the "road" of meal that leads to the door.On the morning of the fourth day each society performs its cere-mony in the forenoon as usual; they are joined by those members whodid not take part in the 4-day fast. After their full meal at noontimethe tcaiyanyi who fasted walk through the fields bestowing ianyiupon the growing crops. They bring back for those who did not fastany fruit or vegetables that are ready to eat.Each society is attended by a gaotcanyi during the entire 8 days ofthe retreat. Masewi himself serves as "guard" for the leading society(Flint or Koshairi) ; Oyoyewi attends the society next in rank (whichwill be either Flint or Koshairi, since they alternate yearly as leadingsociety). The tsatya-gowatcanyi (i.e., Masewi's helpers) attend theother four societies. The gowatcanyi have no work to do on the first2 days?it will be remembered that the medicinemen are free to doas they please on these days. On the third day the gaotcanyi, armedwith bow and arrow, goes to the mountains with the medicinemanwho is to fetch the spruce and other materials required. During thesecond 4-day period, the gaotcanyi guards the society's ceremonialhouse night and day. He sits on the roof of the house during the day,leaving his bow and arrow against the door. At night he takes hisbow and arrow and sits outside the ceremonial chamber in the hall.He sleeps in the ceremonial chamber with the tcaiyanjd. He m&jfast with them or not as he pleases. If he does eat, however, he eatsin the little vestibule, not in the ceremonial chamber. "If the gao-tcanyi knows his business he will get a bowl from the ceremonial cham-ber when it rains, catch some water, and take it to the tcaiyanyi todrink."
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 235Koshairi ritual.?The cacique may ask the Koshairi to perform aritual on the ninth day, immediately after the retreat. This will con-sist either of (1) going around a definite circuit, or circuits, stoppingat various sacred spots (tsapacroma) ; or (2) maldng this circuit andhaving a race afterward.My notes for this ritual and race were hurried and incomplete.Figure 28 shows the four circuits, I, II, III, and IV to the four
"corners" [of the world] about Sia; the circuits would be made in thenumerical order indicated. The little circles on circuits indicatesacred spots; the names of only some were obtained, and the numberand location of those on circuits II and III were not ascertained.Some, if not all, sacred spots are marked by stones; the one at Gyawikot bears the so-called Zia sun symbol (see fig. 13), now used by theNew Mexico Highway Department; ko't, "mountain," is merely apart of the name of some of the spots. My notes do not make clearwhether the Koshairi make all four circuits or only one, or more thanone.If the Koshairi race, they start at either Koasaiya or Djacka (RoadRunner) Mountain, alternating yearly. They do not wear the costume
RoadRunner"Mountain"Figure 28.?Koshairi ritual race: KacaiDime.
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184and body paint customary for the saint's day dance (August 15), buttheir faces are painted and they have a piece of cornhusk (their
"badge") tied to their hair. Fifty yards in front of the Koshairi atthe starting point is a man who holds the prize for the winner. Thefirst one to reach him takes it and runs; if someone overtakes him hetakes it and runs with it; the one who carries the trophy into the pueblokeeps it. KATSINA: MASKED IMPERSONATIONSThe k'atsino: (katsina) complex?word, concept, and masked im-personation?is found among all the pueblos of the Southwest: Hopi,Zuni, Keres, Tewa, and Jemez. It is unquestionably aboriginal(White, 1934). Masked impersonations were seen by early Spanishexplorers. Catholic missionaries tried to extirpate masked cere-m.onies in the 17th century.The origin of the word is not known. Among the Hopi the pro-nunciation is katcina, which, spelled kachina, has become thecustomary pronunciation in Enghsh usage today. The Keres, how-ever, pronounce the word k'atsino: (Stevenson renders it 'katsuna').Katsina are supernatm'al beings. They are like men and womenin shape except for their heads which are usually of a grotesqueshape and design. Some of them have animal characteristics, suchas those of a deer, antelope, or bear. Some of the katsina, at least,were created by Utctsityi or Tsityostinako in the underworld andcame up with mankind to this world. The mythical home of thekatsina is Wenima, located in the West (see fig. 12).In the mythical past, when the people were stUl living at WliiteHouse, the katsina used to come to the pueblo in person to dance, butbecause of some incident (an account of which I did not obtain fromSia informants; see, however, the Acoma myth in White, 1932 a, pp.143-44), they no longer come in person. The people were told,however, that they might impersonate the katsina by wearing masksand that the katsina would then come in spirit. This is how themasked dances and ceremonies originated.The katsina complex finds its expression and fulfillment in maskedimpersonations in dances and rituals. The principal function of thekatsina is to bring rain and to promote the growth of crops. Butthey also help to cure sickness and to make people strong, help child-less wives to become pregnant, and in some instances they havepunitive functions, punishing people for violating or deviating fromancient customs.In 1887 James Stevenson was admitted to a secret chamber in Siawhich was "literally filled with masks . . . which he was permitted toexamine at leisure, a most unusual privilege, as these people have a
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 237
superstitious dread of their masks being seen when off the person"(Powell, 1892, p. xxviii). He was unable to acquire any of them,apparently, since no mention is made of it, but "sketches were madeof many of them." Mrs. Stevenson (1894) discusses the katsinacomplex briefly and provides colored plates of some of the masks,describes the initiation of children into the secrets of the katsina, butdoes not specify whether she witnessed the ceremony or obtainedan account of it from an informant. She says that masked danceswere held, but does not describe any of them.The katsina organization consists of (1) certain societies which own,or have custody of, certain masks and which put on the dances inwhich their own masks are worn, and (2) persons who have beeninitiated into the secrets of the katsina and are qualified thereby toimpersonate them in dances. Masks are owned by, or are in thecustody of, the following societies: Katsina-Gomaiyawic, Kwiraina,Fire, Giant, Snake, Kapina, and Sicti, Flint-Shima, Koshairi, andCaiyeik societies do not have any masks. The reason why somesocieties have masks while others do not was not ascertainable frommy informants. It is interesting to note that the sicti, which is asecular group, composed of ordinary people (see p. 182), owns masks;they are, however, in the custody, for safekeeping, of the Katsina-Gomaiyawic group.The general pattern for masked dances is as follows: There willbe a considerable number of dancers wearing the same kind of masksuch as Acuwa, for example. They dance together, with the same stepand uniformly, in a single line, alternating between side by side posi-tions and "Indian file." I have caUed these "line dancers." Thenthere are katsina who appear singly or in twos, possibly three or four,who dance about as they please around the line dancers. I have calledthese "side dancers"; the Sias call them cniyaname. Finally, thereare female katsina: kotcininako (yellow women) or merinako (blue-green women); they are the women of the North and West, respec-tively (seep. 111). They usually come in numbers of four to six.Sometimes the kotcininako accompany the songs of the line dancersby kneehng in a row, facing the male katsina, and rubbing a deer legbone along a notched stick, one end of which rests upon a gourd, whichserves as a resonance chamber, the other held in the left hand. Themerinako always carry a small basket in the right hand; a sprig ofspruce in the left. Female katsina are impersonated by women; wom-en wear no other kind of mask.There are two classes of masks: those which cover the head com-pletely, and those which cover the face only. In the case of the lat-ter, the hair of the dancer hangs down the sides of the head so as toconceal the edges of the mask. And this type of mask always has a
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184beard?sometimes of black horsehair, sometimes of fine yucca fiber
?
which conceals the bottom of the mask; a few feathers?usually of theturkey?are worn on the beard. The masks which cover the head en-tirely always have a collar which conceals the juncture of mask withneck and shoulders; the collar may be of spruce twigs, fur, feathers,or, as in the case of Gomaiyawic, a woven textile. The eyes are fre-quently triangular, and when of this shape, they are always black.The ears are usually red. Some masks represent, or are named for,animals or fowls (duck) ; some have as names the cry that they utter
;
others have names for which there is no English equivalent.The costume of the male katsina dancers is uniform, as far as I know,apart from the mask. The torso is nude, but it and the arms may ormay not be painted. An embroidered cotton dance kilt is worn, tiedwith a woven belt ; a foxskin hangs down from the middle of the back.A bandoleer of shells, sections of an ear of corn, or yarn is worn overthe right shoulder to the left side. Blue-green leather armbands, intowhich sprigs of spruce are tucked, are worn around the biceps. Hanksof yarn are worn around the legs just below the knees. Moccasins,the heels of which are trimmed with black and white skunk fur, com-plete the costume. The dancer may carry a gourd rattle, or a prayer-stick, in the right hand; a sprig of spruce in the left (see White, 1942 a,pp. 224, 235, and Dumarest, 1919, frontispiece, for sketches of katsinadancers at Santa Ana and Cochiti, respectively). I shall now list, bythe societies which own them, the katsina masks found in Sia, and in-dicate whether they are fine or side dancers.KATSINA-GOMAIYAWICA-cuwa. (Fig. 29.) There are two kinds: mekatc (big) and cr6yati(boys). Each is a line dancer; 12 to 14 come at a time. Big Acuwahas a beard of h'a-dymyt (fibers of the leaf of Yucca baccata, or soap-weed) dyed red, upon which three pairs of medium length turkey tailfeathers are tied. Croyati Acuwa has a beard of black horsehair andeagle feathers; on the crown of his head is a bunch of parrot bodyfeathers; on the right side of his head is a parrot tail feather; on theleft, an eagle tail feather and a tail feather of the road runner; his faceis blue ; a sunflower is painted on his forehead. Croyati Acuwa carriesa device made of a leather strap to one end of which two feathers fromunderneath an eagle's wing have been tied; awa-Bunyi (piece of sea-shell, Halioti cracherodii), at the other end; along the strap eagle neckfeathers are fastened.Kotcininako. (Fig. 29.) Twelve or 14 may come with either kindof Acuwa.Gaiyactactaiya ("cold feet")- (Fig. 29.) Line dancer; there are 9masks ; always accompanied by 3 kotcininako. A bunch of parrot body
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 239
Ko' 'haiya Sai'ValacFigure 29.?Katsina masks.
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184feathers on top of head; the others are eagle and parrot tail feathers;face blue-green; 3 white lines above each eye; red wool on forehead;ears red; fir collar.Kohaiya (bear). (Fig. 29.) Line dancer; 9 masks. Face, blue-green; snake has red head and alternating red and yellow body seg-ments; yellow snout; 4 eagle tail feathers at back of head, beneathwhich is a bunch of owl feathers; cotton on top of mask; wildcat peltcollar.Saiyatac (there is a Saiyatasha kachina at Zufii). (Fig. 29.) Sidedancer; 2 masks. Face black; red triangle on forehead; black bearskin "bib" below the mouth; blue-green horns; red goat wool on head;wildcat pelt collar; carries soapweed whips in each hand; "is alwayscross."Gomaiyawic (to be equated with the Koyemshi, or Mud Heads, ofZuiii). (Fig. 30.) Side dancer; 4 masks. The mask is made of softleather; the balls which protrude are filled with seeds of various Idnds;sprigs of spruce at base of knobs; face oxide red; nose, white; collar,piece of black, woolen "manta."Basa (grandfathers). Side dancer; 2 masks; no sketch; "very oldand gray; impersonated by an old gray haired man."I'yuBictya ("putting black on someone's face with your hands").Side dancer; 2 masks. No sketch.Nyenyeka. (Fig. 30.) Side dancer; 1 mask. Has black, protrud-ing eyeballs with white irises; black face with white design; skunktail hanging down back of head; wildcat pelt collar; carries soapweedwhip in right hand, bow and arrow in left; is cross and irritable.Bo-tiwa. Side dancer; 1 mask. No sketch.Kaci-na (not to be confused with kachina or katsina). (Fig. 30.)Side dancer; 1 mask. Blue-green face; red ears; blue-green woodendisk above head surmounted by three white clouds; lighting designs,white; eagle and parrot feathers; spruce collar; "he has a mirror some-where on the top of his head."Ctiwictiwa (or ctiwictiwi, killdeer, Oxyechus vociferus). (Fig. 30.)Side dancer; 1 mask. The circle in center of face is blue-green encir-cled by a red line; outside of this is a white band, then a black circle;the rest of the face is yellow; cotton on top of head surmounted by awooden head piece; red ears; spruce collar. He comes with Pei'ictca,carrying a small bowl of corn flour (petana) and an eagle plume inhis left hand, a little rattle in his right; he makes a "road" for thedancers.Tsatcrati ("something that has horns"). (Fig. 30.) Side dancer;2 masks. Black face with blue-green triangle on forehead; protru-ding eyeballs with white irises ; goat wool on head ; the horns are bluegreen next to the head, vermiUion the rest of the way; black bearskin
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 241
Tsatcra'ti C>yanyLFigure 30.?Katsina masks.
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184bib; carries a whip in each hand. This mask is ahnost exactly hkethat of Saiyatac. KWIRAINA SOCIETYDyd'nyi (deer). (Fig. 30.) Line dancer; 14 masks. Real deerhorns and ears on top of mask; the ears are red on the inside, greenoutside; blue-green face; red and yellow segmented snakes; red bandacross top of face, above which are white clouds; green protrudingsnout with a black tip; spruce collar.Waioca (duck). (Fig. 31.) Line dancer; 14 masks. Sea-blue facewith blue-green snout; snake has red head and alternating red andyellow body segments; a prayerstick is among the eagle and parrotfeathers on the right side of his head; at the base of these feathers isa bunch of sparrow hawk (tciLika) feathers, the "badge" of Kwiraina:spruce OD top of head and spruce collar.Mi'na (salt). There are 6 masks. "They don't come very often,only when the land is very dry; the last time they came was in 1923and they had not come for years before that." The masks are entirelywhite, with icicles on their headdress; "they bring hail and ice."They do not dance; they merely walk about the pueblo while theysing one song, after which they retire. No sketch.Kotcininako. Ten or twelve, who sometimes accompany the Deeror Duck line dancers.Mo-kaitc (mountain lion, Felis concolor). (Fig. 31.) Side dancers;2 masks. I have two sketches. No. 1 has a blue-green face; yellowsnout with a red lightning design ; unspun cotton on top of mask witha bunch of parrot body feathers in center; a string runs from the twoeagle wing feathers; at the back of the head are two parrot feathersand a bunch of owl feathers; wildcat pelt collar; carries soap-weedwhip in right hand, bow and arrow in left.Mokaitc No. 2 has a yellow face with a red design, said to be a"hand" on the side; unspun cotton on top of head, eagle and owlfeathers at back of head ; the "horn" protruding from the forehead hasa red lightning design; carries a soapweed whip in right hand, bow andarrow in left.Bear or Lion katsina, or both, accompany Deer and Duck line dan-cers; they adjust theii- costumes as needed, and keep people fromcoming too close to them.HoDODO and Wikori. These are special katsina. They were cre-ated in the first of the underworlds, the Yellow world (see "Cos-mology"). They are the patrons, or "fathers," of the Kwirainasociety. Their "home" is northeast of Sia, and when they appear ina dance they always enter the pueblo from this direction "on Hododoand Wikort trails." They do not come very often; it is up to Tia-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 243
Mo-'Kailc''2. ^ CaKaK
HtrutaFigure 31.?Katsina masks.
244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184munyi or the War chief to ask for them. When they do come it isusually at Easter time, and always as side dancers of Deer or Duckkatsina.HoDODO and Wikori are dangerous katsina. They are alwaysangry. They carry deer horns with which they may stab any ordi-nary person they may encounter. No one, therefore, is allowed tomeet them when they enter the pueblo until they reach Gacitiwa, thesacred place in the north plaza, where Tiamunyi or War chief, or both,greet them. Wikon precedes Hododo as they enter; the formercarries a spruce cane. These katsina are so dangerous that there arerituals to pacify them, to keep them from injuring people. Nosketches. FIRE SOCIETYCakak* (the supernatural of the north). (Fig, 31.) Line dancer;12 masks. Unspun cotton on top of mask, and above this is a head-piece resembling the tablita worn by women in the dance for the sainton August 15; on top of the headpiece are white clouds; on Cakak'sleft side, this headpiece is sea blue; the other side is white; the snakeshave red heads and red and yellow bodies. The right side of Cakak'sface is blue green; the other side, sea blue; the designs between theears and the eyes are yellow; the clouds at the top of the face are,alternating, red and yellow; the vertical band in the middle of theface is black with white circles ; spruce collar.Cai-ca or Cxica (elk, Cervus canadensis). (Fig. 31.) Line dancer;5 masks. Blue-green face and snout; inside of mouth, black; hornsare of wood and grajdsh white; 2 parrot tails, and a bunch of parrotbody feathers at back of mask; spruce collar,Heruta. (Fig. 31.) Side dancer; 1 mask. Black face with blue-green moon on forehead ; the lines which extend from eyes and mouthare of various colors; black hair (unindentified) and short turkeybody feathers on top of mask; mouth twisted on one side. Heruta isthe "chief of the katsina," and leads them in all their dances; he isleft-handed; carries nothing in his hands; wears no footgear.Merinako (blue-green woman). Eight or 10 masks; they comesometimes with Cakak. Mask is like that of Kotcininako except forcolor of face.Cka'ac (one informant said it may be called Nawic, also). (Fig.32.) Side dancer; 1 mask. This is a small mask and can be wornonly by a small boy. Since it is not easy to find a young boy who canbe entrusted with the secrets of the Katsina, this mask is used infre-quently. The center of the face is blue green. This is surrounded bya vermilion band; the rest of the mask is black with white circles. Ontop of the mask are spruce twigs and a bunch of owl feathers, with aturkey wing feather on either side; spruce collar.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 245
Figure 32.?Katsina masks.60068?^?i62?17
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The Fire society also has two special kinds of bear masks calledKokoh6 (the ordinary word for bear is k'6haiya; see p. 143). I believethey are not considered katsina.Ocatc. (Fig. 32.) Side dancer; 2 masks. Blue-green face; flowerson forehead; eagle tail feathers; red horns; black fur bib; wildcat peltcollar. GIANT SOCIETYHeruta. Same as for Fire society.Maidyana ("seven"). (Fig. 32.) Line dancer; 7 masks. Sprucetwigs, 2 eagle tails, 1 parrot tail, feathers on top of mask; tablita isblue-green with red band across top surmounted by white clouds; lowerpart of face on each side, yellow; black band with white cu'cles inmiddle of face; spruce collar.Go'6kiwa. (Fig. 32.) Side dancer; 2 masks. Blue-green face;red eyes, eyebrows, and mouth; unspun cotton, 4 eagle wing featherson top of mask; a bunch of "something hke grass" on each side oftop of mask; bib of "some kind of hair" beneath mouth; wildcatpelt collar.The Go'61dwa katsina are tied together when they enter the plaza.Heruta presents them to Tiamunyi, who "accepts" them and tellsthem not to be mean (they have an irascible disposition, carryyucca whips, and are incliDed to whip anyone they encounter). TheKoshairi, also, admonish them and urge them to go about in a peacefulmanner. After a time, Heruta claps his hands and the Go'dkiwa lungeapart, breaking the bonds that have tied them, and rush off in differentdirections, whipping everyone they come across. Koshairi and Herutago after them and try to calm them, "but they are still mean and liketo whip people, especially little [i.e., uninitiated] kids."Sikirt. (Fig. 32.) Side dancer; 2 masks. Black face with blue-green snout and eyes; unspun cotton, 4 eagle tail feathers, and anarrow on top of mask; the head of the arrow is red, the shaft has shortfluffy eagle feathers tied to it; hah' bib beneath mouth; wildcat peltcollar.Merinako, 7 masks. SNAKE SOCIETYN6'wira (so called because he utters this cry). (Fig. 32.) Sidedancer; 1 mask. Black face; horns blue-green at base, outer half isblack; red wool hangs from base of each horn; blue-green crescentbetween horn and eye; black protruding eyeballs with white irises;white teeth; eagle tail and owl body feathers on back of mask; wildcatpelt collar. No'wira is a katsina hotcanyi (chief); "he is a very oldman." The head of the Snake society leads him when he appears.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 247He carries a long flint blade in his right hand ; a bow and arrow in hisleft.M6kaitc (mountain lion). Side dancer; 4 masks. I do not knowif this is the same kind of mask as that owned by the Kwiraina society.Perhaps one of the two previously mentioned belongs to Kwiraina;the other, to Snake society.KAPINA SOCIETYHilihh6 (so called "because he makes this sound when he comes").(Fig. 33.) Side dancer; 2 masks. Blue-green face; black eyeballswith white irises; the 3 vertical lines over his right eye are red; thoseover the left eye, black; the horn on his left side is black; the knob onhis right, blue green ; bib of hair beneath mouth overlapping the wild-cat pelt collar; carries a soapweed whip in his right hand; a bow andarrow in the left. SICTI GROUPPerictca. (Fig. 33.) Side dancer; number not ascertained. Blue-green face; sheep wool, dyed red, on forehead; 4 eagle tail, and abunch of parrot body, feathers on top of mask; spruce collar.Ho-wi. (Fig. 33.) Side dancer; number not ascertained. Unspuncotton and bunch of fluffy eagle feathers on top of mask; upper partof face is blue-green; crescent design, red; rest of face, yellow; eyes,red; mouth, blue-green; spruce collar.Miscellaneous masks: I do not know which group they belong to.H^nati (cloud). (Fig. 33.) Side dancer; white face, blue-greenmouth; black vertical lines on forehead; one eagle wing feather oneach side of face; eagle tail feathers; black bear fur bib; wildcat peltcollar; carries soapweed whip in right hand; bow and arrow in left.0-roro ("he makes this sound when he comes"). (Fig. 33.) Blackface ; white lines radiate from eyes and mouth ; spruce twigs on top ofmask with one eagle wing feather on each side and a bunch of owlfeathers in the center; coyote pelt collar; carries nothing.Tsackanits. (Fig. 33.) Black face with a red "hand" on the side;blue-green eyes; snout yellow; inside of mouth, red; eagle tail andowl body feathers on back of mask ; wildcat pelt coUar.Saiyap'*. (Fig. 33.) Black face; blue-green crescent; eyes andears red; white teeth in a red mouth; eagle tail feathers; sheep wooldyed a burnt orange on sides of mask; horns blue green with blackends; wildcat pelt collar.Berictca. (Fig. 34.) Blue-green face; eyes outlined with blacklines; his left eye is set in a red field; ears red with shell pendants;blue-green snout inside of which is black; 3 turkey tail feathers and awillow prayerstick on right side of his head ; 3 turkey taU, and 1 par-rot tail, feather on his left; 1 road runner tail feather, a few short,
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
Saiyap^Figure 33.?Katsina masks.
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Figure 34.?Katsina mask (Berictca).
fluffy eagle feathers and a bunch of parrot body feathers on top ofhead ; sheep wool on forehead ; back of mask is white with 4 butterfliesouthned in black; spruce collar.One of my informants, who had a copy of Stevenson's "The Sia,"identified the katsina illustrated therein as follows: plate 31, A, Heruta,without the feathers; B, unidentified; C, Waioca, Duck; plate 32, D,Go' okiwa; E, Kohaiya (bear).In the old days masks were made of bisonhide. Nowadays, how-ever, it is necessary to use cowhide since bisonhide is not readilyavailable (although there is a small herd of bison at Taos pueblo).The masks are stored in the house of the society that owns them,with the exception of Sicti, whose masks are kept by Katsina-Gomai-yawic. They must be repainted and refurbished from time to time.This is done by the society that owns them.Blue-green paint for masks is made of mo-ckai, which is azurite,a blue basic carbonate of copper, or malachite, a green basic carbonateof copper; azm-ite weathers down to malachite (White, 1948, p. 368).These materials are found in the nearby mountains. Mo-ckai isground to a fine powder with mortar and pestle and mixed withwater to make paint. It is blown in a fine spray from the mouthupon the masks. Then another liquid is sprayed on to set the mo-ckaipaint. This Uquid is made of raw seeds of the indigenous pumpkin(Cucurbita moschata), called Dowai'mi ('native') Danyi ('pumpkin')
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184to distinguish it from C. maxima, which is grown at Sia but is notindigenous and is therefore called m^rikana ('American') Danyi. Theseeds are chewed thoroughly. Then, keeping them in the mouth,the mouth is filled with water and mixed well with the seeds. Themixture is then drained through a cloth into a bowl; it has the colorand consistency of milk. This liquid is sprayed from the mouthonto the mo-ckai; it is said to make it look darker and greener (cf.White, 1948, pp. 368-369).A yellow paint for katsina masks is made from a collected, butunidentified, plant, called cko*maik'? specimen 23915, Museum ofAnthropology, University of Michigan. It has a conspicuous four-petaled flower (White, 1945, pp. 564-565).Gypsum (CaSo4), a variety of selenite, commonly called mica, isalso used to make a paint for masks. The Sia name is ronina ha'ack-anyi; white mica is called howaka, 'sky,' ha'ackanyi. The latter isrubbed on a hard stone to reduce it to powder and is then mixedwith water to make a white paint (White, 1948, p. 370).INITIATION INTO KATSINA LOREIn all Keresan pueblos small children are led to believe that thekatsina impersonators are real supernatural beings. In some of theKeresan pueblos the women are supposed to be ignorant of the trueidentity of the masked dancers. My data are conflicting on thispoint. One informant stated emphatically that women never wearkatsina masks; another said that they wore the Kotcininako andMerinako?the Yellow and Green Women?masks. Stevenson (1894,p. 116) reports that women do take part in masked impersonations.It may be that my informant who said that women do not wearmasks did not count Yellow and Green Women as katsina.It is up to the parents of a child to decide when he or she is oldenough to be entrusted with the secrets of the katsina. When thattime has come they will tell the head of Koshairi or Kwiraina, which-ever one will have charge of the next masked dance, that they wishto have theh' child initiated. The initiation will take place on theday the dance is held. The parents or grandparents (either pair)will take the child to the house where the masked dancers gatherbetween dances; this wiU be the ceremonial house of the societywhich has charge of the dance. They may go in the forenoon, rightafter the first dance, but they usually go in the afternoon.The head of the society in charge of the dance will have been noti-fied, of course, and Koshairi or Kwiraina nawai will ask the Warchief to be present also, and he, in turn, will ask Tiamunyi to bethere. The society in charge of the dance wUl have its meal painting(fig. 35) laid out and its slat altar erected "unless it is too crowded."
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 251
;-??:->THiTi-i.;nT'-,-?.T.--y..'.';-7?^I.
/??' "*-i "?'!'?."''
Figure 35.?Katsina meal-painting: initiation.When the initiate and his escort arrive at the house they find thekatsina there, standing in a Hne (fig. 36). The head of the society incharge of the dance makes a long talk about the katsina, who theyare and what they mean to the people. Then the head of Koshairi orKwiraina will talk. The chUd may be whipped as a part of the ritualof initiation; this is a widespread pueblo practice in the initiation ofchildren. At Sia the whipping rite is optional, however, and theparents decide whether or not they want to have it. If they wantto have the chUd whipped the head of the society in charge will askone or more of the side dancers to do it. Then at a signal from thehead of the society in charge all of the dancers remove their masksreveahng themselves as well-known men of the pueblo. The head ofthe society talks again, impressing upon the child that although thekatsina are impersonated by men they are nonetheless real and sacredand important in the life of the people. He is followed by the head
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
,>tS Uead ^nS)^""I^^^^ MedicBow
O ,Koshairi Q\n^\\
'^' ^/V. '??<'
o
J -, I
50OO
lylea! %Pointing
OKosWairi
Figure 36.?Initiation of child into the Katsina cult.
of Koshairi or Kwiraina who addresses the child. If the Tiamunyiis there he will talk, too, and then War chief talks. The child is re-quired solemnly to vow that he will never reveal what he has learnedthere (see Stevenson's account of initiation, 1894, pp. 117-118).Masked dances may be held at any time, it is said, but most ofthem occur in the fall about harvest time; sometimes ih.ej are heldin the spring about Easter time.A masked dance can be initiated by the head of any society havingkatsina masks. In such a case he would have to secure the permissionof the War chief. Or, Tiamunyi or War chief can ask for the shiwanna(katsina are frequently referred to as shiwanna) to come (i.e., to havea masked dance); in such a case the War chief would make the re-quest to the head of the society having the kind of katsina he wanted,and he would specify which shiwanna he wanted.If the society that is going to put on a masked dance does nothave enough members, and this is usually the case, the head of the
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society can go to the head of any of the other societies having masksand ask for dancers ; the nawai would, of com-se, delegate members ofhis own society to help. Or, the head of the society needing addi-tional dancers could go to the head of the singers, or of the sicti?in1941 one man was the head of both groups?and ask him for help.Members of the singers, or of the sicti, would be delegated to assist.Or, the head of the society needing more dancers could go to Tiamunyi,War chief, the governor, or fiscale, and ask for more dancers. Theofficer in question could call upon anyone in the pueblo, provided, ofcourse, that he or she had been initiated into the lore of the katsina.Persons who are to take part in a masked dance must observe thenaowetas'nyi (ritual emesis) each morning for 4 days, and observe thetaboo of notr6wadyac (sexual continence) for a like period. Onemust not even talk to a woman in a sexual or erotic context:Once about 150 years ago, a man and a woman who were about to take partin a katsina dance had sexual relations with each other during the 4-day periodbefore the dance. After the dance was over the dancers went back to theirceremonial house. This man and woman found that they could not remove theirmasks; they had stuck to their skin and flesh. When it was discovered that theycould not take off their masks the other dancers were called to witness this marvel.Some of the people tried to take the masks off but found that they had actuallybecome the skin and flesh of the man and woman. Then the man and womanfound that they could no longer talk; they could only utter the cries characteristicof the katsina they had been impersonating. They had actually become thosekatsina. The people took them outdoors and then to the hotcanitsa. Theywalked around the pueblo?maybe to say "goodbye." Then they went down tothe river and waded in. They sank down out of sight and were never seen again.Each day, for 4 days preceding the dance, the men who are to danceleave the pueblo and go "out somewhere" to practice their dancingunobserved; in the evening they rehearse their songs in a house, bor-rowed for the purpose. Early in the morning of the third day someof the katsina dancers go out into the mountains to get spruce for theircostumes. They take prayer feather bunches (waBanyi) and prayermeal (petana) with them. Before they cut any spruce they tie afeather bunch to the tree, sprinkle it with meal, and offer a prayerand thanks to the tree for its branches. After this ritual for the firsttree, they may take branches from any tree without more ado. Theyreturn to the pueblo after dark so that no one will see them: all prep-arations for the dance are kept secret from the uninitiated, whobeUeve that the masked dancers are really katsina rainmakers fromWenima.While the men have been in the mountains gathering spruce, themembers of the society in charge of the dance, assisted by some ofthe dancers, get the masks ready; they must be refurbished withflowers, feathers, prayersticks, etc.
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184On the fourth evening (the night before the dance), the medicinesociety holds a ceremony in the house where the masks are beingprepared. They make a sand painting, erect their altar, and lay outtheir paraphernalia. The ceremony consists of singing, smoking,mixing medicines and water in the ceremonial bowl, and sprinkhngthe dancers, masks, altar, and paraphernaHa. Prayersticks, to begiven to the dancers on the following day, are made. After the cere-mony, altar and paraphernaUa are cleared away. The dancers sleepin this house.Early the next morning, the dancers paint themselves and don theirmasks and costumes. Masewi comes to conduct them to the plaza;followed by a member of the society in charge of the dance?who,incidentally, may be a woman?Masewi leads the dancers to the plaza.(See fig. 37.) The dancers carry corn, bread, fruit, and melons; theymay also have a few katsina o-wak ('baby,' i.e., kachina dolls). Thedancers line up facing the officers who will be seated on the west(another informant said north) side of the plaza. They lay their foodofferings down and begin to dance. Masewi stands at the head ofthe line during the first dance. When this is over, Tiamunyi and theother officers arise, go to the dancers, and sprinkle them \vith prayermeal. Tiamunyi "accepts" the society that has charge of the dance,and makes a formal speech "about how the katsina have come toSia." The head of the society then tells the dancers, in a loud voice,what Tiamunyi has said. Then the dancers distribute their gifts tothe people, almost invariably to their close relatives. Small children
mmmrtimmmm
U LO SpruceCCCCCLCCCCCC Tree nOTcjTc^T.Tc.MGGG
?
m
Figure 37.?Diagram of a masked Katsina dance. C= katsina; L= leader; M=merinako; Ti=Tiamunyi; Tcj, Tcj, Tc3=tcraikatsi; M=MasewI; O=0yoyewi; G=Gowatcanyi.
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are enormously impressed with this, since they believe that the dancersare supernatm-al beings. Masewi then leads them back to their house.No one leads them to the plaza for succeeding dances except the last,when Masewi again performs this duty.The katsina dance four times during the forenoon, after whichthey retire to their house for lunch, which is brought to them bywomen. Heruta stands guard in the plaza meanwhile to see thatno uninitiated persons approach the katsina; Heruta himself doesnot eat until the dance is over, even if it should occupy 2 days.The katsina dance four times in the afternoon, also. If someonein the pueblo has been ill for some time, some of the katsina may goto his house and stroke him with their soapweed whips, "to givehim strength," or give him a couple of ears of corn.After the fourth dance, the katsina Hne up in front of Tiamunyiwho addresses them formally, thanking them for "coming to Sia anddoing good." Tiamunyi tells them either that they may "go home"(i.e., return to W6nima), or that they must return for a second day'sdancing; he addresses himself to the society in charge of the dance,who, in turn, tells the katsina what Tiamunyi has said. Masewileads the dancers back to their house; if there is to be a second dayof dancing, they must sleep there.When the dance is all over, the dancers go to a sacred spot (tsa-pacromi) in the north plaza and pray. Then they return to theirhouse, remove their costumes, "undress" the masks (i.e., remove thefeathers and any other accessories they may have), and, after dark,go down to the river and bathe. My notes do not say when, or how,the prayersticks are deposited.I obtained data on a katsina dance held in Sia on September 3,1941. A group of young men volunteered to put on the dance "togive ianyi [beneficent supernatural power] to the pueblo." Therewere 9 Berictca katsina; they were the line dancers. Two Ho'wi andone Ctiwictiwi were side dancers. And three Kotcininako accom-panied the songs with the notched stick and gourd. Ctiwictiwi ledthe dancers into the plaza, making a road for them with meal (petana)from his bowl. The men had to obtain permission of the head of thesicti group (Andres Pino) to hold the dance; then permission fromMasewi, who in turn notified Tiamunyi so that he would be ready.The dancers were obliged to vomit and to abstain from sexual rela-tions for 4 days before the dance. They had to practice duringthis time, also.
