THE HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION IN THE UNITEDSTATES NATIONAL MUSEUM.By Walter Hough,Curator of Ethnology, United States National Museum,INTRODUCTION.This publication aims to give an impression of the arts and indus-tries of a tribe of Pueblo Indians at a period when they were littlemodified by outside influences. It may serve as a guide to the Hopicollection now exhibited in the Natural History building of theUnited States National Museum. Handbooks of this characterwhich are made up virtually of extended labels of the collections areprojected for other sections of the exhibit of Ethnology.The following descriptive label for the family group case dis-played in the west north hall of the Natural History Museum of theSmithsonian Institution in Washington gives a brief account of theHopi:The Hopi Indians occupy stone-built villages in northeastern Arizona. Theywere first seen by wliite men in 1540 wlien Tobar and Padilla were dispatchedby Corouado to visit them. On account of the isolation of tlieir country, theyhave preserved to a greater degree than other tribes the arts and customs ofthe Pueblos. They are farmers and depend mainly upon corn for their sub-sistence. Among the arts in which they are skillful, are weaving, basket-mak-ing, and wood-carving, and in the minor art of cookery they are widely knownamong the Indians. The group represents the parching, grinding, and bakingof maize which goes on in every household. A woman and little girl grindon the slanting millstones the corn prepared by the parcher. The bakerspreads with her hand the batter on the heated stone slab and the result Isthe paperlike bread called piki. Another woman is weaving a basket of yuccaleaves. The man brings in from the field a backload of corn ears and theboy exhibits triumphantly a rabbit which he has killed with the curvetl boom-erang club peculiar to the Hopi.AGRICULTURE AND REARING.Agriculture is the principal occupation of the Hopi. They areindustrious and resourceful tillers of the soil under conditions whichwould seem hopeless to a farmer. Their efforts are principally de-voted to raising corn, but wheat, beans, squashes, and common vege-tables are grown. They preserve an agriculture of native cotton,Gossypium ?iopi, which they use for ceremonial purposes.^
i Lewton, F. L., The Cotton of the Hopi Indians : a new species of Gossypium, Smith-sonian Misc. Coll., vol. 60, No. 6, Oct. 23, 1912.Proceedings U. S. National Museum, Vol. 54?No. 2235. 236
236 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATWNAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.
are produced.
Corn is planted in the sandy soil along the washes, dependencefor its ripening being placed on the winter snows and the siimmerthunderstorms. In spite of the conditions, large quantities of cornThe fields are cleared of brush in February andleveled. Planting begins in April andthe crop is gathered in September.Spring frosts and sandstorms are draw-backs to the success of the crops, andsometimes floods injure the low-lyingfields. The tools used are a plantingstick usually with wedge point (pi. 19,fig. 4), but sometimes having a blade(pi. 19, fig. 5). A hole is dug and fromto 12 or more grains placed therein andcovered. The hills are about 6 feet apart.The plant is small and rarely 5 feet high,the ears shooting near the ground.The field is kept clear of weeds by means of hoes, usually theheavy homemade blade of Spanish pattern, like those seen amongthe Rio Grande Pueblos (fig. 1), sometimes of wood (pi. 19, fig. 6),and anciently, according to tradition, of stone. These implements
Fig. 1.?Iron broad hoe of SpanishPATTERN.
Fig. 2.?Hand dibble of wood.are smooth spatulate blades of fine stone (see Archeology, secondfloor, east side), found mostly in the northern clifi'-house region, butnever in ancient Hopi sites. The Hopi call them wiki, hoes, regardthem as sacred objects, and place them on the altars of some of theirceremonies, but there is little evidencetliat the fine spatulate stones wereactual hoes, though the Hopi mayhave anciently used stone hoes. Thewooden hand trowel for tendingplants appears to be a survival(fig- 2).Corn is gathered by removing theears and transporting them to thepueblo in wicker carrying baskets onthe back (see family group) or in blankets over the back or on theburro. The fodder is gathered by breaking off the stalks and tyingthem in bundles. It is usually almost valueless, as the leaves arefrayed or whipped off by the wind. Much of it is used in the greenstate during the roasting-ear season, when a part of the crop is baked
Fig. 3.?Field pit oven for roastinggreen corn; a, fire pit; b^ flue.
NO. 2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 237in field pit ovens (fig. 3), and either eaten at feasts or strung on cordto be dried for winter provision. Husking pegs of bone or wood havebeen observed among the Hopi, but it is not known that this imple-ment is ancient. Corn ears are stored in the house in a place reservedfor the purpose, is often sorted by the colors, and is occasionally takenout, sunned, and brushed to free it from dust and insects (pi. 20). Itis also stored by crops, on6 year's being held over in case of failuredue to a bad season. This custom is said to have arisen on accountof famines, which have often plagued the Hopi in former years.Hopi corn is a pure breed of ancient strain, 12 rowed, white, yellow,red, carmine, dark blue, black, and variegated. The cobs are slen-der, the ears 5-7 inches long, generally perfect, and the grains regu-lar and not indented (pi. 21).The Hopi have also pop corn and sweet or sugar corn, both prob-ably introduced. Sweet corn is referred to as the particular posses-sion of the Middle Mesa Pueblo Shemopavi, where it is raised insome amount.^In the cornfields scarecrows consisting of sheep scapulae, tin cans,etc. (pi. 22, fig. 3), are set up.For cleaning brush from the fields, a curious rake-fork is used(pi. 19, fig. 1, Cat. No. 128767, collected by Mrs. M. C. Stevenson) . Itconsists of a three-tined branch of a juniper tree, peeled, and acrossthe tines is secured by lashing a strengthening rod of wood.For picking the fruit of the prickly pear, wooden tweezers, natcha,are used (pi. 19, figs. 2, 3). The fruit is picked with the tweezersand rolled in sand until the spines are removed. The Navaho, Zufii,Pima, Papago, and other southwestern tribes use similar implements.A great number of varieties of beans are grown by the Hopi andthese form a substantial addition to their fare. They are namedpala nioshri, red beans, avatch mozhri^ speckled beans, etc., fromtheir color or markings. Success also sometimes attends the plant-ing of peas. Squashes, gourds, pumpkins, melons, and onions areraised. As in Mexico, the flowers of the squash are much appre-ciated as a dainty food.Of cultivated fruits, the Hopi have only peaches which were in-troduced among the Pueblos several centuries ago by the Spaniards.The trees are planted on sand slopes below the pueblos and as thereare no peach diseases or insect enemies in the region, they flourishto a considerable age. At this elevation, however (6,500 feet), frostsrender the crop precarious. The Hopi are exti-avagantly fond ofthe fruit and a good yield is a matter of great rejoicing. The ber-ries of the rhus and prickly pears furnish the only native fruits inthe immediate environment of the Hopi.
1 CoUins, G. N., A drought-resisting adaptation in seedUngs of Hopi maize, Joum.Agricultural research, Washington, D. C, vol. 1, No. 4, Jan. 10, 1914.
238 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.DOMESTICATION.At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards the.Hopi had twodomestic animals, the dog and the turkey. The dog appears to havebeen a short-legged species,^ resembling a dachshund. The namegiven this animal is poko, which also means pet or attendant animalof the world quarter beings. Bones of the dog are not infrequentlydug up. The skull of a dog was excavated from a grave at ChavezPass, Arizona,^ the specimen being polished, as though from use asa fetish or object of special care.The turkey is the only bird that was domesticated by the AmericanIndians north of Mexico. In the latter country the turkey was afamiliar domestic animal, and in the Pueblo region the same condi-tion of affairs seems to have prevailed since early times. The turkeyis mentioned in the Zuni cosmogenic legend, and its tail-feather mark-ings are said to be caused by the slime of the earlier wet world. Itis a sacred bird, probably never eaten but preserved for its feathers,which were used both for ceremonial and practical purposes in pahosand in preparing the feather cord from which garments were con-structed.^The Hopi have received from the white man horses, burros, cattle,sheep, goats, pigs, chickens, and cats. It is difficult to say in whatorder the animals came into the possession of the Hopi, but in pointof usefulness the smaller animals are first. (A bell of horns forgrazing animals is shown in pi. 22, fig, 1.) The care of cattle neces-sitates the use of the horse, and it is probable that the Hopi acquiredthese animals late and never owned them in number. The burro,however, is an animal suited to meager environments, and has becomeinseparable from the Hopi economy. With the larger animals camerude harness, spurs, whip, hobbles, the lariat, and other articles con-nected with them (pi. 22, fig. 4).In the humane treatment of animals the Hopi has much to learn.Horses are often overworked and starved, and the goad is some-times cruelly used on the weak, jaded animals. Burros are " pun-ished " for stealing, the penalty being the loss of an ear. Some oldoffenders have suffered the loss of both ears. The Hopi does notappear to be intentionally cruel; he is rather childishly careless ofthe rights of the dumb creatures under his charge. The equipmentsrendered necessary by the introduction of the horse are crude com-pared with those of the Navaho, and reflect the scanty resources ofthe Hopi and their incomplete utilization of the horse, again losing
* Lucas, F. A., A dog of the ancient Pueblos, Science, n. s., vol. 5, No. 118, April 2,1897, p. 543-544.
? Fewkes, J. W., Two summers' work In Pueblo ruins, 22d Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn.,p. 27.
? Hough, Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus., 1914, p. 71.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 239in comparison with the Navaho, who are the best hoi'semen in theSouthwest.The Hopi depend almost entirely upon their flocks of sheep andgoats for the material for clothing and for animal food. The sheepapparently do not differ from those of the Navaho, whose flocks aremostly mongrel interbred animals whose fleece is coarse and full ofchaffy useless fibers called kemp by wool graders. The fiber is verystrong and serves well for the manufacture of coarse stuffs. Hopisheep are herded with goats whose courage and aggressiveness serveto protect the weaker sheep. The flocks are constantly tended byherders while grazing. At nightfall they are driven into stone cor-rals, located on the wide ledges just below the pueblo. The herdersare usually women and children, but the men also are charged withthe responsibility when the numerous ceremonials do not require theirattention. A crook is used in herding and the sheep are sheared withthe iron shears of commerce. Sundry piles of stone set up in variousplaces are said to be for the purpose of guiding the herders in driv-ing their charges, probably with regard to the boundaries of com-munal or clan lands.Chickens are kept in some number for eggs, which are sold to thewhite people when the latter can be induced to buy. Sometimes acoop is built on the house roof for the chickens, but usually theyroost in the rooms. They do not thrive, principally on account of in-sect pests.Dogs are plentiful in the Hopi villages, where they lie aroundsleeping in the shade all day. Their nocturnal habits appear in theexcursions, yelping and fighting, in which they engage after sun-down in the pueblos. They are mongrels of little use except asscavengers and for hunting rabbits. Cats are very scarce and diesoon under the severe conditions as to food and water in the pueblos.DOMESTIC ECONOMY.The Pueblos are better provided with vessels for various domesticuse than any other tribes, and this accords with their great advance-ment in domestic science. With apparently small advantages tobe derived from an environment that seems to offer little for mate-rial needs, the Hopi present a striking example of resourcefulness.The chief necessity in this arid region is for containers adaptedfor water, salt, seeds, for cooking purposes, and other multifarioususes; and this need was supplied by pottery, which even at theearliest time at which the Hopi are known to investigators wasgreatly diversified in form, texture, and ornamentation. Plate 23shows: Figure 1, a dipper; figure 2, a salt vessel; figure 3, a condi-ment bowl ; figures 4 and 8, bottle forms for water ; figure 6, spoon
;
figure 5, a water vase ; and figure 7, a food bowl.
240 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.Vessels of wood.?Vessels of wood were uncommon and wereusually procured only when natural shells or knots suggested theuse as spoons or small bowls. The cottonwood, which may be termedthe culture tree of the Hopi, decayed easily, forming hollow cylin-ders which were adapted with not much work to the shells of drumsand gave this tribe their only idea of a boat, expressed in the snakelegend. The roots of this tree being of even grain, soft and easilyworked, were the favorite material for feather boxes and gamingcups. (See pis. 43, 48.) Feather boxes for holding the plumagenecessary for pahos and the decoration of religious paraphernaliaare by far the most common wooden vesselsemployed by these Indians. (See pi. 43, figs.2,3,4; and fig. 4.)Vessels of skin, etc.?Vessels of skin, raw-hide, or membrane were also of slight value inthe Hopi domestic economy, and those now orrecently found in the villages were of scrotaof the domestic goat, made by distending themembrane with sand, leaving to dry, and fittingwith a rim of bent branch of rhus over whichthe skin was turned and stitched with sinew.The Hopi, however, knew how to work raw-hide into masks, decoys, etc.Gourds.?The light, strong rind of the culti-vated gourd marked this plant for a wide rangeof usefulness among the Hopi. Despite thediscovery of pottery with its attendant econ-omies, the gourd continued in favor, its light-ness and strength being valuable qualities,while its use was not superseded by basketry,which brought in vessels that were lighter thanpottery and nonbreakable.The species of gourd cultivated by the Hopiare small, and the imposing gourd vesselssuch as are seen about the Pima houses are ab-sent from the Hopi economics. The small gourds, however, are veryuseful for many purposes, and the shell, which is more available andmore easily worked than wood, has numerous applications. In con-nection with water the gourd is used for dippers (pi. 24, fig. 3, pi. 22,fig. 2) spring bailers, sacred water vessels (pi. 24, fig. 2) and canteens;for household use, as spoons, cups, and dippers ; as tools, for potterysmoothers, and cups for paint ; for special use, as seed bottles and ves-sels (pi. 24, figs. 1, 4, 5), medicine holders, powder horns, etc.; inmusic, as horns, trumpets, flutes, bells, and rattles; in games, as peashooters, etc. ; in religious paraphernalia, as parts of masks such as
Fig. 4.?Box with buckskin cover for sacredfeathers.
