SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 186
Anthropological Papers, No. 66THE YAQUI DEER DANCE: A STUDY IN CULTURALCHANGEBy Carleton Stafford Wilder
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CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 149Methods 149Informants 151The ethnographic position of the Yaqui 152The fiesta pattern in Pascua with reference to the deer dance 157The deer dance 165Costume of the maso 165Musical instruments 167Deer dance at the Acufia Cumpleano, February 24-25, 1940 169The Gloria, Holy Saturday morning 174The deer songs 176Introduction 176Songs 1 to 20 176Discussion of the deer songs 196Form 196Content 197Summary 200Variation in form and meaning 202Conclusions 205Appendix 1. The Deer Hunt 206Appendix 2. The Rain 207Appendix 3. The Deer Hunter 207References 208ILLUSTEATIONSPLATES(All plates foUow p. 210)39. The procession, Palm Sunday, 1937.40. The maso.41. a, Water drum. &, Rasping stick and resonator.42. a, Ramada scene. &. The ramada.TEXT FIGURES PAGE17. The church and the household 16318. Plan of ramada 16319. Position of the maso at the Gloria 174147

THE YAQUI DEER DANCE: A STUDY INCULTURAL CHANGEBy Carleton S. WilderINTEODUCTIOlSrThis is a study of an aspect of Yaqui ceremonial life as observedin 1939^0 in Pascua, a settlement founded in Arizona by immigrantYaquis from the tribal homeland in Sonora, Mexico. ^The deer dance was reported by Spicer as having been omittedduring 1936-37 from many ceremonies at which it might have beenheld. Accounts of older Arizona Yaquis also indicated that the deerdance was losing elements of form and meaning. It was suggestedthat the position of the deer dance represented an adjustment of theculture of Pascua to a condition of decreased importance of the naturalenvironment in Yaqui life. The conclusion was that the deer danceand its animal associations were no longer relevant to the economiclife or to any other aspect of life in Pascua (Spicer, E. H., 1940 b).The present study is an attempt to describe the form of the deerdance in Pascua in 1940 and the meanings still attached to it, to seekexplanation of the causes related to the persistence of these meanings,and to inquire into the function of the deer dance in Yaqui culture ofPascua of the period.I wish to acknowledge my great indebtedness to Dr. and Mrs.Edward H. Spicer, both of whom have generously put at my disposalthe results of their studies in Pascua.I also wish to thank Dr. Emil W. Haury for m^aking available fundsand study collections of the Arizona State Museum, Prof. WilliamKurath for critical advice concerning the presentation of linguisticmaterial, Mr. and Mrs. Jean B. Johnson for their assistance withYaqui grammar, and Mr. David J. Jones and Mr. Donald J. Lehmerfor photographic material. METHODSMaterial was gathered with reference to a specific problem, but in-terpretation was made in terms of the whole context of Yaqui society1 In "Pascua, A Yaqui Village in Arizona," a description of pertinent historical infor-mation will be found, as well as a description and analysis of Arizona Yaqui culture andsocial organization of the period (Spicer, E. H., 1940 b). 149
150 BUREAU OF AIMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186and culture as observed in 1940. Several modes of attack wereutilized
:
1. An examination of available material, primarily the fieldnotes and manuscript material of E. H. and K. B. Spicer, as a basisfor imderstanding the problem in relation to other aspects of Yaquiculture.2. An examination of available ethnographic material concerningselected tribes in the Southwest and in northern Mexico in order toestablish the probable nature of aborginal Yaqui religion.3. The collection of material concerning the form of the deer dance.This included, besides descriptions of the dance and material cultureaspects of the dance, the collection of a series of songs used in theperformance. Inasmuch as the problem was to be an intepretationof culture in Pascua, the information was gathered there.4. Interpretation and observation. This included interviews withcertain types of individuals in Pascua for native attitudes concerningthe dance as well as study of historical material. Observation wasdirected especially toward overt expressions of the relationship of thedeer dance in Pascua to other ceremonial aspects of Yaqui culture.5. A 2-day trip was made to Vicam Estacion, Yicam Viejo, andPotam pueblos in the Rio Yaqui area. Portions of two deer danceswere witnessed in Vicam Viejo. A complete dance was observedalso at Guadalupe village near Phoenix, Ariz., and a portion of adeer dance was observed in Barrio Libre, near Tucson.The material which presented the most difficulties in collecting wasthe deer songs. It was essential to the solution of the problem thatthe deer songs be collected in the form in which they are customarilysung, and in the order in which they occur in the dance. ^ The fol-lowing procedure was followed in collecting the songs
:
1. Four deer singers (masobwikame), with the musical instrumentsused in the dance, were taken to the recording studio of the SpeechDepartment, University of Arizona. In one morning, 20 songs wererecorded. By collecting this number it was assumed that materialsufficiently representative to provide a reasonably accurate descriptionof the form and content of the deer songs would be acquired. Forthe sake of clarity in the phonographic recordings, the voice of the2 Both E. H. Spicer and Jean Johnson have collected deer songs in textual form. Inboth cases, these songs have been spoken, and do not reflect the form of the song whensung. They are essentially rationalizations, in Yaqui, of the deer songs. Valuable asthese native interpretations are, my interest was in the formal presentation of the songsas well as in the meaning, as the form itself has meaning in reference to the dance andthe concept of the dance. Stress accent in Yaqui shifts depending on context and hastherefore not been indicated except in the transcription of the mechanically recorded textsof the deer songs (see p. 176). It may be said that in most Yaqui words there is greaterstress on the first syllable although prominent exceptions occur in words adapted fromSpanish.
NS^ee*]^' ^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER 151chief deer singer was singled out, tlie microphone being so placed thatthe voices of the others and the instruments were kept in the back-ground. Also, for the sake of economy of time and record space,each song was sung through once. The second and third repetitionswhich normally occur in the complete song during a dance wereomitted.2. A phonetic transcription was then made of each of the songs,from the phonographic recordings.3. In a series of interviews, utilizing the chief deer singer (whosevoice was recorded on the phonograph records), and an English-speaking, Arizona-born Yaqui informant who was not a deer singer,another phonetic transcription of the words of the songs was made.The phonograph recordings of the songs and the original transcrip-tion were constantly used during these interviews as checks on theaccuracy of the informants. A translation, as literal as possible, wasattempted at this time and general discussion of matters concerningthe songs was encouraged in order to acquire context for further inter-pretation of the songs.4. An intensive study of the songs and translations was made,using Yaqui texts, a Yaqui dictionary, and notes on grammar, allcollected by the Spicers in 1936-37. Of inestimable help were the com-ments and short sketch of Yaqui grammar furnished by Jean Johnson.5. A final review of the songs was made with the two informants,and several meetings were held with the English-speaking one alone.At this time, supplementary linguistic material was gathered in anattempt to clarify the meanings of the songs.INFORMANTSThe principal informants utilized during the course of this studywere:
'Juan Silvas (Jose Angel Alvarez), 40, single, no kin in Pascua, but cere-monial sponsorship relations with Pascuans. Speaks Yaqui, Spanish, Papago(?), English (?). Is chief deer singer at present. Matachin kovanau (direc-tor) at one fiesta in 1939 in Pascua, but present ceremonial activities arelimited to participation in deer dance activities.'Frank Acuna, 35, married, several children, kin and ceremonial relativesin Pascua. Speaks Yaqui, Spanish, English. Is member of fariseo and mata-chin societies, sings deer songs. Native of Arizona, educated in ranch schools.In cotton-picking season is weigh boss on a ranch. A progressive type ofYaqui who has compromised with his economic environment by living in Pascuaonly during the ceremonial season and spending the remainder of the year onthe ranch where he is employed.
2 Informants who sang for phonograph recordings. All of them were paid for thisperformance.
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186
^ Juan Alvarez (Juan Maso), the maso, or deer dancer. 40, single, supportssister and her family. Ceremonial sponsorship relations in Pascua. Yaqui-Spanish speaking. Fariseo and mataehin societies. Because of his activitiesin fariseo and mataehin organizations, he was not able to dance the deer danceat Palm Sunday and Easter, 1940. A young boy was trained to take his place.
^ Luis Robles, 30-35, married. Kin and ceremonial relatives in Pascua.Yaqui-Spanish speaking. Mataehin society and deer dance singer.Joe Dolores Romero, 20-25, married, one child. Ceremonial relatives andkin in Pascua. English, Yaqui, Spanish speaking. Caballero and mataehinsocieties. Native of Arizona. Does not know deer songs. Aided in transla-tion of them, together with Juan Silvas. Furnished a translation of most of thesongs, which he wrote in English. (These translations are included with thedeer songs as translation I.) An alert, willing, reliable informant. He waspaid for formal interviews concerned with translation of the songs.Lucas Chavez, age 60 plus. Widower, lives alone. No kin alive. No cere-monial relatives in Pascua. Reads and writes in Spanish. Speaks Yaqui.Participates as third maestro and/or temasti in church services. Formerlyactive in Yaqui political organization, now non-existent. Is village postmasterand mail carrier. Well versed in Yaqui-Catholic ritual as well as in aboriginalYaqui customs and mythology. Both Spicer and Beals * have relied on thisinformant. Probably the best general informant in Pascua.Information was gathered from numerous other individualsthrough casual conversation during the course of the study. Anattempt was made to gather information relative to the meaning ofthe deer dance to representative persons of two general age groups,those under 25 and those over that age—preferably 40 or older. Fivein the latter group were contacted, and seven in the former group.THE ETHNOGEAPHIC POSITION OF THE YAQUISince this study is devoted primarily to one aspect of culture—thereligious—no attempt will be made to define the whole of Yaqui culturein relationship to that of its neighbors, but rather, the emphasis willbe on the conceptual treatment of the deer among various groups ofnorthern Mexico and Southwestern United States as described in pub-lished material.As to the ethnographic position of the Yaqui, Beals states
:
On the basis of greatest similarities and the general feeling of the culture ofeach area, in the last analysis the Cahita [Yaqui and Mayo] and the Tarahumaremust be considered closest to the Southwest, while the other coast and Sierranpeoples are closest to the Mexicans. [Beals, 1932 a, p. 146.] ^
3 Informants who sang for phonograph recordings. All of them were paid for thisperformance.4 Beals, Ralph L., University of California at Los Angeles.s This study was based on historical mention of characteristics of native peoples inMexico. Beals has used these characteristics as culture traits and attempted a compara-tive analysis of the tribes of northern Mexico.
NS^eeT'"^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER 153That the position of the Yaqui and Mayo is marginal is emphasizedby the fact that in drawing the boundaries of the cultural provincesin northern Mexico, the Eio Yaqui constitutes the northern boundaryof the Old Sinaloa Province, and the southern boundary of the OldSonora Province (Beals, 1932 a, pp. 134-139)
.
The marginal nature of the Yaqui-Mayo group may best be broughtout by citing the percentage figures derived by Beals, on which he hasbased his conclusions. The figures indicate the percentages of traitsoccurring mutually in the areas under consideration (ibid., p. 145) :63 percent of Old Sinaloa traits are found in the Southwest56 percent of Old Sonora traits are found in the Southwest59 percent of Southwest traits are found in Old Sinaloa77 percent of Southwest traits are found in Old SonoraComparing percentages with Mexican cultural provinces and theprovinces in which the Cahita are located, Beals notes
:
The Southern Sierra region shows an unexpectedly low correlation with theTepic-Culiacan area and Sinaloa and a surprisingly high correlation with theSonoran province (in view of the geographical situation). The nomadic peoplesshow not only an understandably high relationship with the Southwest but asurprisingly high correlation with Sinaloa and Sonora as well, the relationshipbeing closer than with the adjoining provinces, another suggestion of the intru-sive nature of Cahita culture and perhaps the Cahita themselves. [Ibid., p. 145.]From all of this material, as Beals admits, few conclusions of def-inite nature can be made. The problem is a difficult one, as it is nota problem of defining culture areas, but rather one of defining varia-tion in one large culture area. I would judge that Beals includes theSouthwest area as it has been defined at the present as a cultural prov-ince of this larger area (ibid., p. 145). Including the Southwesternarea as a cultural province in the larger northern Mexico culture area,we can still find no definite line of demarcation between any of theprovinces—a line such as separates the Plains area from the South-west, or Northwest, for instance. In the absence of more detailed in-formation concerning the cultures of not only northern Mexico, butalso of the Southwest, it is safe to conclude that a basis for compari-son exists between the Cahita and tribes both to the north and south ofit, in the Southwest, and in Mexico as far south as the Jalisco-Tepicprovince.In this discussion, comparisons will be limited primarily to the con-cepts concerning the deer.Among the Huichol, considering one of the distinctly Mexicangroups (which Beals has included in the southern Sierra province),the deer is an all-important mythological and religious figure. Hui-chol religion is essentially a system of nature worship (Zingg, 1938,p. 257).
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186
... as soon as tlie seed corn sprouted [according to a myth], it cried like alittle deer and tlien like a child. The mythology speaks of the deers[sic],which are killed for the parched corn ceremony for burning new corn-fields, asyielding both corn and peyote. The corn is taken from the sacred horns of thedeer. One of the most interesting participations between corn and the deer is thatthe hungry and crying corn-children eat the deer-meat offered to the sacred god-disc in the cornfield (ibid., p. 257)
.
More numerous than the identifications of corn with the deer, are those thatidentify the deer with peyote. In the first pilgrimage which was a hunt for thedeer, Peyote, all the tracks of the deer were changed into peyotes. The religionrequires that those little cacti be shot with an arrow as a deer is shot. This isactually done (ibid., p. 258).The importance of the deer in Huichol religion is further indicatedby such features as the names of both classes of shamans, maSa^akame, maSa, 'deer' (ibid., p. 206). A deer dance is given. Skinsof deer are not used, although it is so commanded in mythology. Thedance is one engaged in by both men and women. Its characteristicfeature is the stamping of feet. The deer dance, as might be ex-pected among the Huichol, is the same as the peyote dance (ibid.,pp. 400, 496). "The tail of the deer is one of its most sacredparts and is thought of as a feather to be used as a shaman's plume.It is as sacred as hawk or eagle feathers" (ibid., p. 308)
.
Although Zingg makes no specific mention of association of the deerwith flowers (it has, after all, ample floral association with corn andpeyote) , the conceptual treatment of flowers is considered in this dis-cussion because of flower association of the deer among other groups,and because of their importance in Yaqui religion today (Spicer, E.H., 1940 b, e.g., pp. 254-255)
.
Flowers and beautiful green leaves adorn the outside altars during all cere-monies, as well as the altars of the god-houses. . . . Flowers, including a beauti-ful orchid, are used as a hyssop for sprinkling things and people in the Huicholbaptism with sacred water ... it is with the wet-season goddesses that flowershave the most intimate relationship. Thus they are associated with rain, growth,fertility, and increase. [Zingg, R. M., 1938, pp. 246-247]
.
The lack of direct association of the deer with flowers is bestexplamed by the fact that the deer is a dry-season god (ibid., p. 307),whereas flowers are primarily wet season in association.Among the Tarahumare, native religious elements are obscuredand m many instances have been replaced by the introduced Catholicelements of religion (Zingg, conversation, 1940). However, fiestasfollow patterns of activity given by the supernatural, and the twodances which occur at fiestas were originally learned from animals.The rutuburi was taught by the turkey, and the yumari, traditionallythe oldest dance, was learned from the deer (Lumholtz, 1902, vol. 1, p.
^^t^^OjP- P^P- YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 155335). The yumari controls the sun and moon and causes them toattend the fiesta.Among the Papago, the deer is included among those animals,birds, and insects endowed with both beneficial and harmful power.Deer sickness can be cured by the singing of deer songs, songs acquiredthrough dreaming (Densmore, 1929, p. 90) . The deer tail is impor-tant in curing and is considered as effective as those very rich offerings,eagle down and beads. Deer hunting is the most skilled of Papagocrafts. Every step in the process of hunting is "given," i.e., has beenacquired through supernatural contact in dreaming. The night priorto a deer hunt, songs are sung describing the deer and its habitat.Some of these songs are sung by the flowers on which the deer grazes,some by the deer itself (Underhill, 1938, pp. 63-56)
.
That the deer occupies a position more important than that of otheranimals is indicated by the position it occupies in the ceremonies of thePapago. In the Yikita, the "Prayer Stick" festival, the deer playsa conspicuous part.Then came the first group. . . . Ahead of them walked a Sprinkler of Cornmeal,blessing the ground on which they would walk. Then came a little boy maskedlike the older singers and carrying a rod with a bluebird feather at the end.After him came the twelve young men, carrying a platform made of cactus ribson which there might be a great image of a cloud or a mountain made of buck-skin with small carved birds upon it; or perhaps a deer or a giant cornstalk(ibid., 1940, p. 53).The Vikita follows another ceremony, called a deer dance by Under-hill, which takes place in the autumn.Its object was to work magic over all the crops which had been gatheredand over the first deer of the season, to make them safe for eating during thewinter. Hunters went out to look for the deer .... The deer tail was con-sidered- a magic property and was taken back ... to be used in curing.[Ibid., p. 50.]Among the Pueblos the information concerning the deer is not asdetailed as among the Papago. At Zuni, the deer causes sickness(Parsons, 1939, p. 96). It can also cure and protect one's health.In order that a Zuni child may keep well and walk early, hairs froma deer are burned and the child held over the smoke ; wax from thedeer is placed in the ears of the child to give it good hearing. TheZuni believe the deer is never sick (ibid., p. 92)
.