"It is the duty of the War chief," Stevenson observed (1894, pp.18-19), "to surround the village with mounted guardsmen at thetime of a dance of the Katsina. A Mexican, especially, must notlook upon one of these anthropomorphic beings." The same pre-
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 184
cautions were observed as recently as 1957. White school teachers,resident on the edge of the pueblo, are obliged to remain on the schoolpremises or leave the pueblo during a dance. "What if someone in asmall airplane flew over the plaza dming a shiwanna dance?" Iasked an informant. He replied that the dancers would retire totheir house and that someone would (might) wave a blanket at theintruder to warn him to go away.Pueblos may assist one another in their katsina dances, an infor-mant said, just as societies occasionally help each other with theirinitiations or even curing ceremonies. But in actual practice thisrarely happens. An individual in one pueblo may, as a consequenceof a vow, take part in a katsina dance in another village; he would,of course, have to obtain the permission of the War chief (at least)to do so. I learned of specific instances: one man from Jemez, andanother from Cochiti, took part in Sia dances.The pueblo of San Ildefonso (Tewa) once asked the Sia to go totheir village to assist in "restoring" their Acuwa masks, which, myinformant said, had been borrowed from Sia originallj''. But the SiaWar chief vetoed the request. What was meant by "restoring themasks" was not ascertained.BUFFALO DANCEThis ceremony is called moce-itc ('buffalo'), but other animals areimpersonated, also. It is almost always performed in wintertimebut sometimes it is given in early spring. It is performed in twodifferent contexts: sacred and nonsacred. In the latter, any one ofthe officers may "ask for it," and the performers are not obliged tovomit in preparation for it. The sacred performance is requested byMasewi only, and the performers must vomit and abstain from sexualrelations for 4 days before the dance. A description of this ceremonyfollows
:
There will be two groups of dancers. Each will consist of 2 buffalo,3 or 4 deer, 1 or 2 elk, 4 or 5 antelope, and one woman who is calledTsi'na ('turkey'; why she is called this was not ascertainable); at SanFelipe she was called "buffalo woman" and was said to be the "motherof game animals" (White, 1932 b, p. 56); at Santa Ana and at Cochitishe may be called "mahnche" (White, 1942 a, p. 298; Lange, 1959,p. 325), the name of the little girl in the Mexican matachinas dance-drama. My notes do not tell how the performers are selected.Masewi will request one of the medicine societies, or Koshairi, Kwi-raina or Caiyeik, to paint and dress the dancers; he usually askseither the Fire society or Kwiraina to do this because the former haselk (cGi'ca) masks and the latter, deer. The head of Caiyeik society
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will assist, also. Each group of dancers will be accompanied by achorus of singers.If the dance is held at Christmas time the Goyaiti ('game animals')put on their costumes, but do not paint or don their headdresses,leave the pueblo before dawn and go to a sacred spot called Cu-wtmt('turquoise') tsinaotice ('point'), where they paint themselves and puton their headdresses. The woman performer, who is called kotcini-nako ('3^ellow woman') as well as Tsina, does not go with the animalsto this place; she joins them when they return to the pueblo.Just before dawn the animal dancers deploy themselves aroundthe pueblo : the buffalo are on the road that leads to Santa Ana, thedeer on the road to San Felipe, and the antelope on the plain south-east of the village. The two groups of singers gather in the pueblo.As the sun comes up they begin to sing and the animals approach thepueblo. When they reach the edge of the village they are greetedby all the pueblo officers, including Tiamunyi and Caiyeik. The lat-ter two address the game animals, presumably telling them whythey have been asked to come, that it is for the good of the pueblo,and so on. The two women dancers join their respective groups,running about among them shaking their amakaiyam (an objectdecked with feathers and possibly rattles; it is held in the right handat about the level of the face). After some milling about, the danc-ers go to the vicinity of the secret underground chamber, wherethey dance. If it is Christmas time they go to the Catholic church,enter, and dance there. If it is not Christmas time they go to thenorth plaza and dance, then to the south plaza where they dance infront of Caiyeik's ceremonial house, then to the hotcanitsa wherethey dance again. Then they retire to their house (presumably thehouse of the society which has painted them) ; sometimes each groupof dancers has its own house, but usually they all use only one. Thesingers use another house.Masewi instructs the singers as to how the dance is to be conducted.The two groups dance alternately in the north plaza all day "untilthe cacique ends it."Sometimes the game animals, i.e., dancers, are "hunted" and
"killed" by men who are not taking part in the dance. This takesplace sometimes early in the morning before the animals have comeinto the pueblo. Men go out with guns and pretend to shoot them.When an animal is dropped the hunter runs up and sprinkles petana(prayer meal), and perhaps yakatca (red ocher) and stcamun (mag-netite and hematite) on him, after which he gets up and runs to jointhe others. Sometimes Masewi announces, during the afternoondancing, that the men of the pueblo may "hunt" the animals. The
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184hunters come out with deer rifles, take aim at an animal, sometimesdropping on one knee to do so, and "shoot" it. The animal drops tothe ground, the hunter runs up, puts the animal on his shoulder, andcarries it to his, the hunter's, house. There he lays the animal on thefloor and treats it as he would a real deer brought home from themountains. I entered the house of a friend once during such an oc-casion. There, lying on an old bear skin on the floor, was an
"antelope", i.e., a small boy dancer. Bending over him, in a kneehngposition, was the man of the house who had just "shot" the antelopeand brought him to his house. The man had his back to me and Icould not see clearly what he was doing, but he was occupied with theneck or head of the antelope-boy. After a time the antelope rose tohis feet. At this point the wife came into the room from the kitchenbearing an Indian basket full of food : bread, a few tin cans of food, andso on, which she handed to her husband. He in turn placed it into theantelope-boy's hands, continuing, however, to hold the basket him-self. Then the man began to talk : perhaps he was praying, or perhapshe was addressing the antelope, thanking him for coming to Sia.The wife and a small child stood by, facing the antelope and the man.Everyone was solemn and serious; no one paid the shghtest attentionto me. The man talked for 3 or 4 minutes. When he had finished,he and the antelope left the house together, the latter carrying thebasket of food. Only after they had left did the wife relax and speakto me. But no mention was made of the ritual I had just witnessed.The buffalo and the woman dancer, too, may be hunted, but theyare merely led to the house, not carried. Dancing is resumed afterthe hunt.When the ceremony is over the dancers go to their house, wherethey are dismissed by Masewi and the head of the society whichpainted them. Then they go down to the river and bathe; one inform-ant said that they could bathe in their own homes.The costumes of the dancers, with the exception of the buffaloheads, belong to individuals; the heads belong to the pueblo. In1941 Sia had four buffalo heads, one of which had been acquired fromSan Felipe in 1934. "They used to have buffalo heads made of bearskin and fur, but they had real buffalo horns." The Fire society hasfour paus of bison horns; Koshairi has two pairs.These animal dances are, of course, associated with himting: "Theygive the hunters power over the game." Also, they bring moistm^e inthe form of snow. At Cochiti, "the buffalo is considered to have un-usual curative powers" (Lange, 1959, p. 328).Game animal dances are performed in aU the Keresan pueblos andamong the Tewa villages as well. There is an account of the cere-mony at Santa Ana in White (1942 a, pp. 296-302), illustrated with
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sketches of bison and deer dancers by a native artist and of other per-formers by a white artist. A brief description of the San Fehpc cere-mony may be found in White (1932 b, pp. 56-58). Lange (1959, pp.325-328) describes the dance at Cochiti, with sketches of the head-dresses of the bison and women dancers. Choreography and songs ofthe buffalo dance at Cochiti are provided by Kurath in Lange (1959,pp. 539-545). Densmore (1938, pp. 143-166) offers a lengthydescription of the dance at Santo Domingo; see, also, Lange's brieferaccount (1954, pp. 151-155).I witnessed a buffalo dance in Sia on Christmas day, 1954. Therewere 2 buffalo, 3 deer, 3 antelope, a woman, and a leader of the dance(Caiyeik?) accompanied by a group of singers. The buffalo dancerswere painted in a manner different from an3^thing I had ever seen,however. The arms, from elbow to wrist, and the legs from knee toankle, were painted with red ocher. On the chest and in the middleof the back was a red disk with white eagle down around the perimeter.ATSe'eDANYI: AN OPI DANCEThe following is an account of an Opi dance, put on by the Kwi-raina society, caUed Atse'eD^nyi, which I \vitnessed in Sia on De-cember 27, 1938. Supplementary information was obtained laterfrom informants. One said that the ceremony might be calledwi-mo-ti, and that the purpose of the dance is to free a man from evilinfluence after he has taken part in armed conflict with an enemy.The dancers rehearsed on the evening of December 26. On themorning of the 27th, officers went around the pueblo about 9:30,after the service in the church, summoning the people who were totake part to the new kiva (Wren), to practice. They entered thekiva about 10 a.m.At about 12 m. the dancers came out of the kiva. There was onlyone group. Most of the dancers were males, who ranged in age fromrather young boys to old men. There were about 50 or 60 male per-formers, which must have been a large portion of the able-bodiedmales in the pueblo. There were very few women performers. Thedancers went to the north plaza, the one nearest the church.Most of the men were dressed in everyday costume of trousers andshirt. A few wore bright pink or green satinlike shirts. Some woreriding breeches; others wore ordinary trousers or blue jeans. Oneman wore the pajamaUke trousers such as are worn by the singers atthe "corn" dance; he wore also a green shirt (from a store), with thetails outside his trousers. All the men wore high-topped white buck-skin moccasins, and headbands of various colors. Many of the menhad red ocher (yakatca) smeared under each e3^e and on the cheekbones. They carried nothing in their hands. Almost all of them had
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
so-called Indian blankets, purchased in stores, wrapped around theirhips.When the group arrived, singing, into the little plaza, they formeda circle within which two dancers, a man and a woman, placed them-selves. The man was dressed in everyday shirt and trousers. ANavaho rug was folded and wrapped around his hips; it was held onby a leather belt to which many hoofs (deer, sheep, or calf?) wereattached in the back. He wore high, white-topped moccasins. To hisforelock was tied what appeared to be two pieces of cornhusk, folded.Under each eye and across the cheekbone was a stripe of white, orlight yellow paint; his lips, especially the lower one, were similarlypainted. In his left hand he carried a bow and two or three arrows;in his right hand he held a stone ax, hafted to a wooden handle withleather thongs. He wore a loop of old 1-inch rope which lay on hisleft shoulder and around his body, under his right arm, and down toabout his waist; this was in imitation of the ya'racnyiima, worn bythe real Opi. The knot, where the ends of the rope were tied to-gether, rested on his left shoulder.The woman was wearing the old-fashioned, dark woolen sleevelessdress, which leaves the left shoulder bare, such as is worn in the
"corn" dance. Over this she wore a dress elaborately embroideredin red and yellow geometric designs plus some birdlike designs. Shewore white moccasins and leggings. On her head was tied a large,white fluffy feather which hung down over her forehead. On herback she had a large bunch of bright green and orange parrot feathers
;
the bunch was placed between her shoulders, a slight distance fromher body, and mth the feathers, quill ends down, extending upward,reaching slightly above her head. She had a stripe of black paintrunning vertically down the middle of her chin and a like stripe oneach upper arm. A small fox, or foxlike, skin hung from her rightwrist; many strings of shells were wound around her left wrist.The man and woman dancers were inside the circle of singers whofaced the center; the circle of singers were dancing as well as singing.They were accompanied by one drummer. They started a song.The woman danced behind the man, who acted as though he were buthalf alive, or very stupid, or both. Some of the men in the circlewould yell something at him, and the others would laugh at what hadbeen said. Then one of the male singers would run out to the manwithin the circle and show him how to dance. Then another singerwould run in and try to make the dancer shoot an arrow, or dance likea Koshairi, or in some other manner. One of the singers shook therattles on the dancer's belt in a vigorous manner; another pulled histrousers out of his moccasin tops and down over his feet. Still an-other tried to make him hold a loose end of the rope in his mouth. At
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 261
each one of these little episodes the singers would laugh. During allthis time the male dancer assumed a docile, submissive attitude,submitting to the horseplay but showing no other response. Heacted as though he were thoroughly stupid. No one paid any at-tention to the woman dancer.After a few songs, the circle broke up and formed 4 or 5 rows of menand boys of about 12 men to a row, and sang and danced slowly to-ward the north. The woman danced either in front of the singers oramong them. The male dancer, with one man by his side, followedthe singers, dancing as he went. When the singers reached the endof the plaza they tm-ned around and danced slowly back, singing.The male dancer and his woman companion were now in front. Whenthe group was almost in the middle of the plaza they stopped andformed a big, roundish group. The male dancer and his companionturned around and faced the singers. One or two old men also werefacing them. They started a new song. The female dancer, followedby two or three old women in the costume of the "corn" dance, dancedaround the circle from north to west, south, then east, weaving in andout among the singers as they went. After a song or two, men and womenbearing presents in baskets, tubs, and blankets came into the plaza,up to the singers and started throwing their gifts: melons, dishes,squash, canned goods, cloth, bread, candy, feathers, hides, a youngbeef's head (skinned), pottery, garlic, chili, cigarettes, a large,kerosene lamp, etc., to the singers who scrambled for them with greatzest. Occasionally someone got hit rather severely by a can of cornor the like. The man and woman dancer and a few others took nopart in this scramble.After the presents had been thrown to the singers, the younger menand boys formed two parallel lines facing each other and extendingin a north-and-south line (XX in fig. 38). The older men formed agroup of singers with drummer, D, on the east side at the south endof the line. While they sang, the special woman dancer, W9, andone or two old women, Wi, W2, danced back and forth between thetwo rows of men. Sometimes the woman dancer faced and dancedsideways, moving both feet at once; sometimes she danced toward thenorth, then toward the south. The man dancer, M, and his com-panions, C, stood at the south end of the lines facing the dancingwomen. During the dancing a man in the east line fired a rifle twicein an interval of some minutes.When the songs were finished, everyone stopped where he was.Then everyone went to the two dancers, the man and the woman,and drew their hands across their bodies or their clothing to getianyi (beneficent supernatural power) from them. One man appearedto sprinkle the male dancer with petana (prayer meal). Some of the600685?'62 18
X
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184X XX XW, XXX XX W ><X ' ^X XX w. X On 00^O DRUMMERCMFigure 38.?Atse'eoanyi.
spectators, who were not taking part in the ceremony at all, went upto the two dancers to get ianyi. The two dancers stood quietlyuntil this ritual was over.When everything was finished all started to leave the plaza, goingtoward the south. Just as they were about to leave, a man calledout something and they all stopped. The male dancer went aboutamong the men and boys looking for someone to select as his successor.When he had found the man he wanted he hit him very lightly on theback, near the neck, with his hand ax, thus indicating his choice.Exclamations were made by all the men, and then all went back tothe kiva.The woman dancer does not choose her successor; all of the womenperformers have been chosen at least as early as the day before.After rehearsing for a time at the kiva the group returns to theplaza with its newly selected male dancer and with another womandancer. The whole procedure is then gone through again. Therewere about four or five dances during the afternoon.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 263FEAST FOR THE DEADThis ceremony is called BaBa siBonyitsaityuko, "grandfathers com-ing back from the west" (BaBa 'grandfather'; Bonami, 'west'). ThePlace of Emergence, through which the people passed when they cameup from Shipap in the lowest of the four worlds, is located in the
"middle North," and it is said that when a person dies "he goes backto Shipap." But the Home of the Dead is at Gyityisokai, a houselocated in the Northwest Corner of the world (see fig. 12).Our mother Utctsiti loved her hano sicti (people common) so very much thatshe set aside a day for them to come back to the place where they once lived.This day was November first. The people used to come back in the bodies thatthey had when they were alive on this earth. But it made the people that wereliving feel very sad to see their relatives who had come back [from the landof the dead]. And when the dead had finished their visit and the time had comefor them to go back to Shipap, the living people wanted to go back with them,but they could not do this. All this caused so much grief that Utctsiti decidedthat the dead should come back to visit their former homes in spirit only. Thisis the way it is today .^*On the morning of November 1, and perhaps even before, the peopleof Sia prepare food for the souls that will return on that day. Atthe same time all medicinemen go to their respective ceremonial housesto make prayersticks ; tiamunyi and the tcraikatsi hold open house inthe hotcanitsa at this time, also. A capitani (governor's helper),functioning as a helper to fiscale, rings the church bell all morning.It is rung slowly during the morning, but about 1 or 2 o'clock in theafternoon it is rung rapidly; this tells the people that the dead havereturned to Sia.The souls of persons who had been members of societies go to theirrespective ceremonial houses ; the others go to the houses of their ownfamihes or closest relatives. The souls of persons who now have noclose relatives living go to a ceremonial house. All of the women ofSia take food to the ceremonial houses (this probably means that awoman will take food to one, or possibly more, of the ceremonialhouses; not that each woman takes some food to each house). Eachsociety has a little atcin (slat altar)?"not the regular one"?set upand a Httle sand, or meal, painting laid down, upon which an iariko(corn-ear fetish) and medicine bowl of water are placed. When the
>? Stevenson (1894, p. 143) has the gist of this In her account also. But she mentions something else thatIs exceedingly interesting and which we have not encountered elsewhere among the Keresan pueblos: thespirits of the dead cannot "pass through the entrance to the other world [the land of the dead]; they mustfirst die or grow old and again become little children to be able to pass through the door of the world for thedeparted."One cannot help but think of the desire to reenter the womb of the mother that Is found among some psy-choneurotics In our society. The spirits of the dead among the Keres actually do return to, and enter, the
"four-fold womb of the earth," and, according to Sia philosophy, they must become little children beforethey can pass through the entrance to the afterworld. And did not Jesus Christ say that people would haveto become like little children in order to enter the Kingdom of Heaven?
264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184women have finished bringmg food to the ceremonial houses, the nawaiin each one welcomes the returned spirits and invites them to eat.Anyone (i.e., Indian) may go into a ceremonial house at this time.Meanwhile the women of each household have placed food of vari-ous kinds on the floor of their houses for the spirits. They take fineclothes, beads and jewelry out of their trunks and hang them on thehorizontal pole that is suspended a short distance from the ceiUng inalmost all Sia houses. The purpose of this is to permit the spirits todi'ess and ornament themselves as they wish, and the people of thehousehold invite them to do so.About 1 or 2 o'clock in the afternoon (i.e., about the same time thatthe soul of a deceased person is dispatched on his journey to Shipap),the food that has been set out for the spirits is taken outside the pueblo,toward the north to a place where there are two large rocks and hereit is thrown on the ground. Then the people come back to their housesand eat, after which any remaining food, and the dishes, are clearedaway. In the ceremonial houses the food remains untouched. Themembers of the societies stay in their houses, but any non-memberswho may be there go to their homes.That evening about 5 or 6 o'clock, the sacristan, fiscales, and capi-tani go around the pueblo from house to house. At each one they saya prayer or two in Spanish. They carry a httle church bell which theyring. Upon arriving at a house they caU out "horemo, horemo." ^At the conclusion of each prayer they say this again. The woman ofthe house brings them food which they take to the church ; it is for themen who are going to gamble that evening and night.The men of the pueblo gather at the church on the evening of No-vember 1 to play hidden ball (yan6), a gambling game; they dividethemselves into two teams as they please. Four hoUow tubes, eachwith a distinguishing mark, are used. Into one of these apebble is secretly hidden by one team; the other side tries to guesswhich tube contains it. Other sticks may be used as counters (seeCulin, 1907, pp. 351-352, for accounts of this game at Acoma and La-guna. In Stevenson's account of Sia mythology (1894, p. 61), theTiamunyi plays hidden ball with Poshaiyanne in an attempt to winjeweh3^ from him). Mexicans are permitted to play, too, if any hap-
'< From Spanish oremos, 'hear us.' On All Souls' Eve, November 1, children In Spanish communitiesused to go around the village with sacks asking for food and candy. They sang:iOremos! lOremos! Angelltos Hear us! Hear us I Little angels are weSomos del cielo venimos Who from Heaven have comeA pedlr llmosna, y si no nos To ask for alms,Dan, puertas y ventanas And if we are deniedIQuebraremos! Doors and windows we will break 1lOremosI lOremos! Hear us I Hearusl(Nina Otero, 1936, pp. 71-72.)
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 265pen to be in the pueblo. Tobacco, small bars of soap, or any inexpen-sive articles are wagered. The idea of the game is that when one losesa wagered article the spirits of the dead take it back with them butgive the loser ianyi (''blessing") in return: "the dead are really alwaysthe losers because they give more than they get." The players singwhen their side is in possession of the tubes in which the pebble is hid-den. If anyone goes outside the church during the game he pulls thebell rope once, ringing the bell. The men gamble all night.Before the gambling game begins, the men eat the food that hasbeen brought to the church by the sacristan and fiscales.The next morning, the fiscales call the people to church shortlyafter sunrise. Everyone must bring something, crops of some kind,with him as an offering to the spirits: "a stalk of corn, for example,with two ears on it for the dead to use as a cane because they areold."In the forenoon of November 2 the Catholic priest comes to sayMass. This is the time when he is paid for his services for the year.The women of the households bring food, mostly grain, and otherthings to the church for the priest, the sacristan, the fiscales, andthe governor. The priest blesses the gi^aves in the churchyard afterMass. The souls have now left the pueblo and have gone back tothe land of the dead. The people leave the church and return totheir homes.Prior to the Mass, the members of societies go to their ceremonialhouses and take the food that had been brought there the day beforeand carry it to their homes for their own use.0W?There is no English equivalent for owe; all songs in this ceremonybegin and end with this word.The oweh (owe) dance is held in the spring while the irrigationditches are being cleaned and made ready for use, or after this workhas been completed. The governor or his capitani initiate and directthe dance, but they must ask Masewi for permission to do so."Masewi could ask for the dance," one informant said, "but it is thegovernor's right to put it on." Another informant said that fiscalemayor could ask for the dance. The officers who are going to puton the dance meet with Masewi in the hotcanitsa to obtain his per-mission. The date will be set and the people notified; the dance willbe held 2 or 4 days after the public announcement to give the peopletime to get ready and the dancers time to make new songs; newsongs are always made for each dance.Both kiva groups dance; the dances are held in the kivas. Dancingbegins early in the evening and lasts until midnight, or sometimes
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
almost until sunrise. People living around the north plaza go toWren kiva ; those who live near the south plaza go to Turquoise kiva.The male dancers dress in the costume worn by the singers in thefeast for the Blessed Vii-gin on August 15; the women dress in thecostume of August 15. The women daub white clay on their bangsand on the hair on the sides of their heads. The men paint theirhands white and smear red ocher on their faces.Each group dances in the kiva of the other group. The Wren kivagroup will go first to the Turquoise kiva where they will sing anddance two songs after which they return to Wren kiva. Then theTurquoise gi'oup goes to Wren kiva where they sing and dance twosongs. Each group goes to the kiva of the other group four times.There is no chorus; the dancers do their own singing; each group hasits own drummer. Each group has a male dance leader; he is theonly one who carries a rattle. My informant said that the men dancein a fixed order; that the women may dance wherever they please,but in a diagram of the dance (fig. 39) he shows men and women,alternating, in a Une. No one may have sexual relations or engagein love making "or even talk about things like this" during the nightof the dance. During, or at the conclusion of, the dance, a supperis eaten in the kiva.
AMALEO female-
Figure 39.?Owe dance in Wren kiva.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 267The purpose of the dance is to ask for blessmgs and gifts of allkinds: "gawai'aiti (plant food, both wild and domesticated), goyaiti(game), yasecyume ('to bring forth children'), ianyi, long life,through rain to the lands."
"Sometimes it is hard to get the people out to practice and dance."In such a case the War chief could ask the Koshairi for help. Koshairiwould then request people to take part "and they would have to do it."Oweh is usually danced for one night only, but it could be repeateda few days later "if the people wanted it." In this case, however,they would have to make up new songs. (See White, 1942 a, p. 243,for a description of this dance at Santa Ana.NOTES ON OTHER DANCES AND CEREMONIESH'a'h'a'bo (no EngHsh equivalent).?The Kapina society has chargeof this dance. It is held in the spring or early summer; it is addressed
"to the flowers, butterflies, and plants coming up." Sometimes it isdanced at Easter. Both men and women dance in a long line. Aman at the end of the line carries a basket:In the basket were things covered with fur. The basket was covered becausethere were some White people there. This is a sacred dance; it should not be seenby non-Indians. The basket contained all different kinds of corn, kotcininako
"yellow woman," and a beautiful thing?the most beautiful thing in Sia. Itsname is komanaiko.No more information could be obtained about komanaiko. Duringthe dance a man and woman together take the basket and its contentsand dance with them; after a time another couple dances with them,and so on. (See White, 1942 a, p. 245, for an account of this dance atSanta Ana.)O'wamo'ts.?This word is said to express "a welcome to the crops."It is held, upon request by tiamunyi, just before the corn is harvested.It is performed by one of the medicine societies. The ceremony takesplace in the house of the society in charge. It lasts for 4 days andthere are no outsiders. No one can harvest his crops until O'wamo'tsis performed. It apphes specifically to corn, but it can embrace othercrops as well.AyayutsiGyits.?"To dismiss the grain that has fallen on the groundduring the harvest and has not been picked up." It is held at the re-quest of the Tiamunyi or War chief soon after the harvest. The cere-mony is performed by one of the medicine societies in their ceremonialhouse. Only members of the society are present.Tcdkwena (no English equivalent).?At Santo Domingo (White,1935, p. 107) and San Fehpe (White, 1932 b, p. 31) Tcakwena is a kat-sina impersonated in masked dances; at Santa Ana (White, 1942 a,p. 245) it was said that he "used to be a katsina." Aly notes are not
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184positive on this point, but I believe that the Tcakwena dance at Sia isnot masked. It is held, in wintertime only, at the request of Masewi,who selects the men to take part; no women dance. Details of cos-tume and ritual were not obtained.Kdiyakaiydtiya (no Enghsh equivalent was obtained).?This issaid to be the Flute dance. It was said to be an organization, or group,also: "if your parents, or your mother, belonged to it then you are amember, too." One could become a member upon request and a vow,however. This dance is rarely performed; the last time was in 1926.It could be performed in either summer or winter. No other Kere-san pueblo has a flute dance as far as I know. Jemez pueblo, how-ever, has a Flute ceremony (Parsons, 1925, pp. 81-87); perhaps Siahas performed it in imitation of Jemez in the past.Eagle {Dya'mt, 'eagle') dance.?This is performed by one or twomen, as a rule, who wear eagle costumes, accompanied by a drummerand singers. It may be danced at any time, but it is always dancedat Christmas time, according to one informant.NOTES ON A NAVAHO DANCE AT SIA, SUNDAY, JANUARY 16, 1955As I entered the plaza early in the afternoon, two "Navaho girls"came out of a nearby house and spoke to me: "Yata hay" (this is analmost universal greeting between Navaho and White people). The
"girls" were young men of Sia dressed hke Navaho women: velvetjackets, long full skirts, brown moccasins, and many necklaces. Theirfaces were heavily smeared with red ocher; their hands were paintedwhite. Foiu- such "women" took part in the dance. Only one hadlong hair and it was tied up in Navaho fashion ; the other young menwore wigs. Each "woman" carried two eagle tail feathers, set in awooden handle to which many small shells were attached, in each hand.Six or seven Sia men, dressed hke Navaho men?big black hats,colored shirts, white, pajamahke trousers, concho belts, and moccasins;some wore dark glasses; a few wore moustaches. One man carried asmall drum; the others each carried a small, black rattle such as im-personators of the bujffalo carry in the Buffalo dance.In one or two dances, the men sat in a group and sang, accompaniedby drum and rattles. The girls danced by twos, each pair facing theother; they exchanged positions frequently during the dance. Theydanced with much vigor, lifting their feet and laiees high.In another dance, four of the Navaho men danced with the girls, mpairs, in a circle around the drummer and one or two singers, in acounterclockwise circuit. After dancing for a time they broke ranksand began talking Navaho. Then all the Navaho, both men andwomen, went among the spectators and each took a partner, of theopposite sex. They formed a circle, the women on the inside, and
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 269danced. There was a great deal of "kidding" and good humor aboutall this. Some of the spectators recruited by the dancers were Indiansfrom Santo Domingo. Some of the dancers merely walked aroundinstead of dancing. I noted a young Sia man who had been chosenby a Navaho "girl" as her partner. She gave him some feathers tohold in his right hand and showed him how to move them. Then sheput her arm over his shoulder and he put his arm around her waistand they danced.During the dance a string of beads of one of the Navaho womenbroke and three or four male spectators came out to pick up thebeads; finally, one of them removed all of the girls' necklaces.It was impossible to take note of everything that happened whenthe dance ended, but I noted that the young man mentioned aboveput something into the hand of his partner (was this payment for thedance?). Then, as he left her, he put his hands together, cupped themas if he were holding water, then swiftly put them to his face to drawthe breath (ianyi, blessing) from them.There were relatively few spectators to this dance. It had been
"put on just for fun"; it was not a pueblo ceremony under the author-ity of the Tiamunyi or War chief. Quite a number of people did notbother to go out of their houses to watch it.FIESTA FOR THE SAINTThe Catholic mission at Sia is dedicated to Nuestra Senora de laAsuncion; the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin is heldannually on August 15. The Fiesta at Sia is so much lil^e that ofother Keresan pueblos, and it has been described so many times
?
there is even one published account for Sia (Lange, 1952)?a detaileddescription is not necessary here. (See White, 1942 a, pp. 246-255,for an account of the technical ceremonial details of the dance at SantaAna ; there is good reason to believe that an almost identical procedm-eis followed at Sia. See also, Parsons, 1923 b, for Santa Ana; TMiite,1935, pp. 159-160, Bourke, 1884, pp. 10-53, Densmore, 1938, pp. 92-110, and Lawrence, 1927, "The Dance of the Sprouting Corn," forSanto Domingo; White, 1932 a, for Acoma; Boas, 1925, pp. 211-212,Goldfrank, 1923, and Vogt, 1955, for Laguna; and Lange, 1959,pp. 341-353, for Cochiti; Bandelier described it in "The DelightMakers," 1918, pp. 136 ff. ; and a brief account in Poore, 1894, pp.437-439. Stevenson, however, did not describe this ceremony.)The principal features of the Fiesta of August 15 are a Mass con-ducted by a Catholic priest in the Mission and dancing by Sia Indiansin the plazas. But many other things are associated with it. It is ageneral social occasion for all residents of the region. Many NavahoIndians come from miles in their wagons, and camp in Sia, or on the
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
outskirts, for days. Indians and Mexicans from nearby communitiesattend in large numbers. Anglo-Americans, both tourists and resi-dents of Albuquerque and Santa Fe, come. Sia holds open house toall; anyone is welcome to eat in any house. Many concessionaires setup their stands and sell food, soft drinks and kuickknacks. Indiansof Sia and other pueblos offer pottery for sale, and Navahos barterblankets and turquoise jewelry. Many households kill a beef or asheep and all lay in a large supply of groceries for the occasion.Everyone wears his or her best costume for the day. And, in spite ofgreat effort to prevent it, there is considerable drinking and drunken-ness among hosts and guests alike.Rehearsals for the dance begin weeks beforehand. New songsare made every year. I do not Imow how participation in the cere-mony is determined. No doubt much of it is voluntary, but a personmay be requested?ordered?to take part. A young man who wasemployed in Albuquerque and who returned to the pueblo only onweekends told me in 1957 that he would take me to the irrigation damwhen I came to Sia the day before the dance. But when I got therehe told me that he had to go to dance practice. "I thought youweren't going to dance," I reminded him. "That's what / thought,too," he rephed. Obviously he had been ordered to take part.I shall now give a resume of the feast as I observed it in 1957; it wasessentially like the fiestas I had seen at Sia many times before.The image of the Blessed Virgin will be brought into the southplaza after Mass on August 15, and a house is prepared for her the daybefore. It consists of a roof and three walls; it is open at the northend. The roof consists of cottonwood boughs; the waUs are hung withNavaho blankets; bunches of green corn?the entire stallis?are oneach side of the doorway. There is a table in the rear of the house toreceive the image of the saint. On the wall behind the table hangsthat mysterious decorated blanket, the gaotiye (see p. 314). It ishung there in the morning before Mass and is removed after the sainthas been returned to the church after the dance.On August 15, at 8:30 a.m., candles were burning in the church andthe image of the Blessed Virgin was ready for her procession throughthe pueblo. She was dressed in a blue robe (of window-ciu"tainlikematerial), and placed on a small platform with a bar on each side, ex-tending beyond the platform so that four persons could carry it. Twopriests with a number of nuns had come from the mission at Jemez toperform the Mass between 9 and 10 a.m. The church service wasattended by many Spanish Americans, especially women, Indiansfrom Sia and other pueblos?but no Navaho?and a relatively smallnumber of Anglo-Americans. Since a large percentage of the Sia hadto get ready for the dance which follows, and others were busy with
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 271
cooking and household chores, relatively few of them attended thechurch service.When the service was over a procession was formed and the saintwas carried out of the church. The governor and his lieutenant,carrying their beribboncd canes of office, led the procession. Two mencarrying lighted candles came next, followed by fiscale mayor and hislieutenant. The saint on her litter, carried by four women came next;four men, Indians and Spanish Americans, held a canopy over her.Then came the CathoHc priests and nuns, followed by those who hadattended the service in the church. As the procession began toemerge from the church, a boy rang the church bell spiritedly and thedrummer (kahera) rolled his drum. Young men fired very old gunsfrom time to time as the procession made its way through the plazas.Sometimes Bocaiyanyi and Santiago, on their horses, (see "Eques-trian Impersonations") take part in the procession. If they come,they wait outside the church for the saint to emerge and then taketheir place at the head of the procession, immediately behind the gov-ernor and his lieutenant. Each horse will be accompanied by atcapio, and Masewi and Oyoyewi will be in attendance.Upon leaving the church the procession proceeded through thenorth plaza into the south plaza, circled the two sacred stones there(see p. 49), and then went to the saint's house where the image wasdeposited on the table in the rear. A certain song, "Santa Maria ..."is always sung during the procession at Sia as weU as at other Keresanpueblos. Prayers were said after the saint had taken her place in thehouse, after which the CathoHc priests returned to the church. Oldmen?medicinemen and officers?sat on benches on either side of thehouse as long as the saint remained there, and a guard, armed with agun, stood on either side of the house at the entrance.Next came the dance in honor of the saint. It is the dance com-monly called "corn dance" by Anglo-Americans and by Indians whentalking to Anglo-Americans, but this name is misleading because ithas nothing directly to do with corn. It is also called a tablita (thewooden head piece worn by women dancers) dance. One Sia informantsaid that its proper name is howina-ye, "because all the songs endwith this word." At other pueblos it may be called Backo (White,1935, p. 159, for Santo Domingo; Boas, 1928, p. 338, line 6, for La-guna). At Santo Domingo it may be called ayac tcucotz (White,1935, p. 159; BandeKer, "The Delight Makers", 1918, pp. 136 et seq.).Lange (1959, p. 352) says that howina-ye and ayac tcucotz designatetwo different "phases" of the dance.The dance is held under the authority of the War chief, but eitherthe Koshairi or the Kwiraina society will have direct charge and man-
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184agement of it and its participants; one society will officiate one year,the other the next.Shortly after the saint had been deposited in her house the Ko-shairi (in 1957), accompanied by Masewi, marched through and aroundthe pueblo, singing and shaking their bunches of hoof rattles. Theypassed from the north plaza into the south plaza where they prancedback and forth several times, singing. Then they went to one of thetwo sacred stones?Aiwana, which stands for the armed warrior godswho protect the pueblo?addressed several songs to it as they dancedaround it counterclockwise. Then they left the plaza via the south-west cornerAbout noon the dancers came out of the Wren kiva?this is thekiva always used because it is the larger?and, accompanied by theirsingers, drummer, and the man carrying the actitcomi, made theirway to the front of the church where they danced three times; allsubsequent dances were held in the south plaza in front of the saint'shouse. The costumes for this dance are standard and uniform through-out the eastern Keresan pueblos. Male dancers wear a white kilt,sash and moccasins; a foxskin hanging from the belt in the rear, a bunchof parrot feathers on top of the head, armbands at the biceps, a ban-doleer of small hoofs slung from one shoulder, sleigh bells below theknees; they carry a gourd rattle in the right hand, a sprig of evergreenin the left. Female dancers wear the old style sleeveless dress, leavingthe left shoulder bare, the wooden headpiece, or tablita, and are bare-foot. All dancers who have long hair have it hanging freely downthe back. If the Koshairi are in charge, each dancer has two tailfeathers of the mourning dove?the "badge" of the Koshaiid?tied tohis hair on the right side of the head; if the Kwiraina are in charge,their badge, two sparrow hawk feathers, is worn. The singers,drummer, and pole carrier wear pajama-type trousers, bright-coloredshirts (homemade or bought at stores), moccasins, and headbands ofbrightly colored silk. A good photograph of these dancers (at SantoDomingo) may be found in Kidder (1924, pi. 17b). A photograph ofthis dance at Santo Domingo, taken by C. F. Lummis in 1888, hasbeen reproduced in Densmore (1938, pi. ix). See White (1935, pis. 5and 6) for five photographs of the Santo Domingo dance in 1918, andLange (1959, pis. 22 and 23) for the ceremony in Cochiti.In other Keresan pueblos of the Rio Grande region, two groups ofdancers and singers, one from each kiva, perform, dancing alternately.But at Sia, because of the small population, especially in the past,they have only one dance group. The dancers come out five times,
"one for each drum." Each time they come out they dance to threesongs; "other pueblos dance two songs," according to one informant.The Koshairi, or Kwiraina, and some of the "small officers", i.e., the
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 273
assistants of the governor or the War chief, keep a close watch on thespectators to make sure that no one takes photographs or makessketches of the performers?or, indeed, of anything.On August 15, 1957, it rained quite hard in the midafternoon whilethe dance was in progress; it continued without interruption. Duringthe intermission the rain stopped and the sun came out. When thedancers and singers retiu-ned to the plaza the males among the formerhad, with one or two exceptions, removed their moccasins; virtuallyall the singers kept theirs on, however. Almost all the paint hadbeen washed off the bodies of the dancers; the Koshairi had beenwashed clean except for a few traces of the black stripes. At first,when the dance began, there was some laughing among the dancersand a few remarks were made; they seemed a bit self-conscious.This soon passed, however, and they settled down again to the seriousbusiness of dancing which then proceeded with much spirit. Afterall, it is rain that every pueblo Indian prays?and dances?for.The dance ended when the third song of the fifth series had beenconcluded. The dancers formed two parallel lines, facing each other,in front of the saint's house. The drummer took up a position infront of the house of the saint, on the east side of the door. Fourmen held the canopy for the saint, waiting for the procession to start.For a few minutes nothing took place at all; it was as if they werewaiting for something, but if so I never discovered what it was. Thehead of the Koshairi was in charge, Koshairi No, 2 and the polecarrier stood at the end of the west hne of dancers, away from thesaint's house. The head Koshairi had some difficulty getting Ko-shairi No. 3, who was just a boy with short hair and so had to wearthe crown of a felt hat to sustain his tassels of cornhusk, to take hisplace beside Koshairi No. 2. Head Koshairi made a number ofremarks, most of which provoked laughter among the Indian on-lookers. While this was going on an Indian, and I am sure he wasa non-Sia, came up to the head Koshairi, broke off a few little twigsof the evergreen he was wearing, drew the sacred breath (ianyi)from them, and departed with them.At last the saint, again carried by women, emerged from her houseand the procession back to the church began. The drummer rolledhis drum, the church bell was rung, and the guards fired their gunsfrom time to time. The dancers and the Koshairi knelt and heldtheir hands together in the devotional attitude of Christians at prayeras the saint made her way between the two lines and on into thenorth plaza and then into the church. Mexican women, someIndians, and a few tourists formed the procession.As soon as the saint left the plaza the dancers got to their feetand broke ranks. It looked for a moment as if they were going to
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184leave the plaza, but the singers formed their group, began a song,and started to leave the plaza. The dancers followed in two parallellines, but instead of alternating male with female there were severalmen, then several women.Dancers and singers went to the Wren kiva and ascended to itsroof. The women sat on the evergreen which they had held in theirhands during the dance, on the rim of the kiva. The singers sat onthe south side of the kiva. The pole carrier and the three Koshairi
?