NO. 2230. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 241noses, horns, flowers, etc., the mask head of the serpent effigy, also forcontaining sacred honey and water, and as paJws; in art, as gourdsdecorated with symbolic designs. The gourd has always been fertilein suggestion to the Hopi and to the tribes of man, as illustrated bythe adaptations for masks mentioned above and for the forms it hasimpressed upon pottery and basketry.Cradles.?The Hopi cradle is of two types, the one commonly usedconsisting of a yolie made by bending a sapling of green wood andweaving across it wicker work of rhus stems (pi. 25, fig. 2). A bowalso of wicker is adjusted at the upper end of the cradle to protectthe face of the infant. A carrying cord is attached to the limbs ofthe yoke about one-third of the length of the cradle below the head.An orifice is left in the wicker work of the cradle at the proper placefor adjusting an absorbent mass of frayed cedar bark under the in-fant. The baby is folded in a blanket, laid on the cradle and securedto it by means of a woven belt or band of cloth wound continuouslyaround the cradle and infant. The cradle described above is peculiarto the East Mesa and Oraibi. The other type of cradle consists of athin board with rounded ends and has a collapsible bow made ofthree withes held in position by cords (pi. 25, fig. 1). The marginof the plank has holes burnt or bored through it in which cord loopsare fastened. The band for securing the infant on the cradle is rovethrough these loops. This type of cradle is peculiar to the MiddleMesa. It is more difficult to make than the wicker cradle, since theworking out of a board by primitive methods presents an almostinsuperable obstacle. In recent years boards from packing boxes havebeen utilized for cradles. The old cradles have been preserved forgenerations and are worn thin and smooth from long use. Especiallyis the wear noticeable where the head of the infant comes in contactwith the board. The cradle of the Hopi appears to be a survival froma former environment which entailed the use of a pack cradle whosenecessity is apparent among tribes not having fixed habitations. TheHopi now use the cradle merely as a bed for the infant during itsperiod of sleep, the secondary explanation being that lashing in theconfines of the cradle will make the child grow straight, and withthis object in view especial attention is given to a boy. The effect ofthe hard cradle in producing deformation of the skull has been notice-able and the flattened back of the cranium of the Hopi and mostother Pueblos is very characteristic. This deformation is observed inthe most ancient crania recovered from the graves in this region.Fire-Tnaking tools.?Like many other tribes of the world, the Hopihave preserved their primitive wood friction fire-making implementsfor the purpose of religion. The abandonment of the fire sticks inpractical use, however, is recent, and all Hopi men still know the3.343?19?Proc.N.M.vol.54 17
242 mOCEEDlNaS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. u4method. The apparatus consists of a spindle and the tablet of woodupon which it is rotated, kindling of rubbed cedar bark and a rollof cedar bark used as a slow match (pi. 26, figs. 1-3). The drill andhearth are made of the root of the cottonwood, a material of peculiarexcellence for the purpose. In the New Fire Ceremony the lowerpiece or hearth employed is made of sandstone, a custom unique inthe history of fire-making.COSTUME AND ADORNMENT.MarCs costume.?There is evidence that formerly when skins weremore plentiful the Hopi men sometimes wore shirt coats of tanned
Fig. 5.?a, Buckskin shibt of archaic style. 6, detail of s6ams.deerskin of the general type prevailing in America (fig. 5). This isitrue also of the Zuni and Eio Grande Pueblos and some specimensof this costume, which seems to have come in from the Plains, havesurvived. As a rule, however, the costume of the Pueblos is affiliatedwith that of Mexico and is thus characterized by the use of weavingto a greater extent than among any other North American tribes.Men formerly wore leggins of tanned skin, but these were also prob-ably adopted from outside sources. The typical body garment of theHopi man in historic times was a length of dark blue or black woolencloth with an opening made in the middle for drawing over the head,equal lengths of the garment hanging over the back and front like
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 243the Mexican poncho (fig. 6). This early form with the additionof sleeves was sewed partly down either side, leaving openings underthe armpits and slits in the skirts (fig. 7). The sleeves were loose andshort. This shirt-coat, which is shown complete in figure 8, hadlittle ornament, but modernly bits of ribbon and stitchings of redand green worsted have been affected. No undergarment except aloin cloth was worn (fig. 9). This feature of dress is well nigh uni-versal and may be considered among the most primitive. The cere-monial costume gives a good indication of the archaic dress. Thisconsists of a width of cloth finished on the edges, wrapped sarongfashion around the waist and held by abelt (fig. 10). The leather belt was prob-ably not' worn in ancient times and notgenerally in modern times, those foundamong the Hopi being adopted from theNavaho. These costly leather belts, heav-ily adorned with large pierced and chasedsilver plaques, are worn by young menwho wish to be leaders of fashion.Woven belts and garters for holding theleggings are ancient (fig. 11).It is difficult to ascertain whether thelegging was anciently used. The pre-sumption, however, is that it came intouse at the time when the moccasin re-placed the sandal. The legging was asquare of tanned deerskin folded oncearound the calf of the leg and tied witha thong or woven garter (fig. 12 a-h). Amore ornamental legging with pairs oftying cords and fringe (fig. 13) is a com-panion piece with the " old style " shirt(fig. 5), Another more pronounced inart, folded on the leg and tied with thegarter, is shown in figure 14. Knit leggings are sometimes worn byold men and women.Moccasins are worn by all Hopi men. Though their form is char-acteristic and not to be confounded with those made by any othertribe, it is a fact borne out by archaeological evidence that the Hopiand other Pueblo tribes anciently were sandal-wearing peoples andit must be concluded that the leather moccasin was acquired fromthe non-Pueblo tribes. Peculiarities in the manufacture of the Hopimoccasin, especially the sole bent up around the sides of the foot,seem to point to the Navaho and Apache as the tribes responsiblefor the change in footwear, and this change probably took place after
Fig. 6 ?Archaic form of shirtof woven stuff.
244 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. voi 54.
Fig. ".?Shirt formed by addition of sleeves, a, b, forms^ofJneck openings, c, d, methodOF APPLYING SLEEVE.
f iG. 8.?Completed shiPvT.
>o. 2235. HOFl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 245the introduction of cattle. The man's moccasin (fig. 15) is well madeand serviceable. It is composed of {a) the sole madeof rawhide from the back of the cowskin, (&) the vamp,and (c) the tongue. At present the Hopi use silver but-tons for fastening the flap, like the Navaho, instead oftying thongs. The boys' moccasin (tig. 16) sometimeshas an extended vamp in two parts sewed together, goingaround the foot as an anklet.The blanket also enters somewhat into Hopi costumeas an emergency or temporary wrap foi' a naked priestgoing through the wintry air to the Kiva, or by thesofter men of modern days. The blanket is generallyput to more practical use for carrying a canteen or sup-plies on the back or as bedding.Smaller adjuncts of clothing, as pouches, etc., wererarely used by the Hopi, except in ceremonies for sacredmeal (see fig. 46).Among the Hopi men, not so frequently as among theother Pueblos, the hair is tied in a knot at the back of thehead with a narrow woven tape. The Hopi have adoptedthis style exclusively since the " hair-cutting order" wentinto effect. Anciently the hair cord was probably oftwisted or braided cotton or other fiber like the Navahofsos he tlotl early adopted by this tribe from the Pueblos.Garters for securing the tops of the leggings are worn byHopi men and this custom is common among all thePueblos, but there is no evidence of its antiquity. Orna-ments worn by men consist of beads of worked shell andstone made into a necklace. The beads, which are disks,are strung uniformly into a strand of a certain length or are spacedFig. 9.?Man'sloin cxoth.
aFig. 10.??. Man's ckremoniax kilt, b, method of wearing.at intervals with oval pieces of shell or turquoise (pi. 27, fig. 1) . Sev-eral of these strands are bunched and bound together for a short
246 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.space, forming a necklace which is put on over the head. Theimportance and value of these necklaces to the Hopi is very great,because of the religious significance of the beads andtheir pecuniary worth. The standard value is abouttwo dollars a string, depending on the character of thebeads and the amount of turquoise. The Hopi do notmake beads, but obtain them in trade from the Zuni orRio Grande tribes. Beads are the most ancient recog-nizable feature of Pueblo costume and are found prac-tically of the same form and materials in prehistoricruins. Ornaments of metal, as earrings, finger rings,etc., are of modern introduction among the Hopi, whowere unacquainted with metallic minerals before thearrival of the Spanish. Hopi men formerly wore on theleft wrist a band of leather to take the rebound of thebowstring, but this part of costume has not survivedfor personal use, though it is still in ceremonial use.The parts of man's costume here described may beregarded as typical of a completely dressed Hopi, butonly on rarest occasions has any one seen the completeUsually the season, avocation, wealth, age, or whim ofFig. 11.?WovenGARTER.assemblage.the individual fixes the matter whether he shall wear all, a part, or
Fig. 12.?a. Outline of man's legging; 6, legging complete.next to none of the tribal costume. As in civilization, the mostlavishly dressed man has nothing else to do.
.NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 247Married woman's costume.?The chief garment of the marriedwoman is of dark brown and blue blanket stuff woven in one piecefor her by the men weavers. It is wide enough to reach from theshoulder to the middle of the lower leg, though worn shorter when
Fig. 13.?o, Outline of fringed legging; 6, legging complete.
moccasins and wrap-leggins form a part of the costume. The mak-ing of one of these blankets into a dress is simplicity itself, only re-quiring the two ends to be brought together and sewed (fig. 17), theresult being a bag open above and below, the seam on the left side.The upper edges are now stitched together for a short distance overthe right shoulder, anopening being left therefor the right arm. It isnow ready to be drawn onover the head, and whenit is in place it will beseen that the left arm andshoulder are free (fig. 18).The dress is sometimes or-namented with embroideryand stitching of coloredyarns. The weaving of14.?a. Outline of wbap-legging; h. legging applied this dreSS is interestingAND SECUBED WITH GARTER. ^^^ -^ described OU page254. Sometimes the blanket, pusala^ is not made into a dress,but is used to enwrap the baby or for other household purposes.It is the completed fabric in demand among the Pueblos, withwhom it was exchanged for beads and other commodities. The
248 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. [VOL. 54.pusala is of standard size, measures 50 by 60 inches, and as allPueblo wear the same style of dress, it is available for clothing inany part of the Pueblo region.The serviceable quality of theHopi pusala is excellent andwell known to the Pueblo In-dians. A wide, long belt, wovenby Hopi women or purchased
? from the Navaho, girds the dressat ih^ waist (fig. 19). This beltis given many turns around thebody, and the end tucked under,
FiQ. 15.?Man's moccasin, o, sole; 6, vamp; c, tongue. Fig. 16.?a, Boys' moccasin with 6, anklet vamp.the long fringe hanging down on the left side (see fig. 18)Unmarried woman.?The costume of the unmarried woman is like
Fig. 17.~Woman's blanket dress. Fig. 18.?Mode of weaking wom-an's blanket dress. Fig. 19.?Woman'swoven belt.that of the married woman except that earrings consisting of littlewooden tablets overlaid on one side with a mosaic of turquoise are
NO. 2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 249worn (pi. 27, fig. 2). The dressing of the hair in whorls is character-istic of the maidens. The method of hair dressing is as follows : Thehair is carefully brushed with a bundle of grass stems (pi. 28, fig. 1),parted in the middle and divided into two locks, each wound over aAvooden bow (pi. 28, figs. 2, 3) of size determined by the length ofthe hair. The mass of hair on the bow is pressed together at themiddle and wound with hair cord (pi. 28, fig. 4), which is passed ateach turn also around the lock of hair next the head in figure eightwinding. When the winding is completed, the bow is removed andthe hair adjusted into a circular shape. Previously the hair whorlswere held in shape with a light structure of corn husk covered withhair combings. These forms were six inches in diameter divided intotwo sections (fig. 20, a, b) the division facilitating the tieing of thehair (fig, 20 c). This coiffure is said to represent the squash flowerand to be significant of fertility as well as to indicate that the girlis of marriageable age.
a cFig. 20.?a, b. Archaic hair forms of corn husk. c. maiden's hair whorls.Children.?Little attention is given to the clothing of children, butsuch garments as they possess are modeled after those of their par-ents, being usually cut from cast-off apparel of adults.Married women.?In full dress the Hopi women wear a camisawith sleeves. This garment is at present made of calico, resemblesthe Mexican huipil, but it is not possible to say that it is traceablefrom ancient times. The probability is that it was adopted not manyyears ago.The shoulder blanket is the most striking article of Hopi women'sdress. The colors are red, white, and blue, the body of the blanketbeing white with wide border of red and blue. The material iscotton and wool and the weaving is diversified and excellent. Theblanket measures 36 by 48 inches and is worn over the shoulderssomewhat like a shawl. It is not customarily found in ordinary
250 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ilUSEUM. VOL. 54.