The hunting of the deer receives ceremonial elaboration at Zuni also
:
. . . the deer is stalked ritualistically ; he is enticed with sacred esotericsongs, he is killed in prescribed manner, and when brought to the house isreceived as an honored guest and sent away with rich gifts to tell others ofMs tribe that he was weU treated in his father's house. [Bunzel, 1932, p. 488.]
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186Control over the deer is ritualistically expressed also in the RioGrande Pueblos. A deer dance is reported for Taos (Parsons, 1939,pp. 842-844), San Juan (Buttree, 1930, pp. 52-54; Parsons, 1939,p. 912), Cochiti (Parsons, 1939, p. 633), and Isleta (ibid., 1932,p. 337).In summary, it can be said that deer ceremonies occur throughoutthe combined northern Mexico-Southwestern culture area, and thatthese ceremonies differ according to the religious pattern of the vari-ous groups considered. In spite of the variation in the conceptualand ritual treatment of the deer in the various tribes, certain simi-larities are observable, and these similarities can be characterized astraits typical of this area. Since the cultures which have been con-sidered in this comparison belong to the culture area to which theYaquis belong, it is not improbable that the Yaqui deer ceremonyhas some elements in common with the deer ceremonies of the Huichol,Tarahumare, Papago, and Pueblos.In Pascua we are dealing not only with an apparently non-Christianceremony in a community in which the Catholic religion has obscuredthe aboriginal religion, but also we are dealing with a community inwhich the economic-geographic base is no longer that which it wasformerly (or which it is today in the Rio Yaqui). As a result ofthis latter change, if aboriginal Yaqui religion was in part a reflectionof the relationship of the Yaqui to their environment, this relation-ship no longer exists in Pascua today. Through comparison withother tribes of the same area, which have been affected less by change,we are able, through interpolation, to indicate some of the probablecharacteristics of the aboriginal deer dance in Yaqui culture.From the material considered, it would seem that the deer is ofparticular importance among the Huichol, where he occupies theposition of a deity. His position among the Tarahumare is not clear,apparently because of the influence of Christian religion. Amongthe Papago, the deer is important because of its value as a foodanimal and for curing. There is some indication through the ac-counts of its ritual treatment that other values are associated withit. The fact that in the Yikita ceremony the image may be that ofeither a deer or giant cornstalk may be significant. Among thePueblos, the curative aspects of the deer concept are perhaps not asimportant as among the Papago; the deer ceremonies appear to bedirected primarily at the control of the deer as a source of food.However, the aspects of curing and control of food supply are presentamong all groups considered.In relating the Yaqui deer concept and ritual treatment of the deerto the concepts and treatments of other tribes in the area it is well to
NS^ee^*"^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 157remember that Beals has suggested that the Cahita are marginal toboth the Southwestern tribes and those of Mexico. He has inter-preted some of the elements of Yaqui-Mayo ceremony from this pointof view (Beals, 1932 a and 1932 b; Parsons and Beals, 1934; Spicer,1940 a). Likewise, in view of the marginal position of the Cahita,I would suggest, in inferring the nature of the aboriginal Yaqui deerdance, that not only the ritualistic treatment of the deer as foundamong the Pueblos and Papago be considered, but that the moredeeply rooted religious significance of the deer, as found among theHuichol, be considered. In this connection, it is interesting to recallthat Beals found a surprising correlation, statistically, between theculture traits of Sonora-Sinaloa (Yaqui-Mayo) and the SouthernSierra (Huichol).THE FIESTA PATTEEN EST PASCUAWITH EEFERENCE TO THE DEEK DAIS^CEIn order to understand the position of the deer dance in Pascuatoday it is necessary to present a brief description of the religiousactivities of Pascua, since it is in terms of this context of ceremonialactivities that we must interpret the deer dance. In this chapter wewill consider the principal types of ceremonies, the principal types ofceremonial participation, and the formal expression of the relation-ship of the various types of ceremonial participation as expressed inthe procession. ^The importance of ceremonial activities in Pascua is indicated bythe following statement:
. . . Forty-seven percent of the days of the year from July 1936 to July 1937were occupied with ceremony of some kind, counting every day on which therewas any ceremony at any time of day or night (including the Easter seasonbut not including limosnas). There were fifty-one days on which there wereservices both in the morning and evening or throughout the day, thirty-threemornings, and thirty-nine evenings. [Spicer, MS. 1939, p. 37.]The principal ceremonies are as follows (ibid., pp. 33-44) :Noncalendrical (household or personal) :1. Baby funeral2. Adult funeral3. Novena4. Cumpleano5. Fiesta de promesa6. Baptism7. Marriage8 Spicer, R. B., 1&39—the source of factual material presented in this chapter concern-ing activities of ceremonial participants other than that of the deer dancer. My observa-tions were limited to the deer dancer and his formal relationship to the other participantsin ceremonies as exemplified in the procession and other aspects of the fiesta.
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186Calendrical (cliurcli or group—impersonal) :1. October novenas for the dead2. May vesi)ers for the Virgin3. Morning service for fiesta4. Evening service for fiesta5. Vesper for fiesta6. All-night fiesta7. All-day fiestaThe noncalendrical observances are those related primarily to theindividual, family, and household. The calendrical observances arethose which are a matter of group concern, and as such are of a lesspersonal nature. Celebrations of various Saints' days as well as theceremonies of Lent are participated in by the entire group. Novenasappear under both classifications, as they are both a ceremonial mani-festation of an individual household and a ceremonial concern of theentire village in the period prior to All Souls' Day, when the churchformally acts in behalf of the dead of the entire village.As might be expected, in a society in which ceremonial activitiesare of so much importance, participation on the part of individualsof the commmiity tends to be organized. Expression of this organi-zation is most common in the form of societies. Types of partici-pants in Yaqui ceremonial activities are
:
1. Matachinis.—A dance society, the members of which serve for life. Mem-bership is determined through promise made to cure illness. The individualmay promise himself, or his obligation to dance may be the result of promisemade by members of his family at the time of his illness. Frequently, suchpromises are made during childhood, the individual participating actively assoon as he has reached a reasonable age. There is no age limit ; participationmay begin as early as five years. Membership is restricted to males. Patron-ess of this society is the Virgin Mary.Membership may be acquired merely through the desire to dance, the mostimportant function of this group. Unmarried members are expected to be muchmore faithful in fulfilling their duty by dancing than are married ones. Approx-imately seventy members in Pascua in 1936-37 (Spicer, MS. 1939, p. 18).2. Fariseos.—A society which is dominant during Lent, supplanting the mata-chinis almost entirely during this time. Dancing is infrequent, and can beconsidered one of the less important activities of this group. Unlike the mata-chinis, this group functions as a police organization and is in effective controlof village activities during the Lenten season. Membership may be by cap-ture, i.e., eating with the members of the group, and because of misconduct ofvarious sorts. Most members are acquired, however, through promise, as istrue with the matachinis. Membership is for life. Participation in the activi-ties of the fariseos takes precedence over participation with the matachinis,if a man is a member of both. The lower age limit appears to be about sevenor eight years, as the duties of this group are much more arduous than thoseof the matachinis. The patron of this society is Jesus Cristo.3. Maestros.—Currently there are five maestros in Pascua. Although notas closely organized as the above groups, the maestro group functions essen-
^jthrop.Pap. YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 159tially as a society. The maestros are leaders of the cliurcli services and it isup to them, or the maestro mayor, specifically, to see that services are held onthe proper days, and that the church services in connection with private fiestasare conducted. Membership is through ability and desire to become a maestro,and also through promise to Jesus Cristo. All deities of the Christian religionare served by the members of this group.4. temastim.—Closely allied to the maestros are the temastim, who serve assacristans. They may be promised, or serve through choice. The duties of thetemastim may be properly performed by a maestro, and a temasti may, uponmastery of the ritual (and having the ability to read) serve as a maestro. Thisis a male organization.5. kopariam or cantoras.—A society of women who serve with the maestrosas a group directly connected with the altar. They serve either through desireor vow. Their chief function is singing of chants in support of the maestros.If serving under vow, their patron is Jesns Cristo.6. kiostim.—Group which takes care of the images and altar paraphernalia.The duties of this position may be fulfilled through vow to the Virgin.7. alpesim.—Young girls, fulfilling a vow through service, working with thealtar group.8. tenancim.—Women, who through voluntary and temporary service, notthrough vow, carry the images of the Virgin in the various processions.9. Caballeros.—Male group in the service of the Virgin of Guadalupe. Theyare closely identified in activities with the fariseos and their original functionapparently was to serve as a check on the activities of the fariseos (whoseritualistic activities are in opposition to those of the Church). Service isthrough vow.10. Coyotes.—These are the ritualistic manifestation of the warrior society.This group is of little importance in Pascua. Its members did not formallyappear in 193&-37 at the time of the Spicers' study, but an attempted revivalwas observed during the past two years. The few members present in Pascuaare old men, and the group suffers from lack of organization and a leader. Incertain processions this group acts as an escort for the image of Christ. Inothers it has carried an image of the Virgin of Guadalupe.11. Pascolas.—Important ceremonial roles are played by the Pascolas. Theydiffer from those mentioned before, however, in that they are not organized ina society, but must be classed as individual participants in ceremonies. Theyfunction as ritualistic hosts at fiestas. Dancing is an important duty performedby them, but is not the only one. They do not serve through vow, althoughfrequently, through rationalization, an attempt is made to link the pascolaswith the church groups by identifying them as serving for Jesus Cristo.12. Maso.—The deer, or deer dancer, is closely associated with the pascolas.Like them, he is not dedicated to perform for a deity, is not a member of anorganization or society, and unlike the case of the pascolas, no attempt is made,through rationalization, to equate the maso with the Christian religion.It is important to note in what formal respects the activities of themaso differ from the other types of ceremonial activities.The majority of ceremonial participants in Pascua belong to anorganized group, or society. The maso shares the individualisticcharacteristic of his role with but one other type of participant—thepascola.
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYTable 1.
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Comparison of ceremonial groups [Bull. 186Matachinis Fariseos Maestro-Cantora Pascola MasoHow organizedPatron deityPromised? Society Society Society-..AU deities-YesYes. -Yes Individual Individual.Yes """ Yes No - . No.Afliliated with Yes Yes - No No.church?Ritually associatedwith church?Importance ofdancing.Dance native or Yes — No - No No.ImportantSpanish _. Occasional ImportantBoth Important.Native (?) . Native.Spanish.Activities other Yes Yes —
.
Yes No.than dancing?Types of appear-ances: Except LentChurch servicesSaints' Days,Cumpleanos,Fiestas depromesa,Palm Sunday,Easter.
LentAll ceremo-nies inLent. Atfunerals ofmembersthroughoutthe year.
All year...All cere-monies. AU year.b. Ceremonial... Children'sfunerals,Cumpleanos,Fiestas depromesa,Palm Sunday,Easter,Saints' Days.
One Saint'sDay,Cumpleano(one). Fiestade promesa(one), PalmSunday,Easter.The majority of participants take part in ceremonial activitiesbecause of a promise made to a deity. The maso and pascola are againdistinct from the other participants in that they are not promised.As opposed to the types of activities which are ritually associatedwith the church, the maso, together with the pascolas and fariseos, arenon-church, or household, in ritual association.The ritual importance of dancing is apparent in one type of churchactivity, that of the matachinis. (Dancing cannot be considered oneof the more important aspects of fariseo participation.) The masoand pascolas have ritually important dances.There seems to be no seasonal association of the deer dance, some-thing again shared only with the pascolas. But as for frequency,the deer dance occupies a position by itself, rivaled in this respect onlyby the almost extinct coyote society dance.The functional interrelation of various types of ceremonial activityis very clearly expressed formally in the procession, a feature of cer-tain of the household fiestas. The procession is an important charac-teristic of the larger, pueblo fiestas also, but can be considered an elabo-ration of the basic household type of fiesta. The sequence of eventsin a household fiesta follows this order
:
1. The fiesta starts as a private observance by the members of the household.2. The fiesta is opened to the public in the afternoon following its start.3. About sundown (the actual time varies greatly), the church officially entersthe fiesta, the church participants coming from the church in formal processionto the household ramada where the fiesta is being given.4. A ceremony of greeting is carried on by the householders and householdparticipants upon arrival of the procession from the church. The householders
NS^ee^]^'^^^" YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 161escort the church groups and their images to the household ramada, where forthe remainder of the fiesta the village church and images are established.5. Church services are carried on through the night in the sacred part of thehousehold ramada, while food and entertainment are provided for the entiregroup of participants and spectators by the fiesteros and their representatives.The entertainment is in the form of pascola activity in the profane '^ part of theramada. For the most part the pascola activities are not synchronized withthe activities of the sacred side of the ramada.6. In the morning, usually around 10 o'clock, the church group leaves, signi-fying the closing of the fiesta. A procession occurs again, it being essentiallythe reverse of the ceremonial arrival of the church group the evening before.Prior to leaving the household fiesta, a formal expression of gratitude andthanks to the various participants is made. This is immediately followed bythe departure of the procession to the church, taking with it the images andparaphernalia of the church.It is in the greeting of the church group, and the escorting of theimages into the household ramada that we are most interested, as inthis part of the procession the maso, if he is present, takes part. Withthe arrival of the matachinis who accompany the images of the Virginsat the altar set up in front of the ramada (encampamiento altar) andthe placing of these church images on the altar, the householders,together with some of the maestro-cantora group which have precededthe others of the church group, go out to the encampamiento altar inthe following manner (left to right) :fiesteros maestros pascolas ^and and andfiesteras cantoras masoandtampaleo
"
At the encampamiento altar, the sponsorship of the fiesta by thefiesteros is acknowledged formally by the alpesim who wave their ban-ners over the pascolas and maso, and then the householders. Thealpesim than turn the flags over to the women householders and theprocession starts from the encampamiento altar to the ramada. Thematachinis and the pascolas and maso all dance, the step of the pas-colas and maso being a "curtsy step," first one foot and then the otherbeing placed in back and the knee being bent at the same time. Thepascolas and maso dance into the ramada and out three times, the pas-colas howling like animals, preceding the images. On each side of themaso and pascola are the matachinis who likewise dance in and outthree times, finally remaining outside the ramada. After the third
' The use of "sacred" and "profane" conforms to the use by Spicer, E. H., 1940 b, p. 184.8 Accompanying the pascolas and maso are their two moros. The moro yaut (headmoro) is in charge of the pascolas. The moro in charge of the maso is known as masomoro.» Tampaleo is the musician who plays the drum and flute (both at the same time) forthe pascola dance.623-738—6.3 12
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186time, the procession with the images has filed into the ramada and theimages are placed on the altar. The pascolas and maso retire to theprofane side of the ramada, and stand facing the altar. During thisceremony, the deer musicians are in the ramada, as their instrumentscannot, by nature, be employed in a procession. They are singingduring this time a procession song, "I don't want the flowers to move,but they constantly are moving."After the completion of the ceremony of placing the images on thealtar, the pascolas and maso retire to their respective places in theprofane part of the ramada.In the morning, at the completion of the fiesta, the images aredanced out to the encampamiento altar again, the pascolas and masoleading the group, the pascolas howling like animals and all dancingto the music of the flute and drum as before. The images are for-mally transferred to the church group, and then the householdersreturn with the household santo to the ramada, where it is placed onthe altar. They are preceded by the maso and pascolas dancing andhowling, and they again dance in and out three times before allowingthe image to be brought in. ]^one of the church group accompaniesthe fiesteros, maso, and pascolas, but remains at the encampamientoaltar. Immediately after this, the maso and pascolas retire to returnin ordinary daily dress for the thanking ceremony which occurs next,prior to the departure of the procession for the church.The variation from this basic pattern of the fiesta is found in thepueblo fiestas. The variation is principally in the fact that a ramada,permanently located in one part of the church plaza takes the placeof the household ramada. It is, in effect, the ramada for the village.It is divided into sacred and profane portions, and the fiesta whichtakes place in this ramada is of the same nature, but more elaboratethan that which takes place in the household ramadas (figs. IT and 18).Also to be considered is the elaboration of the procession on theSaturday before Easter, at the ceremony of the Gloria. ^° Again,as in the usual fiesta and procession pattern, the deer dancer is closelyassociated with the pascolas. The deer's activities are limited todancing during the Gloria. The pascolas and moro yaut activelyassist those women who throw confetti and leaves at the attackingfariseos. The maso himself, however, does not throw flowers, butdances vigorously as his contribution to the defense against the attackof the fariseos. At this time he dances to the music of the maso-bwikame, who are seated at one side of the cleared space.
^0 See Splcer, R. B., MS., 1939, pp. 85-151, for description and interpretation of theevents of Holy Week,
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 163
CHURCH HOUSEHOLDFIESTERORAMADA HOMEri 11 1CHURCHPATIOCHURCH^___^ r.hiirrh Pofio Cross f ^^^3^PATIOn Cruz Mayor Ramada Crosst t f-, ENCAMPAMIENTO
. ^ ALTARKITCHEN RAMADAUFigure 17.—The church and the household.