and perhaps one or two others?stood in the middle of the roof (pi. 1in White, 1935, has a good photograph of fiesta dancers on top of akiva in Santo Domingo). Men went around removing tabhtas andfeathers from the women's heads. Some of the male dancers wentto singers and stooped over so that the singers could remove thefeathers from their heads, after which they descended into the kivato remove their costumes. Five young men, each carrying a drum,went up on top of the kiva, and a group seemed to form around themand the Koshairi. I could not see what took place, of course, but Istrongly suspect that the ritual of the drums which I once witnessedat Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, pp. 271-272) was being performed.Finally the proceedings were over and the people were dismissed.The rest of this paragraph consists of data I obtained after the dancefrom an informant. Indians from other pueblos who had taken partin the dance were dismissed first. In 1957 about 20 such Indiansparticipated : one from Cochiti, one from Sandia, several from Jemez,and possibly some from other pueblos; there were more womenvisitors than men. The head Koshairi spoke first : "it is like a poem."Then Masewi spoke. A person chosen by the visitors responded,
"giving thanks for the dance." Then the Sia were dismissed. Theactitcomi (the "pole") was taken by the Koshairi to their house; thedrums were returned to their respective owners.The fiesta for the patron saint at Sia is a good example of the amal-gamation of elements of CathoHcism and Indian reHgion that is char-acteristic of all Keresan pueblos (see p. 65 et seq.). The BlessedVu'gin has become a spirit (maiyanyi) from whom ianyi ("blessing")may be obtained. The Koshairi or Kwiraina are in charge. Bocai-yanyi and Santiago are pagan spirits at Sia as they are at Santa Ana(see White, 1942 a, pp. 61-62). Prayers are offered to the warriorgods represented by the stone in the south plaza. And, as is the casewith so many pueblo ceremonies, the principal object is to obtainrain?and well-bemg in general.FEASTS FOR OTHER SAINTSOther saints' days may be celebrated, also, such as San Juan, SanPedro, or Santiago. They usually have a rooster puU (gallo) on these
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 275
occasions. This is accompanied by visitations of the people to housesof persons who bear the name of the saint whose day is being cele-brated; here his relatives throw food, dishes, candy, tobacco, clothing,etc., from the housetop to the crowd below, who scramble for theprizes; the lucky ones get ianyi as well as the prize (see White, 1942 a,pp. 255-256 for a description of these rituals at Santa Ana which areexactly like those at Sia).GALLO, OR ROOSTER PULLGallo, or rooster pull, is performed in all the Keresan pueblos?atJemez, Isleta, and undoubtedly other pueblos; Parsons (1939, p. 1108)says that it is found among the Papago. It may be witnessed byanyone. It has been described more or less fully by many observers,yet it is still but Httle understood. I believe ethnographers havebeen inchned to neglect it for two reasons. First, because muchof it seems to be carried out in a frivolous, recreational manner,which suggest that it is not very important. And, second, becauseit contains so many Spanish-Catholic elements they have tended todismiss it as a rather inconsequential "Mexicanism." Enough isknown about it, however, to make it clear that it is a serious, andeven important, rehgious event. The conceptions of which the ritualsare an expression have been most fully set forth, I beheve, in myaccount for Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, pp. 263-267). Other accountsmay be found in Bourke (1884, p. 51) ; Poore (1894, p. 439) ; White(1935, pp. 155-158) ; Lange (1959, passim) ; and Parsons (1925, p. 95).After this preface, the reader may be disappointed not to find anexhaustive and iUmninating account of this ceremony at Sia. As amatter of fact, I did not study the gaUo ritual at Sia at all, althoughI witnessed it upon two or three occasions. These observations, plusbrief discussions with informants, led me to conclude?reasonably, Ibeheve?that it was essentially like the ceremony at Santa Ana. Itherefore devoted my time with informants to other matters. I did,however, observe one ritual which I had not known about before; Iwill add it to the following brief characterization of the gallo cere-mony in general.The rooster pull is associated with Santiago, who is an importantmaiyanyi (beneficent supernatural being) among the Keres. Theprincipal features of the ceremony are as follows: a rooster is buriedin the sand with only his head and neck protruding; horsemen gallopby the rooster, one by one, until a rider succeeds in snatching him bythe neck and pulHng him out of the sand; a fight among the horsemenensues in which the man who holds the rooster strikes other riderswith it; he also uses it as a quirt to whip his horse; when anotherrider succeeds in grabbing the rooster a tussle for its possession follows.
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184All of this takes place at a mad gallop over the plain. Eventuallythe rooster is torn to pieces, and horses and riders become smearedwith blood and feathers. The ceremony helps to bring rain: (1)"Rooster blood is good for rain"; and (2) the lather on the horses islike clouds and the foam on a torrential arroyo. The ceremony pro-motes the fertility, and the welfare in general, of horses,Gallo is always held on a saint's day, usually in the summer, butalso in late spring or early fall. The War chief has charge, and thefiscales officiate. It is sometimes associated with the throwing ofpresents from the rooftops of households where someone, named forthe saint whose day is being celebrated, lives.In the summer of 1952, I witnessed the concluding ritual of therooster pull ceremony which I had not known about before. Sometime after all the roosters had been used, and after the War chief,fiscale mayor (and perhaps the governor) had talked about it anddismissed the participants, each horseman, dressed only in breech-cloth and riding his horse bareback, galloped through the villagestopping at houses where a Santiago (or other saint's namesake)lived, where women threw water upon both horse and rider : they hadthe water ready in tubs into which they dipped buckets or pans andthi-ew the water with great gusto. Great good humor and pleasurewere expressed by all concerned.CHRISTMASThe birth of Christ is celebrated at midnight on December 24. ACatholic service is performed by the sacristan (a Catholic priest per-forms Mass at this time at some other Keresan pueblos). After theservice a dance?a war, Comanche, or other dance that non-Indiansare allowed to witness?is held in the church. Four days of dancingfollow; various dances may be given and the repertoire is easily var-ied. The pueblo holds open house during this time. I have seenmany Navaho at Sia at Christmastime. Spanish- and Anglo-Amer-icans are welcome and some always come (see White, 1942 a, pp.267-72).In 1938 I visited Sia at Chi'istmastime. Figure 40 indicates thearrangements in the church at the time. A was a small house inwhich a bearded figure of Chiist lay in bed, his head toward thealtar. The Blessed Virgin, wearing a cro\^m and many strings ofbeads, stood at his head, facing east. These two figures were sur-rounded by trays and shallow baskets of little clay figures of domes-tic animals (such as I have described and illustrated for Santa Ana;White, 1942 a, p. 268). Candles and incense were burning; there wasa large abalone shell hah-fuU of coins.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 277ALTAPx
RAILING RAILINGm B
GRAVEYARDr
Figure 40.?The church at Christmas.
There was another house at B. In it were figures of the VirginMary, the Christ child, the three kings, asses, and camels. I wastold that the Catholic priests at Jemez had given these figures to Sia.The area C was about 3 feet wide and 7 feet long on the bare floorof the church (there are no pews or benches in the church). Itappeared to be a hole which had been dug in the earthen floor andthen filled. I was unable to ascertain the significance of this.Two horses had been painted by Indian artists on the inside wallof the church at F\ one, at G. Large paintings of horses, one black,the other buckskin, were high on the outside wall at D and E.EQUESTRIAN IMPERSONATIONS: BOCAIYANYI AND SANTIAGOSia, like other Keresan pueblos in the Rio Grande region, imper-sonates supernatural beings?^Bocaiyanyi and Santiago?on horseback(see White, 1942 b). We have already met Bocaiyanyi in our dis-cussion of cosmology (p. 114). "Bocaiyanyi is his Indian name;Montezuma, his Mexican name," said an informant; "his home is in600685?62?19
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Mexico." Santiago is a Spanish Catholic saint who has become animportant figure in Keresan mythology (cf. White, 1942 a, pp. 256-57). But both Bocaiyanyi and Santiago have become, and are,raaiyanyi (supernatural beings), along with Spider Grandmother andWhklwind Old Man.The impersonation consists of a man who wears a costume inimitation of a horse (see fig. 1, in White, 1942 b, an excellent sketchof a dancer at San Felipe drawn by a white artist; fig. 42 in White,1935, is a fine sketch of San Geronimo at Santo Domingo by an In-dian artist). The rump of the horse is made of a huge root of a plantcalled G^cace ("something big"), or bush morning-glory (White, 1945,p. 559). The head and neck of the horse are covered with real horsehide and hair; mane and tail are of real horsehair. This little horsehas no legs, but this fact is all but concealed by a sheet which fallsalmost to the ground all around the horse's body; the moccasinedfeet of the impersonator can be seen, however. The horse has bridleand reins, but, of course, no saddle. It is supported by being fastenedto the rider's body so that his arms are free. The rider carries aquirt in his right hand and holds the reins in his left.In 1910, according to my 1941 notes, Sia had only one horse, awhite one. About 1917 a second horse, a black one, was acquired,but whether it was made in Sia or obtained from another pueblo mynotes do not say; my guess is that it was made in Sia. My 1957notes say that Sia then had two horses, one white, the other a buck-skin. According to my 1941 data, the horses are kept by the Koshairiand "only Koshairi are supposed to ride them." My 1957 notes statethat the white horse was "owned" by a man who was then the headof the Giant society, but not a Koshairi; the buckskin was ownedby J. M., a member of the Fire society but not a Koshairi. J. M. wassaid to be the horse's "father" because he was with him when thehorse was baptized in the church; the priest blessed the horse. But,say my 1957 notes, these horses may be ridden only by two men whoare not the horses' owners or "fathers"; why they have this rightwas not learned. If, however, they should find themselves unable toperform because of illness they could appoint others to take theirplaces. My 1957 informant stated further that the white horse be-longs to the Cochiti washpa clan; the buckskin, to Coyote clan, "butis ridden by Sia washpa clan." There seems to be confusion, andpossibly error, here, but, on the basis of data from other Keresanpueblos as well as from Sia, we may safely say that: (1) the horses aresacred objects; they are undoubtedly animated, "given life," bymedicinemen or priests, as are drums and corn-ear fetishes; and(2) riding them is both a right and a duty that can be performedonly by certain specified persons.
Wbite] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 279The horses may appear on various occasions: at Christmas time,Santiago's day (July 25), on August 15 at the feast of the Assumptionof the Blessed Virgin, or possibly at some other time; they usuallycome on August 15, however. The War chief or the governor canrequest them to come. My notes do not say whether or not an in-dividual could initiate their appearance as a consequence of a vow,but we may be sure that if this is possible he would have to obtainpermission of the War chief.As I have already noted, the Httle horses may lead the processionin which the image of the Blessed Virgin is carried into the plaza onAugust 15. If they perform on Santiago's day, however, they emergefrom a house near one of the plazas from time to time and dance andthen retire to their house.When the horses come out they prance about like real horses, suchas in the procession for the Blessed Virgin. But when they comeby themselves, they dance as well as prance. They are accompaniedby a drummer who beats the non-Indian type drum such as the ka-hera uses when the image of the Blessed Virgin is carried out of thechurch on August 15. The horses dance to the drumbeat only; thereis no singing.The horses are accompanied by a masked personage called Tcapiyo.I do not Imow the etymology of this word, but it probably is notIndian since the character is not Indian: he talks Spanish and isdefinitely associated with Spaniards and Mexico. In mythology heis identified with Naotsityi, the white mother of White people. Buthe is said to be a shiwana (an aboriginal, anthropomorphic rain-making spirit): "the Tcapiyo mask came from heaven," an informantsaid, "Tcapiyo is a shiwana from heaven belonging to Naotsityi."The Tcapiyo mask belongs to the Koshairi and he is impersonated bya member of this society (see White, 1942 a, fig. 24, for a sketch of thischaracter, and note 91, p. 259, for a description of, and other data on,this personage at Santa Ana; Sia custom is undoubtedly close to SantaAna at this point). Tcapiyo is the only masked personage thatWhite people are permitted to see in any of the eastern Keresan pueb-los as far as I know.The riders of horses were invariably called Bocaiyanyi in Sia, justas my Santa Ana informant tended always to call them Santiago.
"Bocaiyanyi is the father of horses and cattle." When they comeon Santiago's day they go to the community corral where they sprin-kle the stock that have been brought there for this purpose (see White,1942 a, pp. 260-61, for a description of this ritual which I witnessedin Santa Ana). The War chief takes a few hairs from the mane ortail of the horse and buries them in the corral. Then Bocaiyanyi dances
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184on them. "This puts his breath ('tsats', i.e., soul) in the corral andmakes the Uvestock more fertile."Spectators may offer gifts to Bocaiyanyi and Santiago duringtheir performance in the plaza; food is the usual offering, but tobaccoor candy?especially chocolate "because Bocaiyanyi came from Mex-ico"?may be given also. Sometimes a man will request permissionof Koshairi to let his little son or grandson ride one of the horses, andthis permission is invariably given. The man will put the httle boyon the horse behind the rider for a brief time: "this is to make the boya good rider when he grows up and so that he will own lots of horses."The father, or grandfather, gives Bocaiyanyi a gift for this privilege.The impersonators of Bocaiyanyi and Santiago take portions of thegifts they receive and "bury them somewhere" after the ceremonyis over.I deliberately did not try to obtain a fuU and detailed account ofthese impersonations because I had published a full account for theSanta Ana ceremony and according to my observations and to myinformants' statements, Sia practice is essentially like that of SantaAna.In native conception, Bocaiyanyi and Santiago are maiyanyi, i.e.,supernatural beings proper to the Indian religion despite the factthat they are of Spanish Catholic derivation (the pagan characterof these characters was demonstrated at Santa Ana where the Catholicpriest refused to allow them to enter the church because they werepagan; White, 1942 a, pp. 61-62). They take part in the feast forthe Blessed Virgin because, apparently, of their Spanish CathoUcderivation. But the principal function of these horses and riders isto bestow beneficent supernatural power (iyanyi) upon horses,especially, but also upon cattle.HOLY WEEK; EASTERThe Sia always call this by its Spanish name, Semana Santo.There are two ways of celebrating Holy Week. In one, the menof the pueblo bring their weapons?bows, arrows, shields, spears, andfirearms?to the church and place them, upside down, against thewall, outside the church, on both sides of the door; an inverted spearis placed on either side of the door. The owners of the weapons
"stand guard" in front of the church from morning to sunset. Thereis an image of Christ on the cross, covered with a black cloth, infront of the altar. Just in front of the altar, two men, one on eachside of the steps leading up to the altar, stand guard, each holding aspear, upside down; they are crossed, forming an X. The guards are
"to prevent the huliyo (Judeo, i.e., Jews) from harming Jesus."
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 281Church services are held on Thursday and Friday, conducted bythe sacristan; prayers and rosaries are said in Spanish. During thistime the church bell is not rung. Instead, the people are summoned,by one of the capitani, to the services by means of a device calledica'ak* (wooden) ockaits (rattle). This is a board on each side ofwhich three little pieces of wood are attached with buckskin stringsso that when the board is shaken the pieces strike the board, makinga noise (fig. 41 ; cf. White, 1942 a, p. 276). I understood the informantto say that the Catholic priest wanted to obtain possession of thisdevice (to deprive the Indians of it?), but that the Sia would notpermit him to do so; it is kept by the sacristan.On Thursday and Friday the men in front of the church play games.One is Wolf and Sheep. A potsherd, representing the sheep, andlittle pieces of wood representing wolves, are moved about on adiagram (fig. 42) according to rules which were not ascertained. Thisgame is essentially the same as the Jackrabbit game at Santa Claraas described by Culin (1907, pp. 797-798, fig. 1103) and the Coyoteand Chickens game among the Pima (ibid., p. 794, fig. 1091). An-other game is called Star, which is essentially Uke the game of the samename at Santa Clara (ibid., p. 798) and among the Papago (ibid.,p. 794). One of the games played by Tiamunyi and Poshaiyanne(Bocaiyanyi), wash-kasi, described in the myth recorded by Steven-son (1894, p. 60) may be played, also.
Figure 41.?Wooden rattle used in Holy Week.
282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184\ "5
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 283from their house to the plaza where they are greeted by Tiamiinyi.Fiscale and the sacristan tell Tiamimyi when to have an intermissionfor lunch and when to end the dance in the afternoon, about an hourbefore sunset. "The dance is for the church."The dance is repeated on Good Friday, at the conclusion of whichthe dancers are dimissed and allowed to return to their homes.After the church services on Saturday morning, the War chiefannounces that there will be 4 days of dancing beginning ^vith EasterSunday. The w^omen go home, but the men wait in front of thechurch until the War chief and the head of the Flint society excusethem. Then the men take their weapons and go home.After the service on Easter Sunday morning the War chief againannounces that there will be 4 days of dancing; he and other officershave decided on the previous night what dance, or dances, they willhave, and preparations are made accordingly. "They usually have aComanche dance, Aiyataikoye (a round dance), or Hininiya (a rounddance with men and women something like Owe)." Sometimes youngmen and boys dance without women. But the 4 days of dancing al-ways conclude with the howina'ye ("corn dance," such as is performedat the feast for the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin), but without theactitco'mi (the pole, or standard, carried in the dance on August 15).I am not sure whether they have 4 days of dancing if a masked danceis given; I believe thej may or may not as they wish.
SICKNESS AND TREATMENTThe philosophy of sickness and treatment at Sia, as well as at otherKeresan pueblos, is not complete, comprehensive, and explicit by anymeans. Conceptions of illness and of means of treating it appear torange from the almost wholly nonsupernatural, at one end of a spec-trum, to the wholly supernatural at the other end. Sometimespeople "just get sick, maybe from something they ate." But illnesscaused by witches is, of course, a wholly supernaturalistic affair.Minor illnesses may not be attributed to supernaturaUstic causation,at least explicitly. But the entire life of the Sias is so permeated bysupernaturahsm that one may well doubt that it is ever wholly absent.If a minor illness, such as a cough or a stomach disorder, stubbornlypersists, it is very likely to be interpreted as due to supernaturalcauses. CLASSES OF ILLNESSThe Sias distinguish classes of ailments for each of which theyrecognize proper methods of treatment. And, in general, "a sicknessor a disease tests your strength; if you [are treated and] get well youwill be stronger afterwards." The following classes are distinguished.MATTER OF FACTAs we have just noted, some illnesses and deaths are not attrib-uted to supernatural causes and supernatural means are not requiredto treat the illnesses. It is recognized and accepted that people aresubject to ailments of various kinds, and, it is believed, the use ofvarious materials will effectively treat, or cure, these ailments.Thus, to treat trachoma, or sore eyes in general, one bathes the eyesin water in which obsidian (h'a-Di) and the root of a plant that has astar-shaped flower and is called ctkiDa (star) wawa (medicine), bothground fine, have been soaked. A tea made of mint (tsttisi; Menthacanadensis) is drunk to cure fevers. An unidentified plant calledDaip", by the Sias, page, by their Spanish American neighbors atSan Ysidro, is used to treat stomach disorders (a specimen of thisplant was deposited in the Museum of Anthropology, University ofMichigan, cat. No. 23894). A medicine made of the root of the bushmorning-glory {Ipomoea leptophylla) , gacace, is used to promote thefertility of horses and the growth of colts; it is ground and mixedwith their drinking water. Women drink juniper tea after child-birth, as we have seen (p. 200).284
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 285
"The best way to treat a mad [rabid] dog is to open a small veinand bleed him; dip him in the river until he quiets down. Or shoothim."There is a great deal of lore and technique of this sort at Sia. Thedegree of uniformity of belief and practice in this area was not ascer-tained. The characteristics of this category of ailment-and-treatmentare: (1) anyone may have the knowledge and use the techniques; and(2) the practice is nonrituaHstic in nature; that is, one proceeds as ifthe therapeutic values were inherent in the medicines and techniquesemployed. In short, it is folk medicine as distinguished from theprofessional practices of medicinemen.STERILITYThis must be treated by a medicine man, or medicine society, aswe have aheady seen ("Conception by Magic," p. 199).WOUNDS IN WARFAREWounds in warfare must be treated professionally. Even intimatecontact with a slain enemy places a man in "a dangerous condition"from which he can be extricated only by the performance of a cere-mony, as we have seen (p. 259). Wounds from arrows or firearmswere treated by the Fhnt society (which, among the Keres, is closelyassociated with warfare and with scalps; see White, 1942 a, p. 305,for references to comparative data).LIGHTNING SHOCKLightning shock, also, must be treated professionally, and it is theFlint society that officiates. At Acoma (White, 1932 a, p. 107) andat Laguna (Parsons, 1918, n. 2, p. 108; Boas, 1928, pp. 290-291),Hghtning shock was treated by special shiwana ("cloud people," asStevenson called them) tcaiyanyi (medicinemen).SNAKE BITESnake bite must be treated by doctors of the Snake society (see p. 158).
"People who have been wounded in war, struck by lightning, orbitten by a snake should not be seen by anyone except medicinemenfor four days" after the event. BURNSBurns are treated by the Fire society.ANTSAnts may cause illness, usually sore throat or body sores: "I wasvery ill with smallpox caused by angry ants," an informant told Mrs.
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Stevenson (1894, p. 86). Ants enter the body to produce illness.Apparently, their principal, or only, way of doing this is to ascend thestream of urine when one is urinating on an ant hill. Cure consists ofremoving the ants. Body sores are treated by placing upon them apoultice of si-'i (ant) wawa (medicine), made from the leaves of anunidentified plant. Extraction of ants from the body is effectedceremonially by the Shima (sometimes called Ant) society, assistedby the Flint society, I did not obtain details of this ceremony. Thehead of the Ant society drew a sketch for Mrs. Stevenson of the sandpainting used in their curing ceremony (1894, fig. 18 and pp. 103-104),but a curing ceremony which she witnessed in which ants were ex-tracted, was performed not by the Ant but by the Giant society (ibid.,p. 100). The ants were drawn magically to the surface of the patient'sbody and then brushed off with plumes and straws: ". . . as theplumes and straws were moved down the boy's body ants in any quan-tity were supposed to be brushed off the body, while in reality tinypebbles were dropped upon the blanket; but the conjuration was soperfect the writer could not teU how or whence they were dropped,although she stood close to the group and under a bright light ..."(ibid.). MENTAL MALADIESPsychological ilhiesses are recognized as such by the Sia. Theyare regarded as supernaturalistic ailments and accordingly must betreated by tcaiyanyi. If a person has "bad dreams" repeatedly hemay seek treatment from a medicine society or ask to be admitted tomembership in it. The man who had smallpox caused by ants, citedabove, also dreamed about snakes, "many snakes, very many, and allthe next day I thought about it, and I knew if I did not see the hona-aite [head] of the Snake Society and tell him I wished to become amember of that body I would die" (Stevenson, 1894, p. 86).I was told of a woman who had fits repeatedly. During a seizureshe was so violent that it took the strength of two or more people tohold and restrain her. Finally she decided, whether of her own ini-tiative or at the suggestion of another person my informant did notknow, to offer herself to the Flint society. She was accepted andinitiated, and, it was said, was much improved if not cured as aconsequence.Prolonged periods of anxiety or melancholy may induce a person toseek the aid of, or petition for membership in, one of the societies.Severe mental illness is very rare in Sia, according to Governmentphysicians and nurses as well as my informants. I learned of one case,however, that was so severe that it resulted in commitment to ahospital for mental and nervous diseases. I became acquainted with
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 287the man in question during the latter part of my study. He wasborn about 1921; I do not know when he was committed. Hisfamily, and perhaps others, raised strenuous objection to his beingsent away to a hospital, and after a time he was returned to Sia. Italked with him on a few occasions; usually he was intoxicated at thetime. He spoke English fluently but incoherently. Up to 1957 hehad never been appointed to a pueblo office, or become a member ofa society, although he was said to have been a "helper" to the Kwirainasociety at one time, which may indicate that he had been treated bythem. He had not married. He would take part in a dance occa-sionally, "but he might quit in the middle of it if he felt Uke it." Hewas not considered dangerous by the community, nor was he lookeddown upon or ridiculed. He was suspected by some of having setfire to the kiva that burned in 1946 or 1947.WITCHCRAFTThe principal cause of serious illness at Sia, as well as all otherKeresan pueblos, was, unquestionably in my judgment, witchcraft.I say "was" because I believe the belief has dechned considerably inrecent years, especially since World War II.Some people are born with two hearts: one good, one bad. Asa consequence of the evil heart they are possessed with a desire tokiU people or make them seriously ill; they may also cause droughtsor send plagues of insects to destroy crops. These people are kana-Dyaiya, a word that is always translated "witch" in English; bruja,in Spanish. Witches are said to have traffic with evil, but unspecified,spirits. They are associated with owls and crows, and are able totransform themselves into coyotes, burros, or rats. They are some-times referred to as yo-wisa, 'left-handed.' Witches may live in yourown pueblo?or even in your own household?or in neighboringcommunities, Indian or Mexican. Anglo-Americans could be witches,also, but I have never heard of anyone being so accused except in oneinstance: myself.Once, in the early stages of this study, I was working with anelderly male Sia. He spent much of his time in sheep camps and wasrelatively unsophisticated in terms of wSia norms. In the course ofour conversation I introduced a Keresan religious term; it could havebeen KoBictaiya. My informant looked both startled and uneasy.He then accused me of being kanadyaiya because I knew such words.After some discussion he unbuttoned his shirt at the throat and tookout a slender chipped flint (chert ?) blade about 4 inches long whichwas tied to a string around his neck. "This will tell me whetheryou are kanadyaiya or not; I am going to ask it tonight." The nextmorning he came to my room. "Well, what did it tell you?" I
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bnll. 184
asked, "No, you are not kanadyaiya," he said, "but you must besome kind of tcaiyanyi-man." This took me out of the evil super-naturalistic context, but still left me with supernatural endowments.He continued to call me, in a haK-jocular way, tcaiyanyi-man forsome time.Witches cause people to sicken by magically injecting objects suchas thorns, sticks, broken glass, and live snakes into the victim's body.Or, they may "steal someone's heart." The foreign objects must beremoved, or the stolen heart restored, or the victim will die. Andonly the medicine societies have the power to do this. If someonesurprises a witch in an act of his evil art, the witch will try to bribe hisdiscoverer not to tell; if the discoverer refuses to accept the bribethe witch will die (Hoebel, 1952). At the communal curing ceremonymedicinemen engage in actual bodily combat with witches. Some-times a witch is in the form of a rat or a little figure of a witch (seefig. 37, p 322, in White, 1942 a, for an informant's sketch of a witch;it is wearing feathers of the owl and the woodpecker).Most of my Sia informants were loathe to discuss witchcraft andsome denied that it was still practiced, or that people still believedin it. Others, however, readily admitted that it had been practicedin the past and stated that "some people died." Informants atSanto Domingo and Santa Ana told me that they knew, or had heard,of people being killed at Sia as witches (Indians are much more willingto admit executions for witchcraft at other pueblos than at theirown). Elderly Sia informants said that there "was a lot of troublein Sia after Mrs. Stevenson left, and some people died." Accordingto Bandeher (1890, p. 35), "certain pueblos, like Namb6, SantaClara, and Cia owe their decHne to the constant inter-kilhng goingon for supposed evil practices of witchcraft," And in a journalentry dated June 21, 1886, he recorded that "some five or six yearsbefore, two witches were killed at Zia 'in a quiet way. They didnot use poison, but clubbed them to death' " (quoted by Lange, 1959,p. 254).BeHef in witchcraft may be, and undoubtedly has been, used by theSia as a means of injuring some member of the community. Hoebel'sinformant "clearly recognized . . . the possibilities of exploiting fearof witches as an instrument of aggression" (Hoebel, 1952, p. 588). Ifa man had a grievance against a person, or did not Uke him, he couldaccuse him of witchcraft and "lots of people will believe me. Whocan prove different? I think that is the way it happens. . . ." (ibid.).Medicine men and societies have the power to cure sickness and tooppose and kill witches, but only by virtue of power which they receivefrom animal doctors. The greatest of these appears to be the bear,and medicinemen wear bear-claw necklaces and the skins of the fore-
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 289legs of bears on their arms when they treat patients. The badger,also, is a gi-eat medicineman "because he digs in the ground and knowsroots [medicines]." The eagle, snake, and shrew, also, are doctors.Effigies of these animal doctors are placed upon the meal paintings ofcuring societies, before their altars, or sketches of them may be drawnon altars, bowls, or sand paintings. The Indian medicinemen obtainpower from the supernatural animal doctors by means of song; it isused by means of paraphernalia and ritual.KINDS OF CURING CEREMONIESThere are three kinds of curing ceremonies performed by medicinemen or societies: (1) alctyuwa'anyi 'clearing away'; (2) wikacanyi;one informant defined this simply as 'doctoring'; another said it meant
"to clean up someone who is du'ty or filthy"; sometimes it is calledsenamakotsamatsa wikacanyi, 'half-night doctoring'; and (3) tsinao-na'nyi wikacanyi, 'all the way doctoring,' "to clean thoroughly inside,the heart and intestines, as well as outside"; "to purify one's heart";to save one "when he has given himself up and lost the desire to live."The aictyuwanyi is a simple ritual designed, apparently, merely topm'ify and strengthen a patient. The wikacanyi is a much moreimportant ceremony and does much more. But the wikacanyi andtsinaodanyi ceremony is the fullest and most serious ceremony of all.The ordinary wikacanyi ceremony "just treats your body," accordingto ore informant; "the tsinaodanyi wikacanyi treats his heart, his souland his mind."Obviously the first of these three kinds of ceremony is for the leastsevere illnesses; the last, for the most grave and serious. The sickperson himself, if he is old enough, can decide which Idnd of ceremonyhe wants to have. He would unquestionably have to consult withhis family before asking for the tsinaodanyi wikacanyi, though, becauseso much is involved in the way of preparations and payments to thedoctors. If the patient is too young to decide which kind of ceremonyshould be asked for, his parents will make the decision. One infor-mant said that the decision in any case was based upon dreams: of thepatient if he is old enough to discuss them; of the parents of the sickone if the latter is too young to talk about them.AICTYUWANYIThe sick one, or his parents, may summon a medicineman upontheir own initiative; they do not need to have a meeting of closerelatives to discuss the matter and make the decision. Neither doesthe War captain have to be notified and his permission obtained. Onesimply takes prayer cornmeal (petana) in his hand or wrapped in acornhusk to the doctor of his choice and asks him for medical treat-
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
ment. The doctor will go to the house of his patient in the evening,bringing his hicami (pair of eagle wing feathers), his bags of medicine,and a flint knife or arrow point. He will be dressed in the pajama-Mke costume such as is worn by the singers for the "corn dance"; hemay or may not wear moccasins. If he arrives shod he will removehis moccasins before beginning his treatment. He does not bring hiscorn-ear fetish (iariko), but he does have a Uttle stone figure (paiya-tyamo). The doctor wears no face paint and does not let his hairdown.The medicineman sings a few songs, then examines the patient,feeling him here and there. He then treats him (precisely what thistreatment consists of was not ascertained, unfortunately; whether hesucks out pathogenic objects or not was not learned, but I beheve hedoes not). He uses his hicami to sweep away evil influences. Atthe conclusion of the curing ritual a member of the patient's family,or even the patient himself, gives the doctor a ceremonial cigaretteand some food. These the doctor takes out of the house, makingbrushing and sweeping motions with his eagle feathers as he goes,and deposits them as an offering to the spirits who have helped him.When he returns he eats a supper that has been provided by a womanof the patient's household.The doctor may visit the patient each night for four nights. Hemay come fewer times, however, depending upon the rapidity of therecovery. But in any event he may not come more than four times;if the patient has not recovered by this time, or if he has becomeworse, some other course of medical treatment will be considered. Ifthe doctor visits his patient more than once he leaves his parapher-nalia and some medicine with him each time until the final visit. Thepatient and his family are instructed in the w*ay in which the medi-cine is to be taken or used. Sometimes the doctor himself will returnto administer it, since some medicines are so powerful that they can-not be entrusted to a layman.WIKACANYI AND TSINAODANYIIf a sick person, or the family of one who is quite ill, desires toobtain either the wikacanyi or the tsinaodanyi type of treatment, anevening meeting of the close relatives?not merely his family or themembers of his household?^is held at which the matter is discussedand a decision reached. The next morning someone?the sick onehimself if he is able to do so ; if not, then one of his close male relatives
?