use, but is worn in full dress and in ceremonies (fig. Sla, b, c). Un-married girls, however, wear it when out walking, and matrons donit on gala occasions or duringceremonies. Within the last 15years Hopi women have begun towear a length of gay cotton printin the manner of the Mexicanrebosa or the Spanish mantilla. Itis like these also, a versatile gar-ment as to the methods of wearingit, and adds a bit of style to therather primly clad and demuremaidens and young matrons. Theblanket worn as part of the mar-riage ceremony, and which becomesthe woman's choicest possession, iswoven of white cotton. It is care-fully woven, so as to be a perfectexample of the weaver's skill (fig.22?). It measures 48 by 58 inches,is 'quite heavy, the weaving beinglike canvas, and requires the tieingFiG."2i.-?,6, METHOD OF WEARING THE SHOULDER stHngs obscrvcd on thc uppcr edge.BLANKET. C, SHOULDER BLANKET. ^ .The corners are sometimes rein-forced with yellow yarn. It is rolled in a reed mat (fig. 225 ) . After themarriage ceremony the blanket is heavily embroidered with worsteds
Fig. 22.?a. White cotton wedding blanket, b, wedding blanket rolled in bed mat.in pleasing color and designs and heavy tassels are fastened to thecorners. The Hopi married woman's hair is parted with a straight
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 251part and gathered into two locks over the ears. Each lock is woundover the first finger and the end drawn through as the finger is with-drawn (fig. 23). The end of the lock is looped up and caught in thewinding (fig. 24), There is thus found a loose knot which is woundover and over with hair cord, the result being a spindle swelling at
?io. 23.?Method of tieinq
"WOMAN'S HAIR, FIKST STAGE. Fio. 24.?Method of tieingwoman's hair, SECONDSTAGE. Fig. 25.?Method of tieinq wom-an's hair, complete.the middle of the lock (fig. 25). In connection with care of the hairJi device of thin slips of hardwood is used for crushing lice (fig. 26).Navaho silver bracelets are sometimes worn and rarely earrings.Necklaces like those of the men are worn. Formerly necklaces ofjuniper berries and other wild fruits andseeds were worn by women (pi. 27, fig. 3).Hopi women customarily go barefoot, butit is probable that the cmnbrous moccasinwith wrap-leggins was formerly more inuse than at present, when deerskin is scarceand expensive, beyond the means of thepoor and frugal Hopi. The woman's moc-casin (fig. 27?, 6, c, d, e) is small, stylish,and has the sole turned higher around thesides of the foot than the man's moc-casin. To the edge of the upturnedsole is sewed a whole white tanned deer-skin, which is wrapped in folds aroundthe calf of the leg and ties at the knee,giving the limbs a most elephantine appearance. Moccasins ofthis style are required in the trousseau of a bride, and it is probablethat they will be made to last her lifetime, since she, like her sisters,will prefer to go barefoot. Baby's moccasins are made of fur (pi. 29,iig. 2) and small children wear a replica of their elder's moccasin (pL29, fig. 1, boy's moccasins; fig. 3, small girl's moccasin leggins).
JFiG. 26.?Slips of hardwood forridding hair of insects.
252 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.A curious and rare article of costume is an eye shade, which ismade of a circular frame of rods (fig. 2Sb) to fit around" the headand a bowed frame attached, covered with skin to form a visor(fig. 28a). WEAVING.The summer climate of the elevated region inhabited b}* the Hopiis that of Maine, but the winter temperature, while not so low isnevertheless cold enough to necessi-tate substantial woolen clothing-For centuries the Hopi have beenfamed as weavers of excellent bluecloth which was traded for by manytribes living far or near in thePueblo region. The Hopi did notweave cloth in a commercial sense;the products of their looms weremostly finished " blankets ' of estab-tablished measurement (50 by 60inches), which without cutting oralteration would make a woman'sdress or smaller " blankets " for chil-dren (see Costume, p. 247). Thetrue blanket or scrape, like those forwhose manufacture the Navaho arecelebrated, was so rarely made bythe Hopi that it can scarcely be con-sidered in describing their textile in-dustry. Narrower widths of woolenstuff than that of the woman's dresswere made for men's garments. Spe-cial weavings of cotton, or of cottonand wool, as the wedding blanketand the girls' shoulder wrap, etc.,were of ceremonial character and aretreated under separate headings.Materials.? The earliest fabricof the Hopi referred to by wlutemen A\'as made of cotton and this textile material is found in theancient sites of the Pueblo region. Cotton and shredded yucca fiberwere the ancient vegetable fabric materials. The use of cotton hassurvived the introduction of wool, being prescribed for textiles usedin ceremonials, the largest work being the wedding blanket (see alsoHair cord, p. 2G1). Cotton was prepared by whipping the fiber-enveloped seeds with a bundle of pliant rods (fig. 29) on a bed ofsand, the process being shown in figure 30. This primitive ginremoves the seeds and leaves the cotton in a fluffy mass, which is
Fig. 2?.?Woman's moccasin legging.a, sole; 6, vamp; c, wtiapping; d, vampSOLE AND -SVRAPPING JOINED; f, COM-PLETE.
NO. 2235. UOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 253
'
SHADE COMPLKTK.SHADE. FRAME OF EVE
made into rolls by hand. Bowing cotton after the Asiatic methodappears to have been unknown in America.The excellent quality ofthe Hopi blanket is dueto the strong fiber of thewool of their native sheepand to the conscientiousw o r k in pre-paring the yarn.The washedwool is dyedwitli indigo, amaterial thathas from timeimmemorialbeen an articleof commerce inthe Southwest,where it was in-troduced by theSpanish. TheAvool, whichwas formerly whipped like cotton, is now carded with thetoothed appliance which was no doubt introduced on thetransfer of the present weaving art to the Pueblos some timeafter the Spanish-Mexican invasion, formed into rolls andspun on the simple spindle, which consists of a rod aboutthe length and size of an arrowshaft weighted with a per-forated disk of wood, horn, or earthenware (pi. 30, figs.4, 5, 6). After spinning the yarn is stretched andsmoothed by taking one turn over a polished corncob anddrawing the corncob along, care being taken to regulatethe tension, andfinally the loosefibers are re-moved by singe-ing and the fin-ished yarn laidup in hanks.Laying up the warp.?Since the fabric is to bewoven to the edges andfinished there without sel-
FiG. 29.?Whip forfluffingCOTTON.
Fig. 30.?Process of -wnirpiNG cotton.vage or loose ends, the warp is measured back and forward continu-ously between two rods fastened by means of pegs in the floor at a
254 PROVEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUISEUM. vol.54,proper distance apart, and the warp yarn given a regular spacingAvith a winding of cord which passes through the loop and over therod, taking in the next loop, and so forth. The Avarp ends are thusin a line on the periphery of the rods. The lower rod is tied to thefloor or cloth beam, and the upper rod is tied at the ends to anotherrod which receives the lacing of cord which goes over this rod andthe supporting beam (pi. 31).Setting up of the loom.?The warp, with its rods forming a frame^is then stretched between two beams, the upper attached to pegs inthe kiva wall and the lower secured by plaited wool rope to socketsbored in a plank set in the floor, which takes the place of the socketsmade in the stone slabs of the floor according to ancient practice.The warp frame is secured to the beams by a spiral winding cordand is not applied as among the Navaho, who run the cord under thebeam along the edge of the warp. The warp is kept taut by cordswhich lash the upper loom beam to the wall pegs and may be ad-justed if the web becomes slack. One man can set up the warp, butthe services of two are preferable. The loom is then suspended in avertical position and the weaving begins at the lower border.The heddles are then applied either *for plain, checked, or diaperweaving, as required, all three of these methods being sometimes usedon the same piece of work. The dress blanket is usually begun withthree diaper heddles and with them is woven a broad band of basketpattern, or "birdseye" in blue. The warp is then reversed in theloom frame and a similar band is woven at the other end of theblanket and the termination of each of these weavings is finished witha cording. The body of the blanket of dark brown wool is then putin with two heddles set for plain weaving. The finishing off of thisportion of the blanket is very difficult and is effected by means ofslender rods which open the sheds. The weaver beats the weft homewith a wooden sword or batten, small in case of the belt loom andlarge in case of the blanket loom (pi. 30, figs. 1, 2, 3). This is alsoeffected at certain points when necessary with a weft comb, whichconsists of a strip of wood having teeth cut at one end. At the finisha slender bone awl is used for pressing the weft home. The largebatten is used to spring or hold open a shed, as the heddles are onlyactuated by hand, the Pueblo looms being vertical, and on account ofthis position none of them have the simple but important device formoving the heddles by foot power, which is practicable on the hor-izontal webs of the Old World. The horizontal loom, however, wasused in ancient Mexico,^ but was of great simplicity. A primitiveshuttle (fig. 31), consisting of a stick on which yarn is wound to andfro, is employed.
1 Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A., Navaho Weavers, 3cl Ann. Eept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.,1881, p. 391.
NO. 2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 255Several very old blanket weaving tools are in the Museum col-lection, and considerable difficulty has been experienced in definitelyascertaining their use, especially since these tools are archaic to thepresent weavers. Figure 32 is the oldest and best specimen ofbrowned oak polished by long use and carved back andfront with patterns. It was collected by Mrs. M. C.Stevenson, who was told that the notches on thehandle of the tur i hohu^ as it is called, recordedthe number of blankets the weaver had made, andthe notches on the blade the number of days tobe consumed in making a blanket, thus indicatingan interesting record or tally stick. The terracedend set with sharp iron point probably served topush in certain threads of the Avarp to form aspecial shed for diaper weave. Figure 33 is also ofoak with two spurs formed in the end. Theseprobably served as a comb for pressing down por-tions of the weft. Figure 34, of oak, resembles the
Im
Fig. 32.?a, Blanket weaving tool. 6, back view. Fig. 31.?Shuttle ofprimitive form,Thisstretching pins used by the embroidery of blankets (fig. 38),specimen has also tally notches on the side.Belt weaving.?The greatest play of fancy in the Hopi textileart is in the weaving of belts. Apparently tapes, belts, and othernarrow weavings have a long history and preserve to some extentthe primitive artin tools, methods,and designs.Wider fabrics arethe product ofcivilization andhave not the longlineage of designthat is unbrokenin the narrow fabrics. The handicraft that could produce smalland greatly varied patterns with a few warp threads was notperpetuated in the fabrics requiring numerous warp threads. Anexamination of the hand woven tapes and belts of Europe, Asia,
Fig. 33.?a, Oak blanket weaving tool. &, side view.