(SACRED) (PROFANE)ALTAR
o o oMAESTROSo o oo oCANTORAS
MATACHIN DANCEAREA
PASCOLA MUSICVIOLIN HARP
© © ©PASCOLADANCE
^^-^ MASODANCEAREATAMPALEO @
MOROYAU7MASOMOROORaspRaspOWaterDrumj
< e g e n dP = PASCOLAM = MASOFigure 18.—Plan of ramada.
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186An example of a procession in which the maso takes part is shownon the following chart. This particular procession is to take thepalms on Palm Smiday from a place near the pascola ramada to thechurch (pi. 39).
Matachinis X X MatachinisX XX Y P P M Mm TAcolytes XX XX alpesim XCaballeros X X Caballerosand andFariseos X Table of Palms X FariseosX (4 men carrying) XX XX Figure of Christthe Nazarene XX XX Figures of the XX three Marys XChart 1.—Example of procession in which maso takes part. (Y=moro yaut orpascola moro; ?«= pascola; M= maso; Mm=maso moro; T= tampaleo.)In summary, the deer dance occurs both at household and pueblofiestas. Of all the types of ceremonial activities considered, the deerdance is the one which appears at fiestas the least frequently. Thedeer dance is the only ceremonial activity which has no other formthan that of a dance. The deer dance is set off from other activitiesalso on the basis of lack of Spanish elements, something which even thepascola, basically a native performer, does not share with the maso.The deer dance, in form, has more characteristics in common withthe pascola activities than with any others. Kitually, when the deeris present at a fiesta, deer and pascola are in close association. Bothl)ertain to the household of the fiestero, and their activities take placein that part of the ramada in which church activities do not take place.(In pueblo fiestas, the maso and pascola are identified ritually withtlie pueblo at large, who are the fiesteros—again in contrast to theother participating groups, those of the church.) The identificationof these performers with the household or pueblo, in contrast to thechurch, is clearly indicated in the procession itself. The procession
NS^eeT'"^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 165is led by the matachinis ; ^^ then follow the pascolas and maso, forminga distinct group, having its own music. The pascolas and maso dance,facing first the matachinis and then the church groups which followcarrying the images. They are the representatives of those givingthe fiesta, and they escort the church groups to the fiesta and awayfrom it. THE DEER DANCECOSTUME OF THE MASO"When dancing, the maso wears a stuffed deer head (awam, 'ant-lers'). This head may or may not be a real deer's head. The one inuse in Pascua at the present time apparently is not genuine. Thenature of the skin used could not be determined. It has glass eyes,and the head was shaped around a small pair of antlers. Ears havebeen added, and are tied to the lower part of the antlers so that theyremain in a lifelike position. There is no bone framework for thishead. When in use for ceremonies, the antlers are wound with redsilk ribbon, and a large bow of the same material is placed on the head,between the antlers.As a foundation for the deer head, the head of the dancer is wrappedin a large white cloth, of large neckerchief size. This is folded intriangular manner, the fold itself coming about halfway down onthe forehead of the dancer. The sides of the cloth are carried aroundthe head twice and tied in a knot in back. It covers the entire top ofthe head. Sometimes a short flat stick is inserted vertically throughthe knot. A small loop attached to the back of the deer head is placedaround the knot. The circular bottom of the deer head (representingthe upper part of the neck of the animal) then rests well forward onthe dancer's head. To secure the deer head firmly, a rawhide stripwhich is attached to one side of the deer head is passed under thechin of the dancer and through a small opening in the ring formingthe bottom of the deer head. This strip is pulled tight and secured
" It Is with the matachinis that the pascola-maso group is most closely identified in theprocessions. The pascola-maso group dance between the church groups and matachinis,facing first one and then the other (see plate 39). It is the matachinis, pascolas, andmaso who dance in and out of the church or ramada three times before the church groupsenter- The possible nature of the relationship between the maso, in particular, and thematachinis will be considered later.Another basis of division is apparent in the fiesta activities other than the processions.During the fiesta proper, in a pueblo fiesta, the matachinis, angelitas (very young girlsparticipating through promise), and some of the maestro-cantora group return to thechurch after the procession. Remaining at the ramada with the image (on Easter, 1940,It was an image of the Christ Child) were the remainder of the maesto-cantora group, theangelitos (very young boys participating through promise), the caballeros, fariseos, andthe pascola-maso group. This division of participants crosscuts the formal association ofparticipants as observed in the procession." Compare with Montell, 1938, pp. 153-159, for costume and instruments collected inTlaxcala and Tucatdn.
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186by looping the strip under itself once. The tightened strip passesfrom under the chin in a vertical line in front of the ear to the deerhead. The head is thus securely fastened in two places, under thechin and at the back of the head by means of the knotted cloth.The maso, like the pascola, wears nothing above the waist. It mustbe noted, however, that one pascola who appeared at a householdfiesta on the Friday before Pahn Sunday wore a red neckerchiefdiagonally across his chest, passing over his left shoulder and loopedunder his right armpit. The maso on Palm Sunday and Easter atPascua was similarly dressed in this respect. However, none of thepascolas wore a red neckerchief at these fiestas, and the maso at otherdances observed did not wear one, but was uncovered above the waist.It is usual for both pascola and maso to have a string of black andwhite beads with a mother-of-pearl cross hung around the neck.The maso wears trousers which are rolled up at the bottom abouthalfway up the calf of the leg. (In many cases this exposes the legsof winter-length underwear, which are not rolled up out of the way.)Over the trousers is worn a folded, fringed rebozo, tied securelyaround the waist and hanging to just below the knees. This overlapsseveral inches in front, allowing free leg movement for the dancer. Inall cases observed, this skirt has been a dark blue-green color.Around the waist, over the skirt, is worn a heavy leather belt,called the rijutiam, from which are hung on strips of rawhide numer-ous deer-hoof rattles. The rawhide strips are inserted in the belt asclose together as possible so that the deer hoofs are always touchingand give the appearance of being bunched and standing out.Around the ankles and extending up to the base of the rolled-uptrouser legs, are strips of cocoons sewn on rawhide and wrappedaround the legs. These are called teneboim. The cocoons have beenopened, cleaned out and cured so that they resemble a soft whiteleather. In each cocoon are placed several pieces of gravel, and theentire cocoon is closed by sewing it onto the rawhide strip. Accordingto Densmore, the cocoons are Rothschildia jorulla (Densmore, 1932,p. 156).In each hand, when dancing, the maso holds a gourd rattle (aiyam)
.
Although not necessarily, according to informants, these gourd rattlesare usually of different shape. That which is to be used in the righthand is somewhat elongated, and that which is to be used in the lefthand is spherical in shape. The relationship between form and func-tion is direct in this case. The elongated one has, relatively, a shortertransverse diameter, and is better suited to the purpose of beatingout the rhythm of the music. This is done by revolving the rattle,emphasizing by rapidity the first half of the circle described by the
nI%Y' ^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 167rattle when it is used. In this way, the advantage of the short axisis utilized, as the gravel within does not have to travel so far in orderto produce the desired effect, nor does the rattle have to be moved asforcibly as would be the case if it were more spherical in shape. Inorder to distinguish readily between the two rattles, the handles arecolored differently. One has a solid blue handle, the other red.^^Both gourds used in Pascua are painted a bright red. The rattlesare made in the following manner : the top is cut off a gourd and asmall hole cut in the bottom. A wooden handle is sharpened andpressed firmly through the entire gourd and through the hole in thebottom. Gravel is put in the gourd. A cap of gourd shell alreadyon the handle is held to the gourd and handle with gum.The maso dances barefoot. Although he removes his headdressduring the fiesta whenever he is not dancing, at no time does he puton shoes or sandals (see pi. 40 for costume of maso.)MUSICAL INSTRUMENTSThe maso dances to the music of a set of instruments which areused for no other dance in Pascua. These are a water drum and twosets of rasping sticks.The water drum consists of a large half-gourd which is floated,inverted, in a pan of water. The drummer steadies the gourd withhis left hand, touching it lightly with his fingers, or holding to astring attached to the gourd. With his right hand he beats the gourdwith a supple stick which is wrapped in cornhusks and tied by aspiraling cord. The native term for the drum is bakubaji, and forthe stick, bajiponia ("water drum" and "water hitter").The rasping instrument consists of three parts. The rasping stickitself is a narrow stick having a series of notches extending acrossit for almost its entire length. These are close together, resemblingthe arrangement of teeth on a saw. The two specimens of rasps whichare in the collection of the University of Arizona are apparentlymade from mesquite, a very hard, dense wood. The rasp is calledjirukia and means "teeth in a row." A much smaller, slender stickis used to rub across the notched stick. This is made from the sametype of wood. It is, in effect, a heavy twig which has been peeled,smoothed, and rubbed imtil it has a satin finish. The Yaqui termfor this is jirukia aso.la, "little jirukia." The right-hand extremityof the jirukia is rested on a bweja, or half-gourd, somewhat similarto but not as large as the half-gourd used for the water drum. Thisgourd is likewise inverted, but rests directly on the ground. The
" See pi. 40. The handle of the right-hand gourd is carved to differentiate it from theleft-hand gourd. Notice also the flower painted on one of the gourds.
168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186player holds the left-hand extremity of the rasp loosely in the palmof his hand, controlling it sufficiently by his thumb and fingers to keepit from sliding off the half-gourd. The small stick is moved with awrist motion rapidly over the rasp during singing by the players(see pis. 41 and 42).Music is furnished for the deer dance by the players of the raspand water drum. They kneel in front of their instruments or varytheir position by sitting with legs crossed in front of them and singthe various deer songs as they play the instruments. The chief singer,who hums the pitch before each song and who leads the singing ofeach song, sits in the center, playing a rasp. The two others sit oneither side of him, there being no particular order apparently, althoughin most of the dances observed the water drum player sat at theleft of the chief singer, and the other rasp player sat at his right.A good deer singer is one who sings with much gusto, and can makehis song carry over the combined noise of the rasps, water drum,maso gourd rattles, rustling of the teneboim of the maso, pomidingof his feet, as well as over the various accompanying musical soundsof the pascola dance which is performed at the same time as thedeer dance. Table 2.
—
Description of deer dance
Musicians Deer dancerPosition Dance action Gourd manipulationSingers begin slow scrap-ing of rasps. Waterdrum tapped slowly. In front of deer singers,in forward part oframada. Puts on deer head andtakes gourd rattles inhand. Shakes gourds briskly as hepicks them up. Signalthat maso is ready fordance.Rasp action becomesfaster; water drumtempo increases. Pitchof song hummed bychief singer. In front of singers,facing them. Gourds not moved, held ineach hand, pointeddown.First singing of basicstanza of deer song. Both knees bent, leftfoot slightly forward.Arms extended for-ward holding gourdshorizontally towardstagers. No foot mo-tion.
Gourds vibrated rapidlywith wrist and lower armmotion in series of down-ward jerks, resulting incontinuous rattling.Pause between first repe-tition of basic stanza.No singing, but raspsand drum continue atfast tempo. Each singer saluted bythree do^vnward jerks ofthe gourds in unison asabove. No break tacontinuity of rattling ofgourds.Basic stanza simg forsecond time. No foot motion. Posi-tion similar to above,but becomes moreerect in posture. Liftshead to look both toright and left once.Gourds held higherand closer to body.
Rattle in left hand rotatedin small circle, counter-clockwise. Motion offorearm, but principallywrist. Right hand rattlebeats out rhythm andkeeps time with words ofsongs. Is rotated inlarger circle or moved inseries of rapid up andback motions across rightside of body of dancer.Results in a churningsound.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDERTable 2.
—
Description of deer dance—Continued 169
Musicians Deer dancerPosition Dance action Gourd manipulationBasic stanza sung forthird time. Moves in limitedarea of ramada, infront of singers.
Faces singers (infront of singers).
Foot motion begins.Step consists of rapidtoe-heel shuffle on onefoot, with pointing orresting of ball of otherfoot on ground, lightlymomentarily touchingthe ground. Footaction shifted everyfour to six beats.
Turns around to right,returning to facesingers.
Basic stanza repeatedvarying number oftimes with pauses insinging between eachstanza. Rasps anddrum continue.Concluding stanza sung.(Coinciding with sing-ing oftheword betukun,or in position where itwould normally occur.) Arms dropped to side, andextended outward.Gom-ds vertical, pointedto groimd and vibratedrapidly, primarily withwrist motion.Song ends with return towords and music ofbasic stanza. Dances in front ofsingers, facing them. Returns to churning mo-tion of gourds.Entire song (basic andconcluding stanzas)sung twice more. Moves in limitedarea in ramada,faces singers eachtime concludingstanza is sung. Dances; does not varyshuffle and pointingstep. Turns com-pletely around at eachconcluding stanza. Churning of gourdsthroughout. No specialtreatment as at begin-ning of song. Rattlebelow knees when turn-ing for concluding stanza.End of entire song (afterit has been repeatedthree times.) Faces singers. Stops dancing. Putsleft foot forward abouteight inches, and im-mediately draws itback. Holds gourd rattles pointedto ground; does not movethem. Arms at side.Removes deer head. Places gourd rattles withdeer head in front ofsingers.Stands near singerswith arms crossed.To supplement the preceding description of the deer dance, anaccount of the dance as witnessed at a household fiesta is presented.DEER DANCE AT THE ACUNA CUMPLEANO,FEBRUARY 24-25, 1940The celebration followed the typical fiesta pattern, with private,family observances ending shortly after noon on Saturday, Febru-ary 24. Early in the afternoon, two pascolas began dancing in thedance ramada. By 7 : 15 p.m. the deer singers had taken their placesand the third pascola had arrived.^* The maso appeared at 7 : 25 p.m.
" It is interesting to note that a frequent excuse for not having a deer dance at a fiestais that a deer dance cannot properly be given unless three pascolas are present. At PalmSunday fiesta in 1940, only two pascolas were present, as was true of the Guadalupe Dayfiesta, Guadalupe village, 1939. At the Acufia fiesta, how^ever, a special trip was made toa point 20 miles away to secure an unwilling pascola to make a third. Another frequentexcuse for not having a deer dance at a household fiesta is the cost involved. A parallelsituation is reported by Toor in the Rio Yaqui country (Toor, 1937 b, p. 58).
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186The maso came out from the house directly into the ramada, thesingers singing, "Now you are coming out to play in this flowerwater." ^^ The maso moro, who accompanied him, led him directlyacross the profane portion of the ramada to the altar where bothkneeled and crossed themselves, repeating a prayer. As this wasgoing on the head pascola gave an imitation of a deer dance, dancingwith his mask on the side of his face. The maso returned to the secu-lar portion of the ramada, forcing the pascola away, and began danc-ing alone to another song which was sung immediately.^^ A thirdsong followed, in rapid succession, and the maso continued dancing.This third song was "Now let's wake up, little brother, and not betired anymore." ^^Upon the completion of this song the dancing stopped and therewas no more activity in the way of dancing in the ramada until afterthe procession from the church arrived.The maso removed his deer headdress and placed it with liisgourd rattles on the groimd in front of the deer singers. He stoodalmost motionless, with arms crossed in front of him in front of thedeer singers. This is the usual position for the maso when not danc-ing. It is customary for the maso not to speak, acting the part of ananimal, even when not in full costume.^^
15 "Flower water" refers not only to the mythological spring around which the deerdances, but also specifically to the water of the water drum in the ramada, which is beingplayed while the deer dances in front of it.i« In all other instances observed, the maso and maso moro go from the altar to thepatio cross where they send off cohetes (sky rockets). This is apparently an announce-ment, as it is so used for announcing processions and the beginning of pascola dances.Cohetes are also released by these same performers at the sunrise ceremony at fiestaswhich take place all night ; also during the procession in a child's funeral.1'^ It is customary to sing each deer song through three times if there are three pascolaspresent, two times if two pascolas present. Also, each complete dance consists of themaso dancing once with each pascola present. For example : while the song is sung threetimes, the maso dances with Pascola A. After a brief pause, while the rasps and drumcontinue, the maso dances with Pascola B, while the song is sung three times. Theprocess is then repeated with Pascola C. In the occasion being described no pascoladanced with the maso. Each of the three songs sung in rapid succession was sung butonce.This mode of entrance differs from that observed on Palm Sunday, 1940, in Pascua.At this time the maso came from the rear of the ramada (in the church plaza) and, ledby the maso moro, stopped in front of the deer singers who were playing their instrumentsand singing. The maso shook his rattles before the singers several times, then turnedand went to the altar in the sacred portion of the ramada. Maso and moro then went tothe cross in front of the ramada, crossed themselves and set off Chinese firecrackers (saidto be the equivalent of cohetes). On return to the profane part of the ramada, one pas-cola was dancing to the music of the drum and flute (pascola music), another was imitat-ing a deer dance in front of the deer singers. The maso moro led the maso across in frontof the dancing pascola, forced the one imitating the maso away and the maso finished thedance. He then danced with the second pascola for one complete dance (the song sungthrough twice).18 Spicer, B. H. and R. B., 1936-37, field notes. If the maso talked he would be nick-named "laughing deer" (informant, Lucas Chavez).In 1940 in all observed instances the maso has not talked. However, at Guadalupe,Vicam Viejo, and Pascua the maso handed cigarettes to members of the crowd—a custom
NS^e?]^' ^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 171With the arrival of the procession from the church, the maso andpascolas accompanied the householders, who carried lighted candles,to the encampamiento altar, being in the rear of the group. On thereturn to the ramada with the images, the maso and pascolas dancedahead, frequently turning and dancing back to the group with theimages. With the matachinis they danced into the sacred part of theramada and back again three times. When the images were depositedon the altar, the maso stood at one side, in the profane part of theramada. During this period of activity, the deer singers remainedin their usual place, singing one of the procession songs, "I don'twant the flowers to move, but they constantly are moving."The activities in the profane side of the ramada settled dow^n intodefinite form, a form having no relationship to the services being con-ducted sporadically in the sacred portion of the ramada. This formconsisted of each pascola dancing once to the accompaniment of themusic from the harp and violin, and after an indefinite pause andrest period, each pascola dancing to the music of the drum and flute.It was with the drum and flute dance of the pascolas that the deerdance also occurred. Several times during the next few hours, thepascolas would encroach on the territory reserved to the maso, butwould retreat when the maso moved in their direction. This was theonly variation during the singing of the next four deer songs. Thesesongs were
:
1. "When the fresh night comes, you fly up from a mesquite branch, cukulipo.tela."2. "Well, brother, so this is the flower deer. Shake your hoof, move yourhorns, rustle your teneboim, little brother."3. "You come with the dust storm, enchanted deer, running ahead of it."4. (An unidentified song.)During the singing of the next song interplay between the masoand pascolas began. The song was, "Those look like mountain dovesyonder, going rapidly toward the flower water. They will come awayfrom the water slowly, side by side." The interplay consisted of
of the pascolas. Both at Paseua and Guadalupe the maso took a drink of wine from abottle proffered by someone in the audience—an interesting departure from his usualaloofness.On Palm Sunday in 1937, as well as in 1940, there was more activity on the part of themaso and pascolas than in the Acuna fiesta being described above. Immediately after theIntroductory dance of the maso, the pascolas displayed much interest in him, approachinghim slowly only to retreat at the slightest movement of the maso in their direction. Thepascolas then threw dust on each other (see Appendix 3), making much point of gettingdust in the crotch. Thus prepared, they moved slowly toward the maso, each one makingseveral attempts to catch him—attempts which resulted in the disappointing catching ofsomeone in the crowd. Finally one pascola caught the maso by backing toward him.In 1940 this ended in the pascolas holding the arm of the maso, addressing him as masoilici (fawn), pointing out the place he was to occupy in the ramada, and promptly for-getting him. No further dramatizations took place after that.