wiU go first to Tiamunyi and then to War chief, telling them thatthe relatives of so and so, who is ill, desire to have the wikacanyi orthe tsinaodanyi curing ceremony, depending upon which type oftreatment has been decided upon, for the sick person. If Tiamunyi
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 291and War chief give their permission for this ceremony, the close rela-tives of the sick one will have another meeting in the morning of thefollowing day. At this time they will make up a packet of prayermeal in a cornhusk, upon which each relative will breathe his prayer,and one of the close male relatives will take it to the head of thesociety that has been chosen to perform the ceremony.The head of the curing society assembles his members on the even-ing of the day on which he receives the petana. He distributes themeal among them and tells them who has requested their servicesand what kind of treatment they desire. If the society to which therequest has been addressed does not have enough doctors to performthe ceremony properly, and many of the societies during recent yearsdo not, the head will go to the nawai of another society and ask forhelpers. They will be present when the society head distributes theprayer meal. The Flint, Giant, or Fire society would ask either oneor both of the other two for assistance. The Snake society would askFlint only. Kapina cannot ask any other society for help. Moredoctors are required for the tsinaodanyi treatment than for the wika-canyi; the former may require most, or even all, members of the Flint,Fire, and Giant societies.On the morning after the packet of prayer meal has been distributed,the medicinemen begin to vomit. "They may soak some weeds inwater, but they usually use plain, lukewarm water" for this purpose.They may engage in their regular occupations and may eat any kindof food, but they must observe sexual continence. This procedureis observed for 4 consecutive days. In the evening of each day thedoctors meet in the ceremonial house of the society in charge wherethey sing and pray for the sick person. They do not visit theirpatient during this 4-day period unless he, or his close relatives, makea special request for them to come.The curing ceremony reaches its climax, or culmination, on theevening of the fourth day. But there are differences of procedureamong the curing societies: the Flint, Fire, Giant, and Snake societieshave their patient brought into their ceremonial house and invitepeople to come in to witness the ceremony; Koshairi, Kwiraina,Gomaiyawic, and Kapina do not bring the patient into their housenor invite people to come in?instead, they go to the house of thepatient, going back and forth from their ceremonial chamber perhapsseveral times during the evening.On the evening of the fourth day the medicinemen gather in theceremonial house of the society in charge. They erect their slataltar, lay down a meal painting, place their corn-ear and other fetishesin proper position, and lay out other items of paraphernalia, such asbear paws, eagle feathers, medicine bowls, and so on (figs. 43, 44, 45).
292
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[Bull. 184\
i Q
SLAT ALTAR H^9.E
-MEDICIME MEN SIT MEP^E
Figure 43.?Altar of the Flint society used in curing ceremony. Medicinemen sit behindtheir slat altar. In front of this is the sand painting with the iarikos (corn-ear fetishes),represented by the circles, at the rear of the painting; they are "sitting" on a bed ofwhite cornmeal. In front of the iarikos is a band of alternating black and white sand.In front of this are four "clouds" made of white sand upon an area of spruce needlesground fine. A road of cornmeal runs from the door to a medicine bowl on the area ofspruce needles. Then there is another band of alternating black and white rectangles.The two big clouds, at the top of the sketch, are made of white sand; the lightnings arewhite with black points.
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Figure 44.?Wooden slat altar (atciny') of Flint society at Sia, Of the seven figures withfaces, No. 1 has a black body, green face, with black bowl on head; Nos. 2 have yellowbodies, green faces; Nos. 3, green bodies, white faces, white rainbow above head; Nos. 4,yellow bodies, green faces. The two lightning snakes at each end of the row of figureshave white bodies, blue faces, black eyes, red tongue. The face at the top, middle, iswhite with black eyes and mouth; the lightning on each side of this face is yellow, out-lined in black, with black tips. All vertical shadings are green. The faces on top ofthe standard on each side are white, outlined in black, with black eyes and mouth. Thesnake on the standard on the left side is Ckatowe (snake of the north); its body is redwith black designs. The snake on the right standard is G'acBana (snake of the west)and is black with white designs. The quarter moons on the snakes' bodies indicate "thatit is going to rain." The bird is caicDltc, a mythical bird; it is white, outlined in black.The slat altar is set upright into the timber base which, in turn, is set into the floor.The snake figure with human legs on the base is Gacoyats (rainbow) Midi (boy); it isyellow with black designs. The altar is about 6 feet wide. It resembles, but yet isquite different from, the one pictured by Stevenson (1894, pi. xxii) for the Knife(Flint) society.
600685?'62- -20
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184The doctors will be dressed like the Snake priest in figure 17, exceptthat they do not wear the kilt ; they wear only the breechcloth. Whenthey are ready they notify the patient's family that they wish tohave their supper. Close female relatives of the sick one bring foodin, and the doctors eat. One or two doctors wrap scraps of food ina piece of paper bread (md-tsinyi) and take them outdoors "some-where" and offer them, with, prayers, to their spirit helpers. If anyfood remains it is distributed, first to the male, then to the female,members of the society. The women members are there merel}'' ashelpers, to bring water, and clean up afterward; they do not partici-pate in the curing ritual itself.After supper the medicinemen are ready for the patient, and eitherhe is brought into the society's chamber or the doctors go to hishouse, depending on which society is in charge. If the patient is tobe brought to the curing chamber two or three medicinemen go tofetch him. They carry him if he is not able to walk. The curingMMMN MM
1 SLAT ALTAR IIII III
yOyTCP?xMa
K\ ' F(D p .'?>.
(B>
members ofpatient's clanSIT HERE
Figure 45.?Diagram of a curing ceremony. M= medicinemen; N=nawai, or head ofthe society; I=iariko (corn-ear fetish); F= fetishes placed here and there; B= medicinebowl; A= a -sa, or water bowl; K= kohaiya (bear), or ma-ca'inyi (bear foreleg skins);Oy= Oyoyewi; P=patient; Ma= Masewi. The sand painting, upon which the cornears and other fetishes are placed, is shown in figure 43.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 295ceremony begins upon arrival of the patient. First there are prayers.Then songs are sung for a considerable time. Diu-ing the singing,two, three, or four doctors go to the house of the patient to driveaway the hi-yatsanyi (sickness) and witches (kanadyaiya) . They dothis by blowing and brushing, or whipping, away the evil influenceswith their eagle wing feathers. Then they return to the cm-ing cham-ber and take their turn at singing while other doctors go to the patient'shouse to cleanse it.After much singing the patient is diagnosed. They feel him to seeif any foreign objects have been "shot" into him. If so, they areremoved by sucldng or with the tips of the eagle wing-feathers.^*There are undoubtedly other rituals, but my abbreviated accountdoes not specify them. At the conclusion of the ceremony thepatient is given medicine-water to drink. The doctors may bathethe patient also, first with amole {Yucca glauca) water and then withmedicine-water. When the ritual is completed the patient is takenhome and the doctors, or some of them, go out and deposit prayer-sticks for his recovery.In instances where the patient is not brought to the curing chamber,the doctors go to his house to treat him. Details of this were notobtained, but they probably are much hke those in the curing chamber.The tsinaodanyi ritual is apparently essentially Uke the wikacanyiexcept that (1) the former requires more doctors, and (2) a stolen, orlost, heart is retrieved and restored in the tsinaodanyi ceremony. Thelatter is, however, a very fundamental and important difference,according to Sia philosophy. The loss of a heart is a very seriousmatter, powerful evil spirits are involved, danger is faced and riskincurred in opposing these spirits, and the feat of restoring the heartis a diflacult one. Ritual and paraphernalia for the two kinds ofceremonies are very much ahke, it is said. But the songs are differ-ent. As explained in "Cosmology," songs are supernaturaHstic meansof producing an effect upon the external world; one does things withsongs. A stolen heart can be restored only by means of the propersongs. There are two kinds of curing songs: wikacanyi yu-nyi(songs) and winock'* (heart) yunyi (songs). And only the Flint,Giant, and Fire societies have "heart" songs. It is not, of com'se, thatmembers of other societies do not know these songs; they do. Theyhave heard them and actually they could sing them. But this is be-side the point; only certain societies have, or "own," these heart
" Mrs. Stevenson (1904, pp. 497, 500) describes the way a Sia medicineman, visiting in Zuni, removedstones from a patient with his feathers. He also removed a large stone from her forehead by thesame method?she had complained of headache.
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
songs, and only those societies can use them with efficacy. Here isa "heart" song:hicro mor? paiyatyamo ict6a kemikowako cawlnock'"you male youth arrow why Is It your heartkurati-tcrowidya canirydyaiya'no [then addressing thethrowing away going aboutheart]: hayoDowesi sisainai ima'a amaiola'acome back whole to come right heres6tsirakaro ^^ iariko kokoyocomitsaceremonial house corn-ear fetish is sittingyanyi'inu'yka tcokoyetanomaIn front of to sit downFree translation: "You, Arrow Youth, why is it that you are goingabout throwing your heart away? [Then, addressing the heart:] Comeback, whole, and sit down in front of the altar where the iariko aresitting."There is another song to put the heart back into the body after ithas been retrieved.At the conclusion of the wikacanyi or tsinaodanyi ceremony eachmedicineman must be given a basketful of inawi, a basketful of food(in which case it would be called by the ceremonial term, Bewitsa, in-stead of the ordinary word, opewi), and some blankets. The firstbasket must be covered with a timi (a cotton felt blanket), and someitsatyunyi (beads). The shaman use the timi for any ritual usagethat requires cotton : string for prayersticks or wabanyi, or as waboctcafor body decoration.Treatment: supplementary version.?One informant supplied an ac-count of a curing ceremony that contains elements not found in thepreceding one, and, rather than attempt to integrate the two, I givea compact version of this additional account here.If a sick person, or his family, wishes to have a medicine societycure him, his father, or close male relative, takes a handful of finecornmeal (petana) to the head of the society of his (or their) choice.He asks the head to come with his society members to cure the sickone. The head (nawai, or naicdia, father) calls the members of hissociety together, distributes the meal among them, and tells themthat so-and-so has asked them to cure the sick one. The doctors goout and pray with the meal; then they begin to get ready for thecuring ceremony.Unless the sick one is critically ill, the medicine society will spend4 days, after receiving the meal request, in preparing for the ceremo-nial rooms where they spend most of the time during this 4-dayperiod. Nonsociety members are not permitted to enter their rooms
" This term has "strong meaning," says the informant. It means a ceremonial house when the altar andall the paraphernalia for a ceremony have been laid out or set up. One could say sotsirakai, also.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 297
at this time, but my informants said that they would be "gettingtheir things ready: their medicines, paraphernaha, etc." Each morn-ing they drink herb brew and vomit. Sexual continence is observed.The family of the sick one will be preparing for the ceremony, too.They vomit every morning and observe sexual continence. Theyspend considerable time getting food ready to feed the doctors andrelatives on the night of the cure and to give to the doctors as pay-ment of their services: they grind corn and wheat, bake bread, killa cow or a sheep, etc.On the evening of the fourth day the sick one is taken into thechamber of the curing society. The doctors have their sand paintingmade on the floor and their paraphernalia?animal and anthropo-morphic fetishes, flint knives, bear paws, medicine bowls, iarikos,etc.?laid on, or near it. A gaotcanyi, armed with bow and arrow,stands guard outside the door of the chamber to prevent witches fromcoming inside. The doctors are sitting behind the altar singing whenthe patient is brought in, walking, or being carried, over a road ofmeal. The patient is placed next to the wall on the side, but a littleto the front, of the sand painting. Masewi sits on one side of thepatient, Oyoyewi on the other. The close relatives of the sick onesit at the end of the room opposite the meal painting (see fig. 45).The doctors sing for a while in order to induce the spirits of the an-imal tcaianyi (mountain lion, bear, badger, wolf, eagle, shrew (Sorexpersonatus, maidyup'), etc., to enter the chamber, traveUng over theroad of meal, and enter the little images of themselves on the sandpainting. Since the doctors work only with supernatural powerreceived from these animal doctors, it is essential that their spiritsbe present. One of the women members of the society brings in abowl of water. It is now time to mix the medicine. One of the doc-tors comes out from behind the altar and pours six dippers of waterinto the waicti, one for each of the six directions. Songs are sung tothe spirits (especially to the animal doctors) of the cardinal points asthis is done. Then the doctors put their medicines into the medicinebowl ; each one takes some powdered herbs from his buckskin bag andputs them into the water. They return to their places behind thealtar and sing again. After a few songs they request all the relativesof the patient to go outside for a while.After about half an hour the relatives return to the curing chamber.The medicinemen are beginning to cure the patient. They go to thefireplace, rub ashes on their hands, and then feel all over the sick one'sbody: "They are looking for the sickness," i.e., the objects which thewitches have "shot" into him. Whenever they find anything, theysuck it out. Sticks, pebbles, thorns, rags, etc., are removed in thisway. After a doctor sucks something out of the patient's body, he
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spits it out into his own hand, holds it up so people can see it, then hedeposits it into a pottery bowl.After all the doctors have "cured" the patient, they turn theirattention to witches. If they discover that they have stolen thepatient's heart, they must go out and find it and bring it back. Some-times they look into the medicine bowl "to see if there are any witchesaround; if there are, they can see them in that bowl." If they seeany, or, if they are going out to retrieve a stolen heart, the doctorsprepare themselves to go out into the pueblo and battle with thewitches. All the doctors do not go; some remain in the curing cham-ber. Those who are to go draw ma-cinyi (skins of bears' forelegs)on their left arms, put on a necklace of bear claws, hang a reed whistlefrom their necks by a cord, pick up a flint knife in the right hand andset out.They run out into the town, or outside the village, looking forwitches. Sometimes they fight them: "You can hear them fightingin the dark, hollering." Sometimes a doctor is rendered unconscious;sometimes a witch is captured and brought back into the curingchamber where he is killed. If they have been out after the patient'sstolen heart they invariably return with it. The "heart" is a ball ofrags, in the center of which is a kernel of corn; the corn is the realheart. The doctors unwrap the rags and examine the corn closely.If they find it "burned or mouldy" the patient will remain sick, oreven die. If the corn is unblemished, the patient will get well prompt-ly. In either case he is given the corn to swallow, and a draught fromthe medicine bowl. All the relatives of the patient are given medi-cine to drink from the bowl. The patient is then taken to his home.The mother, or close female relative, and her "helpers" now bringout the food, the stews, beans, chiH, bread, etc., and everyone eats.Baskets of flour are brought in, too, and given by the patient's familyto the doctors. This is the payment for their services.SOCIETIES AND CURINGThe Flint, Giant, and Fire societies are the only ones capable ofperforming all kinds of curing rituals ; only they have the heart songs.The Snake, Kapina, and Koshairi societies are capable of the aictyu-wanyi and the wikacanyi ceremonies only. Kwiraina and Katsinasocieties cannot cure at all. It is said that Gomaiyawic has thepower and the right to cure, my medical informant stated, but addedthat he knew of no instance in which they had performed such aritual. Essentially the same observation was made about Caiyeiksociety.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 299CURE BY ADOPTION OR PLEDGEIf a person has been ill for some time, or has been in a state ofanxiety or melancholy, or has been having bad dreams, he may askto be admitted to a society, or he may pledge himself to become adrummer or perhaps to take part in a katsina dance at a neighboringpueblo, as a therapeutic measm*e. A parent may pledge a child to asociety, or ask to have it adopted by another clan, for the samereason. If a woman has had a number of miscarriages she maypledge an unborn child to a society in order to assure, or facilitate, asafe dehvery. WHITE MAN'S MEDICINEI have ah'eady touched upon this subject in "Health, Sanitation,and Diet" (p. 103). I might only add here that I beUeve that someof the older Indians a few decades age believed that White man'smedicine was effective in some cases but that it was incapable ofcoping with witchcraft; only Indian medicinemen could do this.COMMUNAL CURING CEREMONYToward the end of winter, or early spring, the Tiamunyi orders acuring ceremony for the entire pueblo. Sickness is usually mostprevalent during the winter, or as my informant put it: "the witcheshave been busy all winter; they get too thick in the pueblo." Thisceremony is called h'a"stitc (pueblo) nyuk'atsime (no translation); itspm-pose is to purify the village, drive out evil spirits (witches) andinfluences, and treat any sickness that may be found.Decision to hold the ceremony is made by the cacique, but theactual request to the heads of the curing societies is made by theWar chief. Corn from the hotcanitsa is ground into meal, some ofwhich is used to make paper bread (matsinyi), which is distributedto the medicinemen at the time the request for their services is made.Fhnt, Giant, and Fu'e societies are always requested to participatein this communal ceremony. Kapina, Snake, Koshairi, and Gomai-wayic are sometimes asked to take part, and it was said that Kwirainacould participate. But Katsina and Caiyeik societies never take part.Preparations for the communal curing ceremony are quite similarto those for the cure of an individual patient: the societies retire totheir houses for 4 days, vomit every morning, observe sexual con-tinence, and get their medicines and paraphernalia ready. On thefourth evening, the night of the ceremony, all the curing societiesgather together in one large house which has been cleared for thisoccasion. A sand painting is made and fetishes are laid out as usual.
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 184The cacique sits in the place which would be occupied by the patientif it were an individual curing ceremony. Masewi and Oyoyewi siton either side of him. The people of the pueblo crowd into the roomfor the ceremony.The ceremony opens with songs, invoking the spirits of the animalsupernaturals to come in and invest their respective images. Med-icine is mixed in the waicti, water being poured in for the six direc-tions: there is much sprinkling of altar, doctors, and paraphernaUawith medicine water and meal. After these prehminaries, the doctors,one or two at a time, come out from behind the altar where they havebeen sitting singing, and go over and "cure" the cacique: they suckvarious objects out of his body and toss them into a pottery bowl.^'Then the doctors go about among the people gathered there and
"cure" them. After the curing, the doctors look into the waicti "tosee if they can see any witches" about. If they do (and frequentlydo) a number of the doctors arm themselves with their bear paws,bear-claw necklaces, reed whistles, and flint knives and go out andfight with them. Sometimes they capture a witch and bring himback into the chamber where they shoot him with an arrow, as isdone at San Felipe and Santo Domingo (White, 1932 b, p. 48;1935, p. 126).
" The cacique "stands for" the pueblo. Perhaps the Idea here Is that by " curing" the cacique the puebloIs cured.
HUNTINGIndividual men may kill small game while out in the country herd-ing horses or sheep, or while going to gather materials for paints, orsoapweed. But hunting, as such, is a communal enterprise at Sia.Two kinds of hunts are distinguished: one for small game?cottontailand jaclo-abbits, wood rats?and the other for deer. Small game ishunted either for the cacique?to supply him with meat for ceremonialpurposes?or for the people; deer hunts are always for the cacique.Women may accompany men on small game hunts; only men go ondeer hunts. COMMUNAL RABBIT HUNTSThe War chief goes to Tiamunyi and formally asks him for permis-sion "to use the people and the land" for a small game hunt. Tiamunyialways gives his permission. War chief then goes to the head of theCaiyeik (Hunters') society to assist with songs and ritual. At anappointed time Caiyeik nawai, accompanied by Masewi, Oyoyewi, andtheir gowatcanyi (assistants), goes to a sacred spot (tsapatcroma) nearthe pueblo, where he builds a fire and prays for game.Early next morning the War chiefs and their assistants meet in theWren kiva where they lay plans for the hunt: they decide where theywill hunt and whether women will participate or not. When thismeeting is over, the War chief, or one of his assistants, goes throughthe village announcing the hunt.On the day of the hunt the head of the Caiyeik society goes to themeeting place first. He builds a small fire, "just big enough to lightcigarettes with." The War chief designates one of his assistants toaccompany Caiyeik nawai constantly. After a brief ritual (prayers?)by Caiyeik, the people come out to the meeting place and are giveninstructions regarding the hunt (by Masewi or Caiyeik or both?).If women take part, a place to eat lunch is designated, otherwisethis point is omitted.When game is killed the women run for it; the first to reach it keepsit. She must, however, pay the man who killed it: flour for a jackrab-bit or cottontail; bread and stew for a wood-rat or bird. The huntlasts until sundown. No one is permitted to leave the hunt before itends, and no one is allowed to lag behind.If the hunt is for the hotcanitsa (i.e., cacique), the people roast thegame in the evening after the hunt. The next morning before break-fast the tcraikatsi (vice caciques) go around the village and collect301
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184the roasted animals, and take them to the hotcanitsa, where they hangthem up and "take care of them so they won't spoil." If, however, thehunt is for "the people," they can keep the game and eat it.DEER HUNTSDeer hunts are always held for the Tiamunyi and at the request ofthe War chief. My notes falter with regard to preHminary details,but I beheve that Masewi formally requests the assistance of the headof the Caiyeik society; whether or not he requests permission of theTiamunyi, or notifies him of his intention to call for a hunt, is notclear. After decision has been made, a ritual is held near the rock ontop of the secret underground chamber. A fire is built, Caiyeik nawaiofficiates; Masewi and perhaps some gowatcanyi are there. The nextmorning a meeting is held in a kiva with Masewi presiding. "Theytalk about the hunt." After the meeting, the hunt is announcedthrough the viUage by the gowatcanyi.Before leaving for the Jemez Mountains, where the hunts are usuallyheld, each hunter deposits a prayer-feather bunch (waBanyi) and beads(itsa-tyunyi) which have been prepared for him by his grandparentsor his mother, and a wicBi, made by himself, to the maiyanyi in gen-eral and to Caiyeik (the spirit patron of game animals) in particular.Masewi is in charge of the deer hunt. If they have two huntingparties, as they sometimes do, Masewi takes charge of one; Oyoyewi,the other. Before leaving the pueblo Masewi appoints men to serveas Masewi and Oyoyewi and gowatcanyi during their absence. Thegowatcanyi go along, too, as assistants to the War chiefs. The head ofthe Caiyeik society, or his assistant, must go; other members of theHunters society also may go. The hunt usually lasts 6 days: 1 day togo, 4 days to hunt, and 1 day to return. However, if they have littlesuccess they may extend the hunt a day or two. They estabhsh campsas they proceed. Some men are detailed to cook; others, to take careof the horses.
"If they get enough deer on the first day for the cacique Masewitells the men they can hunt for themselves. If the hunters have noluck during the first three days Caiyeik nawai performs a ritual on theevening of the third day." Details were not obtained, but the infor-mant stated that Caiyeik has his Uttle stone figures of mountain lion,and perhaps other fetishes, laid out. "They sing songs to bring gamenear the camp."
"If you meet someone, anyone, in the mountains while you arehunting, don't shake hands with him, for if you do your luck will passout from you into him." Also, "If you wound a deer and track himonly to find that someone else has brought him down, the deer belongsto you."
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 303
"When you kill a deer you must sprinkle petana (prayer meal) onhim. Take a flint (knife, which every hunter carries) and pretend tocut the skin along the Hues where you would cut if you were reallysldnning a deer," After that, the deer is skinned so that the head andbackbone are left attached to the skin. The hunter takes the deer'sreproductive organs, sprinkles them with petana, beads, red ocher, andstcamun?"if you have it"?and, best of all, with naiyabunyi (a min-eral found near San Felipe), wabunyi (a kind of shell), and sawatc (ablack, hard, shiny stuff "hke coal"), and buries them. He puts hisUttle mokaitc (mountain lion stone effigy) into the deer's chest andlets him feed on his heart and lungs. Then he cuts the meat up andpacks it to be carried to Sia.While in camps on the hunt, the hunters make up new songs andsing them at night. They sing these songs as they enter the puebloupon their return. They go directly to the hotcanitsa where theMasewi and Oyoyewi pro tem, assisted by the tcraikatsi "if thereare lots of deer," carry the meat inside. A deer is divided into twoparts, one for the cacique, the other for the hunter who killed it.The hunter gets the head, the skin and part of the backbone and thechest from the neck down to and including the fourth rib, and a partof the belly. The rest goes to the cacique. All the meat, however,is piled up in the hotcanitsa for the night.The next morning Masewi dispatches a gowatcanjd to escort Caiy-eik nawai to the hotcanitsa. He (or Masewi?) gives Caiyeik awicBi and "tells him about the meat." Caiyeik formally gives thecacique his share of the meat and tells him that he may use it as hepleases. Then Masewi talks; he, too, presents the meat to Tia-munyi. Then the gowatcanyi and the gowatcanyi pro tem sUce themeat and make jerky, and put it out to dry. The tcraikatsi keepwatch over it to keep it from spoiling; they turn it from time to timeand bring it in at night. When it has dried they bring it in and storeit in the storeroom of the hotcanitsa. It will be used in a stew for themedicinemen at hanyiko.The hunters go to the hotcanitsa and each takes his head, skin, andmeat home. He lays the deer on the floor, covers it with a white em-broidered manta (cotton textile), lays strings of beads on its neck,and sprinldes it with prayer meal (petana). Neighbors come in "tovisit and to welcome the deer." The mother of the hunter cooksthe deer's head, after it has been skinned; she boils it whole in a largekettle. She also cooks the lungs and heart. Then she makes paperbread (matsinyi), kabana (a corncake, like a tortilla), or wheat bread.The mother or sister of the hunter goes through the village invitingthe people of each household to come to her house to eat. The bones
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of the deer are thrown out on the refuse dumps; dogs are not allowedto gnaw them.The hunter takes the deer's head and horns, with a handful of pe-tana, to a medicineman, who need not be honawai'aiti, and askshim to paint it and "give it breath" (tsats is the word for breath orsoul). The medicineman distributes the meal among his fellow so-ciety members. They "dress" the head during the hanyiko ceremony(about the middle of November). They stuff native-grown, unspuncotton into the eye sockets, nostrils, and foramen magnum (the open-ing through which the spinal cord passes). They paint a blue-greenquarter moon on the forehead, and smear the entire skull with ipctc(white clay). The face is sprinkled with stcamun. Turkey or eaglefeathers are stuck into the nostrils. And, finally, a short turkey bodyfeather is tied to each point on the horns. The medicinemen returnthe head and horns to the hunter owner on the last evening of hanyiko.He puts it on the roof of his house, close to the chimney, where he letsit remain for an indefinite time. He may eventually "take it out andbury it when it gets very old." The Sia have a reputation for beingexcellent hunters, and deer heads and horns are conspicuously nu-merous on their housetops.
"Sometimes they have a dance to celebrate a deer hunt." It willbe the Wayuhona dance and will be held 4 or 8 days after the hun-ters return to the pueblo. All Caiyeik songs begin and end with theword Wayuhona. Sometimes both men and women take part in thisdance; sometimes only men dance. The costumes are very muchlike those of the "corn dance" on August 15, except that men weartwo eagle tail feathers on each side of the head. Women carry thehead and horns of the newly killed deer. They have a chorus of sing-ers but no drum.
WARWarfare was a part of the life and culture of Sia, and other Keresanpueblos, until about 1880 when the last engagements took place.They had weapons?bow and arrow, club, shield?a Warriors' society(the Opi), war priests or chiefs, war dances, ceremonies, fetishes, andmagic. Few, if any, men were alive in Sia in 1928, when this studywas begun, who had actually been engaged in armed conflict with anenemy. I was obliged, therefore, to rely largely upon memories andtradition for information. There are good reasons for believing thatvirtually all fighting done by the Sia was defensive rather than aggres-sive. They had occasionally to defend themselves against raids andattacks, principally from the Navaho; we have virtually no evidenceof any attacks initiated by the Sia upon the mo-comi (enemy nomads,chiefly Navaho) and none at all for attacks upon a neighboring pueblo.As we have already seen (p. 124), it is difficult to identify, and todistinguish between, the war "priests" and the war "chiefs" men-tioned by Stevenson. Apparently, the priests, who represented thetwin war gods, Masewi and Oyoyewi, served for life. They hadcharge of war parties. With the end of warfare, these offices ceasedto exist, it would appear, and only the appointed war chiefs have beenperpetuated.If a Sia warrior killed an enemy on a war party he apparentlyenjoyed the option of touching or not touching the slain man. If,however, he did touch him or take any of his weapons, clothing, orfetishes, he was obHged to scalp him, in which case he would have tobecome a member of the Opi society. Scalping, incidentally, con-sisted of removing all the skin on the skuU upon which hair normallygrows, not merely a small round piece on the crown of the head aswas the practice among many other tribes.A warrior who has taken a scalp is not allowed to enter the puebloat once and without warning upon his return. He is required tostop at some distance from the village and indicate, by means of asmoke signal, that he has taken a scalp. AU the men in the pueblowho know the scalp songs go out to meet him, singing. The scalptaker joins them and, together, they encircle the village, walking andsinging. Then they enter the pueblo on the north side and go to thenorth plaza, pass through it and go to the site of the secret under-ground chamber. Each scalp taker, if there are more than one, hasone pole, to the top of which he has attached all the scalps he has305
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184taken. They erect their scalp poles just west of the rock whichcovers the entrance to the chamber. This is done because the scalpsare "children" and this spot is "sacred to children." When theyhave finished their songs they go to their homes.On the day following they have the Ahina dance. All males mustdance, and all women who wish to do so may take part. The danceis held under the authority of the War chiefs, Masewi and Oyoyewi,but they appoint two men to take direct charge of the affair. Earlyin the morning, these men go through the pueblo teUing all dancers to goto Wren kiva to dress. The scalp takers are requested to go to the cere-monial house of the Flint society; they take their scalps with them.Just before sunrise, the scalp takers, escorted by members of theFlint society, go to Wren kiva. When they get there the dancerscome out, and the dance begins at sunrise. Two lines are formed.One is led by the head of the Flint society, followed by Masewi andOyoyewi, the Opi, and then the singers from the kiva. They begin todance in front of the Wren kiva, but as they dance they move towardthe Turquoise kiva. Then they go to the north plaza where theydance; this is repeated in the south plaza. The dance lasts about 2hours.When the dance is over, all the ordinary people are dismissed, butMasewi, Oyoyewi, the Opi, and the scalp takers go to the ceremonialhouse of the Flint society, presumably for a speech or ritual. Beforethey undress they go to a sacred spot (tsapatcroma) on the side of thehill above the river, west of Wren kiva, where they pray. They returnto the Flint society's house, remove their costumes, and go to the riverto bathe. Then they go to their own homes.A date is set, 4 or 8 years hence?but in making the announcementthey always say "days," instead of "years"?for the Atse'eDanyi(q. v.), a ceremonial dance which "frees the scalp taker from a danger-ous condition" in which he has been placed by killing an enemy andtaking his scalp. A slain enemy becomes a ko'oko (see Glossary) andas such he might injure, or kill, his slayer unless the Atse'eDanyi isperformed for him.Scalp takers (who then become Opi) tan their scalps and keep themin their houses. The scalp becomes the "son" of its taker, who mustfeed him every time he eats. Scalps were buried with their "fathers"at death.