266 FROCHJEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUHEUM. vol. 54.and North Africa will prove a revelation in design. The Hopi andother Pueblo belts take their place in this most interesting seriesthat has been generally overlooked by students of textile manipu-lation and design. In the Pueblo tribes the weaver's art antedatesthe introduction of wool and dyed yarns on which the present indus-try largely rests.Hopi belts are woven on a small loom and worked in all respectslike the blanket, except for the taking out of threads at the centralwarps where the design is woven. They may also be woven withreed heddles, an ancient improvement in weaving methods, whichrenders the separation of the warp to produce the sheds much easierthan by the cord heddles. the latter an invention presumably moreancient than the reed heddles. An interesting feature of belt weav-ing is that the operator's body forms part of the loom illustratedby a figure in the Zuiii familygroup in the Natural HistoryBuilding of the United StatesNational Museum.The warp, which is attached toa roller of wood secured to. a sup-port, is stretched by cords vdiichare fastened to the ends of a yokeFig. 34.?Stretcher and record in weaving passmg over the Weaver s backBLANKETS. .^ud tlcd to thc cloth beam. Byiuovenients of the body, the weaver, who sits on the ground infront of her work, can tighten or loosen the warp, an advantagein making the sheds for the passage of the shuttle. This deviceis in world wide use and appears to be connected with the distribu-tion of weaving from a culture center.The tools in belt weaving are the same as those employed in blanketweaving but smaller. The roller or cloth beam and the back yoke,however, are not parts of the blanket loom. Instead of using theback yoke of the Pueblos, the Navaho stretch the belt warp in theV-shape opening of a tree fork, which forms a belt loom of primitiveaspect, as shown m one of the groups in the United States NationalMuseum.The warp of a typical belt is set us thus: Two pairs of whitethreads for edging ; 12 red and 12 green on both edges forming plain-woven red and green bordering bands; 60 red yarn and 14 whitecotton threads, forming the middle pattern section ; and then warpsof red and green as above to the other edge, which is bound withtwo pairs of white threads. Another example has two white edgingwarps, 12 red, 6 black, 12 red, 20 white, 20 red for center band; andto other edge 12 red, 6 black, 12 red, 2 edging warps. In the pat-
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 257tern band the red threads are worked in pairs, the white alwayssingle. The weft is white wool yarn and shows very little in the pat-tern and not at all in the border bands. The specimen is 1| incheswide and is probably Zuiii.In Hopi belt weaving the heddles are not applied for patterns, butcontinuously, to alternate warp threads as in plain weaving, the de-signs being formed by lifting the required warp yarns by hand witha small wooden blade or batten. This interesting combination ofhand and machine work points to a more primitive method as inthe Navaho, Chilkat, and Salish weavings.As remarked, the belts of the Hopi and Zuili exhibit great skill intechnic and ingenuity in pattern. The warp and weft are often ofthe same yarn, giving uniformity of texture, but usually the warpis partly of yarn of the same thickness as the weft yarn and partlysmaller. This arrangement furnishes a fertile field for the play ofdesign. The warp in the central or pattern band of a belt is generallyof small white yarn and another color of larger yarn, usually red,the former working' out white pattern grounds, having raised figuresin red warp, the latter contrast being produced by the difference insize of the yarns, the small warp being worked singly and the largerin pairs.Wedding blanket of cotton.?The Hopi wedding blanket, followingcorrect custom, should be of plain white cotton fabric, resemblingcoarse canvas woven in the hand loom (fig. 22). During the yearfollowing the investiture of the bride with the wedding blanket it isembroidered on the upper and lower borders with symbolic patternsin black, green, red, and rarely yellow yarn, and on each corner isfastened a large tassel which is formed on a grooved flat stick aboutwhich the material for the tassel is wound. The upper corner tasselsare usually white and smaller than the lower, which are of black andred. The embroidered band on the upper margin of the blanket isnarrower and simpler in design than that of the lower, whose patternrepresents rainclouds, rain, squash flowers, and butterflies, applied ina very pleasing ensemble. No embroidered wedding blankets antedatethe period when dyed yarns could be procured from the trader and allknown specimens are worked with worsteds, but many were collectedbefore aniline colors came into use. As to the character of the wed-ding blanket before wool was introduced there is no information,though following the method employed in the kilts of the Snakesociety the garments may have been ornamented with painted designs.It is probable, however, that no large woven blankets were made inancient times, and no wide fabrics have been found in the cliff dwell-ings, the widest being 26 inches from Grand Gulch, Utah.3343?19?Proc.N.M.vol.54 18
258 PROCEEDlNaiS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM.Weaving of kilts.?The kilts worn by Hopi priests in ceremoniesare of two kinds, plain woven cloth, which is made of coarse cottonyarn strongly fulled and resembling canvas, decorated with symbolicdesigns in red, black, and white paint w^orn by the Snake and Ante-lope fraternity; and the other of similar canvas decorated withwoven designs in bright woi*sted, worn by the Flute and other frater-nities. These are woven in small looms, the tools and procedure be-ing the same asin the blanltetloom except thatin the second va-riety the heddlesare set to workin the patternsin colored yarns.Sometimes, how-ever, the designsare worked inby embroideringafter the piece isfinished in theloom. The up-per border iscorded withblack yarn. Thelower edge isfinished with abraid of blackwool sewed . tothe margin.The corners arefinished withsmall tassels.These kilts are20 inches wideand 39J inchesFig. 35.?Sash loom with weaving in process. Weft comb (to right). lonff.Weaving of sashes.?Sashes worn in ceremonies are panels of plainweaving of cotton or wool, decorated at the end with designs in col-ored yarns and terminating in a fringe. They are woven plain forpart of the length and then the heddles are adjusted to work in thepatterns in yarns (fig. 35). Two sections or panels thus made aresewed together at the upper end with a roving of cord. In mostspecimens in the Museum the warp and weft are yarn of the samesize. Where the decorated weaving begins a much finer weft is used.
NO. 2235. HOl'l INDIAN CQLLEVTION?HOUGH. 259The effect of this is not to alter materially the surface of the clothbut to narrow the weaving w^hich would have been necessarily muchwider on the addition of the worsteds used in decoration. There isalso an advantage in narrowing the sash at the end with the effectof making it more graceful. Specimen Cat. No. 166318, U.S.N.M.,Hopi Indians, Arizona, collected by James Mooney, has a small warpand a thicker weft. At the beginning of the embroidery the weftand Avarp cords are made of equal size. This again produces a taper-ing form and distinctly finer cloth. These sashes are made 9 incheswide and 44 inches long to 10^ inches wide and 48 inches long.Brwlding the sacred white sash.?A typical example of the sacredsash (Cat. No. 22953 U.S.N.M., collected by Maj. J. W. Powell) iscomposed of 216 threads of white cottonabout the size of small package cord braidedinto a band 8 inches wide and 61 inches longto the termination of the solid braiding(fig. 36). The work is started midway ofthe cords where a twining is applied tempo-rarily and proceeds toward either end, wherethe cords are divided into 12 tresses braidedinto narrow tapes for a short distance.Kings are now slipped on over the cord andsecured and the cords divided into sixes aretwisted together, hanging down as 36 twistsforming a long fringe. The rings (fig. 36).which number 18, have an annular core ofcorn husk wound with cord and are securedto the cord bundles by tying at the termi-nation of the braided portion of the tape.This most remarkable example of braidingis worked with great skill, and the finishedtexture is even and compact. No tools arerequired for this work, and it is only neces-sary after the braid is begun at the middle to secure this portionbetween two wooden clamps in order to suspend the mass of cordsfrom a support in the wall. The cotton employed in these sashesis native (the only Pueblo aboriginal cotton that has survived),grown exclusively for ceremonial purposes and prepared by menin accordance with traditional religious usages. Plaited sacredsashes were used by all the Pueblos; it is not known, however,that all the tribes made them ; probably most of the tribes procuredthe sacred cotton or the finished sashes from those Pueblos wholived in the area where the cotton plant could be grown. Theart of making the sashes is ancient, as the remains of a square,
Fig. 36.- Bratoed sacred whiteSASH.
260 ruocEEDi^as of the national museum. VOL. 54.braided (sennit) sash fringe with rings found in Bear Creek Cave,Blue River, Arizona, show.^These sashes, which are kept white by the application of kaolin,are used by the Hopi priests in the Nashnaiya ceremony. Theyare secured at the waist and hang down in two panels on the leftside. The Ziini use them in the sword swallowing ceremony of thegreat fire fraternity. ^ The Hopi name for them is wuko kwewa^great sash. It is possible that this sash may be of Mexican origin.Enibroidein/.?The Hopi embroider ceremonial kilts, sashes, andwedding blankets, and to a slight extent the woman's dress for every-day wear. The artas it exists at pres-ent appears to havebeen acquired fromthe v/hite man, but itmay also have beenderived from weav-ing, as in the raisedwoven work on thehems of the women'sdress or the raisedfigures on belts.The material to be embroidered is stretched by means of strips of woodhaving points at the extremities (fig. 37, a, 6, c), and when used arebuttoned into the goods and the working done with a fine bone awl(now with a darning needle). Larger stretchers, consisting of a stripof notched wood with a pointed rod lashed to the ends, are useful forlarger embroidery spans or for stretching blankets (fig. 38).Tassel maJcing.?Tassels are important adjuncts of the ceremonialblankets, and are sometimes of complicated structure. Ordinaryblankets are supplied with rudimentary tassels or "tags" at the
Fig. 37.?a. Embroidery on sash. b. Work stretched. WoodenSTRETCHER (IN CENTER).
Fia. 38.?Large stretcher for blanket with adjustable pins.corners, and completed wedding blankets have bunch tassels madeby the ordinary process; sometimes the shank of the tassel is over-laid with colored cords in basket-weave. The tassels for the whitebraided sash (fig. 36) are made on a tassel stick, a very old speci-men of which is shown in figure 39a, a section of the end showing thegrooves. A cord is laid on the longer groove and brought down thesides and a cord is wrapped continuously over it on the stick (fig.iHoygh, Walter, Ancient Culture of the Pueblos of the Upper Gila River, Bull. 87,U. S. Nat. Mus., Washington, 1914, fig. 159, p. 76.2 Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, The Zuui, 23d Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pi. 18.
KO. 2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 26139&) . The under cord is then cut at the point indicated in the shortergroove, the loops slipped off the stick (fig. 39(?), and on it is laida ring of cornhusk, which forms the core of the tassel; the loopsare rolled over J;his ring and the resultant tassel ball formed. Thisis an example of remarkable imagination and ingenuity.Knitting.?Many of the Hopi, in common with the Navaho, Zuiii,and other Pueblo tribes, are familiar with the art of knitting, butusually practice it only in the making of leggings of blue yarn. Knit-ting was learned from the whites, at what period it is difficult toascertain. An unfinished piece of knitting with wooden needles inplace was brought presumably from cliff ruins in northern NewMexico by Dr. Washington Matthews, but the circumstances of itsfinding are not now known. A coarse horsehair legging and one madeof brown (buffalo?) hair were alsocollected by Dr. Matthews. A fab-ric resembling the crochet bagswhich have a wide distribution inthe Eastern and Western Hem-ispheres and are especially commonin South and Central America hasbeen found in archeological sites innorthern New Mexico and Arizona
;
no specimens, however, have beenfound in the southern portion of thePueblo region. A hook or needlewould be indicated for the makingof this fabric,^ but no implements ofthis character have been discoveredexcept a needle of bone^ in ancientsites; and it is probable that thismethod, like knitting, was compar-atively recently acquired.Hair cord.?One of the most primitive textile materials is hair,and the kind that is most available is human hair, which withoutdoubt was worked into cord from the earliest times. Among theHopi hair cord is made by women and at present the art is practicallylimited to the making of cord used in the coiffure of women. Thereis evidence, however, that formerly whenever a cord of peculiarstrength and wearing quality was needed, cord made of human hairwas employed. Some of the earlier specimens collected by the Bu-reau of Ethnology show uses of human hair cord for a netting overgourd canteens, for the strings of marionette birds, and in cere-monies, etc. On the acquisition of cattle and the horse an abundant
Fig. 39.?a. Old tassel stick; ft, c, d. TasselSTICK AND PROCESS OF MAKING TASSEL. GIFTOF Emey Kopta.
1 See Mason, Basketry, Ann. Rept. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1902, p. 380.? See Hougb, Museum-Gates Expedition, Ann. Rept. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1902, pi. 13.
262 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.supply of the material became available. The hair of horses andcattle had some use for lariats, bridles, cinches, and other parts ofhorse trappings, but not to such an extent as among the Mexicans.It was used in religious paraphernalia, on dolls, etc., to representhuman hair. The banner placed above the kiva hatchway, to an-nounce that a ceremony was going on within, is decorated with reddyed horsehair. Hair cord was made by hand or with the spindle.The whirling cord twister, known to the Mexicans and southwesternIndians, was used by the Hopi (fig. 40). (See also p. 253.)Weaimig rabhit-fur robes.?A fabric that long antedates woolenblankets in the Pueblo region is made from rabbit fur cut intostrips, wound around thick cord and joined by twined work of wool,cotton, or hair cord (see background, pi. 31). The large blanketsthus made are warmer and moreflexible than dressed fur skins. Inancient times the cords were over-laid with strips of downy turkeyfeather and formed into robes andbody garments. These were stillin use in 1540, but no mention ismade at that time of rabbit furrobes. The making of this furfabric was a widespread aboriginalindustry all over the Kockj^ Moun-tains, from the mouth of the Co-lumbia to Mexico. There are ref-erences to their use among theeastern tribes.In making fur robes great lengthsof fur-covered cord are first pre-pared, and this generally takes along time, unless rabbits are plentiful. The skins are cut in stripsabout a quarter of an inch wide, dampened and wound spirallyaround the cord, and when the skin is dry it remains rigidly in place.The width of the robe having been determined, a section of the furcord is bent over and the warp threads tied to it at intervals. Thecord is laid to and fro continuously as it is twined in the warp threads,the robes thus having a succession of loops on two edges. When therobe is of proper length, the warp cords are tied to the last breadthof fur cord. The resultant fabric is about an inch thick and warm,but gives a most excellent harborage for fleas and other vermin.Wound work.?The Hopi practice a variety of textile work that isintermediate between basketry and weaving. The basis is a strip ofrawhide or other flexible material wound with colored yarns in acounted order of winds, so that when a number of these strips are
Fig. 40.?Whirling coed twistee.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 263laid side by side a pattern is built up. These strips are joined toform anklets, and it requires considerable precision on the part ofthe worker to wind the strips, which alone are meaningless, butwhen joined form a pleasing design (fig. 41, u, h, c). The methodis very like that of the coiled basket, resembling closely that varietyknown as " lazy stitch." ^The method, however, may be more related to embroidery withquills, which was interpreted in wampum and later in glass beads.Some of the Plains Tribes worked patterns in braided quill onstring, which, wound around a pipe stem or other object, revealedthe design in the mind of the artist. It is probable that this workwas known to many tribes in America, but it has survived in onlya few.Hopi quillwork was confined to the making of anklets identicalwith those described, formed of worsted and rawhide. Porcupinequills were used and the basis is horsehair. The quills were dyed,split and worked over the hairwith a series of half hitches(pi. 32). The Zuni made simi-lar quill anklets and the methodwas also known to some ofthe Eio Grande Pueblos. It isprobable that these objects weredistributed among some of thePueblos through exchange.BASKETRY.The working of pliable ele- fig. 41.?wound work anklet, a. back view, showments of vegetal origin into '^^ "^ing; b frond view; c. completk.basketry and cognate textures is an important feature of the eco-nomic life of the Hopi. The great development of the potter's art inthis region has not apparently diminished the necessity for basketry,which has a range of employment here comparable with that in otherstrictly basket regions. The grosser use to which basketwork is put isin the construction of wind breaks in the fields and the twined weav-ing employed is the simplest and most primitive method known toman. Twining, however, is not well represented among the Hopi, theonly instance of its use being the grass stem mat in which weddingblankets are rolled.^ There have been collected in the Hopi pueblosnumerous twined baskets, some of them very old, but these basketsare of Ute workmanship and have been brought to the Pueblos byexchange. Baskets of extraneous origin will be mentioned later.