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186one pascola dancing closer and closer to the maso as he danced. Themaso took recognition of the pascola's proximity by stopping in themidst of his dance and lunging toward him. The pascola did notgo away, however, and continued dancing at the heels of the maso.Just before termination of the dance with the first pascola, the masocollapsed doing a split, but quickly recovered and finished in goodorder. One of the pascolas clumsily imitated the maso and had to behelped to his feet again.The pascolas then danced to the music of the harp and violin again.The next deer dance was to the tune of the song, "Where are you lyingcalling, rotted stick?" The maso had to clear a space to dance in.During the dance with the second pascola, one of the other pascolas,with mask on side of face, crept in close to the flank of the maso andhowled like a dog. The maso stopped immediately, peered aroundand then cautiously contmued his dance. The pascola imitating adog danced in back of him. Before the dance ended the maso felltwice again, but recovered each time.During the pause between the dance with the second pascola andthe third one, the maso stepped over to one pascola and pretendedto suckle him with the deer head dress. The maso stepped awayalmost immediately and the other two pascolas rushed to take hisplace, clutching at the nipple of the pascola the maso had just left.The play between the pascolas continued, the maso returning to hisusual place and paying no attention. ^^ The pascolas soon tired oftheir play and the final part of that dance continued, the maso danc-ing with the third pascola. ^^The next deer dance occurred after several hours, and was dancedto the song, "You, enchanted ground squirrel, sound like a big animalup there in the corner (rincon) of the canyon."This was followed by the dawn service. The family giving thefiesta went out in a group to the patio cross and performed devotions.They were followed by the pascolas and maso and their respectivemoros. Each individual released two cohetes and then returned to
^ An almost identical performance was witnessed at the fiesta at Guadalupe village.Another favorite bit of side play by the maso is to step gently on the toe of a pascola andkeep his foot on the pascola's for several seconds. The pascola's protestations and howlsof grief serve to bring the other pascolas who anxiously push away the maso's foot only tofind that they too are caught. The maso will then walk away, leaving the three pascolasmotionless, in apparent grief over their predicament. It takes them quite some time, intypical clown fashion, to find that their tormentor has left them and that they can movetheir feet again. During this time there is usually much pleading and calling of the masoto extricate them. He does not comply with their requests.Also see Toor (1937 b, pp. 62-63) for description of a game of the pascolas and masoin Sonora.20 At Guadalupe, December 1939, the deer threw and spat water at the pascolas andcrowd. Playing with water did not occur in Pascua in 1940 at the deer dances. See Ap-pendixes 1 and 2.
nS!^67*^^^' YAQUI deer dance—^WILDER 173the ramada. From then until about 10 : 30 a.m. four songs were sung,and the maso danced four more times. Two of the songs were notrecognized. One was, "Where are you blossoming, mountain melon(sakobali) ?" The other was one of the procession songs, "What treewithout doubt is burdened with blossoms? Flower stick has manyblossoms [referring to the rasps]."The preparations for the procession from the house to church beganjust before 10 : 30 a.m. The maso and pascolas led the procession ofhouseholders out from the ramada to the encampamiento altar whichhad been erected beyond the patio cross. The custodianship of theimages was transferred from the householders to the church partici-pants, and the householders and their representatives, the pascolasand maso, were waved over by the fariseo bantaleo (flagbearer) , andby the alpesim. This fiesta took place during Lent. The house-holders then returned to the ramada with the household santo, pre-ceded by the pascolas, howling, and the maso. Pascolas and masodanced into the ramada and out again three times and the imagewas then placed, without further ceremony, on the household ramadaaltar. Pascolas and maso immediately retired to remove their cos-tumes. They appeared shortly afterward in ordinary dress to takepart in the ceremony at the encampamiento altar in which the partici-pants were thanked by the fiesteros. Eelative position of participantsis indicated in the following diagram
:
encampam 1entoaltarfiesteras fiesterosdeer singers famaso maestrospascolas andmoros matachinis
riseos
fariseosThe family remained in place at either side of the altar and theothers moved around in counterclockwise manner three times, shakinghands with the fiesteros. At the conclusion the procession formedto return to the church. The maso (not in costume) joined this pro-cession, going with the fariseo group of which he was a member.The deer singers and pascolas did not accompany the procession. ^^21 This same type of final ceremony takes place on Easter about 2 : 00 p.m. The maso,deer singers, and pascolas did not participate in the thanking ceremony in 1940. (Thechurch groups act as the fiesteros in this instance.) The maso moro was the only one ofthe deer-pascola group to participate.
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186THE GLORIA(HOLY SATURDAY MORNING)An activity of the maso which has special ritual significance isthe role he plays in the Gloria, the climax of the ceremonial activitiesof Holy Week (fig. 19). As observed in 1940, the deer singers, twoCHURCHCURTAIN)
CANTORAS X O Q MAESTROSand LECTERNunder canopy
CABALLEROS
MATACH!Nls/0COYOTES (8(s
.^OCottonwoodtwigs > •
PASCOLA MUSICo o •Violin Harp «O TAMPALEOO MASOMOROO RASPOraspo water drum,©0®Flowers ©
\ LINE OF^^ FARISEO C^ATTACK
DEERSINGERS
MATACHINIMUSIC
MATACHINIS
row ofCottonwoodtwigs
LegendY = MORO YAUTP = PASCOLAM = MASOFigure 19.—Position of the maso at the Gloria.pascolas ^^ and maso came from the fariseo shed and took their posi-tions about 10 : 30 a.m. Directly m front of the pascolas, and to oneside of the maso was a large canvas spread on the ground. On it wasa large pile of cottonwood leaves and confetti. These representedflowers. The position of the maso and pascolas, inside a line of ashes,i.e., between the ash line and the church, indicates that they are con-sidered "good" forces, as opposed to the "evil" forces, the fariseos.The ash line can be considered the boundary of the church. The22 The third pascola had also served as a fariseo during Holy Week. For the Gloria heparticipated as a fariseo.
NS*6r]^*^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 175position of tlie matacliinis, outside the asli line remains unexplained,although it is certain that it does not imply association with forcesopposed to the church.With each attack on the church by the fariseos, the pascolas andpascola moro throw handfuls of flowers at the invaders. It is theseflowers which successfully repel the attackers. The maso does notthrow flowers, but dances to the tune of "flower songs," the same asused in processions. During the first two attacks, the song to whichthe maso danced was "What tree is burdened with flowers." For thefinal attack, the song was, "I don't want the flowers to move, butthey are constantly moving."The pascolas not only throw flowers at this time, but they also danceto the music of the drum and flute, with masks on their faces. (Whenthey throw the flowers, the masks are on the side of their heads.)The appearance of the maso at the Gloria is of especial interest,as it definitely places him formally with the church groups for thisone ceremony, even though he is the one ceremonial performer whois never promised to a diety. (Attempts are made to equate thepascola performance with service for Jesus Cristo.) It also becomesapparent that the maso is where he is at the Gloria, not only becauseof his usual formal proximity to his close associates—the pascolas
—
but because he is identified with flowers. In this ceremony so closelyrelated to flowers, the maso apparently performs because of his as-sociation with flowers.In summarizing the dances observed in 1940, a basic similarity isapparent in all of the performances. The dance is, in its essence,repetitious and without direct meaning to other ritual aspects of thefiesta except in a few specific instances. These are
:
1. Processions. At the time of processions, the maso participates formallyin association with the pascolas, as a fiestero representative.2. At the Gloria, once a year, the maso, again with the pascolas, becomesidentified with the church groups in a very general way, as one of the partici-pants who is a "good" force as opposed to "evil."The performance has elements of drama in it, but elements only.In all of the dances witnessed, a limited amount of dramatic activitybetween the pascolas and the maso, in the nature of low comedy,occurs. This usually happens when the pascolas encroach upon thedancing area of the maso. As a result, the deer strikes back and withhis magical powers easily succeeds in befuddling the clowning pas-colas. The nature of this action between the maso and pascolas is suchas to indicate that it is a fragment, perhaps of an old dramaticpresentation, which has particular entertainment value even thoughremoved from its original context.
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186THE DEEE SONGSINTRODUCTIONTwenty songs, gathered from deer song singers at Pascua, wererecorded. Emphasis throughout the process of collection and analy-sis was on acquiring the meaning of the songs.^^ In the followingpresentation, in addition to the translations offered, there is includedadditional commentary in the form of explanatory notes derivedfrom the discussions and comments of the singers and informantsat the time of translation.Each song is divided into a basic and a concluding stanza. Thebasic stanza is repeated, with rests, ad. lib., from four to seven times.The concluding stanza is then smig once. This entire process is re-peated three times in actual practice to constitute the complete ren-dition of the song.Immediately following each song are two translations. The first,designated by roman numeral I, is a modern native translation aswritten by one of my Yaqui informants (not a deer singer) . ^^ Thesecond translation, designated by roman numeral II, is a free trans-lation of my own, and is offered as incorporating all or most of theideas specifically mentioned in the song, something which is not al-ways included in the native translation.SONGS 1 TO 20SONG ONEBasic stanza (sung five times)1. sewa malici ye.usuweyekai ?iinsu(flower) (fawn) (you^are about to come out) (this)2.Concluding sewaba.mpo yeyewe(in the flower water) (you play)stanza3. ?iyimiiisu seye wailo sewatebacipo(yonder) (place name) (in the flower patio)4. sewab^.mpo yeyewe(ui the flower water) (you play)5. sewa mallei ye.usuweyekai ?imsu(flower) (fawn) (you are about to come out) (this)6. sewabd.mpo yeyewe(in the flower water) (you play)
28 In order to make comparable the linguistic material collected among the Yaqui inArizona and the data being collected by Mr. and Mrs. Johnson among the Yaqui in Sonera,the material has been rewritten according to the scheme of phonetic transcription used byJohnson (1962) with the following exceptions: the symbod (c) is used instead of John-son's {&) and vowel length is indicated by (.). The departure from use of the Interna-tional Phonetic Alphabet facilitates the use of this material among Spanish-speakingpeoples, stress accent has been preserved as recorded from the songs.^ Joe D. Romero. See "Informants," p. 152.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDERTranslation 177
I. Little deer come out and play in this flower water. You live over therewhere the sun rises in the place where the flowers grow. Come and play in theflower water.II. Little flower deer, you are about to come out in order to play in thisflower water.Yonder in seye wailo in the flower patio you are playing in the flower water.Flower fawn, you are about to come out in order to play in the flower water.Explanatory NotesLinel: malici, 'fawn', is maso, 'deer', plus *?ilici, 'little one'.w6ye is a verbal stem meaning 'to move',kai, a verbal suffix, means 'in order to'.Line 3 : ''iyiminsu in modern speech is '^iminsu.seye wailo is a place name, various designations being given. 'Inthe midst of the flowers', 'home of the deer', 'home of all theanimals' are some of the variations. Its location is in the east.As to the position of seye wailo in aboriginal mythology of theYaqui, we can only guess. It is apparently a mythical placeand is used in connection with animals as supernaturals.tebaci is used in referring to the patio of a house, where the house-hold cross stands. SONG TWOBasic stanza (sung five times)ki^ne(I am only) pa?aku(distant) sdkoball(type of melon)2.3.4.5.6.Concluding stanza7.
sew^me(which is flowering)t6iyo eicibela ndikimne wiwilo(sending out vines la all directions) ki^ne(I am only)w^yekai(you are) pa?aku(distant) jaksa(where)s^kobali(type of melon)sewame(which is flowering) ki^ne(I am only)t6iyo eicibela ndikimne wiwflo(sending out vines in all directions)?iyiminsu(yonder) s^ye wd,ilo(place name)8.9.10.11.12.
toloko namdta(light blue cloud)yumakowhen it has reached)sewabwia(flower ground)yum^ko(when it has reached)s^kobali(type of melon)
jika(this)
mdiyacelu(dawn)tolo bad'i'ula(gray with water)baijewa(mist)kaiya c6?ila(sparkling)jdksa(where) w^jekai(you are)sewd,me(which flowers)
betukuni(below)jikd,wi(top)yiikuta(will rain)k6msa(bottom)pd,?aku(distantkiane(I am only)13.623-738—6c t6iyo clciv^la nd,ikimne wiwilo(sending out vines in aU directions)-13
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186TranslationI. I am just a mountain watermelon blooming. I grow vines in all direc-tions. Where are you blooming, mountain watermelon? I grow vines in alldirections. Over there where the deer lives below the dawn you go up in thesky, light blue cloud. You go slowly up, white cloud. When it reaches thetop you rain like mist, and, sparkling, come down on the flower ground.II. I am just a sakobali flowering out in the monte. I am just sending outa mass of vines in every direction. Where are you flowering out in the monte,sakobali? I am just sending out a mass of vines in all directions.Yonder in s§ye w^ilo, below the dawn, a light blue cloud is building up (be-coming gray with water?) until it goes as high as it can. This will fall (rain),a sparkling mist when it has reached the flower ground. Where are you flower-ing, sakobali, out in the monte? I am just sending out a mass of vines in alldirections. Explanatory NotesLine 1 : kiane is kia, 'no more,' plus ne *I,' verbal suffix.pa?aku was translated as 'out in the monte.' It is indefinite andthe central meaning is 'place away from this immediate vicinity,'or 'distant.' Monte in the Rio Yaqui region is used to refer tothe flat desert country which surrounds the villages. Similar tothe English expression, 'the bush.'sakobali was translated as 'horse melon,' a small, hard melonwhich is found in the foothills and desert of the Yaqui country.Melon is sakubai or sakobai. li is a diminutive suffix.Line 2 : sewame consists of sewa, 'flower,' plus me, suffix meaning 'thatwhich is.'Line 3 : toiyo cicibela naikimne wiwilo. There are two ideas expressed inthis phrase: (1) naikimne means 'I divide.' Its root is naiki,
'Four,' and implies the four directions. (2) cicibela with its re-duplication indicates a meaning akin to that of naikimne. Cici asa root occurs in the word for berries, ciciam, and in the word forbat, cicial. Central meaning of this root appears to be 'spread-ing' or 'darting' in many directions.wiwflo was translated as 'vines,' and no translation was givenfor toiyo. It was thought best to give a free translation for theentire phrase as complete analysis of its components is not pos-sible with the amount of material available at this time.Line 7: maiyacelu is translated as 'the place where the sun comes up.'This is direct, specific reference to the east and the eastern skyat sunrise. Modern form is macilia.b^tukuni, literally, 'place underneath' or 'towards underneath.'Line 8 : toloko, translated 'light blue,' is derived from tolo, 'white' or 'gray.'namiita, namu, 'cloud,' plus ta, nominal suffix,bau "^la describes the building up of a thunderhead. It is probablethat the bau refers to water, ba.m. Such a meaning, describingthe acquisition of water in cloud form, would balance the thoughtof the song, which describes the falling of the rain as the nextaction.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER 179Lines8 and 9: jiMwi yumako is balanced by komsa yumako (lines 10 and 11).jjikawi can be satisfactorily translated as 'top.' yumako consistsof yumak, past tense of the verb 'to be able,' plus o as a verbalsuflax meaning 'when.' llegar (Spanish), 'to arrive' was givenas a translation for yumako.Line 10: kaiya c6?ila, best translated as 'sparkling,' contains the ideas ofreflecting light as a mirror, and translucence.Lines 10tand 11 : komsa yumako, the opposite of jikawi yumako.