PARAPHERNALIA^^In describing ceremonies, reference has been made repeatedly toarticles of paraphernalia. In most instances I have not paused todescribe these items and to set forth the data I obtained concerningthem. Instead, I am devoting this chapter exclusively to this subject.IARIKO: corn-ear FETISHlariko (or latiku) is "the Mother of all the Indians" in Keresanmythology (Utctsiti, in our Sia origin myth, is equated with lariko).This fetish consists of a decorated ear of corn; corn, it will be remem-bered (see p. 121), stands for Utctsiti (lariko), and it is commonlyspoken of as yaya (mother). This is unquestionably one of the mostimportant, if not the most important, fetish of the Keres; Stevenson(1894, p. 40) called it "the supreme idol" of the Sia. Stevenson hasan account of the iariko, illustrated with an excellent colored pictm-eof it (ibid., pi. ix). See also White (1942 a, pp. 339-340, andfig. 48) for an account and sketch of this fetish at Santa Ana. Ihave a few data to add to Stevenson's account.The ear of corn used must be perfect, with straight rows, andfully kerneled to the tip. Feathers of the wi-en, especially, but alsomagpie, road runner, turkey, duck, or mocking bird?but specificallynot the owl, crow, blackbird, or flicker?are glued to the ear withhoney of the bumblebee. The pith of the cob is removed from thebutt end about halfway to the tip. Into this cavity the "heart" isinserted. This may be either a small round black stone called Dyatca'-aicti or a bit of quartz crystal (witcatsi), usually the latter. I believethat songs and prayers must accompany the animation of the fetish,but no data were obtained on this point.Then a number of narrow strips of "bamboo" (Phragmites) are cutin lengths equal to the length of the corn ear. Each is wi'apped withcotton string, and at the top end a fluffy eagle feather, taken frombeneath the tail, is tied (fig. 46). These slats are then placed longi-tudinally alongside the ear of corn. They are securely held with awooden hoop at the top and bottom of the ear (fig. 47 ; also pi. ix inStevenson). Then parrot tail feathers are inserted in the top of thefetish, inside the circle of eagle feathers. The fetish has a "face" onone side of the tip end. At the back of the "head" two long parrot
" While the present study was in firogress, I examined a considerable number of specimens in the collec-tions of the U.S. National Museum that had been obtained by the Stevensons in 1879 (see p. 1). Through thekindness of members of the Museum's staff, I had a number of these specimens photographed, and their ma-terials Identified except for the pump drill (pi. 9, 6). Since specimens of the material culture of the KeresanPueblos are not very abundant in Museum collections, the photographs in plates 6 to 11, Inclusive, make asignificant contribution to the published record of Keresan Pueblo culture. 307
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Figure 46.?Bamboo splint for iariko.
Figure 47.?Iariko without feathers (from a photograph of a specimen).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 309
tail feathers are inserted. A necklace of turquoise, obsidian, andbeads is placed around iariko's "neck." larikos are placed uprightupon the altars during ceremonies, always facing the door (see fig. 45).Stevenson (1894, p. 40) says that each iariko must be renewed every4 years; one of my informants said that "all members of each societymake new iarikos at one time [periodically] ; it may take two or threedays." Each medicineman, with some exceptions, has an iariko: "itguides him and cares for him." When he dies it is buried with him.PRAYERSTICKS (H'A'TCMINYI)Sia, like all other pueblos, makes and uses prayersticks : sticks, cutfrom twigs or branches of Uving trees, carved, painted, and deckedwith feathers. I am sure that at least 50 pages would be needed toset down all the detailed facts pertaining to Sia prayersticks, were theyknown. Many different kinds of prayersticks are made and they areused in various combinations. There are unquestionably many rulesand customs that specify who may make prayersticks and upon whatoccasions. Our knowledge of Keresan pueblo prayersticks in generalis faii'ly adequate: they are made by medicinemen, for the most part,upon occasions such as solar ceremonies, siunmer retreats for rain, andmortuary rituals, and they are means of communication with the spiritworld. However, we do not have a completely adequate knowledgeand understanding of the Indian's conception of prayersticks. Someof them have faces, eyes, and mouths, and Stevenson (1894, p. 76)says that they "are symbolic of the beings to whom they are offered."Are these sticks then spirits themselves, or do they embody spirits, ormerely represent them? The sticks are unquestionably means of com-munication, and they, or the feathers attached to them, may possiblybe considered gifts, or offerings, to the spirits.My data on Sia prayersticks are meager (because I usually gaveprecedence to other subjects when I had a good informant to workwith). However, Stevenson has some excellent colored pictures of,and some data on, them (pis. xi, xii, xiii, and pp. 74, 76). And, ofcourse, other monographs on the Keresan pueblos offer descriptionsand illustrations.All Sia prayersticks are made of willow except in the case of someof the summer ceremonies for rain when spruce (or fir?), with some ofthe attached twigs, is used. Figure 48, a, is an informant's sketch(redrawn by a White artist) of a "typical" Sia prayerstick. It isfrom 4 to 6 inches long. The head end of a prayerstick is the endfarthest from the roots of the tree from which it was cut. In figure48, a, the head of the stick has been cut into four flat triangularfacets which are painted alternately blue green and yeUow. The tipis painted blue green; the butt, yeUow. The bark has been peeled offat certain places. A wasanyi (a feather-bunch consisting of 1 eagle600685?62 21
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 311body-feather, 2 or 3 short turkey body-feathers, and a feather fromsome other bird) is tied to the "neck" of the stick. A few shorttm:key and fluffy eagle feathers are tied near the butt end. Thisstick was apparently conceived of as a man by the informant who madethe sketch, for he described one part as "shoulders," another the trunk,and a thhd "the part covered by the [dance] kilt," This kind ofstick may be used "for any kind of prayer."In figm-e 48, b, another common type of prayerstick is shown. Twoof these sticks, one male, the other female, are tied together with ayucca leaf. Male sticks have blue-green faces; female, yellow; bothhave black eyes and mouth. They are about 4 or 5 inches long. AwaBanyi is tied above the face; eagle and turkey feathers are tied atthe base. This pair of sticks jnaj be used for any kind of prayer.Figure 48, c, shows still another kind of stick. The four facets atthe top are painted alternately yellow and blue green. One segmenthas been made square with notches on two opposite sides; the notches
"are a ladder," watiya'mi. This stick is offered to the spirits of thesix directions during the summer ceremony of kacaiDime. The stickvaries in length from 2 to 12 inches. If need for rain is urgent "theymake a short stick; if it isn't, they use a longer one." This stickmay be used also at hanyiko, but in this case "they use a largerstick." WfCBIThere is no Enghsh equivalent of 'VicbI". It is the name of aceremonial object that is made and buried by each of the medicinesocieties periodically (unfortunately, my notes do not specify when).Each society makes and buries only one; all of the societies performthis ceremony at the same time, however.The wicBi is made of a piece of "cane," or "bamboo," commonlycalled istoa ('arrow'). I was unable to obtain a specimen for identi-fication. It is described as having a hollow^, segmented stalk; it maywell be Phragmites sp. One cuts a jDiece of the stalk so that it is about10 or 12 inches long. It is cut so that a joint, or segment, is about 2or 3 inches from the bottom end; this end is cut off at right angles tothe stalk. The top end is cut on a slant, or bevel. A narrow strip iscut, or scraped, down one side of the stalk, beginning at the lowestpoint of the beveled end at the top. This flattened strip is paintedAvith Hquid black paint (ma'njd) and, Avhile the paint is still wet, it is
Figure 49.
?
Wicbi,
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
sprinkled with stcamu-na (a black, sparkling powder; see "Glossary").The rest of the shaft is painted with red ocher (fig. 49).The tube, above the segment near the bottom, is fiUed with wildtobacco (Biits) ; it is tamped in imtil the tube is filled from the seg-ment almost to the top. Then two cr6wakai (magpie, Pica pica) tailfeathers are inserted into the tube, into the tobacco, on the side wherethe highest point of the beveled end is: this is the "back" of the wicBi.One could use the feathers of the djack'* (road runner, Geococcyx cali-Jornianus) if magpie feathers are not available. The top of the tubeis then filled with Dyami cpaik' * (short, fluffy eagle feathers) , Finally,one tail-, or wing-, feather of the cu-ti (rock wren, Salpinctes obsoletus)is inserted at the lowest point of the beveled end; this is the "face" ofthe wicBi.Then the medicinemen "dress" the wicBi. They make a blanketof unspun, native-grown cotton, about 20 inches long, 16 inches wide,and 2 inches thick. This is the wicsi's timi, or clothing. The cottonblanket is laid on the floor and the wicBi is stood erect upon it, buttend down, in the middle of the blanket. Food, shells, beads, even ahost from the Catholic church, or money, in very small pieces, areplaced on the blanket near the wicBi. Then one grasps the edge ofthe blanket at midpoint between the corners at each end and each side,one at a time, and brings the blanket to the wicBi as high as it willreach, leaving the corners of the blanket hanging down. The blanketis then tied firmly to the wicBi with a long string of beads. Feathersare stuck into the openings at each of the four corners. It is now readyto be taken out.The wicsi are taken out and buried at one or another of two sacredspots (tsapacroma) : Cuwimi ('Turquoise') Tsinaotice ('Point') or Tsifii(see "Sacred Places"). The Flint society always buries its wicsi atTurquoise Point; the other societies may choose either place.The medicinemen leave their house with the wicBi early in the morn-ing just before sunrise and bury it just as the sun shows itself abovethe horizon. They must sing ceremonial songs from the time theyleave their house until they return.My informants were loath to discuss the meaning of this ceremonial:
"you've got to be tcaiyanyi [medicineman] to know that."ACTITCO'MtThis is the so-called "pole" carried in the dance for the Blessed Vir-gin on August 15. It is used in all the Keresan pueblos, in Jemez, andamong the Tewa as well. It is unquestionably one of the most con-spicuous items of Keresan paraphernalia, but very little indeed isknown about it; informants are loath to discuss it and it has been dif-ficult even to ascertain its name (White, 1942 a, p. 344; Lange, 1959,
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 313p. 347). All of this means, of coui'se, that it is a very important andsacred object. As we have already seen (p. 135), only certain menare permitted, and obligated, to carry it.At Santa Ana I obtained kastotco'ma as the name of this "pole";at Cochiti, Lange (1959, p. 347) fomid ka-arshti-truma to be "themost common" name. The first syllable, ka, may be the third personpossessive pronomi, his or her. One of my Sia informants said thatactitcomi means "something like the key that opens"; I know of noother attempt at translation.The actitcomi consists essentially of two parts : a spruce pole about12 feet long and about 2 inches in diameter, and an egg-shaped "head"at the upper end as the pole is carried. (See White, 1942 a, fig. 52,p. 344, for a good sketch and a description of the pole at Santa Ana;two photographs in pi. 5, White, 1935, show the pole in use in thesaint's day dance in Santo Domingo; Lange, 1959, has two sketches ofit in fig. 23, and two photographs of it in dances in the 1890's; photo-graphs in Parsons, 1929, pis. 24 and 25 show it in use in San Ildefonso.)At the crown of the egg-shaped head is a bunch of parrot tail feathers;a thick fringe of sheep wool, dyed red, surrounds the feathers on thehead at the point of insertion. The head is painted a dark blue-green with a black-and-white band running around its "equator."Red wool surrounds the head at the base, also. Attached to thebottom of the head are a dance kilt and a foxskin. Then, hangingdown the pole is the embroidered sash worn by male dancers in thesaint's day dance. When I commented upon the similarity of the"costume" of the polo to that of male dancers on August 15, an infor-mant said that it was the dancers who dressed like the actitcomi, notthe reverse.The actitcomi is "dressed," i.e., all of its parts are assembled, byeither Koshairi or Kwiraina?depending upon which has charge of thedance for the Blessed Virgin; and the actitcomi is used on thisoccasion only?and dismantled by them after the dance; it is kept inLorenzo Medina's house because "it was originally made by Lorenzo'sfather."One informant supplied this mythological note: "In the beginningActitcomi was a man -spirit in the fourth, or yellow, world below. Thiswas his costume. He originated the Howinayc dance (on August 15when the actitcomi is used). He became displeased with the badbehavior of the people at White House so he changed himself into astick, like it is today." The actitcomi is "ahve," i.e., it has beenanimated, in all probabihty, by a medicineman or a society, and it hasa heart (probably a piece of quartz crystal). It has a face, too, and
"the man who carries it in the dance must know which way to face it[toward the front]."
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184GAOTIYeThis is a woven rug, or blanket, about 4 or 5 feet long and 3 feetwide. It is hung on the rear wall of the house for the Blessed Virginin the south plaza on August 15. I have never seen it on any otheroccasion, and Anglo-Americans would certainly not be permitted toenter the house to examine it on the saint's day, I am siu"e. Itappears originally to have been white, but has become yellowed anddirty with age and use. It has black designs which appear to havebeen embroidered upon it. They were too complicated for me tosketch them from memory, and no informant has ever been willingto sketch them for me. As a matter of fact, no informant wouldever tell me anything but a fragment about it: "It has to do withthe Opi," one informant stated. "A woman wears it in the Opi Ahinadance. It is owned by Jose Vigil Medina [born 1893, Coyote clan,permanent drummer for the singers, and a Shima medicineman]. Hehad this gaotiye made by an old woman at Isleta; she copied it froman old one that Jose's family had."I would judge from the unique design and use of the gdotiye, andfrom the attitude of informants toward it?especially their obviousunwillingness to discuss it?and, finally from my similar experiencewith the gdotiye at Santa Ana (White, 1942 a, pp. 250, 343), thatthis is a very important and sacred object. My guess is that thedesigns represent an episode in mythology. We have data on thisitem of paraphernalia from Sia and Santa Ana only, as far as I know.We certainly ought to know more about it.DRUMSThe drums used in Sia ceremonies?with the possible exceptionof the White man's drum used by the kahera at the feast for theBlessed Virgin and when he accompanies Santiago and Bocaiyanyi
?
are sacred objects: after one has been made it is "given life andheart" (presumably in a ritual performed by a medicineman or asociety). Each one has a name and each belongs to a certain manin the pueblo. When the Wren kiva was destroyed by fire about1946, one of the ceremonial drums, which was in the kiva at the time,was burned also. Recollection of this fact prompted an informantto remark that drums can die, "just like people." When a drum diesa mortuary ceremony is held for it by a medicine society as it wouldbe for a person.Much sldll is required to make a good drum, my informants em-phasized. Certain men in the Rio Grande pueblos are noted fortheir skill and are specialists in the manufacture of drums. Myinformants cited Cochiti drum makers as outstanding (see also Lange,
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 3151959, p. 156); two of Sia's five drums in 1957 had been made in Co-chiti; the rest, in Sia. Plate 7 in White, 1942 a, presents a goodsketch of a typical drum and drummer, in costume, at Santa Ana.Lange (1959) describes drum making at Cochiti (pp. 176-78) and hasa photograph of the process in plate 16.BULL ROARERBull roarer (h^omomo) is a piece of wood about 7 inches long, one-half inch thick in the middle, but thin at the edges. It is attached,at one end, to a stout cord about 3 feet long, at the other end of which
Figure 50.?Bull roarer.
is a wooden handle (fig. 50). It is whirled vigorously so that it makesa noise; "it imitates the sound of thunder." Only the Fire, Kapina,Giant?and possibly the Flint?societies have one. "The Snakesociety can use the haomomo of the Kapinas."SACRED PLACES
"The Sia, like the other pueblos, have shrines scattered aroundthe village, both near and at a considerable distance from it, whichMr. Stevenson was invited to visit and inspect. Some of them areguarded by colossal stone animals crudely formed" (Powell, 1892,p. xxviii).These sacred spots are called tsapacroma. There are several in thevicinity of Sia; I have seen one or two among the ruins of the oldpueblo northwest of Sia, close to the reservoir; they are marked bycuriously, but naturally, shaped stones smeared with red ocher. The
"colossal stone animals" which Powell mentioned may be the stonelions on the Potrero de las Vacas (see Lange, 1959, pi. 3). The loca-tion of some of these sacred spots is indicated in figure 28.
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BulL 184MEDICINE BOWLSEach society, with the exception of the Opi, has one or more pot-tery medicine bowls. They are placed upon the meal or sandpaint-ings during ceremonies, and "medicines" (wawa) are mixed in them.The medicines consist, in the main, I beUeve, of plant materials, butI am not sure that minerals are not used. In curing ceremoniespatients and their relatives are given the medicine to drink; in therain ceremonies, suds are produced in the bowls to simulate clouds(Stevenson has vivid descriptions of uses of medicine bowls in her eye-witness accounts of curing and rain ceremonies).Figure 51 illustrates a medicine bowl of the Shima society. Theslip is an "off white"; the designs have been painted on in black; thebottom is brick red. The three faces represent clouds; they aresurmounted by a rainbow and Hghtning. The horned snakes (tstts,water; cro-wi, snakes) have Hghtning tongues and clouds on theirbodies. The insect is a dragonfly. Frogs or tadpoles might be shownon the other side of the bowl.
Figure 51.?Medicine bowl of Shima society.
Figure 52.?Medicine bowl of Koshairi society.
White! THE PUEBLO OP SIA, NEW MEXICO 317Figure 52 shows a medicine bowl of the Koshairi society. A frogand two lizards are modeled on the sides in high relief; a horned toadmight be on the other side. The designs are painted in black; thefaces represent clouds, as does the terraced rim. Beneath the frogis a butterfly; on either side is a dragonfly.ALTARSThe word "altars" has been used extensively by ethnographersamong the Pueblos to designate two quite different things: (1) astructure made of wooden slats, arranged both horizontally and ver-tically, carved and painted, which is erected at the rear of a sand, ormeal, painting; and (2) a design made of cornmeal, pollen, or coloredsands, minerals, or earth pigments, or a combination of these mate-rials, on the floor of a ceremonial chamber; the designs often rep-resent clouds and Hghtning; sometimes horned snakes, animals, birdtracks, Indians, and mythological beings are depicted. My inform-ants were quite willing to use the English word "altar" to designateeither the wooden device or the floor design.The wooden slat altar is called a-tcim; I was told at Santa Ana thatthis is the ceremonial word for house (White, 1942 a, p. 330, n. 3).Many sketches, drawn by informants (sometimes redrawn by Whiteartists), of these altars are to be found in other monographs on theKeres as well as in this one; Stevenson photographed several of them,publishing either the photographs themselves or drawings made fromthem. There is much specific variation among them, but also amarked generic likeness. The slat altar is never used, I believe, with-out the accompanying sand or meal painting, upon which medicinebowls, iarikos, and fetishes are placed. These altars are kept andused from year to year until they wear out; I beheve they may be re-painted from time to time.The sand (or mineral pigment) or meal or pollen painting is calledh a-atsi ('earth'; mother earth is called naiya, 'mother,' h'a-atsi). AtSanto Domingo (White, 1935, p. 11) and at Santa Ana (White, 1942 a,p. 21) I learned to call sand and meal paintings yasdctnyi. A goodSia informant explained that a yasdcmyi is "a h'a-atsi upon whichiarikos and other paraphernalia have been placed" (at San FeUpe,however, "this lay-out of paraphernalia?particularly the meal paint-ing and the fetishes?is known as ya-Baicmt" (White, 1932 b, p. 44).Sand or meal paintings always accompany the use of the wooden slataltar, as we have just seen, but they may be used independently ofthe slat altar on certain occasions.A common pattern in many ceremonies is to have the slat altarerected, behind which the medicinemen sit and sing; in front of theatcinyi is the meal or sand painting with the iarikos, fetishes, andmedicine bowls placed upon it; a "road" of meal, over which spirits
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184
r
Figure 53.?Flint society altar.travel as they enter the room to invest the images of themselves onthe altar, leads from the meal painting to the door (figs. 45, 53).WlTCATSIOne of my Sia mformants, a member of one of the medicine societies,called quartz witcatsi. He gave me a quartz pebble (fig. 54) which hesaid was a very important item of paraphernalia in the curing cere-monies. He did not specify its use (he was reluctant to talk aboutwitches), but I am sure it is the same thing as the quartz crystal, orpebble, used at Acoma (White, 1932 a, p. 110), where it is calledma-caiyoyo and used to obtain supernatural vision to locate witches;at San Felipe (White, 1932 b, pp. 46-47) by medicinemen in curing;and at Cochiti (Dumarest, 1919, p. 156), where medicinemen used
"a round, white, transparent stone," in order to see witches. Thespecimen obtained by me at Sia is the first actual identification of thisarticle as far as I know. It is 4 cm. long, 3 cm. wide, and 2,5 cm,thick; it weighs 52,5 gm. It has been deposited in the Museum ofAnthropology, University of Michigan, catalog No, 25140,Bits of quartz are placed in the cob of an iariko, as we have seen.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 319
/::M 3^
.V i-T^ffw
\\:C
1 cm.Figure 54.?Quartz pebble (witcatsi).DYATCA'AICTIThis is a small, naturally formed mineral object; it has the shape oftwo spheres "pushed" (joined) together. Some people wear them ona string around the neck. It contains a spirit: a maiyanyi or ko-Bictaiya. It may be placed inside the corncob of an iariko instead ofa piece of quartz. Mj knowledge of this item is obviously incomplete.KATSINA OWAK (BABY)This is made of wood, with a painted, beveled face, something likea prayerstick (see pi. 9, a, photograph of specimen No. 133854 USNM).It is given to a woman who wishes to have a baby by a masked ka-tsina dancer; she may put it in a cradleboard (see White, 1942 a,fig. 11, p. 163). LIGHTNING SNAKEThis is a device made of slender sticks attached together so thatthe structure can be elongated or contracted. It has a lightning
"head," but it represents a snake: Ckatowe, the Snake of the North,or GacBana, the Snake of the West; if the former it will be decked witheagle tail feathers dyed red; if the latter, it will have black turkeyfeathers (fig. 55).
Figure 55.?Lightning snake.
RETROSPECT AND PROSPECTWe can form, I believe, a fair conception of the life and culture atSia in 1540, the year in which Coronado entered the Rio Grandevalley .^^ Climate, topography, flora, and fauna were then much asthey are now. Sia had her pueblo neighbors, some speaking a lan-guage like hers; some, another tongue. There were the seminomadicNavaho, and perhaps Apache, who harassed the settled communitiesfrom time to time. The world of the Sia was a small one; not farbeyond the horizons that one could see were the boundaries and thefour corners of the earth. It was a cozy and intimate world . It waspeopled with gods and spirits who had their homes at the cardinalpoints and at sacred spots not far from the pueblo itself. One kneweverything; the mythology provided answers to all the important ques-tions of Hfe and death; one knew how the clans originated and whySia had a Tiamimyi and War chiefs, and Koshairi, Kwiraina, Caiyaik,and the Flint, Fire, Giant and other societies. And one knew how tobehave on every occasion: toward one's mother's brother, when onekilled a bear, in the presence of katsina, when one dreamed of snakes,and how to send a soul, at death, back to foiu:-fold womb of motherearth. It was a complete, compact, substantial, and satisfyingworld when all was said and done; when the balance was struckbetween hardship, suffering, and death on the one hand, and the full-ness of life, of effort and achievement, on the other.We can do but little more than speculate about what went on in theIndians' minds when the Spaniards invaded their land, first as adven-turers and later as settlers and conquerors. There are no legendswhich present these events within a supernaturalistic, mythological,context: that the Spaniards were gods or sent by gods, or anything ofthat sort. What we know of the Keres inclines me to believe that theyregarded the invasion and conquest by the Spaniards realistically, andaccepted the facts for just what they were. We know well how theIndians resisted the White men, and how they resorted to concealmentwhen they could no longer oppose them successfully. We know,too, how Sia suffered death and destruction at the hands of Cruzatein 1688. And it must have been especially galling to the Sia to beobhged to side with the Spaniards against other pueblos, during thereconquest, in order to save their own skins (see p. 24).
8" Bandeller attempted to do this for a generalized Keresan pueblo in his novel "The Delight Makers"(1890). In my opinion be succeeded quite well Indeed.320
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 321Then there was that long era about which we know so Httle; from1696 to the middle of the 19th centnu-y when American army officersand Indian Agents came upon the scene. The story they tell us aboutSia is pathetic and depressing: a pueblo once great, according to theearly Spanish chronicles about the Punames, now faUing into utterruin and decay. I have already noted, in my chapter on the historyof Sia, the observations and comments of early Indian Agents and ofJohn G. Bourke. Matilda Stevenson (1894, p. 9) observed:All that remains of the once populous pueblo is a small group of houses and amere handful of people in the midst of one of the most extensive ruins of the South-west, the living relic of an almost extinct people and a pathetic tale of theravages of warfare and pestilence.And Powell's (1894, p. xl) judgment was that they were "a decadentand rapidly changing people."So sorry was the plight of the Sia around the turn of the centurythat the Bureau of Indian Affairs seriously considered removing theremnants of the population to another site:Supt. John B. Harper, in charge of irrigation for the pueblos, hopes to settlethis question of water for the Sia Pueblo by moving them to fertile lands in theRio Grande Valley below Bernahllo, on the Sandia grant. I hope this may bedone, but I have advised Supt. Harper that it will, I fear, be impossible to securethe removal of the Sia Indians unless force is employed, and that we cannot use.[Report of the Indian Agent in Rept. of the Supt, to the Commissioner of IndianAffairs for 1902, pp. 257-258.]Three years later the same agent reported that the Sia had refusedto move to the Sandia reservation: "They would prefer to remainwhere they are and starve than to join with the San Dia Indians. . . ."(Kep. Com. Ind. Affairs, 1905, p. 275.)Early in the 19th century an American tourist visited Sia (Saunders,1912, pp. 60-61):Once among the finest and most populous of all the pueblos, according to thechronicles of the Conquistadors . . . Sia is now desolate, its population dwindledthrough wars and epidemics to a bare hundred, its buildings in partial ruin, andits light all but gone out. . . . Most of the dwellings are tenantless and, to thecasual visitor, the place seems hopelessly lifeless and uninteresting. . . .[Saunders talked with the American schoolteacher stationed there:]But it is sad business teaching here at Sia [she remarked], and watchingthe dying of a race. They are so reduced in numbers, it is no longer possiblefor them to keep up their institutions and their healthfulness in the way theirtraditions require them to do; yet they would rather die out as Sias than amal-gamate with another pueblo. The Santa Ana people would like to have themgo over there, which would seem a sensible course, strengthening both peoples;but the Sias cannot bring themselves to surrender. It shows a fine spirit, I think,and I cannot help honouring them for it, suicidal as it is.
322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184POPULATION INCREASEBut suicide was not to be the fate of the Sia, although it was Hter-ally true, I believe, as these observers judged, that they would indeedhave perished in their home, and the home of their mothers andfathers, rather than move and live elsewhere. Eventually the tidebegan to turn. The figures for population provide us with the bestindex of the change. In 1880, as Bandelier noted, there were only92 Sias (I am not willing to accept the figure of 58, in 1881, as accurate;see p. 36). In 1890, the population had increased to 106. But 20years later it had reached only 109. After that, however, the climbwas rapid. There was an increase of 28.5 percent between 1910 and1920; 26.4 percent between 1920 and 1930; 32.8 percent in the 12years between 1930 and 1942; and over 39 percent between 1942 and1957. The population in 1957 was slightly more than 3.5 times asgreat as in 1880; it almost doubled between 1928, when I began mystudy of Sia, and 1957, when I did my last fieldwork there. AlthoughI do not have the facts and figures to prove it, I believe it would befair to say that this great increase has been due principally to a re-duction of infant mortality as a consequence of better medical care,sanitation, and nutrition.TRANSPORTATIONAs I have ah-eady noted (p. 81), Sia was very isolated until the1930's. It was difficult for outsiders to reach the pueblo, and theSia had only horses and wagons as means of transportation. Thebridge across the river at Sia was built in 1939, and roads were builtand improved. More people came to visit Sia and the Sia them-selves increased their travels. In 1957 an informant gave me thenames of 14 men in Sia who owned "pickup" trucks. This is themost useful vehicle for rural dwellers in this region whether Indian,Mexican, or Anglo-American. It is an automotive vehicle with anenclosed cab that will seat three persons, and a truck bed, which willaccommodate a great many things: persons, wood, even a live heifer.These trucks provide transportation for many more than 14 house-holds: for relatives and neighbors of their owners. In addition tothe trucks, there were two automobiles and one station wagon in Siain 1957. Isolation has given way, to a great extent, to mobihty atSia, and this, of course, means accelerated acculturation.HOUSEHOLD FURNITUREWhen I began my study of Sia in 1928, some households still didtheir cooking in a fireplace and bowls of food were placed upon thefloor at meal time, the people sitting around them on little single
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 323benches about 5 inches high. In 1924, according to Halseth (1924 b,p. 72), "most of the houses now possess a table and a few chairs, andsome even have a sewing machine and a kitchen range." By the1950's, virtually all houses had at least the bare essentials of Americanfurniture: a table, some chairs, a bed, probably a stove, perhaps achest of drawers. Some houses were rather amply furnished. A feweven had electric refrigerators, and one or two had cook stoves fueledwith "bottled" gas. In 1928, households obtained their water supplyfrom a community hydrant; in 1957, most of them had runningwater. ELECTRICITYIn 1951 electricity was introduced into Sia by an outside publicutiUty. In 1957, 35 households had electricity; in 1960 there were 50(the Indian Agency counted 65 "families" in Sia in 1956; this was,no doubt, the approximate number of households, also). It was usedprimarily for hghting, however; there appeared to be few appliancessuch as toasters, heaters, washing machines, and so on. Electricityhad not been installed in kivas in 1957, but one informant was con-fident that it would be eventually; as a matter of fact, they weresometimes illuminated electrically by means of an extension cordfrom a residence. The Catholic church, also, was without electric-ity in 1957, but the Government school and teachers' quarters hadit. Each household having electricity had its own meter and paidbills directly to the power company.PHONOGRAPHS, RADIOS, TELEVISIONIn the 1920's there were a few phonographs in Sia, but no radios.A few of the latter were introduced during the thu'ties, and by 1957there were a few television sets in the pueblo. There was, however,no telephone in the community except the one in the teachers' quar-ters, which was installed, of course, by the Indian Service.FARM IMPLEMENTSIn 1924, according to Halseth (1924 b, pp. 70-71), the Sia had virtu-ally no farm implements except the plow and spade. The IndianService had supplied them with "a few scrapers and an old disk, wornout by hard service." One family had a hay baler. Some machinerywas introduced during the thirties and forties, and by 1957 there wereseven automotive tractors in the pueblo.FACTORS OF CULTURE CHANGESia culture has undergone change in virtually all sectors; in somethe change has been profound, and everywhere the tempo has been
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBnll. 184
accelerated. What have been the principal causes of this change?How is this process to be made intelligible? I shaU review a numberof factors and evaluate them as best I can.CHRISTIANITYFirst, I would say that Christianity has done very Uttle to under-mine or destroy aboriginal culture.*" To be sure, the Indians tookover many elements of Christianity?concepts, rituals, and parapher-nalia. But these were merely integrated with the aboriginal religion,leaving the latter as secure as before. When this study was begunin 1928 the native religion was vital, integrated, and substantial, andthis after some three hundred years of Chi-istian influence. And Siahas vigorously rejected all non-Catholic forms of Christianity, as wehave seen. The Church has failed to change the Sia way of lifeappreciably, SCHOOLINGMost of the "book" learning the children have received in schoolshas been relatively insignificant as a force of culture change. Forone thing, the pupils actually learned very httle, and much of thatwas irrelevant to their Hfe in the pueblo. Instruction in home eco-nomics in the boarding schools has had, I believe, a very considerableeffect upon Sia culture at these points: food preparation and preser-vation, diets, sanitation and hygiene, child care, and matters pertain-ing to household furnishings and equipment. Also, the boardingschools have done much to break down the provincialism of pueblochildren and to acquaint them with other cultures, both Indian andWhite. This has, without doubt, had a significant and softeningeffect upon the hard core of Sia culture.MARRIAGE WITH NON-SIASMarriage of Sias with non-Sias has had, I beheve, very little eflfecton the process of cultural change. Evidence indicates that outsidershave been man-ying into Sia for generations, and the percentage ofalien spouses in Sia in 1957 was very small and probably not appreci-ably greater than in Stevenson's day.WAGE LABORWage labor has been one of the most powerful forces at work inbringing about cultural change in Sia. In the early 1920's a few SiasM Stevenson, too, was convinced that Ohristlanlty has been IneSectaal In changing the bellefis and prac-tices of the Sias. "It [the extinction of Sia caltare] Is not due to the Christianizing of these Indians, forthey have nothing of Protestantism among them, and though professedly Oatbollc, they await only thedeparture of the priest to return to their secret ceremonials" (1894, p. IS).
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 325found "outside employment ... on the railroad which [was] underconstruction from BernaHllo to Jemez" (Halseth, 1924 b, p. 75). And,as Halseth observed, "a little money in the pueblo means improve-ment of conditions." Some Sias had outside jobs for years whilethis study was in progress. In 1957 there were 11 men and 5 womenwho were continuously employed outside the pueblo, in Albuquerque,Santa Fe, or on ranches or construction projects. Outside employ-ment increased considerably after World War II.Outside employment affects Sia culture in many ways. It removesmen and women from the pueblo for a very large part of the time.No Sia was commuting daily to his job in 1957 as some Indians inother pueblos were doing. Some employed Sias retm'n to theirhomes on weekends; some stay away at their jobs for weeks or evenmonths on end. These absences expose the men and women intenselyto outside cultural influence, and at the same time deprive the puebloof their services in aU capacities?religious and ceremonial as well associal, political, and familial.Outside employment has been substituted for farming in someinstances. Some land has gone uncultivated because its owner foundwage labor more profitable. No doubt, stock raising has been af-fected, also. Agriculture, the age-old basis of pueblo culture, isbeing undermined by wage labor.Emplojmient outside the pueblo tends to foster a money economy,with its accompanying attitudes and values, which is radically differ-ent from the traditional customs of mutual aid and sharing of foodand services on a kinship basis. I believe it would be difficult toexaggerate the importance of this factor.And outside employment accelerates the introduction of foreignthings and ways: concepts, attitudes, values, foods, medicines, peri-odicals, utensils, tools, household appliances, radios, television sets,automobiles, and many other things that affect Sia culture in varyingdegrees and for better or for worse.GENERAL IMPACT OF EURO-AMERICAN CUITUREWe might sum up the whole situation by saying that Sia culture isgiving way under the impact of the culture of the White man gener-ally. It is the attrition of White man's culture upon that of theSias at every point that is wearing it aw&j. Sia culture is beingextinguished by erosion. I might cite one very interesting instanceof how White man's culture in general is affecting profoundly theculture of the Sias at particular points:In the early years of this study I was working with a Sia informant,an elderly man, in a room in a hotel in Albuquerque. Great pre-cautions had been taken to make sure that no Indian, especially a600685?152 22
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184Sia, would see my informant enter the hotel and go upstairs to myroom. While we were working the telephone rang and I answeredit. My informant was obviously uneasy, suspicious, and, no doubt,afraid. My part of the conversation consisted almost entirely of"Yes .... yes .... I see .... yes, okay . . . ." etc. so thatmy informant could get no clue as to what the call was about. WhenI hung up, my informant demanded, "Who was that calling you?"