1 Mason, O. T., Aboriginal Basketry, Ann. Kept. U. S. Nat. Miis., 1902, p. 249.3 Idem, pi. 103.
264 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MVHELM. vol.54The use of fiat splints or strips gives rise to basket structures ofone type having several varieties in complexity, passing from checkerto twilled and finally to diaper as the highest expression. Generallythis construction produces thin, weak textures familiar in the matsmade by many peoples. The Hopi made mats, apa^ from ancienttimes down to several decades ago. Formerly throughout the Puebloregion it was customary to enwrap the dead in matting before burial,traces of this material being found in ancient cemeteries.^ Matting iscommon in cliff dwellings and ceremonial caves.-The matting hoods over fireplaces are the only survival of thistextile among the Hopi. The basket that most characterizes thePueblo Indians is made from strips of yucca leaf. They are usuallyin twilled and sometimes in diaper weaving. The forms, which arerarely graceful or regular owing to the roughness of the material, arecircular trays often large ; squarish baskets with vertical walls ; andsomewhat bottle-shape baskets. The splints are bent over and sewedto form the edge, and frequently a wooden hoop is used to strengthenthe rim, a feature also of ancient baskets of this type.^Neatly formed head rings or pottery jar rests, forehead bands, beltweaver harness, and cradle head bows are of twilled weaving. TheHopi specimens differ little from similar objects made by otherPueblos. None of the Pueblos ever made lids or covers fitting over ortelescoping the basket receptacle, a practice rarely absent whereverthis style of basket weaving is pursued in other parts of America andin the Eastern Hemisphere. American examples may be cited fromthe Pimas, Mohaves, Cherokees, Choctaws, and other southern tribes,Mexicans, Central Americans, Guianians, Peruvians, etc.
"Wicker basketry, uncommon in America, is prevalent among theHopi and Zuiii and little used by the other Pueblos. The Hopiwicker baskets are the most artistic to be found in the world, and herethe decorations on wickerwork reaches its highest perfection, pre-senting a surprising range of color and symbolic design. The formsdecorated in color are placques, and occasionally small deep baskets;forms with structural decoration are oblong trays. Carrying bas-kets and one of the two varieties of cradles are of wickerwork.The frames of some of the masks are made by this method. It isworthy of remark that wicker weaving is almost confined to thePueblo or Oraibi. The common material for wicker basketry arethe stems of Ehus, tough and strong, forming the frame work, andthe stems of Bigelovia graveolens, Chrysothamnus graveolens, andVerhesnia encelioides, the latter desert plants, commonly called rabbitbrush, furnishing innumerable stems of even size, rather soft, butiFewkes, 22(1 Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1900 (1904), fig. 60, p. 97.2 Hough, Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus., 1914, pi. 16.8 Idem, p. 88,
KO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 265wearing well. The stems are gathered, peeled, rubbed to removeslight irregularities, and dyed. Dyeing is done by various processesand with various materials, subject generally to individual methodsand experiences. Body colors as black, white, green, red, and brown,are washed on the splints, or sometimes applied after the basket isfinished, the medium being an emulsion of fatty seeds of melon, etc.,or saliva, or both, formed by chewing seeds, mixing the resultingliquid with paint and applying to the splints with a tuft of rabbitfur. The colors are ground and mixed on a small flat stone. Thematerials are kaolin or limestone, white; soot or coal, black; coppercarbonate, green; red, brown, and sometimes yellow, iron ochers.Dyes proper, mordanted or not, are subject to the fertile laiowledgeand inventiveness of the Hopi women, who produce a considerablerange of colors, often of great delicacy and beauty. This familiar-ity with dyes is shown not only in baskets, but in the preparationof bread, which is often given a variety of colors with vegetal dyes.Some little information as to these colors can be set down as follows
:
Blue is derived from larkspur flowers; dark blue, beans, shells ofsunflower seeds, and indigo; green, yellowish to olive, from com-posite flowers and leaves; yellow, from Chrysothamnus and otherdesert composite flowers; orange yellow, from saffron flow^ers; red,from bark of alder, berries of rhus, and flowers of the cockscomb;brown, red-brown, and yellow-brown, from plants of Thelesperm,a;black, from ink of resin and iron alum as in dyeing leather. Shadesof pink, carmine, violet, and lavender are produced apparently bymanipulation of the color from cockscomb. As a rule all thesevegetal dyes on wood fade rather soon, especially when subjected toactinic light.The weaving of wicker baskets is begun by crossing at right anglesa number of the rods which form the foundation. The crossing areais sewed with splints, the sewing forming a square area divided intoparts by a diagonal stepped line (pi. 34, fig. 1). The great majorityof wicker baskets are begun in this manner and very rarely in olderspecimens is there a modification of the plan. The radiating rodsare then diverged evenly and the tangential element worked in. Ifenough radiating rods have not been provided to fill out the circum-ference, other rods are added as needed. The edge is finished by aspiral sewing of yucca leaf after the ends of the radiating rods havebeen bent over evenly. This edging is painted red.Designs on wicker baskets are similar to those on the coiled bas-kets, but show greater freedom. They are tangential, while thoseon the coiled baskets are radial, in both cases due to the technic ofthe design-bearing element. The radial designs are forced from cen-ter to circumference, while the tangential designs are forced to ex-pand from side to side. An identical bird design by the two methods
266 PliO'CEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUHEVAJshows this (pi. 33, fig. 1; pi. 38, fig. 6). Occasionally in moderncoiled baskets the design is aided by overlaid sewing, to show thebeaks and feet of the birds, for example. This is an innovation.The foundation of coiled baskets is a bundle of grass stems,takashu {Hilaria jamesii) being used. The sewing, which coversand holds together the coil, is of strips of yucca leaf split with thethumbnail into bands of equal width and smoothed by drawing underthe pressure of the thumbnail. The wicker basket requires no tools,but the coiled basket demands an awl, preferably of bone, as this sub-stance does not chip or cut the sewing. The beginning coil must beslender and pliable to take the short turns, hence it is formed ofshredded yucca leaf instead of the harsh grass, the latter beingadded when the coils grow larger and less curved. The coil growsless again on the outer edge of the basket where it tapers to a finish.The lining strip or sewing is secured at one end, passed over the coil,through a hole made by the awl, engaging some of the previousturns and foundation grass stems, and so on until used up, when an-other strip is started in. In case the pattern requires a color atsome point in the sewing, a splint of the color desired is started in.The pattern is regulated by counting the stitches. Both the coiland the sewing are kept moist bj^ burial in damp sand, which thebasket weaver keeps near her. These baskets are very strong andserviceable, and more of these are made than of any other kind.They resemble, in the size and substance of the coil, the baskets ofNorth Africa; but they are of ancient use in the western and north-ern Pueblo region and not the result of foreign influence. Coiledbaskets are made in the three towns on the Middle Mesa.Coiled basket forms are circular placques, most numerous andsometimes very large; deep bowl forms, sometimes at present withun-Indian handles and covers; and vase forms which are modern.iVbout 1872 coiled sombreros were made as an innovation. Thoughthe coiling was the finest ever made by the Hopi, these hats were tooheavy for comfortable wear.Mention should be made of the baskets acquired by the Hopi fromother neighboring tribes. At the time of the explorations by MajorJ. W. Powell in Tusayan, great numbers of these baskets were col-lected and at first thought to be representatives of the Hopi basketart. These are now in the United States National Museum. Theyconsist of twined pack baskets and pitched water bottles of the Utesand Apaches; strong fine coiled bowls and twined pitched water bot-tles of the Havasupai ; coiled bowls of Ute-Navaho and water bottlesprobably from the Mohave. These were also rod and splint baskets,evidently very old, whose origin is unsettled. They were found alsoat Zufii and in the Rio Grande pueblos. The largest collection ofthese interesting baskets is exhibited in the United States National
NO. 2235. IWPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 267Museum (north alcove, first floor). A descriptive label for thesel)askets written by Prof. O. T. Mason is as follows
:
Made up on a coil of small rods oi splints of willow or Rhus aromatica. Thecomposition of the foundation coil characterizes basketry of this type as" single-rod coil," " rod-and-spliut coil," " two vertical-rod coil," " three-rod
-coil," " two-rod-and-splint coil," " splint coil," and "straw coil." The coils areheld together by an over-and-over sewing with osier splints which pass aroundone coil, under a small rod or splint of the imder coil, each stitch interlocking
-with the one underneath. The ornamentation of these baskets is produced bysubstituting dyed or natural black splints and the figures are mostly geometric.The borders are fastened on with the plain stitch of the coils, or with a rowof false braid effected by passing a single splint backward and forward underthe stitches of the last coil.They are smoothly and strongly made of well-prepared material,decorated with archaic patterns, follow in the main the forms ofancient pottery, and their appearance suggests great age. It isprobable that they are the work of some ancient Pueblo tribe nowextinct, and have been preserved among the Pueblos for hundreds ofjears. Mr. Gushing wrote that some of these baskets had beenrecovered by the Zuni from prehistoric deposits. So far as known,no specimen has been found by explorers of the cliff dwellings andnone occur in the remarkable basket finds in Grand Gulch, Utah,described by Mr. George Pepper.^ Some of these interesting basketsare figured by Professor Mason.- Baskets of the thick coil type aremade by the Pima and Indians of northern Mexico, usually for coarse
'Construction as in granaries and storage baskets. They are notcovered with sewing as in the Hopi examples. The Hopi varietyof coil basket has an ancient history in the Pueblo region, specimenshaving been found in the Bear Creek ceremonial cave on BlueRiver, Arizona.^The tools used in basket making are simple, the awl being mostin evidence though needed mostly for coiled basket making. Thisimportant tool, which serves for inany uses, is at present made fromthe leg bone of the sheep, but was formerly made of deer bone. It isbrought to a fine smooth point on a whetstone and constant use insewing gives it an exquisite polish. A metal knife and of recent yearseven scissors, form part of the basket maker's equipment; formerlychips of flint or obsidian may have served. A polishing stone some-times grooved may be used, though the rods may be smoothed bydrawing them over sand rock in place on the mesas. A wrench ofantelope or goat's horn (pi. 46, fig. 4), like those employed instraightening arrow shafts, may be used for the larger rods, ancientbasketry owes its excellent craftmanship to this tool.
1 Ancient Basketmakers of Southeastern Utah. Supplement to Journal American Mu-seum Nat. Hist., N. Y., vol. 2, No. 4, April, 1902,2 Aboriginal American Basketry, Ann. Kept. U. S, Nat, Mus., 1902, pi. 28.?Hough, 1902, Culture of the Ancient Pueblos, Bull. 87. U. S. Mat. Mus., 1914. pi. 24.
268 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.The ornamentation of Hopi basketry, potterj^, and other articlesis never merely aesthetic or employed for the sensuous pleasure inbeauty of form and color. It expresses itself in symbolism of re-ligious meaning, the outgrowth of nature worship which embracesand gives import to design, color and even material. The originof art in religion and its inextricability from belief, a feature whichseems to vanish with civilization, is nowhere better shown thanamong the Hopi nature-worshippers. The significance of a decoratedbasket thus is far deeper than its beauty and usefulness and greaterthan the craftsmanship that created its material structure. The colorsymbolism is based primarily on the geography of the spiritual do-main. The being who rules the northeast quarter is yellow, and allthings in nature about him are yellow, the southwest quarter is blue
;
the northeast quarter is red; the southeast quarter is white; belowis black, and above all colors.^The designs on Hopi basketry are not as varied as those on pot-tery, and are less intelligible on account of the difficulty of expressing:ideas in the textile medium, which often reduces them to the lowestterms of convention. The commonest designs are of birds or char-acteristic parts of birds. The snake is sometimes found. The ante-lope appears to be the only mammal used in basket decoration,though the mountain sheep may have been represented. Clouds, therainbow, and perhaps stars are frequentlj^ noticed in combinationwith birds. Kachinas often in elaborate designs are in frequent use,the commonest being the corn maid, avatch or speckled kachina, andman eagle. The tendency in modern baskets is to make these figuresmore realistic and to accomplish this weaving elements never seen inancient w^ork are employed. There are also designs in bands or in-dividual figures which have been conventionalized beyond presentexplanation. On this point it may be said that interpretations ofdesigns secured Jrom modern basket makers are apt to be delusive.The designs must be traced step by step from known designs or partsof designs by the method pursued by J. W. Fewkes on the Sikyatkipottery .2 Doctor Fewkes used as a basis the designs on paraphernaliamade by the fraternities for the various ceremonies current amongthe Hopi. Except a few interesting pieces of pottery from Oraibi,in which the ancient decorations had survived to some degree, thenative ware collected in 1872 and succeeding years showed great de-terioration. This is not true of basket designs, other textile designs,and designs used to decorate religious paraphernalia.The designs shown (pis. 33-41) were selected from the large seriesin the United States National Museum, from photographs of the
" Basket Ceremony," and from specimens in native dyes collected
* Hough, Hopi ceremonial pigments, Ann. Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1901, p. 467.* Published In the 17th Ann. Kept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. 2.