Basic stanza SONG THREE(sung twice)1. bes^te(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) siila(tired) biisaneteaet's wake up)2. saila(Uttle brother) besate(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) sdla(tired)3. biisaneteOet's wake up) sdilaaittle brother)(sung4. twice)?d,bwe(weU) sailaaittle brother) ?d,bwe(weU) ndute(we together)5. y^telamte siila(we sleepy ones) (tired) biisaneteaet's wake up) sailaaittle brother)6. bes^te(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) STila(tired) biisanete(let's wake up)7. (sung once) sailaaittle brother)8. besate(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) stila(tired) biisaneteaet's wake up)9. sdilaaittle brother) besate(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) sdla(tired)10. bdsaneteaet's wake up) s^ilaaittle brother)Concluding stanza11. ?iyiminsu seye wdilo S(§watebd,cipo(yonder) (place name) (in the flower patio)12. bes^te(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) sdla(tired) biisaneteaet's wake up)13. s^ilaOittle brother) besdte(now we) yetelamte(we sleepy ones) sdla(tired)14. bdsanete(let's wake up) s^ilaaittle brother)TranslationI. They tell the venado not to sleep and to wake up and play. Well, brother,well, let's go play and not sleep any more.II. Now let's all of us sleepy ones wake up, little brother. Well, little brother,well, let's all of us sleepy ones wake up together, little brother.Yonder in s§ye wailo in the flower patio, now we sleepy ones, let's wake up,little brother.
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186Explanatory NotesThis song presented difficulties in translation to my informants, although thecentral idea, as expressed in the native translation, was readily apparent. Ofall the songs recorded, this was sung in the fastest tempo, the water drum beingparticularly noticeable because of increased tempo and greater volume of sound.Much distortion appeared in the words as sung.Line 1: y^telamte was first translated as 'sleepy', yejte^a is given as 'sleepyhead'. 1 as a substitute for glottal stop occurs in other songs in thisseries also. Addition of m indicates pluralization, and the encliticte is 'we'.siila biisanete was translated as one word, and then separate mean-ings given for the two parts indicated.Line 2: saila is a kinship and address term for a younger brother, sai,
'brother', plus la, diminutive.SONG FOURBasic stanza (sung seven times)1. ttikabd,lita(fresh night) yiimako(when it has arrived) jikdwi(up)2. cd?atu(you fly) cukuli p6.tela(name of bird) cukiili p6.tela(name of bird)Concluding stanza3. ?iyiminsu(yonder) s^ye w^ilo mdiyacelu beya(place name) (dawn) (light)4. vetukun(under) jiinamansu(over there in that place) jd.pa1 (mesquite)5. bakdli jik^wi cd?atu(branch) (up) (you fly) cukiili p 6.tela(name of bird)6. iikawi(up) c^?atu(you fly)Translation cukdli p6.tela(name of bird)I. When night comes, you fly up, black-colored bird. Yonder where you liveunder the light of dawn, over there in that place you fly up from a mesquitebranch.II. When the fresh night comes, you fly up from a mesquite branch, cuktilip^.tela.Yonder in seye wdilo, under the light of dawn, over there in that place you flyup from a mesquite branch, cuktili p6.tela.Explanatory NotesLine 2 : cukuli po.tela. ctikui, 'black', plus li, diminutive. The terminal iof ctikui is absorbed in the process. Final meaning, 'a little black'or 'gray'. No specific meaning given for po.tela. Meaning of entirephrase cukiili po.tela is a bird which flies only at night, perhaps anighthawk.Line 4: jiinamansu, 'over there in that place', is a compound containingjTina, 'that' and aman, 'there'.
Anthrop. ]No. 66] ^^- YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDERSONG FIVEBasic stanza (sung six times)1. jaksa(where) bo.ka(lying) kii.si(whistling) kiita(stick) moela(old)2. w^na?e(over there) bo.ka(lying) kii.si(whistKng) kiita(stick) moeia(old)3. jd,ksa(where) bo.ka(lying) kii.si(whisthng) kdta(stick) moela(old)4.Joncludin wd,na?e(over there)g stanza bo.ka(lying) kd.si(whistling) kiita(stick) mo61a(old)5. ?iyiminsu(yonder) seye wd,ilo(place name) jdyatanflisukuni(in the midst of the monte)6. Junamansu(over there in that place) bo.ka(lying) kii.si(whistling)7. kiita(stick) moela(old) wana'i'e(over there) b6.ka(lying) kii.si(whistling)8. kiita(stick) Translation mo61a(old)
181
I. Yonder where you live in the midst of the forest you lie whistling,old stick. Over there in that (place) you lie whistling, old stick.II. Where are you lying whistling, rotted stick? Over there you are lyingwhistling, old stick.Yonder in s^ye wailo, in the midst of the monte, over there in that place youare lying whistling, rotted old stick. Over there you are lying whistling, rottedold stick. Explanatory NotesLine 1 : bo.ka from bo?o, 'to lie down'.kii.si, 'whistling', "whistling" as a translation does not describe thenoise being made in this case. According to my informants thenoise is a scratching noise such as would be made by wood-borerswhile working. The word kii.si describes the sound made by aflute, kusia, hence is a whistle. In this song however, the soundcoming from the stick is not a whistle, but a rasping, scraping noisemade by insects in the stick. This noise is a language which isunderstood by the animals and natural objects, and is the speciallanguage of the monte. Just as the whistle (kii.si) of the pascolaflute (kusia) is a signal for the people to gather for a portion of afiesta, so the scratching noise (kii.si) of the rotted stick (kiitamoela) is a signal for gathering together. The reference is to thenoise which the rasping sticks make and to which the maso dances,moela means old in a limited sense. Specifically, it refers to a deadstick (kiita moela) which has become riddled with insects.Line 5 : jiiyatanaisukuni. jiiya may refer to grove or forest. It is thoughtbetter to give it the translation monte as the reference is to theheavy desert thickets of thorny shrubs, small gnarled trees and
182 BUREAU OF AJMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186various cactus forms typical of the Sonoran desert, ta can betranslated 'of in tliis example, naisu refers to 'middle' or 'midst',kiini means 'towards' or 'place'.SONG SIX
senu(one)jab^sa(who)senu(one)
Basic stanza (sung six times)1.2.3.4.Concluding stanza5.6.7.8.9.
jabesa(who)ayimmsu(yonder)kd,u.ne(you do not have)takawalekai(body)senu(one)
juyapo(iin a tree) senu(one)kuku riuriiiti(breaking of sticks)3uyapo(in a tree) senu(one)kuku riuriuti(breaking of sticks)
seye wailo(place name)
kiitapo(in a stick)jiyawa(sound)kiitapo(in a stick)jiyawa(sound)
3 liyatan^isukuni(in the midst of the monte)nelebenasia(like me) tolo(gray)senu(one)kiitapo(in a stick) jabesa(who)
wiiila(long)jdyapo(in a tree)kuku riuriuti(breaking of sticks)]iyawa(sound)Translation
I. In one tree, in one stick, who is making the rattling sound? Yonder whereyou live in the midst of the forest, you don't have a gray, long body like mine.II. In a stick, in a tree, who is making the sound of breaking wood?Yonder in seye wailo in the midst of the monte (the whip snake says), you donot have a long gray body like mine. In a stick in a tree, who is making thebreaking-wood sound? Explanatory NotesLine 1 : There is some latitude in the translation of juya, 'branch', 'tree', orcollectively, 'monte' being given.Line 2 : kuku riuriuti. Reduplication appears in verbs, denoting continuedaction, kuku is apparently related to kiita, kii.si, kusia—all havingto do with sticks. In definition of the word kuku riuriuti it was in-dicated that this sound applied only to wood, riiiti means 'break'.The entire word could be translated as 'breaking sticks over andover again'.Lines 6and 7: The entire translation of this section must be considered tentative,as kaii.ne does not appear to be correctly translated. Translationis lacking for several portions of the remainder of the text. Inline 7, takawalekai might be broken down in different manner,takdwa (which also occurs for 'body'), and lekai, the e being aneutral vowel in this instance. As a verbal suffix, kai means 'inorder to'.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER 183SONG SEVENBasic stanza (sung six times)jita jiiya(what) (tree)sey^(flower)jita(what)1.2.3.4. (flower)Concluding stanza5. ?iyiininsu(yonder)6. nd,isukuni(midst)7.
kiita(stick)jiiya(tree)kuta(stick)
sewa(flowers)sewa(flowers)sewa(flowers)sewa(flowers)
s6?ila(is bent)s6?ila(is bent)s6?ila(is bent)s6?ila(is bent)
md-.ci(obviously)jnLci(obviously)m^.ci(obviously)md,.ci(obviously)s^niludpo(in the sagebrush)
(flower)
seye waiio se wailo(place name) (place name)woto b61i sewa s6?ila ma.ci(flower name) (flowers) (is bent) (obviously)kiita sewa s6'i*ila ma.ci(stick) (flowers) (is bent) (obviously)TranslationI. What tree looks pretty with many blossoms? Flower stick has manypretty blossoms. Yonder where you live in the midst of the sagebrush, wherethe wotoboli flowers bloom pretty.II. What tree is definitely bent over, burdened with flowers? The flowerstick (rasp) is clearly bent over with many flowers.Yonder in seye w^ilo in the midst of the sage brush, the woto boli is clearlybending down with blossoms. Flower stick is obviously burdened with flowers.Explanatory NotesLine 1: so'^ila means 'bent over'. Compare with ^inepo s6^i?s69itiw6ye,
'I am running very fast', describing running bent low.sewa. Singular form but plural translation. Apparently a matterof literary style in the deer songs.Line 2: s^ya kiita, 'flower stick'. s6wa, 'flower', appears in this form(seya) in several instances in the deer songs when referring specifi-cally to the deer, the home of the deer, or paraphernalia associatedwith the deer dance. This form of sewa appears to be a preservedold form.Concludingstanza
:
My informant (who also sang the songs for the recordings) de-parted from the recorded words in this portion of the song, as hedid in the previous song. Song Six. Upon hearing the recording,he insisted that he had sung the song incorrectly and repeatedthe words which appear in the song above.Basic stanza (sung five times) SONG EIGHT ^^1. t6wala je.ka md;ke y6?o md,isole(dust) (wind) (with) (enchanted) (deer)2. t6wala je.ka m^ke y6?o m^isole(dust) (wind) (with) (enchanted) (deer)26 A satisfactory transcription of this song could not be made from the recording, norwas it possible to get a satisfactory translation from my informants—a translation whichfollowed the form on the record. The song as presented is a fragment of the whole song.A concluding stanza is part of the song, but has not been transcribed.
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 1863. ke y6?o(?) (enchanted) md,isole(deer)4. y6.jiyausinie(?) Translation
ke yo. mdisole(?) (enchanted) (deer)
I. You run with the dust storm, scared deer, making sacred noise ahead.II. You run ahead of the dust storm, enchanted deer, making much noise.Explanatory NotesThis proved to be one of the more diflBcult songs to transcribe from the record-ings. Especially was this true because of the mixture of voices and speed of thesinging.Line 1 : yo'^'o is 'sacred' and 'old', i.e. 'enchanted'.Line 4 : yo. jiyausime has not been given definite translation. Tentatively,the yo. can be identified with yoi, 'big', 'beautiful'. The i hasbecome assimilated in the contracted form of jiyawa, 'sound',jlyau. sime would then be the verb, meaning 'to go ahead'.
Basic stanza (sung four times)1. SONG NINE?dbwe(well)2.3. seya yoleme(flower) (deer)lioliotamyo.wa(move and shake)lioliotamy6.wa(move and shake)
saila ?im.kun(little brother) (so here you are)saila ?^wasum(little brother) (antlers)sdila(Uttie brother)
Concluding stanza5. k^tikun(why not) (flower)6. lioliotamy6.wa(move and shake)7. seyd, yoleme(flower) (deer)8. saila(little brother)9. sd,ila(little brother)
yoleme(deer)sdrila(little brother)teneb61im(teneboim)?awasum(antlers)
?^wasum(antlers)sd,ila(little brother)
sutu(hoof) pdliem(cleaned-out)kd,tikun(why not)si.osi.otamy6.wa(move and rustle)lioliotamy6.wa(move and shake)
TranslationI. Well, brother, so this is the flower deer, brother. Move and shake yourhorns, brother. Why don't you move, flower deer, and shake your hoofs?II. Well, little brother, so here you are, flower deer! Shake your antlers,little brother. Shake your antlers, little brother.Why don't you shake your rijtitiam (belt of deer-hoof rattles), flower deer?Why don't you rustle your teneboim (cocoon ankle rattles), little brother, flowerdeer? Shake your antlers, little brother.
NS.^ee?'"^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER 185Explanatory NotesLine 2: seya, 'flower', is a form of sewa, occurring as in Song Seven indirect reference to the deer or his associated objects, seya appearsto be an archaic form of s6wa.seya yoleme, 'flower deer' or 'flower Yaqui'.^^ yoleme or yor^meis a term applied to Yaquis by themselves. "We have in this songdirect reference to the deer in the person of the deer dancer(maso). In everyday speech, the deer dancer is called mdso,
'the deer', indicating the direct association of the dancer himselfwith the deer. The native term for "dancer" is not applied tothe deer dancer.?dwasum. ?awa means 'antler'. The usual form of plural wouldbe awa plus m or im. sum can perhaps be explained as a variationof the regular plural ending.Line 3 : lioliotamyo.wa indicates the use of reduplication verbally to indi-cate continued action, liolio can also be applied to the movementof trees in the wind, 'swaying', ta is a verbal suflSx making anintransitive verb transitive, m can be considered a pluralizingelement, yo.wa, 'move'.Line 5: sutu piiliem is a descriptive, metaphorical term, applied to thedeer-hoof rattles which are worn in a belt around the deer dancer,sutu means 'nail' or 'hoof, puliem means 'picked' or 'cleaned out'.This refers to the hoof rattles themselves as they have beenscraped, cleaned, and prepared for use in the belt (rijtitiam)which the dancer wears.Line 7 : tenebolim, a variation of the common form t^neboim, cocoons filledwith gravel and strung together on rawhide. These are thenwrapped around the ankles of deer and pascbla dancers.si.osi.o varies from li.oli.o as it is descriptive of motion ofdifferent objects. SONG TENBasic stanza (sung four times)1. ?imesu kd,upo ?6mo?ok61im(these) (in the mountain) (kind of dove)2. benakai ?iminsu sewabd-ubicaka(appears to be) (yonder) (going towards the flower water)3. bdijika t61o miililiti k^.tema(three) (gray) (bobbmg ?) (go)4. baijika t61o Jepela. kdtema(three) (gray) (side by side) (go)Concluding stanza5. ?iyiminsu s^ye w^ilo md,iyacelu(yonder) (place name) (dawn)6. sewabdubfcaka baijika(going towards the flower water) (three)7. t61o muliliti kd.tema ?im6su(gray) (bobbing ?) (go) (these)8. kd,upo ?6mo?ok61im benakai(in the mountain) (kind of dove) (appears to be)9. ?imlnsu s6wabaubicaka baijika tolo(yonder) (going towards the flower water) (three) (gray)10. muliliti ka.tema baijika t61o(bobbing?) (go) (three) (gray)11. jepela. k^tema(side by side ?) (go)28 Johnson (1962) reports s6ya yoleme as the name of a flower which grows in theRio Yaqui region.
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186TranslationI. These look like mountain doves. These three doves are hurrying, goingon foot towards the flower water to drink. Yonder where they live, towardsthe east, yonder towards the flower water the three doves go and drink.II. These look like 'omo ^okolim over there on the mountain. With threegray heads bobbing rapidly, they walk forward to the flower water. Then thethree gray heads move away, walking slowly side by side.Yonder in seye wailo, under the dawn, there three gray heads bobbing towardsthe flower water, and then coming away slowly side by side.Explanatory NotesLine 1 : kau, 'mountain' or 'hill', is a contraction of kdwi.Line 2: sewabaubicaka includes ba.m, 'water', in one of its compoundedforms and bica, 'front', 'in front of. ka ( ?)
.