"Oh," I said casually, "it was Heruta." Heruta, it will be recalled,is one of the principal kachinas, a rain-making spirit who lives atmythological Wenima. My informant looked dumbfounded. "Who?"he repeated. "Heruta," I said again, without smiling, as if it werean ordinary thing for me to receive telephone calls from kachinas.My informant studied the situation intently for a moment or twoand then his face relaxed into a smile; he recognized it as a joke.We then chatted about it for a few minutes. I reminded him thathe believed in some remarkable things?witches who could changethemselves into dogs or burros, medicinemen who could restore stolenhearts, kachinas who could bring rain?why, then, could not a ka-china do something as simple as to make a telephone call?"Why,a little Mexican boy could do that!" My informant stuck to hisguns with regard to native concepts and beliefs, but he made it clearand emphatic that he could think of nothing more ridiculous thanthe notion of a kachina entering the city of Albuquerque, findinghis way to a telephone, listening for the dial tone, dropping in hiscoin, and dialing the desired number. The two worlds were notonly different; they were mutually incompatible.The credulity of human beings has limits?although there are timeswhen one may reasonably doubt it. These limits are culturally deter-mined, and they are reached, one by one, as culture evolves to higherand higher stages. At one point it becomes impossible to believe thatthe earth is flat and motionless; at another, that witches causes tra-choma. And there are many things that are making it increasinglydifficult for the Pueblo Indians to believe in kachinas and medicinemen.No one has proved to them that kachinas do not exist or that the featsof medicinemen are not what they are supposed to be. It is simplythat certain things are incompatible with certain contexts: a kachinain an urban setting availing himself of telephonic communication.My informant easily believed many things that required a great dealof credulity. But his credulity found its limits when I put Heruta ina telephone booth.And so it is in general. As the Indians acquire more and more ofWhite man's culture, and find themselves more and more within itand a part of it, they find it increasingly difficult to accommodate thetraditional beliefs of their ancestors, and finally it becomes impossible.
White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 327FUTURE OF SIAWhat of the future of the Sia? Obviously, this depends uponmany things, one of the most important of which is the poHcy of theUnited States Government: should it suddenly, or gradually, abandonits protection of the Pueblo Indians and place them at the mercy ofState and local governments, and the avarice and covetousness oftheir neighbors, the consequences would be disastrous for the Indians.I shall hazard no guess as to what the Federal Government might ormight not do within the next decade or generation. Assuming acontinuation of Federal Government aid and protection, we can makea few meaningful observations with regard to the prospects of the Sia.First of all, there is the tremendously impressive fact of their sheersurvival. In the 1890's virtually aU observers were sm-e that it wasjust a matter of time before extinction overtook them. They weredesperately poor, half-starved and in rags, few in nmnbers and thesedeclining, despised and ridiculed by their own Pueblo neighbors. Butthey never gave up. Nor did their spirit ever weaken or break; theycontinued to sustain a stout pride in themselves and their traditions.And they loved their pueblo wdth a quiet, but tenacious, passion.Through all their privations and hardships they maintained their in-stitutions; their political and ceremonial organization was preservedintact. Few episodes in the history of man's struggle for survival aremore impressive than that of the Sias; their strength, courage, tenacityand devotion are unsurpassed.Now, in 1957, they are "over the hump." The protection and assist-ance of the United States Government have played an importantrole in their survival and success. They own then* own land and payno rent or taxes. The Government has helped them substantially inagriculture, irrigation, stock raising, sanitation, hj^giene, medical careand schoohng. There is still poverty and avoidable sickness anddeath, but they are making progress.But, as they become more secure economically and medically, theyare losing their Indian culture. This is inevitable. More and moreof the culture of the White man will invade the old pueblo and estab-lish itself there. And more and more Sia men and women will go outinto the White man's world to find employment. Marriage withoutsiders will doubtless increase, and some?and then more?willmake their homes in the outside world. What poverty, hunger, andsickness could not accomplish in the past, security, success, and a mod-icum of prosperity will achieve in the future: the extinction of anaboriginal sociocultm"al system as it dissolves in the cu'cumambientsea of the White man's culture.
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White] THE PUEBLO OF SU, NEW MEXICO 331Harrington, John P.1916. The ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians. 29th Ann. Rep. Bur,Amer. Ethnol. for 1907-8, pp. 29-636.Havighurst, Robert J., and Neugarten, Bernice L.1955. American Indian and White children, a sociopsychological investi-gation. Chicago.Hawlet, Florence.1948. The Keresan Holy Rollers: an adaptation to American individual-ism. Social Forces, vol, 26, pp. 272-280.See also Ellis, Florence Hawlet.Hawlet, Florence; Pijoan, Michel; and Elkin, C. A.1943. An inquiry into food economy and body economy in Zia pueblo.Amer. Anthrop., vol. 45, pp. 547-556.Hewett, Edgar L., and Fisher, Reginald G.1943. Mission monuments of New Mexico. Handbooks of Archaeolog.Hist. Univ. New Mexico Press. Albuquerque.Hewett, Edgar Lee, and Mauzt, W, L.1947. Landmarks of New Mexico. Albuquerque.Hodge, F. W.1896. Pueblo snake ceremonials. Amer. Anthrop., o.s., vol. 9, pp. 133-136.1910. Articles Sia, Punames, in Handbook of American Indians North ofMexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 2.1933. Notes to Villagrd's "History of New Mexico," see Villagrd.Hoebel, E. Adamson.1952. Keresan witchcraft. Amer. Anthrop. vol. 54, pp. 586-589.1953. Underground kiva passages. Amer. Antiq., vol. 19, p. 76.Holmes, W. H.1916. Obituaries of Matilda Coxe Stevenson and James Stevenson. Amer.Anthrop., vol. 18, pp. 552-559.Hough, Walter.1910. Snake dance. In Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico.Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 2, pp. 604-606.HrdliCka, Ale?.1908. Physiological and medical observations among the Indians of South-western United States and northern Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.Bull. 34.1935. The Pueblos, with comparative data on the bulk of the tribes of theSouthwest and northern Mexico. Amer. Journ. Phya. Anthrop.,vol. 20, pp. 235-460.Hull, Dorotht.1916. Castafio de Sosa's expedition to New Mexico in 1590. Old Santa Fe,vol. 3, pp. 307-332.Keam, Thomas V.1883. An Indian snake dance. Chamber's Journ. Popular Literature,Science, and Arts. 4th ser., No. 993, vol. 20, pp. 14-16. Londonand Edinburgh.Keleher, William A.1952. Turmoil in New Mexico, 1846-1868. Santa Fe.Kidder, Alfred Vincent.1924. An introduction to Southwestern archeology. New Haven.Kroeber, a. L.1917. Zuni kin and clan. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Pap., vol. 18,pt. 2, pp. 3&-205.
332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184KuBLER, George.1940. The religious architecture of New Mexico. Colorado Springs.Langb, Charles H.1952. The feast day dance at Zia Pueblo, New Mexico, August 15, 1951.Texas Journ. Sci., vol. 4, pp. 19-26.1959. Cochiti, a New Mexico pueblo, past and present. Univ. TexasPress, Austin.Lawrence, D. H.1927. Mornings in Mexico. London.LtjxXn, Diego Perez De, see Hammond and Rey, Editors.Maerz, A., and Paul, M. Re^,1950. A dictionary of color. 2d ed. New York.MCKINNEY, LiLLIE G.1945. History of the Albuquerque Indian School. New Mexico Hist. Rev.,vol. 20, pp. 109-138, 207-226, 310-335.Mecham, J. L.1926. The second Spanish expedition to New Mexico. New Mexico Hist.Rev., vol. 1, pp. 265-291.Mera, H. P.1935. Ceramic clues to the prehistory of North central New Mexico. Lab.of Anthrop., Tech. Ser., Bull. No. 8.1937. The "Rain Bird," a study in pueblo design. Mem., Lab. of Anthrop.,vol. 2.1939. Style trends of pueblo pottery. Mem. Lab. of Anthrop,, vol. 3.1940. Population changes in the Rio Grande glaze-paint area. Lab. ofAnthrop., Tech. Ser., Bull. No. 9.Mickey, Barbara H.1956. Acoma kinship terms. Southwestern Journ. Anthrop., vol. 12, pp.249-256.Otero, Nina.1936. Old Spain in our Southwest. New York.Parsons, Elsie Clews.1918. Notes on Acoma and Laguna. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 20, pp. 162-186.1920. Notes on ceremonialism at Laguna. Amer. Mus. Nat Hist., Anthrop.Pap., vol. 19, pt. 4, pp. 83-131.1923 a. Laguna genealogies. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Pap., vol.19, pt. 5., pp. 131-292.1923 b. Fiesta at Sant'Ana. Sci. Month., vol. 16, pp. 177-183.1925. The pueblo of Jemez. New Haven, Conn.1929. The social organization of the Tewa of New Mexico. Mera. 36,Amer. Anthrop. Assoc, pp. 1-309.1932. The kinship nomenclature of the Pueblo Indians. Amer. Anthrop.,vol. 34, pp. 377-389.1939. Pueblo Indian religion. 2 vols. Chicago,Poore, Henry R.1894. Condition of 16 New Mexico Indian pueblos. Report of Indianstaxed and Indians not taxed in the United States; Eleventh Census.Washington, D.C,
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White] THE PUEBLO OF SIA, NEW MEXICO 335White, Leslie A.1932 a. The Acoma Indians, -ilth Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. for 1929-30, pp. 17-192.1932 b. The Pueblo of San Felipe. Mem. 38, Amer. Anthrop. Assoc,pp. 1-69.1934. Masks in the Southwest. Amer. Anthrop., vol, 36, pp. 626-628.1935. The Pueblo of Santo Domingo, New Mexico. Mem. 43, Amer.Anthrop. Assoc, pp. 1-210.1939. A problem in kinship terminology. Amer. Anthrop. vol. 41, pp. 566-573.1942 a. The pueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico. Mem. 60, Amer. Anthrop.Assoc, pp. 1-360.1942 b. The impersonation of saints among the pueblos. Pap., MichiganAcad. Sci., Arts, and Letters, vol. 27, pp. 559-564.1943 a. New material from Acoma. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 136, Anthrop.Pap. 32, pp. 301-359.1943 b. Keresan Indian color terms. Pap. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts, andLetters, vol. 28, pp. 559-563.1944 a. "Rohona" in pueblo culture. Pap. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts, andLetters, vol. 29, pp. 439-443.1944 b. A ceremonial vocabulary among the pueblos. Internat. Journ.Amer. Ling., vol. 10, pp. 161-167.1945, Notes on the ethnobotany of the Keres, Pap, Michigan Acad. Sci.,Arts, and Letters, vol. 30, pp. 557-568.1947 a. Ethnographic notes on Sandia Pueblo, New Mexico, Pap, MichiganAcad. Sci., Arts, and Letters, vol. 31, pp. 215-222.1947 b. Notes on the ethnozoology of the Keresan pueblo Indians, Pap,Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts, and Letters, vol. 31, pp. 223-243.1948. Miscellaneous notes on the Keresan pueblos. Pap. Michigan Acad,Sci., Arts, and Letters, vol, 32, pp, 365-373,1959, The evolution of culture. New York.Zarate, Salmek6n, Fray Ger6nimo ds.1899, 1900. Relaci6n, 1538-1626. Land of Sunshine, vol. 11, pp. 336-346;vol. 12, pp. 39-48, 104-113, 180-187.

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u
G006S5?62 23
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 2
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Aerial view of Sia pueblo (see fig. 8). (Courtesy Stanley Stubbs and University of OklahomaPress.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 3
a, Sia turquoise kiva. i, \Vall paiuting on Sia turquoise kiva.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 5r
"I'i.c .?..xcii.wi wi Sia, I'-'UU (\ luiiianj.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 6
a, Anthropomorphic figure of calcite with terraced headdress; turquoise e)es and mouth.Height, 7 inches. (USNM 133761.) b, Animal figure of fine-grained marble; turquoiseeyes. Length, 7 inches; height, 1% inches. (USNM 133772.) c, Animal figure of vol-canic tuff. Length, 4 inches. (USNM 133798.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 7
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2 h4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 8
, "Kachina" figure of Mexican onyx (calcium carbonate or "cave marble"). Height 2}^inches. (USNM 133770.) b, Human or "kachina" figure of calcite. Height SYs inches.(USNM 133804.) c, Grooved ax of siUimanite (aluminum silicate). Length, 4% inches;width, 2^4 inches (maximum); thickness, lYs inches (maximum). (USNM 133765.)d. Natural formation of fine-grained sandstone. Height, 3% inches. (USNM 176386.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 9
a, Kachina owak (baby). Height, 7li inches. (USNM 133854.) b, Turquoise pumpdrill.Height, 15 inches. (USNM 134170.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 10
a
fl. Fossil snail {Volutodermd) from Mesa Verde sandstones (Late Upper Cretaceous). Length,lYi inches; width, \% inches. (USNM 133839.) h, Knife of jasperized (fossil) wood.Length, 4 inches; width, IJ^/Jo inches (maximum). (USNM 234751.) c, Calcite concretion.Maximum diameter, 3.5 inches. (USNM 133775.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 184 PLATE 11
a, Animal figure of fine-grained white marble, said to represent a shrew. Length, 2Hinches. (USNM 152580.) b, Animal figure of Mexican onyx. Length, 2]i inches.(USNM 133810.) c. Animal figure of fine white-grained marble. Length, 2^4 inches.(USNM 133781.) d. Animal figure of white fine-grained marble; turquoise eyes. Length,3J^ inches. (USNM 152739.) e, Seated anthropomorphic figure of volcanic tuflF; unspuncotton tied around the middle with cotton cord. Height, 4^^ inches. (USNM 133766.)/, Anthropomorphic figure of calcite. Height, 4^ inches. (USNM 133787.) ^, Anthro-pomorphic figure of volcanic tuff; abalone shell eyes and mouth; bead necklace. Height,4>^ inches. (USNM 133808.)

INDEXAberle, S. B. D., 43, 84, 85, 202, 205, 206Abert, J. W., 27Abortion, 105Accidents, 102Acoma Corn clan, 127, 128, 186, 189,190, 193Acoma Pueblo, 6, 21, 24, 33, 52, 56, 62,63, 71, 79, 80, 82, 83, 114, 145,152, 156, 164, 165, 170, 176, 183,185, 186, 193, 212, 214, 218, 223,228, 264, 269, 285, 318Acorns, 145Actitco'me (pole or standard), 135, 166,183, 272, 274, 283, 312-313Acuwa dancers, 237, 238Acuwa masks, 238, 239 (fig.), 256Adams, Eleanor B., 26, 36Adanyi (grass), 172Administrative committee, 132Adoptions, clan, 134, 186-188procedure of, 187-188, 220reasons for, 299Adultery, 133, 210, 211, 220, 221punishment for, 211Affinity, terms of, 196-198Afterbirth (wacanyi), 201Age and childbearing, 203Agricultural products, sales of, 92(table), 95 (table), 96 (table)Agriculture, 325, 327Aguila (Eagle) clan, 184Aguilar, Eliseo, 125, 128, 135, 190Aguilar, Toribio, 190Ahina dance, 306Aictyuwanyi, curing method, 139, 289-290'Aiwa'na (war gods), 49, 114, 272Aiyataikoye dance, 283Aiyakayatanyi dance, 182Albinos, 105, 106Albuquerque, 13, 55, 58, 59, 67, 68, 69,70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 81, 101, 102,103, 104, 105, 136, 157, 191, 192,214, 270, 325Alcalde, government official, 123, 124Alfalfa, 86, 87Alguazil, government official, 123, 124Alien resident clan, 186, 189All Saints' Day, 64, 66, 227All Souls' Day, 66, 227Alpuente, Fray Juan, 123Altars, 317-318 (fig.)wooden slat, 137, 138, 139, 141, 145,147, 150, 152, 153, 154, 157, 159,168, 170, 171, 175, 181, 182, 229,232, 250, 254, 263, 289, 291, 292,293 (fig.), 297, 300, 317, 318 (fig.)See also Atcin.600685?62- -24
Amakaiyam, dance object, 257Amaranth {Amaranthus paniculatus)
,
107American army officers, arrival of, 321American culture, 225Amole {Yucca glauca), 295Anglo-American influence, 27, 66, 81,204Anglo-American populations, 105, 130,131 221Anglo-Americans, 270, 271, 276, 287,314, 322Animal figures, 173, 317Animals, supernatural, 110, 112, 116,229, 300Ansala, Reyes, 72Ants, 285-286Ant society, 137, 147, 148, 286Antelope, 31impersonation of, 236, 256, 257Antelope clan, 82, 185Antelope Washpa clan, 82, 98, 127, 128,184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190, 202Anthrax, 101Ants, 147, 148, 206Apache Canyon, 27Apache Indians, 79, 207, 320Apples, 87, 106Appliances, household, 325Archives of Folklore and Primitive Mu-sic, Indiana Univ., 174Aribofiavinosis, 109Arizona, 60Armbands, 272leather, 238Armed Forces, service in, 220Arrow (istoa), 311Arrow points, 290poisoned, 164Arrows, 53, 130, 146, 246, 260, 285, 300Arroyos, 31Ashes, ceremonial, 217Aspen, 111Atcin (wooden slat altar), 141, 147, 152,169 (fig.), 232, 263, 293 (fig.), 317See also Altars.Atse'eD^nyi: an Opi dance, 259-262,262 (fig.), 306Automobiles, 322, 325Awahiya (title), 131, 165Ax, stone, 260, 262Ayac tcucotz dance, 271Ayayutsigyits, corn ceremony, 227, 267Aztecs, 20Azurite, 249Baba (grandfather), 180, 240Baba sibonyitsaityuko (feast for thedead), 263 337
338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Babcock, Angus M., xiBabies, death rate, 205feeding of, 205-206stillborn, 202treatment of, 201, 205Backo dance, 271Badger, 31, 112, 114, 116, 117, 139, 153,289, 297Badger claws, necklace of, 4Badges, 139, 140, 141, 142, 146, 147,149, 150, 154, 157, 168, 169, 171,236, 242, 272feather, 142, 144, 146, 149Bag, buckskin, 297Bailey, F. M., 31Bailey, Jessie B., 123Bailey, Vernon, 31Bdits (wild tobacco), 312Baking powder, 108Bamboo (Phragmites) , 307, 311Bancroft, Herbert H., 26, 62Bandelier, Adolph F., 1, 18, 19, 24, 29,36, 56, 62, 63, 83, 123, 152, 164,177, 269, 271, 288, 320, 322Bandoleer, worn over right shoulder,15, 238, 272Baptism, 68Bartolo, Indian interpreter, 23Basaltic boulders, use of, 47, 50Baskets, Indian, 57, 175, 216, 237, 261,267, 296Bastones y barros (emblems of office),123Beads, 120, 264, 269, 302, 307, 312shell disk (itsa'tyunyi), 179, 216,218 (fig.), 302Beans, 86, 87, 106, 108, 118, 145, 202,206, 234, 298(Phaseolus acutifolius) , 106(Phaseolus vulgaris), 106Bear clan, 184, 185, 186, 189, 190Bear-claw necklace, 139, 175, 181, 217,288, 298, 300Bear leg skins, worn by medicinemen,138, 139, 141, 154, 157, 168, 170,179, 181, 219, 288, 294, 298, 300Bear Opi, 179-181, 182Bear paws, 291, 297Bears, 31, 112, 114, 116, 139, 143, 153,155, 177, 179, 181, 236, 270, 288,297skinning, method of, 179-180Bear Society, 137, 143Beards, worn on masks, 238Bearskin, 240Bedbugs, 105Beds, 47, 323Beer, 46Bell, Elmer, 213Bells, church, rung for the dead, 263sleigh, 272Belts, Concho, 268woman's, 174, 215woven, 46, 120, 238Benches, 322
Benedict, Ruth, 1, 165Berictca katsina, line dancers, 255Berictca mask, 182, 247, 249 (fig.)Bernalillo, 31, 55, 58, 67, 77, 103, 155,321, 325Berries, 145Bethel Pentecostal Church, 74 jBewitsa (food), 296 1Bib, bear fur, 247 ^Bickari (fiscale), 136Bill of Rights, 78Birds, not kept as pets, 47down of (wa-boctca), 179supernatural, 110, 112, 229tracks of, 317Bison, 31Bison dancers, 259Bison hide masks, 249Blackbird, 219, 307Blade, flint, 247, 287Blankets, 21, 215, 219, 229, 260, 261,270, 296, 312turkey feather, 21Blessed Virgin, dance for, 183, 271, 312image of, 270, 271, 276, 277, 279,282, 314relation to Indian religion, 274Blood group, 33Bloom, Lansing B., 28, 47, 49, 50, 62,63, 64, 164, 184Blowing, curing method, 295Blue-green world, 116Boas, Franz, 1, 12, 33, 113, 152, 269,271, 285B6caiyanyi, supernatural being, 5, 114,168, 227, 271, 274, 277, 278, 279,280, 281, 314Bolton, Herbert Eugene, 19, 21Boots, cowboy, 46, 87Bosque Redondo, Navaho settlement,212Bo-tiwa mask, 240Botsidyuye (afternoon), 217Bourke, John G., 28, 47, 49, 60, 52, 62,64, 164, 184, 185, 269, 275, 321Bow and arrow, 172, 234, 240, 242, 247,260, 280, 297, 305Bowls, 216, 322ceremonial, 159, 161, 164, 254, 263medicine, 217, 289, 297, 298, 316(fig.)pottery, 187, 298, 299soup, 201water, 156, 294, 297Bows, 49Boyd, William C, 33Brayer, Herbert O., 84Bread, 108, 162. 254, 261, 297, 298Breath or soul (tsa'ts), 216, 280Breechcloth, 174, 179, 217, 276, 294Breeches, riding, 259, 276Bricks, adobe, 47Bridge, at Sia, 322Bridle, 278Broadbean (Viciafaba), 106Brophy, William, 73
INDEX 339Brushing, curing method, 168, 286, 295Buckskin, 57, 177Buffalo, 51, 256, 257, 258fat of, 153heads of, 258Buflfalo dance, 256-259, 268Buffoons, 166Bull roarer, 315 (fig.)Bunchi (Tobacco) clan, 184Bunzel, Ruth R., 170Bureau of American Ethnology, xi, 1,2, 4, 29, 33, 45, 164Bureau of Indian Affairs, 27, 57, 81,85, 86, 321Burials, costume for, 215, 216preparation for, 215, 216time of, 215Bums, treated by medicinemen, 149,285Burros, 28, 88, 130, 287, 326Bush morning-glory (ipomoea lepto-phylla), 31, 278, 284Bustamente, Governor, 25Butter, 108Butterfly, 219, 249, 317Cabeza, de Vaca, 20Cacique (chief), 47, 49, 53, 72, 81, 82,98, 113, 115, 119,5121, 123, 124,125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133,135, 136, 146, 147, 148, 170,177, 180, 185, 186, 187, 190,200, 212, 215, 220, 221, 222,223, 224, 227, 228, 229, 230,231, 235, 257, 299, 300, 301,
'^' 302, 303Cactus, 31, 107Caicdutc (mystical bird), 293Caiyeik (the hunter), 116, 302]Caiyeik nawai, 301, 302, 303Caiyeik society, 81, 137, 140 (table),141, 142, 171-176, 228, 237,256, 257, 259, 298, 299, 301,302, 320altar of, 173 (fig.)house of, 48 (diagram), 257Cakak, God of the North, 204, 243(fig.), 244Candles, 216, 218 (fig.), 271, 276Candy, 261, 275, 280Cane, spruce, 244Cane, 311Canned goods, 261Cannon, 53Canopy, carried over statue, 271, 273Cantaloup (Cucumis melo), 87, 106Canteen, pottery (cpona), 234Capitani, 132, 136, 215, 222, 263, 264,265, 281Captain of the Pueblo, 124Carbohydrates, 108Cardinal, 112Cardinal points, 110, 229Carlisle School, 59Carroll, H. B., and Haggard, J. V., 26Caruk'? (supernatural being), 171Castafieda, explorer, 20
Castration, 100Catholic Church, 21, 26, 28, 49 (dia-gram), 62, 63-64, 68, 72, 133, 215,220, 257, 280, 323celebrations of, 226service, performed by sacristan, 276Catholic mission, 19, 269Catholic missionaries, 62, 236Catholic prayers, said in Spanish, 229Catholic priest, 133, 227, 265, 269, 271,276, 277, 280, 281role of, at Sia, 64-65, 66, 68Catholicism, 22, 26, 63, 65, 66, 78, 221,274Catholics, 65, 66, 211, 324Cats, absence of, 47Cattle, 28, 54, 72, 73, 80, 87, 88, 93-94,107, 130, 225, 280beef, 88, 89, 93 (table), 107dairy, 88, 89, 90Cedar trees. 111Celestial bodies, worship of, 26Celibacy, incidence of, 45, 208Center for Advanced Study in theBehavioral Sciences, xiiCeremonial houses, 52-53, 170, 219, 228,229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 263, 264,265, 282, 291, 306, 317Ceremonialism, 226-283Ceremonies, 234calendar of, 226-227diagrams of, xifor the Sun, 227-230initiation, 144, 145, 148, 149-154,158-162, 170, 172-176magical, 103, 168, 177, 200mortuary, 133, 146, 154, 216, 217,309, 314native, 62, 74, 129, 226solar, 149, 154, 169, 228, 309Cerro Colorado, 23, 123Cgi"ca (elk) mask, 244Chairs, 323Chamuscado, Francisco Sanchez, 20, 164Chapman, K. M., xi, 56, 82Chapparal cock, 147Charlie, Juanita, 214Chatfield, Jennifer, 67Chavarria, Father, 25Cheese, 108Chenopodium, 107Cherries, 87Chest of drawers, 323Chickenpox, 101Chickens, 89, 90, 95 (table), 100, 107, 108Chief, 123Childbirth, 104, 200Children, 108-109, 206, 207care of, 324psychological traits of, 207-208rearing of, 205-207stillborn, 215
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Chili {Capsicum annum), 86, 87, 106,108, 206, 227, 261, 298Chinese "lions," 5Chocolate, offerings of, 280Christ, figure of, 276, 277, 280, 282,324Christianity, 49, 62, 66, 121, 215at Sia, 62-78introduction of, 49, 63Christmas, 64, 66, 79, 126, 209, 227,259, 268, 276-277, 279Church, Roman Catholic, 49 (diagram),63, 130, 131, 133at Christmas, 277 (fig.)furnishings of, 63-64services at, 62, 74, 75, 281, 283Churches, Negro, 70Cigarettes, 46, 261ceremonial, 290corn-husk, 172Cigars, not used, 46Cikame (medicine society), 116, 137,138Cikidd wawa (star medicine), 284Ci-ma (or Ant) society, 137Cimmaron, Elizabeth, 214Cinohaiya (title), 131, 139Civil Rights Act, 78Civil War, American, 27Cka'ac (wood rat), 121, 202, 230, 244,245 (fig.)Cka'ac mask, 244, 245 (fig.)Ckatowe, Snake of the North, 162, 293,319Ckoyo (Giant Society), 116, 137, 149Clans, 184-190, 320organization of, 2Clay, pottery, 31Climate, 31-32Cloaks, 21Cloth, 261Cloths, offerings to spirits, 264, 275Cloud fog (henati-hayac) , 219Cloud people (shiwana), 285Cloud-robe House, "Map of World," 112Clouds, 51, 114, 116Clowns, 166Clubs, 130, 305war, 146, 305women's, 105Cocgaina (doorkeeper), 154, 155, 166Cochiti Pueblo, 1, 6, 18 (map), 24, 25,30 (map), 33, 44 (table), 54, 56,63, 79, 80, 152, 164, 165, 168,177, 184, 185, 212, 213, 226, 227,228, 238, 256, 258, 259, 269, 272,274, 313, 314, 315, 318Cochiti wacpa clan, 128, 184, 185, 186,189, 190, 278Coffee, 87, 108, 202Colitis, 102Collars, on masks, 238, 240, 242, 244,246, 247, 249College of Literature, Science and theArts, xi
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 27, 36,54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 84, 85,88, 101, 321Communal tasks, 221, 222Conception, 199Concessionaires, 270Confederate force, 27Consanguinity, terms of, 191-196Conservatives, 224-225Constable, 123Consumers' Price Index, 92Continence, practice of, 229, 232, 255,256, 266, 282, 291, 297, 299Contraception, 105Convents, Christian, 62, 63, 64Cooking pot (addoc), 201Cookstove, 47Corchado, Andres, 21Cordero, Fermina, 212Cordero, Geronima, 212Corn (Zea mays), 86, 87, 106, 121,144, 145, 155, 156, 170, 180,188, 199, 203, 216, 217, 218 (fig.),220, 226, 238, 254, 255, 267, 297communal, 49, 50, 126, 299See also Fetishes.Corn clan, 127, 184, 185, 213, 214Corn Dance, 166, 180, 187, 207, 259,260, 261, 271, 290, 304Corn Harvest Ceremony, 227Corn husks, 187, 260, 289, 291badges of, 142, 150Corncake (kabana), 303Cornmeal, 217painting with, 317Cornstalks, 270Coronado, Francisco Vdsquez de, Span-ish explorer, 19, 20, 50, 53, 320Coronado National Monument, 155Corrals, 54, 104, 105, 130, 157Cosmology and pueblo life, 110-122, 131Costumes, ceremonial, xi, 162, 163 (fig.),166, 167 (fig.), 216, 290, 304, 306Cotton, 242, 244, 246, 247, 304, 312cords of, tied on baby, 201string, 307Cottontails, 230, 301Cottonwood, 31, 121, 153, 270Cougar (Felis concolor), 171Cougar Society, 137, 171Coughs, 284Council house, 222Council members, 222Courtship, 208-209Cows, 297milk from, 108Coyote, 31, 247, 287Coyote and chickens, game played bymen, 281Coyote clan, 127, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188,189, 190, 202, 211, 212, 213, 214,278, 314Cpaiyak (eagle feather), 179Cpi-ya kot (Hawk Mountain), 182
INDEX 341Cpo'na (canteen), 176, 234Cradleboards, 201, 205, 319Cradle flattening (head deformation), 83Crane, Leo, 64Crawford, Mrs., missionary, 67, 68, 69,70, 71, 72, 98Creation and emergence, 115-122Cristobal, Sia chief, 23Crops, 86-87, 91 (table), 229Cross, 121erected at Sia, 63wooden, location of, 48 (diagram),49Crow {Corvus brachyrkyncos) , 11, 219,287, 307Crow system terminology, 193, 196Crowakaiya (magpie), 121, 312Crowi (snake), 116, 137Croyati (boys) dancers, 238, 239 (fig.)Cruzate, Domingo Jironza Petriz de,in reconquest, 19, 23, 34, 320Ctimeoka (Joe Hopi), 212Ctiwictiwi, 255Ctiwictiwi mask, 182, 240, 241 (fig.)Culin, Stewart, 264, 281Cultivated land, 225Culture change, factors of, 323-324impact of Euro-American culture,325-326, 327Cure by adoption or pledge, 299Curing ceremonies, kinds of, 289, 290,291, 294 (diagram), 296, 316,318communal, 127, 138, 144, 146, 149,153, 154, 157, 158, 168, 171, 179,226, 288, 299-300Curing chamber, 294, 295, 298Curing shamans, 174See also Medicinemen.Curing societies, 138, 141, 147, 166,168, 170, 289, 291, 297, 299Curtis, Edward S., 45Custom, sacred, 221Cuti (Wren) kiva, 50Cu-wimt Tsinaotice (sacred place), 257,312Ddip", 284Dairy products, 108Dance kilts, 157Dancers, 183, 261, 266, 273, 274, 278,283, 306bison, 259deer 259female, 260, 261, 262, 266, 272"line," 237, 238, 244, 246male, 262, 266, 272, 273, 274"side," 237, 238, 244, 246, 247Dances, Ahina, 306ceremonial, 136, 159Christmas, 227, 276Comanche, 129, 226, 276, 283corn, 170, 226, 233, 283hunt, 304masked, 182, 220, 226, 236, 237,252, 253
Dances?Continuednative, 62, 74, 81, 115, 129, 136,226round, 283Saint's day, 46, 236, 313war, 276, 305Wayuhona, 304Dancing, 72, 119Danyi (squash), 180Daotyuma Mountain, 113, 154Dapop (Governor), 124, 131, 136Dapop teniente (Lieutenant Governor),124, 136Davis, Irvine, 33Dead, food for, 215preparation of body of, 215Deafness, 105Death, causes of, 102 (table)Death and burial, 215-219Death rates, infant, 102Deer, 31, 51, 57, 107, 180, 236, 256, 257,258, 260, 301, 302, 303division of, 303ears, on mask, 242head, dressing of, 304horns, use of, 118, 242, 244, 304leg-bone, as musical instrument, 237meat, 49, 228tallow from, 153Deer dancers, 259Deer hunts, 302-304Deerskin, 177, 232, 233Densmore, Frances, 259, 269, 272Department of the Interior, 27Deputy Magistrate, 124Delgarito, Frank, 213Desert sparrowhawk (Falco sparveriusphalaena), 169De Vargas, Don Diego, explorer, 19, 23,24, 25, 34, 62, 63, 79, 123Diet, 106-109, 324Dipper of stars, 51Diphtheria, 101Disciplinarians, 166Diseases, bowel, 101, 102communicable, 101 (table)hip, 105intestinal, 105mental and nervous, 106, 286-287Dishes, 261, 275Disk, farming, 323Diskama (cornhusk), 180Disks, painted, 179Distribution of families according toownership of livestock, 93-95Divorce, 211Djacka (road runner), 121, 312Djacka (Road Runner) Mountain, 235Djacoma (cane), 115Doctors, American, 103animal, power from, 288, 297Dogs, 47, 105, 326Domestic science courses, 60Dominguez, Fray Francisco Atanasio,25, 26, 34, 35, 36, 62, 63, 85
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]D6tcanitiwa (Indian name for JesusBaca Medina), 183Dove, 31mourning, feathers of, 272Dove clan, 184, 185Doorkeeper, ceremonial, 154, 166, 206D6wahi tcaiyanyi, ceremony, 145, 155,156, 168Dowai'mi Danyi (native pumpkin), 249Dragonfly, 316, 317Dreams, 299importance of, 289snake, 320Dress, 45-46, 187black sleeveless, 180, 272Drinking, 46, 270Drugs, 46Drummers, 125, 134, 183, 266, 268, 271,272, 273, 279, 299, 314, 315church, 133Drums, 49, 53, 75, 133, 134, 268, 271,274, 278, 304, 314-315White man's, 314Drunkenness, 46, 270"Dry" ceremony, 10, 142, 148, 149, 156,165, 171Ducks, 31, 238, 307Dumarest, Father Noel, 1, 152, 168,177, 226, 227, 238, 318Duodenitis, 102Dyami cpaik'? (eagle feathers), 312Dyami Kot (eagle mountain), 181Dyd'nyi katsina, 241 (fig.), 242Dydtca'alcti (petrified wood), 182, 307,319Dysentery, 101Dyu'onyi, wooden frame, 156Dyupi moti (Badger boy), 117Eagle, 28, 31, 47, 51, 112, 114, 116, 139,146, 147, 149, 153, 154, 177, 289,297Eagle clan, 184, 185Eagle dance (Dya'mi), 268Eagles, down from, 259feathers, 238, 240, 242, 249, 269,291, 304, 307, 309, 311, 312neck, 238taU, 240, 246, 247, 268, 304, 319wing, 162, 172, 174, 175, 201,218, 242, 247, 290, 295Eagle Mountain (Dyami Kot), 181Earrings, 57Earth, supernatural being, 113Easter, 66, 68, 226, 280-283Easter Sunday, 283Eggan, Fred, 193Electric heaters, 323Electricity, 225, 323Electric pump, 54Elk {Cervus canadensis), 244, 256Ellis, Bruce T., xi, 155El Paso del Norte, 23El Ranchito Grant, 30 (map)Emetics, 228, 232Emmons, Glenn L., 54
Emory, W. H., 27Employment, in American households,59, 60outside, 225, 325English, as spoken by Keresan Indians,12-13, 34Epidemics, effect on Indian population,321Epilepsy, 105Equestrian impersonations, 168, 227,277-280Escalante, Fray Silvestre Velez de, 22,23Espejo, Antonio de, explorer, 19, 20,21, 34, 164Espinosa, J. Manuel, 23, 24, 25, 34, 36Estevan, Moorish servant, 20Estufas (kivas), 50, 51Euro-American culture, 10impact of, 325-326Evening star, 51Evergreen, 272, 273, 274Exogamy, 210clan, 188-190Extension Report, 96, 107Eye disease, epidemic, 60, 101, 284Falco sparverius (sparrow hawk), 169Families, distribution of, 93-95Family, meaning of term, 198organization of, 2Farm, communal, 130Farm implements, 323Farming, 226, 325Fasting, 181, 229, 230, 233, 234Father, 280ceremonial, 151, 159, 188rating of, 208Fauna, 31Feast for the dead, 263-265for other saints, 274-275Feast of Assumption of Blessed Virgin,227, 266, 269, 279, 280, 283Feathers, 238, 261, 274, 307See also under specific names ofbirds.Federal Government, 223, 327Agency of, 213Federal Supplement, 78Feeblemindedness, 105Females, 42, 43 (table), 44 (table)Fertilizers, use of, 99Fetishes, 137, 150, 171, 173, 182, 190,291, 294, 297, 299, 302, 307, 317corn ear (lariko), 115, 122, 138,139, 141, 150, 168, 171, 172, 173,174, 217, 219, 263, 278, 290, 291,292, 294, 307, 308 (fig.), 309war, 305worship of, 65Fewkes, Jesse Walter, 3, 165Field crops and livestock, ratio of salesto production of, 91-93Field mice {Reithrodontomys megalotis),105Fiesta'for the Saint, 269-274
INDEX 343
Fir, 31, 309Fire, reverence for, 26, 116Firearms, 280, 285Fire eating, ceremonial, 145, 164Fire society, 83, 113, 126, 128, 135, 137,138, 139, 140 (table), 141, 142,143, 144, 145, 146, 148, 149-154,156, 200, 213, 224, 228, 229, 232,237, 244-246, 256, 258, 278, 285,291, 295, 298, 315, 320ceremonial house of, 48 (diagram),113, 150, 152ceremony of, 83, 149-154, 216, 299initiation into, 149-154, 151 (fig.)paraphernalia, 150, 233 (fig.)Fireplaces, 47, 50, 52, 297, 322Firewood, 220Firing of pottery, 56Fiscale mayor, 133, 136, 215, 220, 221,265, 271, 276, 282Fiscales, services of, 64, 66, 123, 124,133, 136, 211, 215, 216, 221, 230,231, 253, 263, 264, 265, 276, 282,283Fiscale teniente, 124, 133, 136Fleas, 105Flicker, 307Flies, effect on health, 103Flint knife, 290, 297, 298, 300, 302Flint nawai (head), 53, 177Flint-Shima Society, 237Flint society, or Knife society, 9, 53, 98,113, 115, 126, 127, 128, 135, 137,138, 139, 140 (table), 141, 142,143, 144, 145, 146-149, 177, 216,224, 228, 230, 231, 232, 234, 283,285, 286, 291, 293 (fig.), 295, 298,299, 306, 315, 320altar, 292 (fig.), 293 (fig.), 318 (fig.)house, 48 (diagram), 53, 170, 306Flora, 31Flour, 108, 162, 201, 240, 298Flowers, 47Flute ceremony, 268Flute dance, 182, 268Fly spray, 108Fog, 116, 117Food, offerings of, 280, 290, 294, 297,298, 312, 325offering to the dead, 217, 218 (fig.),219preparation of, 324preservation of, 324Fox, J. R., 33Fox, 31Foxskin, 260, 272, 313worn on back, 238Fragua, Maria, 213Franciscan missionaries, 21, 34, 62Frogs, 316, 317Fruits, 86, 160, 161, 254Fur, 238Furniture, household, 322-323, 324white man's, 47, 225, 323Gkcace (something big), 278, 284
G'dcbana (snake of the west), 293, 319Gacdyats (rainbow), 293Gachupin, Antonio, 134Gachupin, Carmelita, 71Gachupin, George, 213Gachupin, Jose, 128, 190Gachupin, Juan de Jesus, 212Gachupin, Marcelino, 213Gachupin, Reya, 70Gachupin, Trinidad, 190Gacitiwa, supernatural being, 49, 114,127Gacftiwa's house, 48 (diagram), 49, 244Gacpana, 160Gacputice (wet) ceremony, 142Gaiyactactaiya masks, 238, 239 (fig.)Galisteo ruins, 164Gallegos, Emma, 212Gallo (rooster pull), 10, 88, 227,275-276Galvan, Ascension Herrera, 73Galvan, Celestino, 171Galvan, Dominga, 185Galvan, Emiliano, 212Galvan, Jose Cruz, 70, 71, 185, 190Galvan, Juana Rosita, 70, 71, 72, 212Galvan, Nicolas, 185Galvan, Rafaelita, 214Galvan, Reyes, 200, 212Galvan, Vavalita, 211Gaoctyuwits (drummers), 134Gaotcanyi ("little officer") 144, 172,230, 234, 297See also Gowatcanyi.Gdotiye (decorated blanket), 270, 314Garden produce, 86Gardens, irrigated, 87, 89Garlic, 261Garters, woven, 179Gas, "bottled," 323Gas range, 225Gastritis, 102Gawai'aiti (plant food), 267General Land Office, Santa Fe., 84Gerheim, Earl B., 33Giant Society, 2, 48, 71, 112, 116, 126,128, 135, 137, 138, 139, 140(table), 141, 142, 145, 146, 148,149, 170, 216, 228, 232, 237, 246,278, 286, 291, 295, 298, 299, 315,320house shared with Kashairi, 48(diagram), 52, 170Gifts, 261Girl, cross-eyed, 105Girls, economic status of, 99Glass, broken, cause of sickness, 288Glasses, dark, 268Glossary, 11-16Goats, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 107, 108Godparents. 209, 210Goldfrank, Esther S., 1, 227, 269Gomaiyawic, supernatural being, 116,170, 171Gomaiyawic masks, 171, 239, 240, 241(fig.)