^0.2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 269by the writer. They show the unrivalled skill of the Hopi as de-signers and their inherent aesthetic proclivities. It is hoped theymay prove useful in the work of those who are seeking to institute aschool of American design which is attracting a lively interest now-adays.The designs of the Hopi basket maker deal exclusively with life andnature forms, and these may with more or less facility be identified.There are many examples, however, which show the disintegration ofsuch designs sometimes to small units and often these units are placedin geometric combinations which become difficult of solution. It willbe seen that the majority of designs are based on the bird form, whichis evidently the foundation of most of the geometries.In Hopi baskets the color combinations are rarely or never in theorder of the symbolic meanings of colors. The wicker baskets arecharacterized by the greatest variety and brilliancy of colors in con-trast with the plainness of Zuiii wicker plaques. The coiled basketsare more sober in color than the wicker and often the coiled plaque isdecorated only in two or several shades of natural yucca. The causeof this difference may be in the indication that greater skill in dyeingwas possessed by the Oraibi than by the Middle Mesa basket makers.It seems likely also that yucca splints are less susceptible to dye thanthe brush splints.^Designs are arranged : In two ; two with two secondary ; four ; andfour with four secondaries. Designs containing elements in 5, 6,and 7 may be regarded as departures from custom in the interestsof modern ideas of beauty or completeness (pi. 33, figs. 6, 6; pi. 35,fig. 6). Three part designs are not found. Designs of more partsutilize the septums of wicker basket structure in simple alterationsand repeats (pi. 37, fig. 5) . Occasionally the sky band is drawn acrossthe field of a coiled basket, as was the custom in Sikyatki pottcry.-(See pi. 40, fig. 3.) This band never appears in wicker baskets.The concave field of the basket is the sky and embraces the wholecircle of the visible heavens, in this respect resembling the decoratedarea of Sikyatki pottery bowls as observed by Dr. J. Walker Fewkes.*The center of the field in wicker basket plaques, an usually undeco-rated circular space is the heart of the sliy, the above. The marginline near the edge of the basket is the horizon. In the free area areplaced birds, clouds, etc., and any design worked therein is repre-sented as in the sky.The common arrangement is indicated above, but several differentdispositions of tlie areas are noted. In the case of Kachina figuresor masks the whole area is occupied, the demarcations of sky hori-
^ Hough, A collection of Hopi ceremonial dyes and pigments, Ann, Rept. U. S. Nat.Mus., 1900, pp. 465-471.
' Fewkes, 17th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pi. 2.
270 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol. 54.
zon, etc., being obliterated. Sometimes the whole area is occupiedwith bands of geometric or continuous figures in squares. Severalexamples show a two part design, probably birds outlining anelliptic or bilobed figure, undecorated, obliterating the central circle(pi. 37, fig. 6). Rarely in wicker baskets are the radiating arms ofthe prime compass points represented (pi. 35, fig. 4), but frequentlyin coiled plaques (pi. 38, fig. 1; pi. 40, fig. 2; pi. 41, fig. 1). Themiddle portion of coiled and wicker plaques is differently treated.In wicker plaques the central area is usually decorated only with astepped diagonal line in the placket in the center formed by over-laying the crossed splints, rods which form the skeleton of thebasket. The circular area is bordered with a band of alternatingwhite and colored rectangles (figures in pi. 35 and others). In the-coiled plaque the design begins generally at the second turn of th&coil. In bird designs the beaks are placed to the center of coiledbaskets and to the margin in wicker plaques (figs, in pi. 33) ; forcoil (pL 38, figs. 5, 6; pi. 40, figs. 2, 3).The designs on wicker plaques figured show birds and clouds inrecognizable, somewhat realistic forms (pi. 33) ; modified by the de-signers, but recognizable (pi. 34) ; and converted entirely into geo-metries (pi. 35). Plate 36 shows kachina and other special designs-Plate 37 shows in figure 1 four antelope in simple line design, whichmay be compared with the fine realistic designs on the coiled plaqueplate 40, figure 1. Figures 3-6 of plate 41 are motion designs andspecial designs.The designs on coiled plaques show birds and birds and clouds(pi. 38) ; four and two bird conventions (pi. 39) ; antelope realistiedesign and complex bird designs (pi. 40) ; and designs of birds andperhaps snakes showing motion (pi. 41).As designs become more conventional they tend to overlap; thus^birds and clouds represented as stepped figures can not be distin-guished. Likewise the bird or cloud form may be reduced to a starsymbol (pi. 36, fig. 1), or a dragonfly which would be represented asplate 34, figure 1.The bird represented is doubtless the eagle primarily, but otherbirds may occur. The bird in figure 6, plate 38, suggests the bird fig-ures mounted on a rod and pedestal used in certain ceremonies of theHopi and especially among the Zufii.STONE.Although their arts have been modified by contact with the whiteman, the Hopi possess a number of uses of stone inherited from an-other period. These are the metate and mano for grinding cornand the stone hand hammer for working as well as sharpening them
;
NO. 2235. HOP! INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 271abrading and polishing stones; the slab for baking bread; mortarsand pestles, paint mortars and slabs; slabs for potter's work; andcovers for ovens, etc.^ These are still made by stone art methods,but the Hopi possess and use stone axes, mauls, hammers, knives, ar-rowheads, " hoes," etc., found in ancient ruins and now having asecondar}^ employment for domestic and religious purposes. Con-structions with stone are practically the same now as in past cen-turies, and pictographs are still cut in rock faces; on the whole theattitude of the Hopi toward stone, except in minor featvires, hasbeen little changed by the introduction of iron. It may be said inexplanation of this unprogressiveness that the introduction of ironhas been slow, in small amount and comparatively recent, due toisolation of the villages, and that no Hopi has yet become an iron-worker. The Hopi probably received their first iron from the RioGrande Pueblos in the form of crude, heavy hoes (see fig. 1). Theywere also in touch with the trade in iron arrowpoints, a trade at onetime of considerable proportions and extending over a vast terri-tory, causing the rapid disappearance of the stone arrowhead. Theiron arrowhead appears to have been brought from the Plains tribesby the Taos Indians and traded to the Pueblos. The Utes, Navaho,and Apache retained the stone arrowpoint in large measure until therecent introduction of firearms, while the Pueblos had discarded itexcept as fetiches long before this period.The hafting of stone axes and hammers, examples of which havebeen encountered among the Hopi and other Pueblos, probably infew cases follow the ancient methods, but is a crude application ofingenuity to accomplish the result, much as the problem of mount-ing an ancient specimen would be solved by a civilized man to whomthe genesis of the implement was unknown.Archeological objects picked up from ruins are valued as fetichesand are placed on the altars or employed in other ways by the secretorders (see fig. 47). Some of these specimens have come down ap-parently through many generations in Hopi fraternities and areentrusted to individuals for safe-keeping. Other archeologicalartifacts have been put to practical uses, especially axes and hammers,the resultant misuse without sharpening, tending to reduce an axeto a form resembling that of the hammer and the hammer to anodule. In many cases metates recovered from village sites haveresumed their utility in Hopi households. Stone fetiches were notoften made by the ancient Hopi and there is no evidence that theyever made hard stone fetiches in number like those of the Zuiii or fromancient sites on the Tularosa River, but figurines worked from softsandstone and painted representing zooic and anthropomorphic be-
1 See exhibit of archeology, second floor, and family group case, first floor.
272 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.ings and forming part of the paraphernalia of altars were made.^The manufacture of these required little patience and skill.The Hopi fetiches of stone were commonly natural, such as con-cretions or stones of suggestive shape or color. These were rarely andthen only slightly worked, perhaps in the way of a groove for thecord or other chance modification, as the drawing of an eye, the ad-dition of paint, etc., to identify the fetich. Beads of stone andworked shell, while prized and regarded as indispensable for orna-ments as a sign of wealth and of the favor of the gods, are notmade by the Hopi, but are secured in trade with the Zuni and theEio Grande tribes. Turquoise mosaic earrings, constructed by im-bedding small plates of the stone in gum covering a rectangularwooden tablet and finished by grinding and polishing, appear to bestill made by the Hopi in perpetuation of the ancient art (see pi. 27,fig. 2). CLAY.The culture of the Hopi is inseparably connected with the fictileart. Knowledge of the properties, uses and value of clay was thor-ough and was displayed in the mixing and application of this sub-stance to house building, as mortar in the setting up of stone wallsand as plaster for finishing walls, roofs and floors. The most strikinguse of clay, however, was in pottery, whose high development andwide employment in every avenue of social life marks a characteristicand remarkable feature of Hopi art. The diversity of pottery formsappears to have been in response to the limitations of the environ-ment (see prefatory remarks on basketry) and the presence of excel-lent clays. The explanation may not be as simple, since there is alsorequired a certain genius and adaptability in the people undergoingdevelopment, these qualities differing widely among groups of menplaced in the same environment. There is also to be considered thecontact with older and more advanced tribes. It is instructive tonote here the comparatively negative effect of Pueblo culture andsemi-arid environment on the Navaho and Apache intrusions in thePueblo region. Those tribes which have sojourned in this environ-ment for nearly 800 years have developed nothing resembling Pueblomaterial culture and have absorbed little from contact with thePueblos and retain practically unchanged the characteristics of theirsub-Arctic culture. Thus they have never made pottery or erectedstone houses or taken the close affiliations of village life which markrhe culture of the Pueblos.The making of pottery among the Hopi is exclusively woman'swork and they carry on all the operations without other assistance.1'he clays are found in small seams between the great beds of sand-
1 See case of fetiches, north side.
NO. 2235. HOFI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOVGH. 273stone forming the mesas and must be dug out and carried to the vil-lage with considerable effort. Several varieties of clays whose quali-ties are knoAvn to the potter are found in the various strata of thecliif. These form the basis of the ordinary ware made in the puebloof Walpi. Very fine clay, which was used by the ancient potters, istaken from the mesa near Sikyatki. This clay is used for very finework by one or two of the Walpi potters. White clay of the properquality for washing the surface of vessels is found in this locality,the source of the material being near one of the buttes south of thevillages. This kaolin is only used to produce a finish on ware madefrom the coarser local clays. The body of the ware is a paste, madeby mixing two of the local clays in about equal portions. The mate-rial is fi'eed from stones and sand and placed in a bowl and soakedwith water. When it has been softened and a portion of it is de-sired for use, it is removed to a smooth stone slab and carefullyspread out. During this process some of the moisture of the clay isabsorbed in the stone and some dried out by the air, and in a shorttime it approaches readiness for use. After a course of rolling andkneading, it is in proper condition. In case the clay has too muchmoisture, it is spread out on a stone slab which is later leaned up ina slanting position in the sun. It will be observed also that no temperis mixed with the paste. In forming the vessels the clay is taken be-tween the two hands and molded evenly into a long cylindrical mass.This is wound spirally at the beginning; other similar rope-likemasses are added until the work is completed. During the processthese coils are pressed together and a vessel of comparativelysmooth surface is a result.^ In large vessels this process canonly go on for a few inches at a time as the softness of theclay will not bear up under the weight of the structure. Generallyseveral vessels are under process at the same time. Larger vesselsare begun on a concave disk of pottery which admits of the work be-ing turned about with facility. When the vessel is firm though still
" green," the surface is gone over with a smooth stone carefully ap-plied with a brushing, rubbing motion, removing all irregularitiesto bring it to a smooth polished surface. When the vessel is dry awash of white clay is applied and this in turn is rubbed down witha polished stone. The vessel is now ready for decoration. Materialhas been prepared for paints by rubbing yellow ochre and darkbrown ironstone on a stone slab. Yellow ochre is mixed with wateras a medium and burns a bright red on the ware. The ironstone isusually ground with oil made from the seeds of the tansy mustard.This paint burns dark brown. The colors are applied with simple
1 See Zunl potters group.3343?19?Proc.N.M.vol.54 19
274 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL 2IV8EUM. vol.54.