Line 3 : ka.tema. ka.te means 'walking', ma, meaning not known.SONG ELEVENBasic stanza (sung four times)1. ?empo(you) y6?okaukwd-cita(enchanted moimtain ground squirrel) bendsia(like)2. y6.po(in big thing) bend,sia(like) jiyawa(sound)3. ?empo y6?okauwd,cita(you) (enchanted mountain ground squirrel) bendsia(like)4. y6.po(in big thing) bend,sia(like) jiyawa(sound)5. ?empo(you) y6?okaukwdcita(enchanted mountain ground squirrel) bendsiaGike)6. y6.po(in big thing) bendsia(like) jfyawa(sound)Concluding stanza7. ?iyimfnsu(yonder) seye wd,ilo mdiyacelu(place name) (dawn) I b^ya(hght)8. betukuni(imder) juna m^nsu(over there in that place) y6.ta(big ?)9. k6vi.kun(head of canyon) yo.po benasia(in big thing) Gike) jiyawa(sound)10. ?empo(you) yo^okaukwacita(enchanted mountain ground squirrel) bendsia(like)11. y6.po(in big thing) bendsia(like)Translation jiyawa(sound)I. You, like a big mountain ground squirrel, sound like a big thing. Yonderwhere you live in the east, over there in that place under the mountain canyon,you sound like a big thing.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 187II. You, like an enchanted kaukwdci, make a noise as if it were coming froma big animal.Yonder in s6ye wdilo, under the dawn, over there in that place, in the headof the canyon, you make a sound which is like that of a big animal.Explanatory NotesLine 1: y6?okaukwacita. The entire meaning of this song is somewhatobscured by the lack of complete meaning of the form, yo?o. Thisword means 'big', but also carries with it a connotation of 'sacred',
'revered', and 'old', 'enchanted'. Johnson has indicated that thereare two forms, yo?o and yoi, with different meanings. In re-cording these songs it was not realized that such a distinction wassemantic, with the result that the true meaning of the form asit appears in the songs is not necessarily correctly indicated in thetranslations, kaukwdcita consists of kau, 'mountain' and kwaci,'ground squirrel'.Line 2: yo.po. Literal translation is 'in big'. The meaning is 'in a bigthing'. SONG TWELVEBasic stanza (sung five times)1. sewa(flower) malitaka(with the body of a fawn] c6n1 (choUa)2. s^wata(flower?) b^tukun(under) weyekai(you stand in order to)3. ?^wa(antlers) jildki kdila(rub) (bend) m6bela(turn over)4. ?dwa(antlers) jildki(rub)Concluding stanza5. ?iyiminsu(yonder) seye w^ilo(place name) malyacelu(dawn)6. b^ya(ligbt) betukuni c6?i sewd,ta(under) (cholla) (flower?)7. b^tukun(under) weyekai(you stand in order to) (antlers)8. jildki(rub) kd,ila m6bela(bend) (turn over) ?dwa jildki(antlers) (rub)9. sewa(flower) malitaka(with the body of a fawn) c6?i(cholla)10. sewd,ta(flower?) b^tukun(under) weyekai(you stand in order to)11. ?dwa(antlers) jildki kdila(rub) (bend) mob61a(turn over)12. ?d,wa(antlers) Translation jiliiki(rub)I. Under the dripping of cholla juice you are standing, flower fawn. Youare standing and bending your horns to rub. Yonder where you live under themountain, over there in that place under the dripping of cholla juice, you standand rub your horns.
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186II. Flower having the body of a fawn, under the cholla flower you stand,bending and turning your antlers in order to rub (them).Yonder in seye wailo under the light of dawn, under a cholla flower you standin order to rub your antlers. Flower fawn, under the cholla flower you stand,bending and turning your antlers in order to rub them.Explanatory NotesLinel: malitaka is maso, 'deer', plus ilici, 'little one', plus t^ki, 'body'
—
'flower with the body of a fawn'. Although association of thedeer and flowers is apparent in almost all of these songs, this isan instance of the deer being specifically identified as a flower.c6'i'i, 'cholla', a type of arborescent cactus.SONG THIRTEENBasic stanza 5ung six times)1. bes^te(now we) ndmuriuriutine(cloud is going to break) ndmuriutine(cloud is going to break)2. besd,te(now we) ndmuriuriutine(cloud is going to break) nd,muriutine(cloud is going to break)3. bes^te(now we) n^muriiiriutine(cloud is going to break) n^muriiitine(cloud is going to break)Concluding stanza4. ?iyiminsu(yonder) seye wdilo(place name) m^iyacelu(dawn)5. betukuni(under) jikd?a t61oko namuta(this) aight blue) (cloud)6. tolobau.la(gray with water) jikdwi(top) yumako(when it has reached)7. jikd?a(tMs) bdijewa yukuta(mist) (wiU rain) kd,iya c6?ila(sparkling)8. komsa(bottom) yumako(until it has reached) besdte(now we)9.10. nd,muriuriutine nd,muriutine(cloud is going to break) (cloud Is going to break)besdte n^muriuriutine nd,muriiitine(now we) (cloud is going to break) (cloud is going to break)
TranslationI. No complete translation given.II. Now we are going to make thunder. (Now it is going to thunder.)Yonder in s6ye wailo, under the light of dawn, this light blue cloud is fillingup, gray with water. When it has reached the top of the sky it will rain mistuntil it reaches the bottom. Now we are going to make thunder. Now we aregoing to make thunder.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDERExplanatory Notes 189Line 1 : besate, 'now'. The usual form for 'now' is iani.namuriuriiitine and namuriiitine, translated as 'we are going tomake thunder', or 'it is going to thunder', has the literal meaning of
'the cloud is going to break' (implying a noise when breaking).namu, 'cloud' ; riiiriuti, 'break' ; ne, denoting future abilitativeaction.This song is sung, so it is said, in the morning about dawn, when the waterused in the water drum is thrown up "to make rain." The pascola drummerbeats his drum, imitating thunder, when the water is thrown.SONG FOURTEENBasic stanza (sung five times)1. sewatane(I flowers) ka.yo(not wan walekat) (moving) sewatamme(they flowers)2. yo.sime(want to move) sewatane ka.yo(I flowers) (not want) wdleka(moving)3. sewatamme(they flowers) yo.sime(want to move) sewatane(I flowers)4. kd.yo(not want) waleka(moving) sewatamme(they flowers) yo.sime(want to move)Concluding stanza5. ?iyiminsu(yonder) seye wailo(place name) maiyacelu(dawn)6. sewa b6?opo(in the flower path) sewatane(I flowers) kd.yo(not want)7. waleka(moving) sewatamme yo.sime(they flowers) (want to move) sewatane(I flowers)8. k^.yo(not want) waleka(moving) sewatamme(they flowers) y6.sime(want to move)TranslationI. This flower I do not want to move, but I keep on moving it. Yonderunder the light of dawn on the flower path they are always moving the flower.II. I do not want the flowers to be moving, but they keep on moving justthe same.Over there in seye wailo, under the dawn, I do not want the flowers to bemoving, but in the flower path they keep on moving just the same.Explanatory NotesThis song is a procession song "because it has flowers in it," according to theinformants. Song Seven can also be used for processions for the same reason
—
it is a flower song.Functionally, this song is closely related to present-day Yaqui culture. Thewords of this song are the thoughts of a dead person when he sees the flower
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186headdresses of tlie matacliin dancers moving in tlie procession. He, as a personat rest, is opposed to motion, but the flowers worn in the procession and theflowers in the path in the place under the dawn are constantly in motion.SONG FIFTEENBasic stanza (sung six times)1. ?itom(our) y6?owa(father) ?itom(us) t6?osi.me(is leaving)2. ?itom(our) y6?owa(father) ?itom(us) t6?osi.ka(has left)3. ?itom(our) y6?owa(father) ?itom(us) t6?osi.me(is leaving)Concluding4. stanza?iyiminsu(yonder) seye wd,ilo(place name) santo kalbdrio(Sacred Calvary)5. bfca(towards) ?itom(us) t6'i'osi.me(is leaving) ?itom(our)6. y6'i*owa(father) ?itom(us) t6?osi.me(is leaving) ?itom(our)7. y6?owa(father) ?itom(us) t6?osi.ka(has left)TranslationI. Our father is leaving us, our father has gone from us. Yonder towardsthe light of dawn, towards the Saint Calvary, our father is leaving us.II. Our Father is leaving us. Our Father has left us. Our Father isleaving us.Over there in s6ye wdilo, toward Sacred Calvary, our Father is leaving us.Our Father has left us. Explanatory NotesThis song, as is true of the preceding one, is closely related to modern Yaquiritual and ceremony. It is sung at the conclusion of festivities in a householdor village ramada when the saint is being removed from the sacred portion ofthe ramada to be carried in procession to its residence, the church. SacredCalvary is interpreted as being the home of the saints, so in this one song wehave definite association of some of the Christian deities with that mythical placein which all activities sung about in the deer songs have parallel occurrences.As this song is being sung, the patron deity in the sacred portion of the ramadais being taken to its home, the village church. In the mythical place under thedawn, this saint is leaving for his home, the home of all the saints. From thisrather simple song we cannot escape the implication that not only have thevarious activities sung about in the deer songs taken place also in seye wailo,but that the activities are drawing to a close over there in the east just as theyare drawing to a close in the dance ramada in the village.An alternative interpretation is possible : Our Father is leaving us to go toSacred Calvary. The patron of the fiesta, and of the deer, is going back to theplace under the dawn.
Antnrop. iNo. 66] *P- YAQUI DEER DANCE—WILDER ]SONG SIXTEENBasic stanza (sung five times)1. ?^bwe(weU) saila(little brother) ?ikasu(this) tolita(name of rodent)2. me?e(MU) saewa(they want us to) saila(little brother) ?ikasu(this)3. tolita(name of rodent) m6?e(Mil) saewa(they want us to) saila(little brother)4. kiita(arrow) wikola me'i'e saewa saila(bow) (kill) (they want us to) (little brother)Concluding stanza5. saisamola(?) ye.jtemta(sit) waiw6noIa(?) kiba.kemta(enter door)6. ?ikate(this) tolita(name of rodent) me?e(Mil) s^ewa(they want us to)7. sdila(Uttle brother) kiita(arrow) wik61a(bow) nie?e(MU)8. sd,ewa(they want us to) saila(little brother)
Translation
191
I. Well, brother, they want us to kill this beaver. Well, brother, they wantus to kill this beaver. They want us to kill the beaver with the bow and arrow.II. Well, little brother, they want us to kill this tdli. They want us to killthis toll with a bow and arrow.Alert (with hair standing out on end ?), they wait. Seeking cover, they plungeinto their homes. They want us to kiU this t61i. With bow and arrow they wantus to kill it. Explanatory NotesLine 1 : tolita, is t61i plus ta. A toll, or tori, is a large rodent common tothe Rio Yaqui country. Johnson reports it as still being an im-portant food animal. The translation 'beaver' is incorrect. It wasgiven by an informant who has lived aU. his life in Arizona.Line 5: saisamola ye.jtemta This phrase presented some difficulties intranslation and it has not been possible to break down the firstportion of the phrase to derive specific meaning, ye.jtemta is acommon verb (y6.jte) meaning 'to sit' or to be motionless. Thisphrase has been given the free translation 'hair standing on end',implying alertness.waiwonola kiba.kemta likewise can be given no literal translation.It describes the seeking of cover, as one might do when afraid,kiba.k was said to mean 'to go through a door', but apparently isnot a word in common use. The chief deer singer who recordedthese songs felt that the word was highly specialized, and referredonly to a toll, describing its entrance into its home. The translationof t^li as 'beaver' stems from the interpretation of kiba.kemta as re-ferring to water (ba.), kiba., 'water house'. (kd?a is the usual Yaquiword for house, and is the one in common use.
)
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186SONG SEVENTEENBasic stanza (sung five times)1.2.
4.
5.
Jd,ksa(where)moela(dry)moela(dry)bd,so(grass)
weyeka(you are standing)tolobaliliti(gray and shaking) i^ka(wind)jeka(wind) bdso(grass)b^SOjaKsa(where)moela(dry)bd,so(grass)
weyeka(you are standing)tolobaliliti(gray and shaking)moela(dry)
jeka(wind)je.ka(wind)
Concluding stanza6. jiiya mdnsu(there in the monte)betukuni(under) seye wd^ilo(place name)iik^?a(this) t61oko(light blue)
9.10.11.12.
tolobau.la(gray with water)?ikd?a bd,ijewa(this) (mist) jikdwi(top)yukuta(will rain)
m.d,iyacelu(dawn)namuta(cloud)yumako(when it reaches)sewabwiawi(flower ground)kaiya c6?ila(sparkhng)j^ksa(where) komsa(bottom) yumako(when reaches)weyeka(stand) je.ka(wind) bdso(grass)tolobaliliti(gray and shaking) je.ka(wind) bdso(grass)
kiane(I am only)moela(old)mo41a(old)
TranslationI. Where are you standing among the wind, old grass, shaking in the duststorm, old grass? Over there towards the east under the dawn, with the graycloud going straight up. With the clear sparkling mist rain when it reachesthe flower ground. Where are you standing amvng the wind, old grass?II. Where are you shaking in the wind (which comes before the rain), drygrass ?Over there in the monte in seye wailo, under the dawn, when this light blue cloudbuilds up, becoming gray with water, a mist will fall. It will fall sparkling, re-flecting light, until it reaches the flower ground. Where are you standing,shaking in the wind, dry grass?Explanatory NotesLines 1and 2: bdso mo61a, 'dry grass'. Compare with ktita mo61a (Song Five),
'rotted stick'.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 193Line 2: tolobaliliti. Verb showing the use of reduplication for continuedrepeated action, 'shaking', tolobaliliti and tolobati.la may be moreclosely identified in meaning with "water" than has been indicatedin the translations.Line 6 : jtiya mansu. Should be junamansu, 'over there in that place'.Line 10 : kiane, *I am no more than', 'I am only' is undoubtedly a mistake onthe part of the informant. It occurs in the recording of this song,however. Inasmuch as the concluding stanza of this song is thesame as that of Song Two, the introduction of this word can beexplained on the basis of the similarity of the two songs. Kiane isan introductory word in Song Two, and occurs alternately withjaksa.
Basic stanza (sung six times)1.2.
SONG EIGHTEEN
3.Concluding stanza4.5.
?^bwe(weU) s^ila ?akiinsaGittle brother) (where) ?aki(pitahaya)siyalita(green) bica sdila(see) (Uttle brother) sewakdmta(flowering)weyek^mta(standing) bica sdila(Uttle brother)?iyiminsu(yonder) seye wdilo(place name) maiyatcelu(dawn)betukuni(under) junamd,nsu(over there in that place) ?abica(see it)sdila(Uttle brother) sewakdmta(flowering) weyek^mta(standing)bfca(see) sdila(little brother)TranslationI. Well, brother, where do you see a green cactus, brother? Do you see withflowers, brother? Yonder toward the light of dawn, over there I see one, withflowers, brother.II. Well, brother, where do you see the green pitahaya with its flowersstanding up on it?Over there, in s^ye wailo, under the light of dawn, I see one, little brother,with flowers standing up straight on it, little brother.Explanatory NotesLine 2: s^wakamta is a gerund form. Free translation is 'It is havingmany flowers', sewa, 'flower' ; ka, gerund suffix, 'ing' ; m, pluraliz-ing form ; ta, necessary because of the intransitive verb bica, 'see*.Line 3 : weyekamta can be analyzed in the same manner.Line 5 : junamansu 'abica means 'over there in that place [I] see one', a isdirect object meaning 'it' or 'one'.
623-738—63- -14
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnU. 186
Basic stanza (sung five times) SONG NINETEEN1.2.
4.
kdu(mountain)may6a(slope)mayoa(side)jusali(light brown)md,ke(with)
niay6a(side)sisi?iti(are moving)(mountain)mayoa(slope)
k^u(mountain)je.ka(wind)may6a(side)
mayoa(side)mdke(with)kdu(mountain)sisi?iti(moving)
jusali(light brown)kdu(mountain)may6a(side)je.ka(wind)kd,U(mountain)Concluding stanza6.
7.
?iyiminsu(yonder)?ikdsu(this)yumako(when it has reached)
mdiyacelu(dawn)maciwa(morning) j^.kata(wind)jund^a(that)
mayoa(side)betukuni(under)k6msa(bottom)sewaje.ka(flower wind)
10.11.
mdke(with)kdu(mountain)sisi?iti(moving)
kd,u(mountain) may6a(side) kdu(mountain)mayoa(side) jusali(light brown)jeka(wind) m^ke(with) k^u(mountain)
mayoa(side)mayoa(slope)may6a(side)
Tra72Siati07i
I. Mountain side, mountain side, with the drizzling light brown dust storm,mountain side, mountain side. Yonder under the light of dawn, when the eastwind comes, with that flower wind blowing, mountain side, mountain side.II. Mountain side, mountain side, light brown slope you are moving withthe wind. Mountain side, mountain side, light brown slope you are moving withthe wind.Over there, under the dawn, when this east (morning) wind comes it bringswith it that flower wind, oh, mountain side. Mountain side, light brown slopemoving with the wind. Explanatory NotesA dust storm is apparently implied in the words of this song, but becauseof the lack of specific reference to "dust" and imperfect understanding ofsisf^iti it was thought best to retain the more literal translation.Line 2: sisl'i'iti verb describing the sifting down of dust particles duringa dust storm. My informant's translation of 'drizzling', i.e. 'gentlyraining dust', has much to recommend it.Line 7 : maciwa, 'morning', is apparently synonymous with 'east'. Con-trast with maiyac^lu and the modern form macilia for 'dawn'.
Anthrop. Pap.No. 66] YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 195It is interesting to note that this song has been a favorite of my English-speaking informant, but prior to the recording of this song he gave the meaningof kau mayoa as 'my home is in the mountain', confusing this with kau maj6a?or some such similar expression. This informant speaks Yaqui fluently and isan active participant, culturally, in Pascua.SONG TWENTYBasic stanza (sung seven times)
2.3.