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Gomaiyawic Society, 82, 137, 138, 139,140 (table), 141, 142, 143, 170-171, 199, 238, 291, 298, 299house of, 48 (diagram)Gonococcal infections, 101Good Friday, 283Go'okiwa masks, 149, 245 (fig.), 246, 249Gorget, shell (wabunyi), 180Gorman, Rev. Samuel, 62Gourds, 237Government, domicile of, 49religious function of, 220Government and social life, 220-225Government Indian Hospitals, 104Governor, 49, 66, 98, 99, 104, 109, 123,124, 131-132, 136, 157, 162, 211,212, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 230,231, 253, 265, 270, 273, 276, 279Gowatcanvi, War chief's helpers, 52,53, "124, 129, 131, 136, 173, 174,176, 222, 227, 231, 232, 234,301, 302, 303See also Gaotcanyi.Goyaiti (game animals), 257, 267Grandfather (Baba), 180, 182, 217, 280Grandmother, 202Grapes, 87Grasses, 31, 172Grass rings, ceremonial, 174Graves, 215Grazing land, 96Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, 174Groups, 182-184Gunn, John M., 113Guns, 146, 271, 273, 282Gya-pitree (mahogany), 153Gyeu-o, 127, 200Gyitibo-kai (gyityibokai), 149, 263Gyitihanyi (supernatural locality), 168Gyitsityuye (mid-morning), 119Gypsum (CaSo4), used for paint, 250H., Doctor, woman physician, 105H'a'atsi (ha'atsi), 118, 141, 147, 217,232, 317Habitat, 30-31Hackett, Charles Wilson, 23, 25, 36Hadawe (pollen), 216H'a-di (obsidian), 284Hddyaiyanyi (soap-weed whips), 172H'a-h'a-bo dance, 267Hahawo dance, 156Hair dressing, 46, 266, 272Hakanyi (Fire society), 137, 149"Hallelujahs," see Protestants.Halseth, Odd S., 42, 43, 47, 54, 55, 58,64, 81, 101, 102, 104, 323, 324Hammond, George P., and Rey, Agapito,editors, 20, 21, 34, 164Handbook of American Indians, 29Hano (people) sicti, common people,182, 223, 263Hanyikiya, ceremony, 126, 154, 229-230Hanyiko ceremony, 126, 148, 149, 154,169, 170, 199, 227-229, 303, 304,311Hdomomo (bull roarer), 315 (fig.)
Hapanyi (oak), 172Hares, 51Harper, John H., 321Harrington, John P., 29, 33, 64Haskell Indian School, 59H'a-stic (pueblo) nyuk'atsime (no trans-lation), curing ceremony, 299Hatcamfnyi k'ayo-k'? (staff of office),126H'a.tcminyi (prayersticks), 309, 310(fig.), 311Hats, black, 268Havighurst, Robert J., and Neugarten,Bernice L., 81, 207, 208Hawk, 31Hawk, sparrow, feathers of, 272Hawk Mountain (Cpi-ya kot), 182Hawley, Florence, 67, 68, 76, 99, 106Hawley, Florence; Pijoan, Michel; andElkin, C. A., 99, 106, 107, 108,109, 225Hay baler, 323Headbands, 259, 272red bandana, 46Head deformation (cradle flattening), 83Head washing, ceremonial, 188Heads, long, 33Health, sanitation and diet, 101-109Hearing aids, 105Heart, symbol of, 298Heart diseases, 102Hearth (altar), 50Hearts, stolen by witches, 288, 295, 298,326Heart songs, 146, 154, 157, 295, 296, 298Hematite, 31, 257Henati (cloud), 116, 219, 247, 248 (fig.)Hepatitis, infectious, 101Herb brew, used in curing ceremony, 297Herders, 130Herrera, Ascenciona, 70, 71Herrera, Benina, 71, 73Herrera, Gregorio (George), 67, 68, 69,71 72 74 76 99 214Herrera, Juan Pedro', 68,' 70, 71, 73, 169,215Herrera, Marcelina, 71Herrera, Reyes, 71Herrera, Velino, 71, 99, 214Herrera, Viviano, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 99,190Heruta (rain-making katsina), 255, 326Heruta masks, 149, 243 (fig.), 244, 246,249Hewett, Edgar Lee, and Fisher, Reg-inald G., 21, 64Hewett, Edgar Lee, and Mauzy, W. L.,64Heyac (fog), 116, 117Hicami (eagle wing feathers), 159, 162,172, 174, 175, 176, 181, 201, 290Hictianyi (Flint Society), 137Hidden ball, gambling game, 264Hides, 91 (table), 261Hililiho katsina, masks, 156, 247, 248(fig.)Hininiya dance, 283
INDEX 345Hispano-American culture, 27Histian or Knife Society, 146Hiyanyi (road), 175Hi-yatsanyi (sickness), 295Hlewekwe Society, 152Hoaina group, 182Hodge, F. W., 22, 29, 63, 164, 165, 184Hodidya'nyi (woven belt), 120Hododo (father), 117, 118, 168Hododo masks, 242, 244Ho-dyuwimt (headdress), 179Hoebel, E. Adamson, 155, 288Hogs, 88, 89, 90, 94 (table)Hoaina Society house, 48 (diagram)"Holy Rollers," see Protestants.Holy Thursday, 282Holy Week, 226, 280-283Home economics, effect of, 324Home of the Dead, Map of world, 112Hominy, 108H6-na-ai-te, head of "cult" society, 138,286Honawai'aiti, 10, 138, 139, 141, 146,149, 152, 153, 154, 157, 168, 170,171, 175, 179, 180, 181, 182, 199,216, 304Honey, bumblebee, used as glue, 307Hoofs, calf, 260ornamental, 260Hopi, Joe, 212Hopi Indians, 15, 16, 32, 50, 57, 70,80, 81, 82, 98, 164, 165, 185, 207,208Hopi Pueblos, 1, 9, 21, 52, 62, 71, 79,164, 165, 236Hopi Snake Dance, 162Horace H. Rackham School of GraduateStudies, xiHorse dance costume, 278-279Horsehair, 278beards of, 238Horsehide, 278Horsemen, involved in "rooster pull,"275 276Horses, 23, 51, 54, 87, 88, 89, 90, 94(table), 130, 271, 275, 276, 280,284, 301, 302, 322figures of, 277supernatural, 278, 279Hosmer, Caroline E., 60Hospital for mental and nervous dis-eases, 286Hotcanitsa, 48 (fig.). 49-50 (diagram),126, 130, 136, 180, 212, 220,222, 227, 228, 230, 231 (fig.),232, 253, 257, 263, 265, 282, 299,301, 302, 303Hough, Walter, 164House, ceremonial adobe, 159, 160(fig.), 164cornstalk, 159, 160Household group, examples of, 198-199meaning of term, 198Household organization, 2Houses, 198-199construction of, 47-49Ho'wi, side dancers, 255
Howi mask, 182, 247, 248 (fig.)Howina-j^e, phase of dance, 271, 283,313Hrdlicka, Ales, 32, 33, 83Huash-pa clan, 184HuHyo (Jews), 280Hull, Dorothy, 123Hummingbird, 31Hunter (Caiyaik), 116, 302Hunters, 257, 258, 303, 304Hunters' Society, 112, 137, 141, 171-176, 301, 302Hunting, 226, 301-304Hunts, communal, 126, 130, 220, 230,301Hydrant, community, 323lanyi (blessing), 231, 234, 255, 261, 262,265, 267, 269, 273, 274, 275, 280lariko (corn-ear fetish), 115, 122, 141,150, 154, 157, 168, 170, 172, 173,174, 176, 182, 199, 217, 219, 263,290, 292, 294, 297, 308 (fig.)-309,317, 318Ica'ak? ockaits (wooden rattle), 281Illness, classes of, 284-285Inawi (flour), 201, 296Incense, burning of, 276Income, average, per family, 95 (table),96 (table)Indian Agent, 28, 42, 57, 58, 60, 61, 88,89, 95, 96, 99, 101, 221, 321Indian council, 71, 72, 73, 99, 130Indian religion, 221Indian Reorganization Act, 78Indian revolt, 22Indian School, Albuquerque, 33, 105Indian School, Santa Fe, 207Indian Service, 6, 29, 73, 106, 323Indian Service Hospitals, 105Indians, abuse of, 22Individuals, influence of, 223-224life cycle of, 199-219Industrial arts courses, 60Influenza, 101, 105Inheritance customs, 99Installation, selection and, of officers,135Introduction, 1-10Ipctc (white clay), 304Iron-manganese, 56Irrigation system, 85, 132, 327administration of, 220, 221ditches, 80, 132, 226, 265, 270Isleta Pueblo, 79, 275, 314Istoa (arrow), 311Itsa'tyun komictca, refuse piles, 53-54Itsa'tyunyi (shell disk beads), 179, 181,216, 296, 302Iwas kowawa'atsecromi, sacred cham-ber, 53lyanyi, beneficent supernatural power,114I'yubfctya mask, 240Jackets, velvet, 268Jackrabbit game, played by men, 281600685?62- -25
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Jackrabbits, 230, 301Jealousy, 211Jeans, blue, 259Jemez fiesta, 228Jemez Indian Reservation, 30Jemez language, 34Jemez Mountains, 30, 302Jemez Pueblo, 18 (map), 20, 22, 23, 24,25, 26, 27, 30 (map), 33, 40, 43,51, 52, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 66,67, 68, 71, 77, 79, 80, 81, 85, 87,96, 105, 106, 144, 152, 155, 182,210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 223, 227,236, 256, 268, 270, 274, 275, 277,312, 325Jemez River, 31, 47, 54, 81, 85Jemez River Valley, 20, 23, 30, 77Jemez-Rio Grande Valleys, 79Jesus, Fray Francisco de, 25Jesus, protection of, 280, 282quotation from, 263resemblance to B6caiyanyi, 114Jewelry, 264turquoise, 270Jews (huliyo), 280Jicarilla Apache, 57, 79Jingles, 162, 179Junipers, 31, 150Juniper tea, used by women, 284Jury duty. Federal courts, 223Justice of the Peace, marriage by, 209Ka-arshti-truma (pole), 313Kabana (corncake), 303Kacaidime (summer retreat), 126, 199,227, 228, 229, 230-236, 311seating arrangements, 231K'acbana (Snake of the West), 162Kachina dance, 9, 224Kachinas (ceremonies), 2, 326masks for, xi, 149, 237-238Kacikatcutiya (White House), 118Kaci-na mask, 240, 241 (fig.)Kahera (church drummer), 133-134Kahera (pueblo drummer), 271, 279,282, 314Kakan-atza-tia, see Site.Kdiyakaiydtiya dance (no Englishequivalent), 268Kanadyaiya (witches), 287, 288, 295Kanateywa, Pierce, Hopi Indian, 57,212Kanateywa, Riquel, 212Kanyi {Juniperus monosperma), teagiven at childbirth, 200, 202tea-drinking period, 202Kaotsaiyawat, eagle neck feathers,worn by medicine men, 139, 171,181Kaowatas, 152Kapina society, 112, 113, 116, 127, 128,135, 137, 139, 140 (table), 141,142, 145, 150, 152, 154-156, 162,176, 183, 216, 229, 230, 232, 237,247, 267, 291, 298, 299, 315house of, 48 (diagram)Kastotoco'ma (pole), 313
Katsina, anthropomorphic rainmakers,112, 116, 118, 168, 170, 219, 236,252, 256, 282, 285, 320masked impersonations, 236-238Katsina dance, 114, 118, 130, 166, 254(fig.), 255, 299Katsina-Gomaiyawic society, 237, 238-242, 249Katsina hotcanyi (chief), 246Katsina o'wak (kachina dolls), 245, 319Katsina society, 71, 138, 139, 140(table), 141, 142, 145, 170-171,199, 207, 298, 299costumes, 238functions of, 236house, 48 (diagram)initiation into, 250-256, 252 (fig.)masks, 154, 169, 170, 182, 237-238,239 (figs.), 241 (figs.), 243 (figs.),248 (figs.), 249 (fig.), 252organization of, 237songs, 149Katyetiwa, 128Keam, Tom V., 162Keleher, William A., 27Keres, xi, 1, 3, 13, 17, 24, 32, 82, 83, 114,119, 125, 196, 236, 275, 307, 320of Santa Ana, 24of Santo Domingo, 24Keresan culture, 9, 10, 11, 82, 165, 177Keresan language, 12, 33, 69, 76, 110,165, 213, 224Keresan mythology, 307Keresan Pueblos, 1, 6, 9, 10, 17, 31, 33,34, 50, 51, 52, 74, 79, 83, 112,113, 114, 119, 128, 133, 137, 138,142, 144, 148, 155, 168, 170, 176,177, 183, 190, 203, 220, 230, 258,263, 268, 269, 271, 272, 274, 275,277, 278, 279, 284, 287, 300, 309,312, 320Keresan stock, 20Keresan vocabulary, 8, 20Kickstick, 232Kidder, Alfred Vincent, 272ICilldeer {Qxyechus vociferus), 240ICilts, dance, embroidered cotton, 238,313white buckskin, 162, 177, 180, 272,294, 313KinatI (fresh ear of corn), 180King of Spain, 123, 131King's Day, celebration of, 226Kinship, 190-196, 220Kitchen range, 323Kiva groups; dual organization, 183-184Kivas, 2, 22, 26, 50-52, 130, 220, 265,274, 287, 323Acoma, 3, 20rectangular, 82Knife, or Flint society, 2, 4, 5, 293See also Flint society.Knives, 146K'oaikutc (place of Sunrise), 120, 168K6asaiya, old pueblo, 18, 235Kobictaiya (spirit), 319
INDEX 347Ko"haiya mask, 239 (fig.), 240, 249Komanaiko (beautiful thing), 267Ko'oko, avenging spirit, 306Kopistaia, native god, 65, 114, 153Koshairi, supernatural being, 115, 116,117Koshairi ritual, 235 (fig.), 236Koshairi society, 71, 113, 127, 128,135, 137, 138, 139, 140 (table),141, 142, 145, 147, 149, 152,156, 165-170, 199, 228, 230,231, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237,246, 250, 251, 252, 256, 258,260, 267, 271, 272, 273, 274,278, 279, 280, 291, 298, 299,313, 317, 320house of, 48 (diagram), 52medicine bowl, 316 (fig.)Kotcininako (yellow women), 119, 120,200, 237, 257, 267Kotcininako dancers, 237, 255Kotcininako masks, 169, 238, 239 (fig.),242 244 250Koyemshi'of Zuiii, 170, 240Kroeber, A. L., 170Kubler, George, 63, 64Kwiraina, supernatural being, 116, 117Kwiraina society, 137, 138, 139, 140(table), 141, 142, 148, 165-170,199, 228, 230, 232, 237, 242-244,246, 250, 251, 252, 256, 259,271, 272, 274, 287, 291, 298,299, 313, 320altar, 169 (fig.)costume of, 166, 167 (fig.)house, 48 (diagram), 113Laboratory of Anthropology, Museumof New Mexico, xiLa CieneguUla de Cochiti, 24Ladder, used at burials, 216Laguna Reservation, 1, 6, 31, 33, 71,113, 152, 164, 170, 183, 214, 264,269, 271, 285Land of the Sia, 84-85taxation of, 223used for agriculture and stock rais-ing, 84-100Landholding, 96-98customs of, 98-100Lange, Charles H., 33, 46, 227, 228, 258,259, 269, 271, 272, 275, 288, 312,313, 314, 315Language and literacy, 33-34Spanish, 34Lard, 87, 108Las Cruces, New Mexico, 59Latiye, 200Latrines, 104, 105Law and order, maintenance of, 223Lawrence, D. H., 269Leather strap or w^and, carried bydancers, 238, 239 (fig.)Leggings, 45, 120, 260Lekyu (cottontail rabbit), 180Lice, body, 105
Lieutenant Governor, 98, 123, 124, 136,270Lighting, electric, 323Lightning, 51, 114, 316, 317shock from, treatment of, 146, 147,285Lightning snake, 319 (fig.)Limonite (Fe203-nH20), 56Lincoln, A., 131Line dancers, 240, 242, 255Linoleum, used on floors, 49Lion, supernatural, 116, 139, 153Lion mask, 242Lion Opi, 181-182Lions, stone, 315Liquor, 132Livestock, 88-95, 107and field crops, ratio of sales toproduction of, 91-93home use of, 92 (table)sale of, 90 (table), 92 (table)Lizards, 31, 317Los Punames Province, 20, 34Lovato, Lorenzo, 185Lovato, Luciana, 186Lummis, C. F., 272Lunch, school, 58, 59, 109Luxdn, chronicler, 21, 34Mdca'inyi, bear leg skins, 139, 179, 180,294Ma-caiyoyo (quartz crystal), 318Macaroni, 106Ma-cinyi (skins of bears' forelegs), 298Macta hotcanyi (rat), 119Madaiko (singing group), 183Madaiko nawai (head of singers), 129Madja'nyi, supernatural spirit, 154Maerz, A., and Paul, M. Rea, 56Magistrate, 124Magnetite, 31, 257Magpie {Pica pica), 31, 112, 121, 307,312Mahogany tree {Cercocarpus sp.), 153Maidyana masks, 149, 245 (fig.), 246Maiyanyi (spirits), 52, 113, 153, 219,274, 275, 278, 280, 302, 319Maize, 21Maize clan, 184Malacate, Antonio, Sia chief, 23Malachite, 31, 249Males, 42, 43 (table), 44 (table)Manganese, 56Manta (cloak), 118, 119, 120, 127, 233,240, 303Manuel's Day, celebration of, 226Ma'nyi (liquid black paint), 311"Map of the World," 112Margarine, 108Marital status, 42-45, 203, 208Marriages, 188, 189 (chart), 190, 208-215Catholic, 209, 210contracting, 208-210Indian, 209, 210, 214with non-Sias, 211-214, 324
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Marrying outside of Sia, 214-215, 327Md,sewi, war captain, 49, 52, 98, 111,115, 119, 120, 122, 124, 126, 129,130, 134, 136, 137, 139, 145, 146,174, 176, 222, 224, 229, 230, 234,254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 265, 268,271, 272, 274, 282, 297, 300, 301,302, 303, 305, 306Masked dances, 182, 220, 226, 236, 237,252 253Masked figures, 114, 168Masked impersonations, 236Masks, 31, 116, 142, 145, 146, 165, 169,236, 237-238, 239, (fig.), 254, 256Acuwa, 238, 239, (fig.), 256Btrictca, 182, 247, 249 (fig.)bear, 169, 242, 246, 249bison hide, 249Bo-tiwa, 240ceremonial, 62Cgi-ca (elk), 244Cka'ac, 244, 245 (fig.)cowhide, 249Ctiwictiwi, 182, 240, 241 (figs.)deer, 169, 242, 244duck, 169, 242, 244, 249Gaiyactactaiya, 238, 239 (fig.)Gomaiyawic, 171, 239, 240, 241(fig.)Go'okiwa, 149, 245 (fig.), 246, 249Heruta, 149, 243 (fig.), 244, 246, 249HiliUho katsina, 156, 247, 248 (fig.)Hododo, 242, 244Howi, 182, 247, 248 (fig.)I'yubfctya, 240Kachina, xi, 149, 237-238Katsina, 154, 169, 170, 182, 237-238, 239 (figs.) 241 (figs.), 243(figs.) 248 (figs.), 249 (figs.), 252Ko'haiva, 239 (fig.), 249Kotcininako, 169, 238, 239 (fig.),242, 244, 250lion, 242Maidyana, 149, 245, (fig.), 246Merinako, 246, 250mi-na (salt), 242Mokaitc, 165, 242, 243 (fig.), 247mountain lion, 165, 169, 242,243 (fig.)No'wira, 165, 245 (fig.), 246Nyenyeka, 240, 241 (fig.)Ocatc, 245 (fig.), 246Ororo, 247, 248 (fig.)Perictca, 247, 248 (fig.)Sai'yap% 247, 248 (fig.)Saiyatac, 171, 239 (fig.), 240, 242Salt katsina, 169Sikiri, 149, 245 (fig.), 246Tsackanits, 247, 248 (fig.)Tsatcrati, 182, 240, 241 (fig.)Waloca, 242, 243 (fig.), 249Wikori, 242, 244Mass, performance of, 64, 133, 227,265, 269, 270, 276Matcdnyi (doorkeeper), 155Md-tsinyi (paper bread), 294, 299, 303
Mawakana Gactyats-kai, mythologicallocality, 229McKinney, Lillie G., 58Meadowlark, 31Measles, epidemic of, 25, 101Meat, 108, 162, 220, 231Medical functions, 146Medicine, 325folk, 103, 285Indian, 299magical, 157, 217, 290, 297, 299,300, 316nonritualistic, 285White man's, 103, 104, 299Medicine bags, 181, 290Medicine bowls, 157, 160, 173, 175, 232,233 (fig.), 234, 263, 291, 294,297, 316-317 (fi.g.)Medicinemen, 3, 4, 14, 15, 16, 22, 23,52, 62, 71, 103, 104, 114, 115,119, 122, 127, 135, 143, 144, 145,146, 147, 149, 150, 152, 154, 156,157, 158, 159, 172, 173, 174, 175,176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 183, 201,215, 217, 218, 219, 221, 223, 224,229, 232, 234, 263, 271, 278, 285,288, 289, 291, 292, 294, 295, 297,300, 303, 304, 309, 312, 313, 314,317, 318, 326Medicine societies, 123, 132, 136, 138,140 (table), 141, 143, 145, 155,156, 160, 168, 170, 182, 198, 200,201, 207, 217, 220, 254, 267, 285,286, 288, 296, 311, 314, 318Medicine water, 295Medicinewoman (tcaiyanyi), 5Medina, Avaristo, 128Medina, James, see Juan BautistaMedina.Medina, Jesus Baca, 162, 183Medina, Joe, 73, 104Medina, Jose Antonio, 186, 187, 188, 214Medina, Jose Vigil, 128, 134, 186, 314Medina, Juan Bautista, 55, 212Medina, Juan I., 128Medina, Lorenzo, 128, 313Medina, Rosalie, 213M^katc (big), dancers, 238Melancholy, effects of, 286, 299Melons, 118, 145, 160, 161, 227, 254, 261Men, dress of, 45Mendoza, viceroy, 20Mental and nervous diseases, 106, 286-287Mera, H. P., 17, 18, 19, 56Merinako (blue-green woman), 237, 244Merinako masks, 246, 250Mesa Verde region, 17, 155Mescalero Apache, 71Mexican Indians, 20"Mexicanism," 275Mexicans, 29, 76, 77, 255, 264, 270, 273,322Mexican War, 6, 27, 29Mexico, 84Mica, 31
INDEX 349
Mi-ck'a-tc (plaster), 180Mickey, Barbara H., 192, 193Middens, 19"Midwest" children, 207, 208Midwife, 200, 201, 203Milk, 88, 89, 108products of, 89, 108Mi-na (salt), mask, 242Mint {Mentha canadensis), 284Mirabal, Antonio, 73Missionaries, 62, 67, 77, 78Missions, Christian, 62services to, 25Moccasins, 45, 46, 47, 120, 174, 175,179, 238, 259, 260, 268, 272, 273,278, 290Moce-itc (Buffalo Dance), 256Mo-ckai, mask paint, 249Mocking bird, 307Mocomi (nomadic Indians), 153, 305Moieties, 2M6kaitc (mountain lion), 49, 114, 116,172, 173, 176, 182, 242, 247, 303Mokaitc masks, 165, 242, 243 (fig.), 247Money, ofifering of, 312Money economy, effect on culture, 325Monogamy, practice of, 210Monsters (ckoyo), 120, 137, 149Montezuma, Mexican name for Bocai-yanyi, 277Moon, worship of, 26, 50, 51, 139, 166Moquino, Adelaida, 214Moquino, Augustin, 55, 71Moquino, Benina, 71, 211, 214Moquino, Ignacio, 71Moquino, Jose, 70, 212Moquino, Juana Rosita, 71, 98, 190Moquino, Leandro, 71Moquino, Lucinda, 71Moquino, Maria Reyes, 71Moquino, Refugia, 71, 77, 214Moquino, Reyes Ansala, 71Moquino, Rita, 72, 76Moquino, San Juanito, 69, 70, 71, 72,73, 214, 215Moquino, Toribio, 71Moquino, Willie, 71, 72, 76, 211Moquis, 164Morfi, Father, 26Morningstar, 50, 51Mother, 201, 202, 216ceremonial, 151, 159, 201Mothers, deaths of, 105rating of, 208supernatural, 307unmarried, 45, 210Mother's brother, 320Mother's mother, 216Mountain lion {Felis concolor), 112, 114,116, 171, 177, 182, 242, 297figure of, 173, 302, 303leg skins, worn by medicine men,141, 171masks, 165, 169, 242, 243 (fig.)skin quiver, 172Mountain Lion house, 48 (diagram), 49
Mountains, supernatural, 110Moustaches, 268Moving pictures, shown in schools, 59Mules, 88, 130Mumps, 101Murder, under jurisdiction of U.S. Gov-ernment, 223Museum of Anthropology, University ofMichigan, 250, 284, 318Museum of New Mexico, xiMush, eaten at ceremonies, 129, 234Myths, Acoma, 236Keresan origin, 112, 120of emergence, 113Naback (manta), 115, 117Naiyabunyi (mineral), 303Nambe Pueblo, 288Names, 203-205Naming, 201-202Ndotsityi, supernatural being, 63, 115,116, 120, 121, 229, 279Naowetas'nyi (ritual emesis), 253Ndpakatsa, wooden frame, 156Navaho Apaches, 26, 27Navaho dance at Sia, January 16, 1955,268-269Navaho Indians, 8, 14, 24, 25, 27, 33,79, 80, 165, 176, 207, 208, 212,213, 269, 270, 276, 305, 320Navaho language, 34Navel, decorated, 175Nawai, head medicineman, 144, 145,148, 150, 152, 159, 160, 172, 174,175, 177, 181, 182, 217, 218, 219,230, 231, 232, 233, 250, 253, 264,291, 294, 296Nawic, see Cka'ac.Na-witca'nyi (cleansing ritual) , 187Necklaces, 4, 57, 180, 268, 309Negroes, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77Neoplasma, malignant, 102Neotoma sp., 130New Mexico, 46, 57, 58, 59, 60, 81, 84,101, 102, 105, 109, 110, 210, 222,223comparison with Sia Pueblo, 40(table), 41 (table), 42, 44 (table),45New Mexico Agricultural and Mechani-cal College, 59New Mexico Highway Department, 235Niza, Marcos de, 20Non-Catholic Christianity rejected, 324Non-Indian outsiders, 131, 133Norton, Charles Eliot, 36Notr6wadyac (sexual continence), 253No'wira masks, 165, 245 (fig.), 246Nuestra Sefiora de la Asunci6n de Sia,22, 63, 269Nuns, Catholic, 270, 271Nutritional deficiency, 103Nyenyeka mask, 240, 241 (fig.)