splints of yucca leaf, which are handled with marvelous proficiencyby the potter, who holds the vessel on her lap and works out thedesign with unerring accuracy. The outlines of the solid designs aremade first and the surface to be covered is filled in with even strokes.Slabs of stone on which the clay is worked or dried, stones withwdiich the clay is sometimes crushed before soaking, paint slabs,smoothing stones and other odds and ends of stone lie about the placeswhere the potter Avorks. Some of these are of customary use andothers are of temporary or emergency service. As a rule the bestpotter will have gathered together in her workshop the greatest stockof things that may be useful. The customary tools are spoon-shapeformers of gourd for pressing down the coil ridges and for prelim-inary smoothing; polishing stones, glossy from long continued serv-ice; a rabbit fur mop-brush for applying the wash of white clay;and yucca leaf brushes for drawing the designs. Occasionally asmall stick is used to punch holes for the insertion of handles or toform the mouths of small vessels. The bottom disk, which is theequivalent of the potter's wheel, is formed by plastering clay overthe convex of a basket bowl, removing the shell of clay and bakingit, thus nearly all of these specimens bear basket impressions whichare in turn imparted to the bottom of vessels formed in them. Thepotter also makes use of blankets, baskets and sundry cups, canteens,vases and bowls of pottery in her work.As the potter's vessels are finished, they are set aside in a safeplace to await a calm and convenient day for burning them. Thepreparation for burning pottery entails much arduous work on thepotter. She must gather slabs of sheep dung from the floors of thecorrals on the benches below the mesa and carry them in her blanketto the place selected for the kiln. Here also she brings a blanketload of M'hite sandstone and transports from the house on the mesathe pottery to be burned. She clears off a circular space of groundand builds in the center a small fire of dry dung and around thisfire disposes the pottery so that it may be evenly heated and thor-oughly dried. The pottery in this heat becomes lead color and whenadjudged sufficiently hot and dry is compactly set up over the ashesof the fire, bits of sandstone being used to separate the pieces asstilts are employed by the civilized potter. Around the pile is builtup a circular wall of the slabs of sheep dung closed over the top withlarge slabs. This structure, at once fuel and kiln, ignites from theremains of the previous fire and soon produces a high heat, the pot-tery assumes a bright red color, and when the kiln has burnt out theware will be thoroi'ghly baked. The kiln needs constant attentionto prevent pieces of the fuel falling on the ware, which would pro-duce blemishes. Also if a breeze should start up the potter mustshield the kiln with a blanket. On account of superstition the pot-
NO. 2235. HOFl INDIAN COLLECTION?HOVGH. 275ters maintain silence when the burning is in process lest the spiritsbe offended and cause the vessels to break. This is probably in parta fire taboo and in part due to a belief that a proper spirit inhabitseach piece of j)ottery.Pottery-making among the Hopi is at present confined East andJVIiddle Mesas, having become obsolete at Oraibi. There is evidencethat the art which in ancient times produced the superb ceramics ofSikyatki and the interesting and beautiful ware of the ruined pueblosof the Hopi clans had declined and become almost extinct in the lateseventeenth or early in the eighteenth century. On the arrival ofa group of Tewans from the Rio Grande, who were settled at Hanoon the East Mesa, about 1700, the art was revived by these potters,but the style of decoration was necessarily foreign and remains soto this day. Pottery, especially vases, collected at Orabai by MajorJ. W. Powell in 1872, probably represent a transition or survival ofthe ancient Hopi art. These unique specimens which are exhibited inthe United States National Museum ^ were in use by the Oraibi, butwere evidently antique and were not still made at the time of col-lection. The designs show transition, and the forms, while following-that of the ancient and graceful Hopi vases, are cruder. Some ofthe old Oraibi pottery imitates Zuni form and design. Ancient Hopipottery is yellow, orange, and cream color and was never surfacewashed with other clay. While traditionally some of the Hopi clansoccupied formerly the region where gra}' ware decorated with blackwas prevalent, this ware was never made by the Hopi since theyoccupied their present location. A few specimens of a particularlyfine gra}^ a\ are have been found in ancient Hopi ruins on the LittleColorado near Winslow, Arizona. The loss of the art of making grayand red ware by the Hopi presents an interesting field for study,which contains important data on the history of this people.^WOOD.The timber supply in proximity of the Hopi villages is not nowand probably never was large or varied. The only tree of general usein the vicinity is the cottonwood, Po'pulus monilifera^ pa she hurpshe, of the Hopi, a quick-growing tree along washes, near springs,or wherever there is water. The cottonwood forms the chief basisof the Hopi wood-working industry, and on account of its religiousassociations and economic uses may be termed the Hopi culturetree. The pinyon, Pinus edulis, which grows farther away, is some-what useful for beams, etc. ; but the great pines of the mountains aretoo distant to be available. The most prevalent tree, the juniper,
1 West north hall, first floor.
- A splendid collection of the ancient Hopi pottery is exhibited on the second floor, eastnorth hall of the Natural History Building.
276 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.Juniperus occidentalism is valuable for firewood, but its brittlenessand crookedness render it almost valueless for Hopi construction.For minor uses the oak, Quercus gambelli, is brought from long dis-tances to the north for bows, digging sticks, clubs, weft battens,etc. (see pis. 30, 44), and the mountain mahogany Gercocarpus, alsobrought from the north, has its chief use for small weft batens andcombs employed in belt weaving. Among the minor wood stuffshaving economic value may be mentionedyucca flowering stalks and wands of therhus and willow.^Timbering by the crude processes pur-sued by the ancient Hopi consisted of fell-ing the larger trees and cutting them offto lengths by means of fire. Smallergrowths were cut with the stone axe, limbsbroken off with the stone hammer-maul,and saplings and stems sectioned with thesaw-scraper.2 The logs were peeled withthe stone axe. So far as can be determinedthe wedge for splitting wood v/as notknown. In the further operations of wood-working the stone rasp, the knife and sawof chert, and the drill and smoothingstones were used. Of the stone-age toolsonly the rasp and drill (fig. 42, a, &, c)have survived to the present, iron toolshaving been substituted. This change ap-pears to have taken place recently in re-gard to most of the implements.The objects of wood, which are carved,consist of dolls (pi. 42), tihus; parts ofmasks, animal figurines as birds, featherboxes (pi. 43, figs. 2 to 5), etc.; and pahosof great variety. Joined work consistsof masks, headdresses, slats of wood, altar frames, lightning sticks(see fig. 45) and other religious paraphernalia (figs. 43, 44). Joiningis effected with leather thongs or fiber cord and wooden pegs and pin-yon gum. Among the various simple objects of wood made by theHopi are firemaking sticks, digging sticks, rabbit clubs, bows andarrows, weaving tools, parching rods, traps, loom parts, etc., whichare described under their appropriate classes. Wood was worked in
FiQ.42.?fl" Pump DRILL. &. DetailOF AFFIXING THE STRAP. C. DETAILOF POINT.
the main like stone, and some wooden objects like dolls were ground
1 For wood used In house construction see Mindeleff Pueblo Architecture, 8th Ann. Rept.Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1886, p. 102.2 Hough, Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 277to shape on stone without the interposition of any tool. Short simpleimplements like weaving battens and digging sticks were ground inthis way and with an abrading stoneof convenient shape held in the handall the mechanical requirements forsculpture in theround, the under-cuts, ridges, cham-fers, grooves, etc.,were possessed bythe Hopi wood-worker. It is ob-served also thatthe quality ofworkmanship inwood shown in theancient specimens ^has not been ad-vanced by the pos-session of irontools in the modernepoch. It appearsthat iron tools haveonly served to increase the facility of getting the raw material andthe speed of manufacture of the products.
Fig. 44,Fio. 43.?Ornaments fob sides ov mask.o. Fbont view. b. Side view. Mask ornamentsof painted gourd, a.Front view. b. [SideVIEW.
Fig. 45.?o. Lightning frame closed. 6. Same extended by pulling handles together.The absence of the wedge which generally precedes the saw or anyother primitive tool and useful in the procural of masses of wood
? Fewkes, Dr. J. Walter, 17th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. 2, pis. 164-5 ; Hough,Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus., 1914.
278 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MVSEUM. vol.54.with plane surfaces was a great drawback to Pueblo woodworking.Such wood sections of small size and of very fissile wood as theilower stalk of yucca and like plants were indeed made in some locali-ties, but in small amount and probably by splitting with the flintknife. Usually such pieces were ground down on sandstone fromlarger masses of wood.Cottonwood trees often decay, forming hollow shells of thin woodwhich the Hopi appropriate for drums.HORN.The Hopi formerly made a limited use of horn in the arts, chieflyfor large spoons used in preparing and serving food. For theseutensils the material was the horns of the mountain sheep whichalready approximated the form desired. The horn was rudelydressed and bent to shape with heat, and the finished ladle is roughand clumsy, probably owing to the difficulty in working the sub-stance by the abrading methods practiced by the Plopi. Identicalhorn ladles are found in all the Pueblo villages and their numberindicates the abundance of mountain sheep formerly existing in themountains of New Mexico and Arizona.The disk whorl of the spindle was sometimes made of horn, andhooks for the pack strap and combs for weaving were occasionallyof the same material. Horns of the antelope were used entire ashooks planted in the walls of houses ; sewed to certain helmet masksor perforated to form a wrench for straightening basket wands, ar-rowshafts, or other rods (see pi. 46, fig. 4). Entire horns were alsoused as bells or rattles (see pi. 22, fig. 1).BONE.Bones of animals entered little into the arts of the Hopi, the chiefuse being for awls (see pi. 46) and leather-working implements.Scapulae were used in music (see pi. 51) and as scarecrows (see pi. 22,fig. 3). SHELL.Shell work is sparingly practiced by the Hopi, but when possessedof shells from the sea, which they value highly, they are able to per-forate them for stringing as necklaces and rattles: but they do notmake beads or do any work in shell comparable to that found in theancient ruins. LEATHER.The environment of this portion of Arizona is not animal andthere was always a scarcity of skins for clothing and other uses.In consequence weaving became much developed among the Hopi.Nevertheless, the trade in tanned deerskin was very important and
NO. 2235. HOI'I INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 279comprised the chief exchange with less advanced tribes living on therange of the deer. The most valued skins were procured from theHavasupai living in Cataract Canyon, about 100 miles west of themesas. Less valued skins came from the Apache of the WhiteMountains, to the south. Formerlv great herds of antelope roamedover the rolling grassed plains of the basin of the Little ColoradoKiver. A disease of some unknown character is said to have dimin-ished their herds in historic times, and on the introduction of greatnumbers of cattle, with the consequent depletion of the grasses, theantelope became practically extinct. This animal, though difficultof capture, no doubt furnished a certain amount of food, but its skinis thin and weak and of insufficient value to repay tanning.Dyeing leather by infusions of bark, etc., was known to the Hopi;and they applied colored earths by rubbing them into the open tex-ture of the surface of soft tanned skins. Colors Avere also appliedmixed with some medium as saliva, or an emulsion of oily seeds,etc. The mordant for infusicm or vat color was almogen or crudenative alum.^Li dyeing leather black an advanced process like that known bythe Navaho was employed in which an iron tannate (ink) is found.The knowledge of this process appears to be derived from the whiteman and probably came in with the weaving of wool like the secret ofmordanting indigo, this dye being introduced to the Pueblos at anearly date at the Spanish settlements on the Rio Grande (Santa Fe,Espanola), in order to encourage the industry on the Crown landsof Mexico. It appears, however, from archeological data, that mor-danting was known to the ancient Pueblos, but not to the extentindicated by the black dyeing process mentioned, which resemblesmore the crude rule of thumb recipes developed with the Europeanirdustries before the knowledge of chemistry became accessible. Thelines of progress of the dyer's art have been followed to a greateror lesser extent by most uncivilized tribes ; tlius some of the processesnow reduced to scientific exactness are observed in their crudetentative shape among people of low advancement. In some envi-ronments the conditions are rarely favorable for their utilization.They are put to use in areas where a civilization is developing underwhat may seem unfavorable surroundings and the needs of the popu-lation must lay under contribution for products lands situated atgreat distance ; thus Peru drew on the Amazon Valley ; Mexico on itstropical coasts; and the Pueblo region on its subsidiary environ-ments. It can readily be seen that the Pueblos would have developeda much more complex and markedly higher material civilization iftropical or subtropical sources of supply had been accessible. The
1 Hough, A collection of Hopi ceremonial pigments. Ann. Rept. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1900,pp. 463-471 ; Pepper, The Making of a Navaho Blanket. " Everybody's," Jan., 1902, p. 37.