4.Concluding stanza
6.
sewdne(I flowers) w6yekai(in order to stand) sewdne(I flowers)b6.sime(am crawling) se wdilo(place name) watemdli(name of an insect)sewdne(I flowers) weyekai(In order to stand) sewdne(I flowers)b6.sime(am crawling) se wdilo(place name) watemdli(name of an insect)tiz ?iyiminsu(yonder) jdyatandisukuni s^nu(in the midst of the monte) (one)kUtSL(stick) bakulia jikdune(branch) (I up) w^sime(am climbing)jikdune(I up) b6?osime sewdne(am crawling) (I flowers) Weyekai(in order to stand)sewdne(I flowers) b6.sime(am crawling)watemdli(name of an insect)
Ti^anslation
se wdilo(place name)8.9.
I. I am standing in the flowers. I am crawling in the flowers to my home.Yonder in the midst of the bushes on one branch I am crawling up, I am crawlingup. I am standing in the flowers, I am crawling in the flowers.II. In order to be in the flowers, I, se wailo watemali, am crawling to theflowers.Over there, in the midst of the monte, I am climbing up, I am crawling uppart of a branch. In order to be in the flowers, I am crawling up, climbing upthe flowers. Explanatory NotesIt was not possible to follow the recording of this song and make an effectivetranscription for my informants to check. The singer who recorded the songon the phonograph was not available for translation, and the informant whosang and translated all of the preceding songs except Song Nineteen was notfamiliar with this song.Line 2 : se wailo wdtemali. wdtemali is a "stick bug", an insect apparentlyassociated with flowers. The insect is from the mythical place,se wdilo.
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186DISCUSSION OF THE DEER SONGS ^That this collection of 20 deer songs is a representative collectionand includes those songs conventionally sung during a deer dance isattested to by observation of three deer dances subsequent to therecording of the songs. The following songs are those necessary toany deer dance. The order is that in which these songs were sungat the dances witnessed in Pascua in 1940.1. Song One, "Flower fawn, you are about to coine out to play in this flowerwater." ( Introductory song.
)
2. Song Three, "Now, let's all of us wake up, little brother." (This songoccurs as either second or third in the series.
)
3. Song Fourteen, "I don't want the flowers to move, but they are alwaysmoving;" or Song Seven, "What tree is bent over, burdened with flowers? Theflower stick has many flowers." Both of these are "flower songs" and areproper for use with processions, an activity not of itself a part of the deer danceproper. One of these songs is sung on the arrival of the procession at the danceramada.4. An indeterminate number of songs, as for example, any or all of the songsrecorded except those already mentioned and Song Fifteen.5. Song Fifteen, "Now our Father is leaving us, now our Father is gone,"sung after the santo has been taken from the dance ramada and the processionis about to leave.^From the above it can be seen that there are four songs which oc-curred in every dance witnessed at Pascua in 1940. Most of the songscollected, some 15, belong to group 4.^^ These songs appear in no defi-nite order in relation to each other. Not all of them are sung duringthe performance of any one dance, and at least five songs not recordedhave been used at Pascua at the observed deer dances. The deer songsrecorded do not represent the total number of deer songs, native esti-mates running from 30 to TO. FORMA Yaqui deer song may be said to consist of a basic stanza which issung from four to seven times (apparently the number of repetitionsis based partly on the length of the basic stanza, although other con-siderations can affect this pattern of repetition also) . A final stanzawhich consists of a variation in the words of the basic stanza, affect-ing in part the tune of the song, is then sung once. An integral partof the concluding stanza is the restatement of the theme of the basicstanza, which results in a return to the words and tune of the basicstanza as the final part of the concluding stanza.
" Song Eight has been omitted from this discusion because of the incomplete nature ofits translation.^ This was not sung at the Acuna cumpleano, the fiesta previously described.28 Song Seven, as an alternative processional song is not considered in this group.
NS^eeT""^^^* YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 197This basic division of each deer song is, in effect, the reflection inform of a fundamental division in the meaning of the song. Thebasic stanza is a statement concerning this world. The variation inthe concluding stanza relates the meaning of the song as expressedin the basic stanza to an indefinite mythical place in the East. Thus,the structural duality is paralleled by difference in meaning. Twoof the songs (Mne and Sixteen) do not conform entirely to this pat-tern; a concluding stanza is present in each but the content of theconcluding stanzas does not relate to the place in the East.That the notion of the use of balancing and opposing structuralelements is not only characteristic of the outward form of the entiredeer song, but also of the internal structure of the song is evident ina number of songs collected. Balancing-opposing thought construc-tions are contained in the following songs
:
Question-answer:Song Seven: "What tree has many flowers? Flower stick has manyflowers."Song Five: "Where are you lying whistling, old stick? . . . "Over thereyou are lying whistling, old stick."Song Two : "I am just a flowering sakobali . . . Where are you, floweringsakobali?"Opposed types of movement:Song Ten : "Three gray heads moving rapidly will go to the flower water . . .Three gray heads moving slowly (walking side by side) go away from theflower water."Song Sixteen: "Alert . . . they are motionless (sit) ... Afraid . . . theyseek cover (go into a hole) ."Song Two, Song Thirteen, Song Seventeen :".... this cloud builds up untilit reaches the top and falls. . . . until it reaches the bottom."Negative-positive
:
Song Fourteen: "I don't want the flowers to move, but the flowers are al-ways moving."In some of the above songs, form has been used to emphasize content. In oneexample this becomes a rhyme (Song Sixteen) :Song Fourteen : s^watane ka.yo wfilekas^watamme y6.sime"I don't want the flowers to move, but the flowers are always moving."Song Ten : baijika tolo muliliti kdtemabdijika t61o j^pela. kdtema"Three gray heads rapidly go. . . . three gray heads slowly go away."Song Sixteen : sai sdmola y^.jtemtawai wonola kiba.kemta
"Alert, not moving Afraid, running for cover."CONTENTEven a brief examination of the deer songs in the order presentedshows that they do not form a series of episodes in a connected story.
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186Although many of the songs have certain characteristics in common,it can be said that these characteristics do not include a sequential andmeaningful interrelation of the songs. Wlien we consider the dancingof the maso and recall that it is not a dance of free interpretation(except in a most limited way) and that regardless of the song beingsung, his dance does not vary, it must be concluded that the deer songshave very limited meaning, even within the context of the deer danceitself. It is safe to conclude that the deer songs, as used in the deerdance at the present time, are for the most part songs to which themaso dances, and nothing more.This does not imply, of course, that no meaning can be attachedto the songs themselves. They constitute a portion of the body ofYaqui folklore, and the subject matter of these songs is meaningfulin itself, regardless of the present relationship of the songs to the deerdance, or of both dance and songs to their social context.One of the most striking features of the deer songs is the recurringreference to flowers. Twelve of the nineteen songs under considerationhave some reference to flowers.Reference to Flowers in Deer SongsSong One sewa malici, 'flower fawn's6wa ba.m, 'flower water'sewa tebaci, 'flower patio'Song Two sakobali sewame, 'flowering sakobali'sewa bwia, 'flower ground or country'Song Three s6wa tebaci, 'flower patio'Song Seven jiiya sewa s6'^ila 'tree bent witb flowers's^ya kiita, 'flower stick (rasp)
'
Song Nine seya yoleme, 'flower deer' (also name of a flower)Song Ten s^wa baubicaka, 'going towards flower water'Song Twelve s^wa malitdka, 'flower with appearance of a fawn'c6?i sew^ta, 'cholla flower'Song Fourteen s6wa b6?opo *in the flower path' and general referenceto flowers in motionSong Seventeen s^wa bwiawi, 'flower country'Song Eighteen aki siyalita . . . sewaka, 'green pitahaya flowering*Song Nineteen sewaj^.ka, 'flower wind'Song Twenty general reference to standing and crawling in theflowersThe most important concept apparent from the above quotations isthat the deer is identified as being a flower, in Song Nine a specificflower. Also, many things which are associated with the deer tendto have a flower association. The home of the deer is the "flowercountry." The deer plays in a "flower patio," drinks from "flowerwater." The water in which the drum floats, and to the drumbeats
nS*66?*^^^' YAQUI deer DANCE—^WILDER 199of which the aeer dances, is "flower water," and the rasping sticks towhich the deer likewise dances are "flower sticks."The mention of clouds forming and rain falling in the concludingstanzas of Song Two, Song Thirteen, and Song Seven, as well as theentire theme of Song Thirteen indicates an association of the deerwith the making of rain. This association is more clearly seen whenwe realize that one of the principal musical instruments to which thedeer dances is the water drum containing "flower water"—a definite"water" association if not rain.Concluding stanza in Song Two, Song Thirteen, Song Seven:
"Yonder in seye w^ilo, under the light of dawn, this light blue cloud is fillingup, gray with water. When it has reached the top of the sky, this will rain asparkling mist until it reaches the bottom."Theme of Song Thirteen
:
"Now we are going to make thunder."The use of the kinship term, saila, little or younger brother, is in-dicative of the type of relationship established between the deer andthe Yaqui. This is used in four songs, and in all but one of these theterm is addressed directly to the deer.Principal Subject Matter of SongsSong Twenty Crawling insectSong Eleven Ground squirrelSong Ten DovesSong Four Bird (probably whippoorwill)Song Six Snake (whip snake)Song Sixteen Rodent (unidentified)Song Seventeen Dry grass ("six weeks grass")Song Five Dry stick (rotted)Song Two MelonSong Eighteen PitahayaSong Thirteen Clouds, thunderSong Nineteen MountainsideSong One, Song Three,Song Nine, Song Twelve DeerSong Seven, Song Four-teen FlowersSong Fifteen A deityFrom the above examples we can infer much concerning the natureof the deer songs. Four of the songs are directly concerned with thedeer, six of the songs deal with the fauna of the deer's habitat, fourhave reference to the flora of his habitat, one has specific reference torain and nothing else, one refers to the geography of the region, andthree have specific modern religious coiuiotations. Of these last
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186three, two are "flower songs" and therefore have meaning in referenceto the deer as well as to present-day Yaqui religion.Special mention must be made of two of the songs, largely becauseof the difference in content as compared with the usual song. SongThirteen, "Now it is going to thunder," is said to be sung early inthe morning, when the "flower water" to which the deer has been danc-ing is thrown up into the air and the drum is beaten to imitate thunder.This song is one of the remaining ones that still have dramatic mean-ing today. The other one, which does not conform to the usual patternin that it does not in the concluding stanza relate the activity to themythical place under the light of dawn, is Song Sixteen, "They wantus to kill this toll with bow and arrow." It is interesting to note thatin this song the word saila is used, indicating perhaps that the deerhas power to help in the hunt, power over other animals. This songis the only song having to do with killing and hunting. It also isstrongly suggestive of an incident in a dramatic representation—
a
characteristic of several other songs—but no other song supplementsthe meaning of this one. SUMMARYThe deer songs have been considered apart from the dance in regardto their form and content. The interpretation of the content has beenbased primarily upon the translations of the words of the songs andgeneral discussions by the chief deer singer. From the materialavailable in these songs some generalizations are possible.Considering the order in which the songs are sung it can be statedthat introductory songs definitely can be identified. Following the twointroductory songs (or three in the case of the Acuha fiesta) are anynumber of songs in no set order. The closing song is one related to aclosing phase of the fiesta, the procession of the church participantsaway from the ramada. Whereas the beginning of the deer dance isnot related to the church activities directly, its closing is determined bythem. In part, then, the deer dance relies on activities apart from itfor its form.The form of the songs is distinctive—a bipartite form in which theaction taking place in the world of reality is duplicated through songin a supernatural world. A literary style consisting of balancing andopposing elements of structure and meaning is apparent in the songs.As would be expected, archaic word forms are preserved in the songs.Two examples are seye wailo, a place name, and seya, old form ofsewa, "flower."The content of the songs, in the absence of supporting mythologicaldata to provide contextual interpretative material, provides a point
N?*66r* ^^^* YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 201of departure for the study of aboriginal Yaqui religious concepts.(That these songs may be considered essentially aboriginal is indi-cated by the occurrence of but two Spanish words, Santo Calvario,in but 1 of the 20 songs.) It is perhaps surprising that only fourof the songs are "deer" songs, in that they are about the animal himself.The deer dance, judging from the content of the songs, is not only aceremony for the exercise of magical control over the deer, but is aceremony for control of nature through the medium of the deer. Forexample : a song is sung which states that thunder is going to be made(this has been accompanied by a little drama in the past in Pascua,involving the singing of Song Thirteen, the beating of the pascoladrum, and the throwing of the water from the water drum). Thesong relates the thunder to the mythical place in the East whereclouds bring rain which falls as a mist (the same words are used with"flower ground" or "flower country" in the songs concerning plants
;
in other words, we have identification of the mythical place in theEast with the "flower country"). The direct causal relationship be-tween rain and flowers is explicit in these songs. Flowers are a mani-festation of rain.To relate the deer to flowers is not difficult, a concept not unique,as among the Huichol the deer is identical with peyote. "Flowerfawn," "flower with the body of a, fawn," and seya yoleme (the nameof a specific flower) are names applied to the deer in the songs. Thedeer is also associated with the "flower water" and "flower patio" ofthe mythical place in the East (the same place where the songs in-dicate the rain falls on the "flower ground"). The deer as he per-forms his dance in the ramada dances to the beat of the gourd whichfloats in "flower water" and to the rasping of seya kutam, sticks "ob-viously overburdened with flowers." Thus, through his flower as-sociation, the deer is conceptualized as being closely connected withrain.The fact that all of the songs are not rain, flower, or deer songsdoes not affect the validity of the above reasoning. We know thatthe deer dance has elements of drama in its performance today andthat in the past the deer and pascolas acted out various dramas.^"Knowing that there are aspects to the deer dance other than that ofa rain ceremony we might reasonably expect these aspects to be re-flected in the form and content of the songs, even as the rain ceremonyaspect is reflected in the form and content of certain of the songscollected. As examples of variation in form with variation in contentSong Nine and Song Sixteen can be considered. Neither in the con-cluding stanza relates the action of the basic stanza to the mythical
so See Appendixes 1 and 2, Refugio Savala's accounts ; also Toor, 1937 b, pp. 62-63.
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186place in the East. Song Sixteen speaks of killing "this toll." Thisis the only song dealing directly with killing or hunting. This vari-ation in form and content would seem to indicate that the originalcontext of this song was different from that of the deer-rain-flowersongs. Song ISTine shares with Song Sixteen the distinction of notfollowing the formal pattern of meaning of the basic and concludingstanzas. From the words of this song it can be seen that the songis addressed directly to the maso as he dances in front of the singersand musicians for direct reference is made to the costume of themaso. It is in this song that we have the deer directly associated withthe flower, seya yoleme. It is a song in which drama is explicit.VAKIATION IN FOEM AND MEANINGFrom the variation in content of the songs, we may infer that theform of the deer ceremony in the past was variable.Accounts of informants indicate that dramatic presentations wereonce a part of the deer ceremony in Pascua. The killing of the deerand the making of rain are dramatic performances which have beenobserved in Pascua within recent years.^^A resident of neighboring Barrio Libre who is a deer singer andoccasionally participates as a matachini in Pascua, states that thedeer dancers of the present do not perform the body movements norhandle the rattles in the style of former years. He described theformer dancers as being more lifelike in imitating a deer's move-ments.^^Many informants report that the deer dance was held more fre-quently in the past in Pascua.^^ Informants tend to predict a deerdance for a scheduled ceremony, only to have the prediction prove tobe false. In 1936-37 we know that the deer dance was held only fourtimes. It was not held more frequently in Pascua in 1940. Informa-tion from the Eio Yaqui region from the one source which coversmore than the period of time of the Easter ceremonies is that thedeer dancer appears at practically every fiesta in Vicam and Yicamstation. It is specifically reported as being present at the funeralof a child (Johnson, 1962), a type of ceremony at which thedeer dance does not occur in Pascua.Past meanings associated with the deer may be inferred from themeanings reported from other tribes of the Southwest-northern31 Even members of tbe younger generation are acquainted with these performances.Appendixes 1 and 2 are accounts of dramas enacted by pascolas and maso. Toor (1937 b,p. 63) describes a dramatic performance related to her in one of the Yaqui villages inSonora.22 Informant, Leonardo Alvarez, 1940.33 Informants, Lucas Chavez and Frank Acuna, 1940. Also Spicer, E. H. and R. B.,1936-37.
nS^G^]^' ^^^* YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 203Mexico culture area. Sacredness of the deer varies from deificationamong the Huichol to appearance of the deer in nonsecular ceremoniesamong the Pueblos. (A meaning common to all groups is the asso-ciation of curing with the aid of the deer.) Curing by means of thedeer's tail is reported in recent times by Toor (1937 b, p. 55) amongthe Yaqui in Sonora. It is reported that the deer's tail is con-sidered an important cure-all, and is kept in individual homes in theSonora villages.Past meanings may be assumed to be discoverable in the deer songssince these are regarded as being of some antiquity by Pascuans, andthe subject matter obviously relates to the past environment of theArizona Yaquis. The importance of flowers overshadows that ofthe deer in the songs. N^umerically, the word for flower appears in12 of the songs (many times in some of these), whereas the songsexplicitly about the deer are limited to 4. The songs tell of the
'•flower fawn," "flower person," "flower Yaqui," and "flower with theappearance of a fawn." From these examples it is apparent thatthe deer was meaningful because of his association, and even identity,with flowers.Again, through the medium of the deer songs, we see that flowersand deer were considered a manifestation of rain.At the present time in Pascua the deer dance is meaningful be-cause of the cultural importance of dancing.^* Several informantshave pointed out one of the residents of Pascua, who is a deer dancer,as being the champion deer dancer of the world. They take greatpride in this.^^ However, the deer dance is perhaps the least popularof the forms of dance. Young men have been observed in the earlymorning hours of a fiesta practicing the pascola dance steps, but notthose of the deer dancer.The deer dance is performed only at major fiestas in Pascua at thepresent, and is closely associated with the most popular performer ofthe fiesta, the pascola. The fragments of drama in the form of comedyparticipated in by the pascola and maso are obviously enjoyed by thecrowd.Among the younger generation, the deer is not an animal with whichmost are well acquainted.^® The absence of understanding extends to
34 In one instance a young man who had worked day and night for 4 days in HolyWeek as a caballero performed an arduous matachini dance with the first appearance ofthe mataehinis after the Gloria. He did this of his own volition (and because he was amatachini as well as a caballero).33 Informants, Juan Silvas, Angel Acufia, and Frank Acufia.^ For example, Joe D. Romero (see "Informants," p. 152), He has never seen a deer, hasnever hunted, and none of his associates hunt. He has never been in the mountainsaround Tucson, except in the nearby foothills on wood-gathering expeditions.