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Oak, 111, 172Oats, 86Obsidian (h'a-di), 284, 307Ocatc masks, 245 (fig.), 246Officers of pueblos, 123-136, 220Ojeda, Bartolome de, 23, 24, 25, 34Omaha (rain-cloud), 50Onate, Juan de, 21, 63Onions, 87Onoma (supernatural being), 171Opaiyakanyi (wooden poker), 216Open house, held on feast days, 270, 276Opewi (food), 296Opi (Scalp-takers Society), 124, 137,142, 147, 175, 176-182Opi (Warriors' society), 137, 176-182,203, 260, 305, 316Opi, animal, 177Bear, 179-181costume of, 177, 178 (fig.), 179Lion, 181-182Opi dance (Atse' e Ddnyi), 259-262, 314Opi hotcanyi (warrior chief), 119, 124Opi Society, see Warriors.Croro masks, 247, 248 (fig.)Oso (Bear) clan, 184Otermin, Governor, 22, 23O'wamo-ts, Corn harvest ceremony,227, 267Owe Dance, 226, 265-267, 283Owl, 31, 219, 287, 288feathers of, 242, 246, 247, 307Oyoyewi, war god, 49, 115, 119, 120,122, 124, 129, 130, 136, 139,146, 174, 176, 229, 230, 234,271, 294, 297, 300, 301, 302,303, 305, 306Pa'eima (temporary residence), 118Paint, black, 162, 260, 311blue-green, 31gathering materials for, 301Painting, meal, 182, 183, 217, 218 (fig.),219, 233 (fig.), 250, 251 (fig.),263, 289, 291, 316pollen, 317sand, 137, 138, 139, 141, 147, 150,152, 153, 154, 157, 171, 181, 182,183, 218 (fig.), 229, 232, 234, 254,286, 289, 297, 299, 316, 317Paiyatyamo (anthropomorphic figures),141, 171, 176, 199, 217, 219, 290Panana, Crescencia, 213Pan-Indian English dialect, 13Papago Indians, 207, 275, 281Procession, 273Paraphernalia, 136, 150, 157, 168, 169,172, 173, 176, 181, 183, 190, 200,219, 226, 229, 232, 233 (fig.), 254,289, 290, 291, 295, 297, 299, 300,307-319, 324ceremonial, 49, 52, 62Parents, influence of, 209, 210ceremonial, 187, 188
Parrot feathers, 240, 242, 244, 249, 260,272body feathers, 238, 240, 242, 247tail feathers, 238, 244, 246, 247, 307,313Parsons, Elsie Clews, xi, 1, 51, 52, 62,152, 170, 192, 227, 268, 269, 275,285, 313Parturition, 200-201Pastoral attire, 87Pasturage, 86Pathology, 105Patron Saint's Feast, 79, 121, 133, 135,166, 184, 209, 213, 269-274Peaches, 87, 106, 202Pebbles, cause of sickness, 297Pecos Pueblo, 24, 79Pedro, Dorothy, 214Peinado, 22Pellagra, 109Pelts, 91 (table)Pentecostal Assembly of the World, 74Perea, Fray Estevan de, 164Perictca, 240Perictca masks, 247, 248 (fig.)Periodicals, 325Petana (meal), 52, 134, 144, 179, 180,182, 187, 200, 201, 216, 217, 219,240, 255, 257, 261, 291, 296, 303,304Petrified wood, 181, 182Pets, 47Peyote, drug, 46Phonographs, 323Physical type, 32-33Pickup truck, 88, 322Picuris Pueblo, 24, 71, 214Pigments, mineral, 31Pigs, 54, 100, 107, 108Pilgrim Mission School, 77Pima Indians, 281Pine, 31, 111, 232, 233Pino, Andres, 182, 183, 255Pino, Catiye, 98Pino, Isidora, 190Pino, Jose P., 128, 190Pino, Juan Pedro, 70, 98Pino, Martina, 190Pino, Pedro, 148Pino, Perfecto, 73Pino, Seferina, 213Pino, Vicentita, 190Pinon, 31, 232Pinon nuts (Pinus edulis), 107, 145Pipes, not used, 46Place of Emergence, map of world, 112,263Plants, wild, 106, 107Plata, Felipe, 128Plata, Lucia, 212Plazas, 49Plows, 323Pneumonia, 101, 102Poker (burned stick), 217, 218 (fig.)
INDEX 351Pole carriers, 135, 166, 183, 272, 273,274, 313Poles (Actitco'me), carried in dances,312horizontal, under ceiling, 264scalp, 305, 306Poliomyelitis, acute, 101, 102, 105Pollen (hadawe), 216, 217, 218 (fig.),317Poore, Henry R., 28, 34, 36, 43, 58, 80,88, 130, 269, 275Population, 34-42comparison with New Mexico, 40(table), 41 (table)increase in, 322Pork, taboo against, 202Posada, Pedro Reneros de, 23Poshaiyanne, 264, 281Post Office, name accepted by, 29Potatoes {Solanum tuberosum), 87, 106,108wild {Solanum fendleri) , 107wild {Solanum jamesii) , 107Potrero de las Vacas, 315Potter's v/heel, not used, 56Pottery, 53, 56-57, 82, 175, 261, 270bowls of, 187, 298, 299Mesa-Verde-like, 17Post-Spanish Period, 56Pueblo, 57Puname Polychrome, 57Pottery making, 56, 57Poultry, 89Powell, J. W., 1, 2, 4, 162, 164, 237,315, 321Prayer feather-bunch (wabanyi), 253,296, 302, 309Prayer meal (petana), 134, 144, 150,153, 158, 172, 179, 187, 200, 216,217, 218 (fig.), 253, 254, 261,289, 291, 296, 300, 303Prayers, 226, 281, 282, 295, 307for crops, 229for game, 229for rain, 229Prayersticks, 16, 52, 181, 217, 218, 219,229, 230, 232, 233, 238, 242, 247,254, 255, 263, 295, 296, 309, 310(fig.), 311, 319willow, 247, 309Preacher (nyitikoyaco), 69Pregnancy, 199-200Prehistoric sites, 18 (map)Presbyterian missionaries, 66Presents, distributed on Saints' Days,275Pre-Spanish era, 89, 123Prickly pear {Opuntia lindheimer), 107Priests, chief, 123native, 22, 62, 278Prince, L. Bradford, 22, 64Private and personal affairs, 220Privies, 104, 105Progressives and conservatives, 224-225Promiscuity, sexual, 210-211Prophesying Woman, Sia deity, 113
Proteins, 108Protestant heretics, 211, 214Protestantism, 65, 66, 76, 324at Jemez, 77-78Protestant missionaries, 67, 77, 78Protestants, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 76, 77,200, 215Protestant sect, 73, 76, 168, 169Psilomelane (MnOa, BaO, H2O), 56PubUc and communal affairs, 220Pubhc Health nurse, 104Pubhc Health officials, 104Public Health Service, 104, 221Pueblo Council, 211, 212, 213, 220, 221-223Pueblo Day School, 207Pueblo Indians, 3, 6, 21, 22, 27, 29, 51,62, 65, 73, 78, 79, 84, 109, 164,226, 327Pueblo Lands Board, 84Pueblo Revolt, 33, 51, 52, 62, 63, 65, 123Pueblos, modern, and prehistoric sites,18 (map)Pueblos Agency, 57, 81, 101, 102, 103,109Pueblo Snake ceremonies, 162-165Pueblo Treasurer, 132Puma, 31, 177Pumpkin {Cucurbita maxima), 51, 106,250{Cucurbita moschata), 106, 249Pumpkin clan, 184Punames Province, 19, 21, 56, 321Pyrolusite (MnOj), 56Quail, 31Quarrels, 220, 221Quartz crj'stal (witcatsi), 307, 313, 318Queres, 152of Santo Domingo, 24Querranna Society, 2, 111, 112, 137, 230Quir6s, Fray Crist6bal de, 22Quirt, 278Quiver, made of mountain lion skin, 172Rabbit, 31, 107meat of, 49Rabbit brush {Chrysothamnus sp.), 31Rabbit hunt, communal, 226, 227,301-302Rabies, vaccination against, 105
"R-RCGrs SIRadios', lack of, 323, 325Rags, cause of sickness, 297Rain, ceremonial for, 156, 169, 230-236,256, 316prayers for, 229production of, 156, 274, 276summer retreats for, 230-236, 309Rainbow (Gacdyats), 293, 316Rainbow man (Gacdyatstiwa), 204Rainbow people, 114Rainfall, 31-32Rape, within jurisdiction of U.S.Government, 223Rats {Rattus norvegicus), 105, 287, 288
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Rattles, 175, 176, 181, 240, 260, 266,268, 272gourd, 162, 238, 272hoof, 272wooden, 281 (jBg.)Rattlesnake, 31, 157Reagan, Albert B., 51, 79Red ocher, ceremonial paint, 18, 153,162, 171, 179, 181, 216, 259, 266,268, 303, 315Red World, 116, 117Reed, Joseph Manuel, 214Refrigerators, electric, 323lack of, 103Refuse piles, 53-54, 104, 105, 304Reins, 278Retrospect and prospect, 320-327Rice, 106"Rich" and "Poor," 225Rifles, 261Rio Grande area, 24, 27, 29, 30, 31, 50,51, 54, 63, 81, 82, 211, 272, 277Rio Grande Keres, 3Rio Grande Pueblos, 2, 62, 107, 314Rio Grande Valley, 320, 321Rio Jemez Valley, 62Rio Salado (Salt River), 30, 54Ritualistic ceremonialism, 226Rituals, 136, 226, 289, 324cleansing (Na-witca'nyi), 187Road (hiyanyi), of meal, 175Road runner {Geococcyx californianus)
,
31, 121, 147, 218 (fig.), 307, 312tail feathers used as decoration, 238,247Rock wren {Salpinctes obsoletus), 312Rocky Mountain bee plant (Peritomaserrulatum) , food and dye plant,56, 107Rodriguez, Father Augustfn, 20, 164Rohona, man with whip, 175Roman Catholic religion, 66, 67Roman Catholic theology, incorporatedin Indian myths, 114, 275, 276Rooms, use of, 47Rooster, used in rooster pull, 275, 276Rooster pull (gallo), 10, 88. 227, 274,275-276Rope, buckskin, 215Rosary, 281, 282Royce, Charles C, 84Rug, Navaho, 260Sacred bundles, 190Sacred Heart Church, Albuquerque, 214Sacred places, 306, 315, 320Sacristan, 66, 125, 133, 215, 216, 227,264, 265, 276, 281, 282, 283Sahanyiko, weather ceremonies, 146,228Sahanyikikya, solar ceremony, 146Saint Elizabeth's Hospital, Washing-ton, D.C., 106Saint's house, 271, 272, 273, 314Sai'yap* masks, 247, 248 (fig.)
Saiyatac (supernatural being), 171Saiyatac masks, 171, 239 (fig.), 240, 242Salas, Andreita, 213Salas, Carrie Theodora, 186Salas, Jesus, 212Salas, Julian, 214Salas, Lucia, 128Salas, Luciana, 98Salas, Remijio, 55, 212, 213Salas, San Antonio Pablo, 186Saltbush {Atriplex canescens), 31, 127,184Salt katsina masks, 169Sandia Indians, 321Sandia Mountains, 31, 111Sandia Pueblo, 8, 22, 30 (map), 63, 79,274, 321Sandia Reservation, 321San Felipe Indian Reservation, 30 (map)San Felipe Pueblo, 6, 8, 10, 18 (map),24, 29, 30 (map), 33, 40, 43(table), 44 (table), 56, 63, 79, 80,81, 87, 96, 109, 123, 147, 148,152, 168, 172, 175, 176, 177, 211,214, 226, 227, 228, 256, 257, 258,259, 267, 278, 300, 303, 317, 318San Gabriel, 21San Geronimo, 278San Ildefonso Pueblo, 26, 56, 256, 313Sanitation and hygiene, 324, 327San Juan Anasazi culture, 17San Juan's day, 227, 274San Juan region, 17, 71, 202, 205, 214San Pedro's Day, 227, 274Santa Ana Pueblo, 6, 9, 10, 18 (map),22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30 (map),33, 34, 40, 43 (table), 44 (table),56, 62, 63, 64, 66, 79, 80, 82, 87,96, 101, 106, 110, 111, 113, 114,121, 123, 126, 130, 132, 133, 134,138, 147, 148, 152, 155, 156, 166,168, 170, 172, 176, 177, 193, 223,224, 225, 226, 227, 238, 256, 257,258, 267, 269, 274, 275, 279, 288,307, 313, 314, 315, 317, 321Santa Clara Pueblo, 202, 205, 214, 281,288Santa Domingo Pueblo, 1, 6, 10, 18(map), 21, 24, 26, 27, 30 (map),33, 34, 40, 42, 43 (table), 44(table), 46, 54, 57, 58, 63, 66,67, 71, 72, 79, 82, 114, 119, 123,133, 138, 147, 152, 166, 168, 172,173, 176, 177, 226, 228, 229, 259,267, 269, 271, 272, 274, 278, 288,300, 313, 317Santa Fe, 8, 13, 24, 58, 59, 81, 109, 161,270, 325Indian School at, 213"Santa Maria," song for festival, 271Santiago, Spanish saint, 114, 220, 227,271, 274, 275, 278, 279, 280, 314Santiago's day, 227, 279Sant Pedro y Sant Pablo, early namefor Sia, 21, 63San Ysidro, 55, 80, 81, 103, 108, 284
INDEX 353Sash, embroidered, 233, 313white, 180, 233, 272Saunders, C. F., 46, 321Sawatc (black mineral), 303Scalp Dance, 177Scalping, rules regarding, 305Scalps, 147, 176, 177, 285, 305, 306Scalp songs, 180, 305Scalp-taker's Society (Opi), 176, 305,306Scarlet fever, 101Scholes, France V., 22, 62Scholes, France V., and Bloom, LansingB., 22, 62, 63Schooling, 324, 327Schools, 57-61boarding, 324Catholic, 58church boarding, 59day, 59, 60, 68Federal Government Indian board-ing, 58, 59, 60, 323Mission, 58private boarding, 58public, 57Schoolteachers, 60, 61, 68Scrapers, 323Screens, 47, 104Sea-serpents, pictures of in kiva, 51Seashell (Halioti cracherodii) , 238Secret societies, 124, 125, 206Secret underground chamber, 53Selection and installation of officers,135-136Selenite, 31windows of, 31, 47Semana Santo (Holy Week), 280-283Senamakotsamatsa wikacanyi (half-night doctoring), 289Serpent, Plumed, 112Sewing machine, 199, 323Sex ratio, 42Sexual relations, abstinence from, 229,232, 255, 256, 266, 282, 291, 297,299Shalako (Zuni god), 171Shalako ceremonies in Zuni, 9Shaman, see Medicine men.Shawls, 21Sheep, 23, 54, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93(table), 94, 107, 108, 225, 260,270, 297, 301Sheepskin, 216, 217Sheep's wool, 249, 313Shells, 238, 260, 268, 312pendants of, 247Shepard, Anna O., 56Sherds, 19Shields, 280, 282, 305Shije, Amado, 183Shije, Benina, 70, 71, 74, 76Shije, Cecilio, 128Shije, Dominga, 127Shije, John Saiz, 185
Shije, Jose Rey, Sia inhabitant, 68, 70,71,98Shije, Juan (the Cacique), 48 (diagram),49, 125, 126, 127, 128, 190Shije, Juan Andres, 214Shije, Juan Diego, 127Shije, Juan Ramo, 127Shije, Loretta, 190Shije, Luciana, 212Shije, Marcus, 214Shije, Rita, 190Shije, Salvador, 98, 185Shije, Sebastian, 185, 186, 213Shije, Sofia Ramona, 213Shije, Theodora, 190Shije, Trinidad, 185Shije, Vicente, 128, 214Shikanyi (name of Society), 115Shima Society, 5, 9, 98, 115, 147, 148,149, 286, 316medicine bowl of, 316 (fig.)Shipap, map of world, 112, 113, 118, 202,217, 218, 219, 263, 264Shirts, buckskin, 175colored, 268, 272cotton, 45, 259Shiwana (shiwanna), see katsina.Shiwana 6wak (shiwana baby), 199Shiwana songs, 149Shoes, leather, 21Shrew (Sorex personahis) , 112, 114, 116,139, 153, 289, 297Sia, xii, 2, 4, 5, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 32, 77,103, 104, 106, 110, 122, 204, 207,208, 320, 325, 327age distribution, 37 (fig.), 38 (fig.),39 (fig.), 40 (table), 41 (table)baptism of, 63clan census of, 186 (table)conversion of, 63cultural position of, 11, 82-83future of, 327heresy at, 67heretic's version, 07-72orthodox version, 72-77history of, 17-28kivas, 3marital status, 43 (table), 44(table), 45population, 35 (fig.), 36 (table), 36(fig.), 37 (fig.), 38 (fig.), 39 (fig.),40 (table), 41 (table), 42sex distribution, 37 (fig.), 38 (fig.),39 (fig.), 40 (table)Sia and her neighbors, 79-81Sia clans, 185 (table)corn clan, 127, 186, 189, 190Wacpa clan, 127, 185, 186, 189, 190Sia Hill, 202Sia informants, xii, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 27,33, 51, 52, 53, 56, 64, 67, 71, 76,83, 86, 98, 104, 106, 112, 113, 114,115, 116, 120, 124, 12.5, 126, 127,129, 132, 134, 135, 137, 139, 141,142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 154, 155,156, 158, 162, 168, 170, 171, 173,
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Sia informants?Continued176, 179, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186,187, 190, 191, 192, 199, 200, 202,209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 219, 221,222, 224, 227, 228, 230, 237, 244,249, 250, 254, 256, 265, 266, 272,275, 277, 279, 280, 281, 288, 296,298, 299, 309, 311, 312, 313, 314,317, 318, 322, 325, 326Sia Pueblo, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 19, 20, 21,23, 25, 26, 28, 30 (map), 40, 43(table), 44 (table), 47, 48 (fig.),54, 55, 57, 62, 67, 73, 79, 80, 82,83, 84, 87, 89, 96, 101, 105, 123,154, 164, 165, 170, 171, 172, 183,220, 222, 223, 224, 288, 314, 315,321 322former village sites near, 18, 19Sickness (hi-yatsanyi), 295Sickness and treatment, 284-300Sickuri (grass), 172Sicti (common people), 116, 118, 182-183, 224, 237, 247-250, 253, 255Sicti nawai (war chief), 52, 184Side dancer, 240, 242, 255Sikiri masks, 149, 245 (fig.), 246Sillanos (Sias), 29Silversmithing, 57Simbola, Juanita, 71, 76Simpson, J. H., 27, 52Singers, 134, 135, 174, 182, 183, 187,224, 253, 257, 260, 261, 268, 272,274, 304, 306, 314Singing, 199, 254, 295Sioux Indians, 207Skirts, full, 268Skulls, artificial deformation, 33cephalic index, 33Skunk, fur on moccasins, 238tail, 240Smallpox, 285, 286epidemic of, 26, 101, 102Smoke signals, 305Smoking, 46, 234, 254Snakebite, 104, 157, 158, 285treatment for, 158, 160Snake ceremony, 82Snake clan, 165Snake Dance, 165Snakes, 51, 139, 145, 153, 156, 157, 158,159, 160, 162, 164, 286, 288, 289bull, 31hog-nose (Heterodon nasicus), 31,112horned, 157, 162, 317king, 31Sia conception of, 157-158supernatural, 110, 112, 114, 116whip, 31Snake shaman, 158, 201Snake society, 2, 3, 48 (diagram), 65,113, 137, 139, 140 (table), 141,142, 145, 146, 150, 156-162, 165,183, 201, 212, 216, 224, 228, 230,237, 246-247, 285, 291, 298, 315costume of, 162, 163 (fig.), 294
Snake society?Continuedhouse of, 158, 159, 162initiation into, 158-162, 160 (fig.),161 (fig.)membership in, 165Snakeweed (Gutierrezia sp.,), 31Snowfall, 32Soap, bars of, 265Soapweed {Yucca baccata), 187, 238, 301whips of, 172, 240, 242, 247, 255Social affairs, 132, 220Social Science Research Council, xiSocial organization, 123-219, 226Societies, 136-198joining methods, 142-146Societies and curing, 298Songs, 136, 147, 162, 174, 219, 226, 232,282, 289, 290, 291, 295, 297, 300,302, 307, 312importance of, 114, 115, 116, 159,174, 295new, 265, 270, 303Sores, body, treatment for, 286Sosa, Caspar Castano, 123Soul, return to earth, 320Southern Pueblos Indian Agency, 103Southwest Society, xiSpades, 323Spaniards, 62, 63, 79, 80, 123, 320Spanish-Americans, 86, 105, 106, 130,131, 221, 270, 271, 276, 284culture, 66Spanish-Catholic elements, 275Spanish conquest, 101, 320Spanish explorers, 19, 23, 24, 123, 236.320Spanish grants, 84Spanish settlers, 6Sparrow hawk, 31, 169feathers of, 242Spears, 280Spencer, Robert F., 33Spider, 157, 158Spider Grandmother, 278Spruce, 31, 111, 232, 233, 234, 237, 238,240, 242, 246, 247, 249, 253, 309Spruce, Douglas (Pseudotsuga mucro-nata), 116Spuhler, J. N., 32Squash, 87, 119, 180, 261Squash Clan, 184, 185Squirrel, 31Star, game played by men, 281State Welfare Department, 109Station wagons, 322Stcamun, ceremonial paint, 161, 162,179, 257, 303, 304, 311Sterility, treatment for, 285Stevenson, James, 1, 5, 27, 29, 33, 51,56, 64, 65, 162, 164, 212, 236,237, 315Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,9, 11, 29, 45, 47, 51, 54, 55,56, 57, 58, 64, 65, 66, 80, 81,86, 88, 93, 111, 112, 113, 114,115, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126,
INDEX 355Stevenson, Matilda Coxe?Continued127, 128, 129, 130, 135, 136,138, 139, 146, 147, 148, 152,154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162,164, 165, 168, 169, 171, 172,176, 177, 179, 184, 185, 188,190, 192, 200, 202, 203, 205,210, 212, 218, 230, 236, 237,249, 250, 252, 255, 263, 264, 269,285, 286, 288, 295, 305, 307,309, 316, 317, 321, 324Stew with meat, 108, 298Sticks, cause of sickness, 288, 297symbolizing dead body, 216Stick swallowing, 83, 152, 229StiUbirths, 105, 202, 215Stockraising, 325, 327vs. farming, 87Stomach disorders, 284Stores, 54-55Storms, 32Stoves, 323Strep sore throat, 101Stubbs, Stanley, xi, 48, 51Sucking, curing method, 168, 295, 297Sugar, 87, 108Suicide, unknown, 106Sun, worship of, 26, 50, 113, 119, 120,139, 166Sunflower, painted on mask, 238Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 168Sus-sis-tin-na-ko (Their Creator), 65,113, 114, 154See also Tsityostinako.Swallow, 219Sword (wa-di), 153 (fig.)Sword-swallowing dance, 152, 156SyphiUs, 101Tables, 323Tablita, woman's headdress, 244, 246,271, 272, 274Tadpoles, 316Tamar6n, Bishop, 26Tanager, western, 112Tano Pueblos, 24, 79Taos Pueblo, 2, 24, 33, 46, 249Taxes, 223Tcaiyanyi (medicinemen), 5, 52, 115,116, 118, 119, 120, 147, 155, 159,161, 162, 181, 234, 285, 286, 288,297 312Tcaiyanyi' Society, 137, 146, 147, 155,232Tcdkwena dance (no English equiva-lent), 267-268Tca-ma-hi-ye, warriors of, cardinalpoint, 165Tcapio, 271, 279Tcilika Tcirika (desert sparrow hawk),169, 242Tci-ma-hai-ye, name of warrior ofcardinal points, 165See also Cosmology.Tcirika see Tcilika.Tcitci (sibling), 83
Tcraikatsi (vicar), 124, 125, 126, 127,128-129, 135, 136, 200, 222, 227,230, 231, 263, 301, 303Tcua (snake), 165Teachers' quarters, 323Tejanos (Tcxans), 29Telephone, 323Television sets, 225, 323, 325Temperature, 32Tesuque Pueblo, 8Tewa kivas, 3, 51, 164, 236, 256, 312Tewa villages, 13, 24, 79, 123, 258Textile, woven, 238Theft, 221petty, 220Theurgists, 5, 65, 135, 139Thomas, Alfred B., 26Thorns, cause of sickness, 288, 297Thunder, 51, 114Tiamunyi (cacique), head of politicaland religions organization ofpueblo, 53, 115, 121, 124, 125-128, 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 144,145, 146, 148, 161, 162, 177, 182,190, 200, 222, 226, 227, 230, 231,232, 242, 244, 246, 250, 252, 253,254, 255, 257, 263, 264, 267, 269,281, 282, 283, 290, 299, 301, 302,303, 320stafif of office of, slender staffcrooked at end, 126, 129, 131,135, 177, 226, 227, 270Tiguex, 20Timi (cotton felt blanket), 296, 312Toads, 31horned, 317Toasters 323Tobacco' 46, 108, 265, 275, 280, 312Tobacco clan, 70, 98, 184, 185, 186, 189,190, 212lineage, chart of, 70Toledo, Jose Rey, 78, 214Tools, 325Topography, 31Toribio, Crescendo, 212Toribio, Harviana, 98Tortillas, 21, 108, 206Tortolita (Dove) clan, 184Towers, Lem., 42, 87Toyah, Simon, 214Trachoma, 101, 102, 105, 284, 326Tractors, 225, 323Trapping and inducting persons intosocieties, 143-144, 173Transportation, 322Trousers, 259, 260, 268, 272Truck, pickup, 225Tsa-ts (soul or breath), 304Trees, supernatural, 110, 112Trujillo, Florence, 185, 186, 213Trunks, storage, 47Tsackanits masks, 247, 248 (fig.)Tsaiyawaiya (midwives), 200Tsamahlya (title), 131, 139
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 184]Tsapacroma (tsapacromi) (sacred place)
,
181, 182, 235, 301, 306, 312, 315Tsaccrati mask, 182, 240, 241 (fig.)Tsats (soul, breath), 187, 216, 217, 280Tsatya gowatcanyi (Masewi's helpers),131, 234Ts^'ja, see Tsiya.Tse'jame people (people of Tsiya), 29Tsiakiya (War chief), 129, 172Tsiakiya teniente (War chief), 129Tsibi (sacred place), 312Tsika moti (cicada boy), 117Tsi-na (turkey), 256, 257Tsinaodanyi wikacanyi (all the wavdoctoring), 139, 289, 290-298Tsi'panyi (dry) ceremonies, 142Tsitisi (mint), 284Tsits cro-wi (horned snakes), 316Tsitsctoc (water or snake), 188Tsityostinako, supernatural being, 113,115, 116, 119, 120, 121, 159, 229,236Tsiwikame (trap), 173Tsiya, pueblo ruin, 17, 18 (map), 19, 29Tube, used with medicine bowl, 233(fig.)Tuberculosis, 101, 102, 105Tubs, 261metal, 187Turkeys, 21, 31, 51, 54, 89, 90, 95(table), 107, 108, 119, 120, 146,149, 154, 158, 180, 218 (fig.),256feathers of, 238, 244, 247, 304, 307,309, 311, 319Turquoise, 181, 307, 312jewelry, 270Turquoise kiva, 48 (diagram), 50, 51,52, 183, 184, 266, 306Turquoise Point (Cuwimi Tsinaotice),sacred place, 312Turtles, 31Tusayan (Hopi), 185Twitchell, R. E., 22, 25Typhoid, 101, 102Umbilical cord, 201beliefs regarding, 199Underground chamber, 48 (diagram)Union force, 27United Pueblos Agency, 34, 36, 43, 57,58, 59, 67, 85, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93,94, 95, 96, 99, 107, 109U.S. Census Bureau, 34, 36, 43U.S. District Court records, Santa Fe,67, 77U.S. Geological Survey, 1U.S. Government, 131, 327jurisdiction of, 222U.S. Indian Agency, 36, 42, 43U.S. Indian Field Services, 101, 130U.S. Indian Hospital, Albuquerque, 33U.S. Indian Schools, 102, 207U.S. National Museum, xi, 29, 50, 162U.S. Navy, 213
U.S. Public Health Service, 41, 101, 102name accepted by, 29U.S. Senate Report, 36, 40, 41, 42, 54,58, 77, 84, 85, 86, 87, 101, 103U.S. Weather Bureau, 31University of Micliigan, xiUniversity of New Mexico, 33University of Oklahoma Press, xi, 48Unmarried adults, 208, 210Uranium, 31Utctsiti, supernatural being, 115, 116,117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 125, 127,218, 219, 229, 236, 263, 307Ute Indians, 79Utensils, 325Utset, 154Vascular lesions, affecting central ner-vous system, 102Vase, ceremonial, 5Vegetables, 160, 161Venereal diseases, 101, 105Vicar, assistant to Tiamunyi, 124, 135,147, 162, 164Violin, 75Vogt, Evon Z., 239Vomiting, ceremonial, 181, 228, 230, 232,255, 256, 282, 291, 297, 299Voting privileges, 223Wabanyi (prayer feather-bunches), 253,296, 302, 309, 311Wa-boctca (bird down), 179, 296Wabunyi (shell gorget), 180, 238, 303Wage labor, 324-325Wagons, 269, 322Waicti (medicine bowl), 175, 201, 232,297, 300Wafoca mask, 242, 243 (fig.), 249Waititcanyi (medicine bowl), 217Walls, decoration of, 47-49Walpi, ceremonies at, 165War, 305-306War captains, 49, 52, 53, 69, 122, 123,124, 126, 131, 135, 136, 144, 212,289War ceremonies, 300War chief, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129-130,132, 135, 136, 148, 172, 176, 182,183, 184, 220, 221, 222, 223, 226,227, 228, 230, 231, 232, 244, 250,252, 253, 255, 256, 267, 269, 271,273, 276, 279, 282, 283, 290, 291,299, 301, 302, 305, 306, 320helpers, 131, 222, 227, 302residence of, 130, 172Ward, John, 27, 88War Department, 27Warfare, 285War gods, 129home of, 48 (diagram), 49War magic, 305War priests, 124, 129, 135, 176, 305Warriors, supernatural, 110, 111, 165,229 274Warriors' society, 137, 176, 305
INDEX 357Washing machines, 323Wash-kasi, game plaved by men, 281Washpa clan, 82, 184, 185Water, running, 323supply, 54, 104thrown on riders, 276Water bowl, 156, 294, 297Water clan, 184, 185, 186, 189, 190, 213Watermelons {Citrullus vulgaris), 87,106, 202Wdtiyama (ladders), 117, 311Wawa (medicines), 316Wayuhona dance, 304Weapons, 282, 283, 305Weather control ceremonies, 146, 149,154, 165, 171Weather spirit, 110, 111Weaving, 57WeUs, 54, 99Wendorf, Fred, and Reed, Erik K., 17,51Wenima (Wenimatse), home of Katsina,168, 170, 171, 236, 253, 255, 326"Wet" ceremony, 10, 142, 149, 156, 165Wheat {Triticum vulgare), 86, 87, 106,118, 145, 226, 297bread of, 303Whip, 242Whipping away, curing method, 295Whirlwind Old Man, 278Whiskey, 46Whistle, 139, 177, 181, 298, 300eagle wing bone, 177White, Leslie A., 3, 6, 8, 11, 13, 31, 33,42, 43, 46, 50, 55, 56, 02, 66, 67,69, 70, 82, 87, 107, 110, 111, 112,113, 114, 119, 125, 128, 131, 134,145, 147, 148, 152, 153, 154, 155,156, 166, 168, 170, 172, 175, 176,177, 182, 183, 184, 185, 192, 193,196, 203, 212, 218, 219, 223, 224,226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 236, 238,249, 250, 256, 258, 259, 267, 269,271, 272, 274, 275, 276, 278, 279,280, 281, 285, 288, 300, 307, 309,312, 313, 314, 317, 318, 319White, Mary, xiiWhite clay, used as hairdressing, 266White House, on "Map of World," 112,118, 119, 120, 236, 313Whites, 76, 77, 84, 320White's Census, 36White world, 117, 118, 219Whooping cough, 101Wicbi (wicpi), ceremonial object, 229,302, 303, 311 (fig.)-312WIcdyuma, yucca badge of oflBce, 139,175, 181Widowers, 209, 211Widowhood and remarriage, 211Widows, 99, 209, 211, 220Wikacanyi (doctoring), 139, 289, 290-298
Wikori (father), 117, 118, 168, 242, 244Wildcat, 31, 240, 242, 246, 247Wi-mo-ti (Opi dance), 259Windmills, 54Windows, selenite, 31, 47store, 47Winds, 32Wine, sweet, 46WInock''' (heart) yunyi (songs), 295Witcatsi (quartz crystal), 307, 318-319(fig.)Witchcraft, 9, 22, 29, 130, 287-289, 299Witches, 111, 114, 284, 288, 295, 297,298, 299, 300, 318, 326Witch fights, 298Wolf, 112, 114, 116, 139, 153, 297Wolf and sheep, game played by men,281, 282 (fig.)Women, ceremonial costume, 127contributions to subsistence, 45dress, 45functions at ceremonials, 294functions at hunts, 301hair dressing, 46married, 99supernatural, 110, 111-112unmarried, 198Wooden frame, ceremonial, 156Woodpecker, 288Wood rats (Neotoma sp.), 107, 121, 130,202, 230, 301Wool, 90 (table)World, map of. 111 (fig.), 112World War I, 176World War II, 103, 148, 176, 204, 209,213, 287, 325Worms, eating of, 206Wounds, treatment of, 146, 147, 285Wren, feathers of, 307Wrenkiva, 48 (diagram), 50, 51, 52, 183,184, 259, 266, (fig.), 272, 274,301, 306, 314Xemes, 19Yabdcinyi (yapaicini), (sand or mealpainting), 173, 317Yakatca (reddish brown ocher), 139,161, 171, 257, 259Yamahiya (title), 131, 165Yan6 (hidden ball), gambling game, 264,Yapaicini, see Yabdcinyi.Yapi (staff), 128, 129, 133, 136, 177Ydracdyuma (jingles), 179, 260Yarn, 238Yasedyume (fertility), 207Yaya (mothers), 116, 117, 118, 125,126, 127, 182, 202, 307Yaya kapc, ceremonial spot, 202Yellow World, 116, 118, 242Yo-ma-hi-ye, name of warrior of cardi-nal points, 105See also Cosmology.Yo-wisa (left handed), 287
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BiiU. 1S4]Yucca (Yucca baccata), 31, 107, 139,162, 179, 187, 238fiber of, used on masks, 238Yucca glauca, 295leaf hoop of, 233 (fig.), 311whips of, 246Zdrate-Salmer6n, Fray Ger6nimo de,20, 62
Zia, see Sia.Ziaquebos, Punamees Province, 21Zuni Indians, 8, 9, 79, 80, 152, 171,207, 208Zuni kivas, 3, 52Zuni Pueblo, 1, 6, 20, 21, 24, 62, 63,112, 164, 170, 236, 241, 295O