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186the ceremony itself. At the Acufia fiesta a young boy of about 16inquired into my purpose in attending the fiesta. When told it was tohear the deer songs, he volunteered
:
That's something I have wondered about. There are lots of things happeninghere that I don't know about. Some of these men [indicating the performers]know all about it—the old things. But most of us don't know.Among the older generation the deer dance is somewhat more mean-ingful. One informant, Lucas Chavez (Spicer, MS., 1936-37), saysthat the water used m the water drum is agua bendita (holy water)because it has been sung to during the deer dance. The singing of thedeer singers is not considered comparable to the singing of Mexicansat a dance, but is like that of one who sings as if making a vow. Forthis reason the water is blessed, and it is beneficial to women if theyare drenched by the water when the pascola throws it at a fiesta, as itinsures fertility. It is considered peculiar behavior for women in theaudience to run away to keep from getting wet.One of the deer singers, informant Frank Acuha (Spicer, MS.,1936-37) , says the deer songs are like prayers. Another, informantAngel Acufia, a deer singer also, in explainuig the meaning of theprocessional song "I don't want the flowers to move" (Song Fourteen)
,
said that the flowers mentioned in this song were the same as thosewhich the matachinis wore in their headdress. The flowers movingin the flower path, as mentioned in the song, were also interpreted asbeing matachin flowers-It is the consensus in Pascua in 1940 that the deer dance is meaning-ful as a traditional part of Yaqui culture. It is considered entertain-ing and interesting because of the technical skill of the dancer andthe fragmentary comedy enacted with the pascolas.There are, in addition, specialized meanings, not part of this con-sensus, ranging from almost complete ignorance as to any meaningsof the deer dance to detailed interpretation of specialized concepts,particularly those in the deer songs.Among those to whom the deer ceremony has a more definite set ofassociations and meanings, it is still partly sacred in character.Sacredness is derived from two sources : the traditional nature of theceremony as an expression of "true" Yaqui culture, and the identifica-tion of the ceremony as a flower ceremony, which links it closely withthe formal and conceptual aspects of modern Yaqui religion.The appearance of the deer dancer at the major ceremony of theyear at Pascua, Easter, has particular significance. Here the flowerdeer joins with the matachinis and others whose flowers are used todestroy the Fariseos. Its appearance at the fiestas of Palm Sunday
NS^e^]^' ^^^' YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 205and San Ignacio, patron saint of the village, must be attributed pri-marily to the fact that these are also major pueblo fiestas.The appearance of the deer dancer at the Acuha fiesta may mostreadily be explained in terms of the meanings of the deer to membersof this household. It is a family of deer singers, and in addition, thisfamily bends every effort to make their fiesta the biggest social eventof the ceremonial season in Pascua. Quite probably they equate theirfiesta in magnitude and importance with the pueblo fiestas by seeingthat the deer dancer performs.CONCLUSIONSThe deer dance among the Arizona Yaqui is undergoing change.Eesidents of Pascua report changes within the immediate past, andaccounts from the Yaqui homeland reflect noticeable differences be-tween the Sonora and Arizona Yaqui deer dance ceremonies. Analysisof the deer songs inferentially indicates changes from more ancientform and meanings, and comparison with other tribes offers contrastwith traits common to the Southwest-northern Mexico culture area.Change has been in the nature of a loss of meaning related to thedeer dance ceremony. Traits presumably once a part of the complex,but no longer characteristic of the deer dance as observed in 1940 inPascua include
:
Dramatic performances (related to killing the deer and making rain)A more freely interpretative form of the danceFrequent performances, and performances at many different types ofceremoniesDeer a deityCuring concept related to the deerDeer-rain associationDeer ceremonially meaningful because of Yaqui environmentThe persistence of meanings attached to the deer dance in Pascuamay be attributed to
:
The association of the deer with meanings now attached to flowersRecognition of the deer dance ceremony as an activity within the Yaquitradition, and therefore a desirable part of major pueblo fiestasThe deer as a representation of a sacred entity no longer exists, butsacredness of the songs to which the deer dances, derived from theirflower association, imparts sacred meanings to the deer ceremony be-cause of the culturally important concept of flowers in Arizona Yaquireligion. However, the flowers are considered to be culturally sacredbecause of the meanings attached to flower symbols used in ArizonaYaqui religious activities other than the deer dance.
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuU. 186APPENDIX 1 ''THE DEER HUNTPart 1The ground is prepared green brush is planted to give the scene of a forest itis played by the pasco oholas and the deer singers and dancer.The hunter has two sons he sends the oldest to his neighbor to barrow theinstrument with which they will perform the Satyrical songs for the huntingdance."Go into the forest to the camp where my friend is and give him this canteenof sweet water and tell him this is from the stream in the border of which weare camping, so he may also taste it, after he has tasted the water tell him thatI sent thee to barrow the "Hee-Rookee-Jum"The boy is so coward he is almost crying because he is afraid to go into theforest because he knows that coyotes are abundant finally he departs when hearrives he salute in a way of respect "Dee-os-enchee anee-ah" "atchaee" andwhen he is received he begins to tell the old men these things : "My father thyfriend hast the need of this errand and to thee sent me, this canteen of watercontains the Sweetwater from the stream that flows near by our camp myfather doth desire that thou should taste it so that thou mayest know that weare in a choice country and this one thing he also did, my father desire thatthou mayest let him know if by any chance in thine family is there a girl thatI could take in marriage" The old man answers him smiling.Part 2
"There are three girls in my family which I also desire to give in marriagebut tell thy father to come hither and select the one he like most for thee"The boy return to his father and merryly explains everything the old menhad told him but his father did not send him for this purpose and he get soangry and whip the boy and when the younger was sent he does the same thingin the last. Their father goes and explain everything and barrow from the oldmen the "Hee-rookee-jum" when he bring them he and his two sons begin tosing a spring song when their father says these words : "the cool eastern windbring the spring blossom perfume to the shanty where I live" the two boys leavethe "Hee-rooKee-jum" and looke around and sense the wind, in the meantimethe man in charge of the deer dance steal them and their father again whip andmake them find them this happen until at last the singing is finished and the"Hee-rookee-jum" are taken back to its owner. In preparing for the hunt theygather up some spicy weeds and burn them and with it they fume up theirbody all over so the deer wont sense them. The father and his older son dressedin full hunt costume arch and arrows and a skullful dog "pochee" which helpthem in the search of the game. Part 3The hunt begin in the Ramada where the deer and the "pasco,oholas" dancethe deer is chased out into the patio, the man in charge of the deer dance iswith the deer and it hides behind him everytime the deer is found it sounds the87 Appendixes 1-3 consist of accounts written by Refugio Savala, a 26-year-old Yaqui..These accounts are part of tlie material collected in Pascua by Dr. John H. Provinse in1935-36.
nS*66?'^^^* YAQUI deer dance—^WILDER 207rattles and run in this the boy is frightened and also run away throwing hisbow and arrow and hat away then his father whip him and make him find thethings he has lost the dog runs about and bark the hunter will shoot any personwho happen to be near, in the ground the hunters dig and water is found aftera great deal of search and the deer is found and killed. Sometimes the hunterscarry the game on their shoulders and sometimes a burra carry it into theRamada they get the skin and they go into the wood and find tanning post thisalso a "pascOjOhola" who stands among crowd the pascohola cut the post whenit is falling and some one is near him it happens that he or she gets a hardslap in the face the other "pasco, ohola" to tan the skin he puts it in the pan ofwater and wet it is thrown upon the back of the *'pasco,ohola" who act as thepost and it is done even when it is cold in winter now when it is made into agood pelt the pascooholas begin to peddle it after the measurement is figuredout it is bought with liqour all the water that the "pasco,ohola" drink duringthe deer hunt is pure liquor. Refugio SavalaAPPENDIX 2THE RAINIn the morning the "pasco, ohola" barrow the drum from "Tampaleo" begin torumble with it striking lightly the beams of "ramada" with it. This is to pro-duce the noise of the Thunder and the "pasco, ohola" make the lightnings withthe tongue sticking it out, after this is done the three "pasco, oholas" get allthe gourd cups of the deer singers and get the water on the big pan which isalso the deer singers' instrmnent now The "pasco, ohola" will throw the cupof water on anyone who happens to be near just like the Rain, many people runaway and the "pasco, ohola chase them far out of "Rama" sometimes peoplewho fall sleep near the dance are awakened with the last heaviest shower which isthe big pan of water it is said that it is good luck to get soaked by this play Rainbut the mayority run away for shelter specially in winter.After the rain again the pan of water is filled and the dance continues for ashort time with same funny deers songs which the "pasco, cholas" dance.When the deer hunt is going to be dance it is began after "The Rain."Refugio SavalaAPPENDIX 3THE DEER HUNTERPart 1The deer hunter has a very peculiar method of working out the plan of thehunt. Since this method is not performed with a gun, the hunter goes into theforest and set the traps. This trap are also the Indian method, a rope ofmezcal fibers which is the color of the earth, and long enough to reach the topof a big tree near the lakes where the path of the deer is visible, there in themiddle of the path a round hole is dug deep enough to bury the rope and fourstake are driven deep to hold the rope the one stake that holds the key has afork where on the rope pass and the rope has a little wooden knob which ishooked to the fork of the stake the long rods that goes in the center is anotherkey which locks the little knob on the rope from the four stake the three otherrods lay on top of the key rod so the knot lock of the rope lay loose in a round
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186
coil the stake of the fork holds down with the rope a very strong limb which bentdown, hooked with the rope to the stake now when the deer step on eitherone of the four center rods this bent limb throws the laso on the deer's leg thatsome times it hold it without touching the ground with the leg where the rope hascaught it.When the deer hunter has all his traps set in the evening he and two othersbegin to sing the song of the deer hunter which in composition is very beauti-ful sometimes the singing last all night the hunter or rather trapper, leave atdawn and find his prey on the trap alive and he slay it with a knife which hethrusts on the deer's collar- Thus the blood is drained and the meat is goodto eat and in this manner the skin is not damaged, now to carry his game on theshoulder one of the hind legs is tied on one of deer's horns because this is theway it will not squeeze the carrier's neck or shoulders. If one would try to tiethe legs together and carry it on the shoulder it would squeeze the blood out ofit, if one would try to carry it with loose body it would roll off the shoulder.Part 2The deer hunter sometimes use the arch and arrow or gun but when theywant it just for food, they also sing some hunt songs before they go and theybathe early in the morning or evening previous to the hunt and when they leavethey burn some weeds and covered with a blanket fume their body so the deercannot scent them with in a close distance, the deer has a very keen perceptionfor humans, for this reason a deer hunter must be clean. The trapper also usesthe same method for the hunt when he goes to set the trap he also bathe andfume his body and above all, everything that the trap is made is carefullyrubbed with some green weeds and tree leaves so that no trace of human odoris left where the trap is.The deer trapper also make a living out of his trade he tans all the skins andprobably his wife is also a good tanner and may be good maker of skin jacketswhich is a demand in the Yaqui country people who work this are always mak-ing more money because even women wear the deer skin outfit or at least thetrapper sells the tanned skin to those who work it in fancy styles and whenthey go into the "Yorim" they sell the skin on a good price no matter whatquantity Mexican "Talabarteros" usually preffer the Yaqui deer skins.There are people who stay in the wilderness all the year or part of the yearmerely trapping and hunting deers, in season of progeny only bucks are slainin order to preserve the game. Eetugig SaVATjAEEFEEENCESBeals, Ralph L.1932 a. The comparative ethnology of Northern Mexico before 1750. Ibero-Americana, No. 2. pp. [93]-225.1932 b. Aboriginal survivals in Mayo culture. Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 34,No. 1, pp. 28-39.Bennett, W. C, and Zingg, R. M.1935. The Tarahumara. Univ. Chicago Publ. Anthrop. Chicago.BoGAN, Phebe M.1925. Yaqui Indian dances of Tucson, Arizona. Arizona Archaeol. andHist. Soc. Tucson.
^J*^^oP-P^P- YAQUI DEER DANCE—^WILDER 209BuNZEL, Ruth L.1932. Introduction to Zuni ceremonialism. 47th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. for 1929-30, pp. 467-544.BuTTKEE, Julia M.1930. The rythm of the Redman. New York.Densmore, Frances.1929. Papago music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 90.1932. Yuman and Yaqui music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 110.DoMiNQUEz, Francisco.1937 a. Yaqui customs. Mexican Folk-Ways, Yaqui Number, July. Mex-ico, D. F.1937. b. Yaqui music. Mexican Folk-Ways, Yaqui Number, July. Mex-ico, D. F.Gamio, Manuel.1937. The importance of Yaqui folklore. Mexican Folk-Ways, Yaqui Num-ber, July. Mexico, D. F.HOLDEN, W. C, et al.1936. Studies of the Yaqui Indians of Sonora, Mexico. Texas Technol.Coll. Bull., vol. 12, No. 1.Johnson, Jean B.1962. El idioma Yaqui. Publ. Inst. Autrop. e Hist., Dept. Invest. Antrop.,No. 10. Mexico, D.F.LuMHOLTz, Carl.1902. Unknown Mexico. Vols, land 2. New York.Montell, G.1938. Yaqui dances. Ethnos, vol. 3, No. 6, pp. 145-166. Stockholm.Parsons, Elsie Clews.1932. Islela, New Mexico. 47th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. for 1929-30,pp. 193-466.1939. Pueblo Indian religion. 2 vols. Univ. Chicago Publ. Anthrop.Parsons, Elsie Cle^vs, and Beals, Ralph L.1934. The Sacred Clowns of the Pueblo and Mayo-Yaqui Indians. Amer.Anthrop., vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 491-514.Provinse, John H.Field notes. Pascua village. MS., 1936-37. Deposited with Dept.Anthrop., Univ. Arizona, Tucson.Spiceb, E. H.1940 a. The Yaqui Indians of Arizona. The Kiva, vol. 5, No. 6. ArizonaArchaeol. and Hist. Soc., Tucson.1940 b. Pascua, a Yaqui village in Arizona. Univ. Chicago Publ. Anthrop.Spicer, p:. H., and R. B.Field notes, Pascua Village. MS., 1936-37. Deposited with Dept.Anthrop., Univ. Arizona, Tucson.Spicer, R. B.The Easter fiesta of the Yaqui Indians of Pascua, Arizona. MS., M.A.thesis, Univ. Chicago, 1939.TooB^ Frances.1937 a. The Yaqui festival makers. Mexican Folk-Ways, Yaqui Number,July. Mexico, D. F.1937 b. Notes on Yaqui customs. Mexican Folk-Ways, Yaqui Number, July.Mexico, D. F.623-738—63 15
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 186Underhill, Ruth Murray.1936. The autobiagraphy of a Papago woman. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc,No. 46.1938. Singing for power ; the song magic of the Papago Indians of SouthernArizona. Univ. California, Berkeley.1939. Social organization of the Papago Indians. Columbia Univ. Contrib.Anthrop., vol. 30.1940. The Papago Indians of Arizona and their relatives, the Pima. Sher-man Pam. No. 3, U.S. Office of Indian Affairs, Haskell Institute,Lawrence, Kans.ZiNGG, R. M.1938. The Huichols : Primitive artists. Univ. Denver Contrib. Ethnol.No. 1.
JUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 186 PLATE 39
a, b, The procession, Palm Sunday, 1937.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 186 PLATE 40
The maso.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 186 PLATE 41
is^di 1 11 iiiia^^^^^^^^^^^ iliiiiii iiiii,iii,iiiMiiirii
;/
a, Water drum, b, Rasping stick and resonator.
JUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 186 PLATE 42
a, Ramada scene, b. The ramad^