280 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol. 54.Hopi, thrown on their own resources, made a creditable showing inthe application of color to materials beginning with the most primi-tive and advancing as follows: Staining with earth and mineralcolors; dye infusions of flowers, seeds, bark, etc., simple or in com-bination, or combined with mineral colors; the discovery of fixing orsaturating material with color by boiling in infusions; and the dis-covery, by chance perhaps, of a mordant through empirical experi-mentation. Tools used in tanning have not been seen among thecollections from the Hopi, as these collections have all been gatheredin recent years since the game became scarce. From prehistoric sitesthere have been recovered leatherworking tools, consisting ofbreakers of deer tibia and pelvic bones and fleshers of femurs. Suchbones on account of their shape and availability were generally usedby the American tribes. The cutting of leather by primitive methodspresents some difficulty, and it would seem probable that among theAmerican Indians before the introduction of iron elaborate leatherwork would be difficult and for costumes perhaps robes to a largeextent served the purpose of formed garments. Rawhide and tannedskin can be cut with chips of chert, chalcedony, and obsidian, thelatter being very good for the purpose, but none of these stones areas effective as iron. All leather cutting in prehistoric times wasdone with chips or flakes of stone and no classified implement for thepurpose has been found. The chief tool in leatherworking is the boneawl, whose point makes possible fine sewing as that with the needle.Awls are found in profusion in the ancient sites, those for leathersewing being characterized by a fine slender point.Another important use of tanned leather is for moccasins (see figs.15, 16, 27). The method of making them is as follows
:
The outline of the foot is traced on the piece of rawhide, the thickskin on the back of cattle being regarded as best. Outside of thisoutline a margin of about half an inch is traced and marked, andthe sole cut out to this outline. The next step is to soak the sole,form it up at the edges, and around the edge is cut a slit for the welt.The welt is then bent up and the vamp which has been cut out issewed on with sinew by means of the bone awl. When the sewingof the vamp is completed, the moccasin is turned inside out and theheel portion sewed on, care in every case being taken to hide thestitches, the resultant work being extremely neat. The heel leatheris cut with a flap which goes over the ankle and is buttoned as inthe Navaho moccasin, or tied with a buckskin thong. It will beseen that as the sole is larger than the foot, the surplus rolls up overthe sides, giving an excellent protection for the foot against sharprocks, thorns, etc. Often, according to taste, the vamp and heel por-tion are of different colored leather.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUOH. 281A variety of small pouches of buckskin are made, usually beingsimple pursings of leather, or with little sewing. The most com-plicated is in the shape of a crescent moon, the opening supplied witha flap, being at the center. Thongs for carrying the pouch are tiedat the ends of the horns. This pouch resembles those of the Zuiii(fig. 46).Another use for leather is in making ceremonial shields and masks,and for this purpose rawhide is used. Some of this.work, especiallyin imitating the form of horns of the mountain sheep, is very skill-fully done.One of the important uses of leather at present is connected withthe horse and burro for sinches, hobbles, pack saddles, bridles, whips,etc. Lariats braided frombuckskin were formerlymade, and the work onthem is very neat.WORK IN FEATHERS.Feathers are of primeimportance among theHopi on account of theirextensive use in ceremonialparaphernalia and objectsnearly connected with re- fig. 46.-leather waist pouch with waist cobd.ligion. In this respect they are used on ceremonial costume, masks,prayer sticks, prayer offerings, and offerings of felicitation at theSoyaluna ceremony (see pi. 43, fig. 1), and many others. There islittle if any secular use of feathers, but quills were used in a kind oftextile work (see pi. 32), and as bird snares. Anciently feathers ofthe turkey were applied to cords with which blankets were made,and these blankets preceded the rabbit skin robe.MASK MAKING.The skill of the Hopi is displayed in the making of masks, whichwith other complicated religious paraphernalia, demand a many-sided ability for construction.^ Masks covering the head are formedof a width of dampened rawhide, sewed at the edges and pushed orformed into shape. Orifices are cut for the mouth and eyes. Whendry the leather is firm and the mask is painted and decorated. Teethare sometimes cut from a strip of leather and fastened on with sinew.The tongue, if required, is a strip of leather painted red and thrustthrough the mouth orifice. If a beard is required, it is made fromhorsehair or fur and sewed on. Lashes of hair are placed over the
1 Examples may be studied in the west-north hall of the United States NatloinalMuseum.
282 PROCEEDING'S OF THE NATIONAL 2IUISEUM. vol.54.eyes and a mass of horsehair or fur sewed to the top of the mask.The nose is often a cylinder of wood sewed in place with sinew orpegged on, or it may be the neck of a gourd, and the ears are oftenblocks or tablets of wood or flaps of leather. Many masks are sup-plied with a visor consisting of a section of coiled basket. Some ofthe masks require sno^v on top, and this is simulated with cotton;feathers, grasses, etc., also decorate the masks. Around the lowermargin of some of the helmet masks is tied a roll of painted cottoncloth or fur or pine twigs as seen also in Zuiii helmet masks.Cap masks have for a foundation a bowl-like wicker or twilledbasket structure, or in modern times the crown of an old felt hat.Horns of the antelope are pierced with holes at the base and sewedon or imitation horns of the mountain sheep ingeniously molded inrawhide are sewed to the masks to form the headdress of the Ala-wimpkia or priests of the Horn Fraternity. The necks of gourds arealso used to represent horns. The horns and cap of these masks arefrequently formed of one piece of skin, and to cut the pattern so thatit will join properly requires considerable ingenuity.Masks representing women resemble masks with which civilizedman is familiar. The face is modelled with some art and when sur-faced with pinkish clay and supplied with a wig have a strikingsimilitude to Hopi women. Women's masks or those representingfemale beings are supplied with eais representing squash flowersformed by wrapping bright yarns over a radiating frame of splintsor martynia spines (fig. 43 <z, 6). A coronet around the top of themask is sometimes formed in this way. Flowers are often carvedfrom disks of gourd (fig. 44 ?, h) or consist of a wooden disk withwooden petals stuck around the periphery, or they may be of carvedwood. Bangs on the woman's masks are made of horsehair dyed red.This is made in a strip, the ends of the hairs held tightly by a braid-ing of three cords. Sometimes the bang is made of white goat's hair.All the ancient female deities wore bangs.The masks of joined wood are remarkable pieces of work. They arefan shape and consist of numerous bits of wood ground to shape andjoined with wooden pegs to represent flowers, stars, rainclouds, birds,etc. They are erected on a semicircular frame of wood or rods cov-ered with cloth which fits over the sides of the head. They aregaudily painted with bright earths and are very striking. In the apexis a ring of cornshuck which rests on top of the head when the maskis in place, and the mask is secured to the head by leather straps orbuckskin thongs. Some of these masks are made up of rain-cloudtablets sewed together and have a rectangular opening for the head.Some of them consist of a framework of rods covered with paintedcloth or skin. This construction is carried out in other relig-ious
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 283paraphernalia. The several types of masks used Ly the Hopi may beclassified as follows
:
1. Helmet masks or ravvliide, which c'j\or the whole hea.l. Bag masks afterthe helmet type.2. Face masks modeleu in niwhido to represent the human countenance, ani-mal, or monster heads.3. Cap masks of basketrj' with curving horns modeled in skin or made ofnfecks of gourd. Hat masks of one piece of skin forming the head part and twoupright horns.4. Coronet or tablet masks of joined pieces of wood or skin stretched overa framew^ork. With these is Worn a visor or band passing around the head andhaving eye, nose, and mouth holes cut in it. Such visors are also worn with thecap masks.There is an immense amount of inventive ability, mechanical skill,and artistic labor displayed in the construction of ceremonial para-phernalia?the scenery of the religious rites, if it may be so called.The personal paraphernalia of costume masks and objects collected,with the participation of the celebrants, run the gamut of complex-ity in their preparation, but the requirements of the collective set-ting of the ceremonies are even more far-reaching. The difficultyof the mere record of the preparations and mechanical conduct of asingle ceremony is enormous. The altars alone, erected by the dif-ferent fraternities during the rites, are marvels of complexity. Someceremonies demand mechanical manipulations that are surprisingin their production and in their effect on the beholder. One of theseis the Palulukong ceremony, excellent!}' described by Doctor J. WalterFewkes,' which huge mechanical snakes emerge from orifices in thealtar frame or from great jars and struggle realistically together orwith the celebrants.An invention of the Hopi which shows ingenuity is a foldingframe used in ceremonies to represent lightning (figs. 45 a, h).WEAPONS AND HUNTING.The social organization of the Hopi is very complex, being inter-penetrated by the rules and laws of an extremely involved religion,itself a partial fusion of ideas of varied origin.In its elementary form the organization is based on the clan andits group of laws, secular and religious. The case of a single clanoccupying its own settlement is comparatively simple. Here thegovernment would be administered by the circle of clan elders whoact both in a religious and secular capacity, directing all the prac-tical work of the clan, but on a religious basis?that is, all activitiesare to be referred to the direction of the supernatural powers, ap-peal to which would be through the fraternity. The approximation
1 Fewkes, Dr. J. Walter and A. M. Stephen. The Pa lu hi konte : Journ. Amer. Polk-Lore. vol. 6, Oct. and Dec, 1903, pp. 269-284.
284 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol. 54.of several clans in one village requires adjustments, but these giverise to no serious changes in the organization. A coalescence ofclans gives rise to no higher social functions, and it may be saidthat at the arrival of the Spaniards the executive or gubernatorialfunctions of the Hopi were not invested in a single head. Thisfeature was forced on the Pueblos by act of the United States Gov-ernment by the appointing of civil chiefs, whose power in effectwas nothing unless it coincided with inherited clan delegation ofauthority.The displacements of the social organization at times are verycurious. Ordinarily when a ceremony is not in progress such regu-lation of the activities of the pueblo as are necessary is providedthrough the council apparently without action of a fraternity. Dur-ing a ceremony the pueblo appears to be in the control of the fra-ternity or fraternities holding the ceremony. This is shown in theclosing of the trails leading to the pueblo to prevent profanation,first observed by the Spaniards under Espejo in 1583. The patrolswho even to this day order white men away during ceremonies seemto point to this feature. It would appear that clan control of thevillage was the usage at times of a ceremony held by members of aclan.It is true, however, that all ceremonies by any clan whatsoever areheld for the common good of the associated clans constituting thevillage.War and hunting are also features of the social organization. Waror protection was socio-religious and was entrusted to a fraternity.Hunting belonged to the communal type and was a feature enteringinto the rites of some fraternities.HUNTING.Hopi legendaries say that before the advent of the wliite mantheir country was covered with excellent grass and consequentlythere was much game. There appears to be a substantial foundationto this legend, since we know that by wasteful methods of over-stocking, the grasses and other herbage of Arizona have been reducedby the white man to a minimum in some parts and exterminated inothers. In former times, then, the range of animals may havebeen extensive where now they are restricted. The antelope was,as we know, plentiful in all portions of the open country, and prob-ably deer of several species ranged with them. Bear also had amore extensive range on account of food, there being evidence thatjuniper forests were much more widespread than at present. Smallermammals, like the fox, coyote, wolf, skunk, raccoon, porcupine,badger, prairie dog, rabbit, hare, mice, etc., may or may not have
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. ? 285been more prevalent. Birds are still numerous; reptiles and insectsare yet in sufficient quantity.The above is a summary of the animal resources, near and far,which were available to the Hopi and use was made of all of them.The capture of the larger mammals was effected by battue, thegame, principally antelope, being driven into corrals having pockets.This method was pursued anciently but was gi-eatly accentuated onthe acquisition of the horse and the iron axe. The Hopi, however,did not pursue this method to the same extent as the Navaho, pre-ferring rather to depend upon the number engaging in the hunt andindividual agility which rivaled that of the animals themselves. Theyalso wore as decoys the heads of antelope prepared for the purpose,thus taking advantage of the well-known curiosity of this animal.Hunting was, to a great degree, ritual, ceremonial hunts being anaccompaniment of certain ceremonies, as the Soyaluna. Huntingundertaken as such by individuals was attended with ceremony andaided by fetiches, but chance flushing and pursuit of game -had noreligious character. The curved flat club-boomerang was the favoriteweapon for killing small game, and in good hands was almost asaccurate within its range as the bow and arrow, but the latter hadnecessarily a more extensive use. Skill in throwing rocks may bementioned in connection with the capture of game. The capture ofanimals depended upon the habits of the animals themselves andupon circumstances. Thus, during heavy rains, rivulets were con-ducted into the burrows of prairie dogs by means of a hoe, and theanimal coming out in half-drowned condition was dispatched with astick, dozens being so captured in a short time. The habits of animalswere well known to these Indians, and this knowledge was broughtin play when the occasion arose.Animals taken ceremonially for use in religious observances arerequired to be captured without mutilation and without shedding ofblood. This taboo is based on the prescription of perfect offeringsand has given rise to the use of the club-boomerang, regarded as aceremonial hunting weapon for the capture of small mammals, in-stead of the bow and arrow.^ Birds whose plumage alone is desiredin its utmost perfection are therefore not killed with the club or thebow and arrow, but snared and trapped. Small birds are taken witha series of nooses secured at intervals along slender rods planted nearsprings where birds congregate. The nooses now used are of horse-hair. Seeds are scattered about the place and the birds feedingbecome snared in the nooses. Eagles are caught with far greaterdifficulty, the method being to build a circular tower on some highelevation, place over the top a frame of rods lashed together, and
?The ZunI prescription for the ceremonial taking of deer is that the animal shall besmothered. Mrs. M. C. Stevenson, 23d Ann. Rept. Amer. Bur. Ethnol., p. 439.
286 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NA^TIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.upon which is tied a rabbit. The hunter after ceremonial purifica-tion enters the tower and patiently waits for an eagle to swoop downupon the rabbit, and when this occurs the man reaches through theframe and seizes the eagle by the legs. In its struggles to escape theeagle becomes exhausted, rendering its subjugation easier, but thehunting needs, on the part of the Indian, great patience, courage andaddress.' Eagles so captured are impounded until the feathers areneeded. The Zuni keep them in cages." Especially important inHopi ceremonies is eagle down and the supply is gathered fromyoung birds taken from the nests whose ownership is vested in theclans.* These birds are brought to the pueblo, stripped of down andkilled by pressure on the sternum and buried in the eagle cemetery.The wild turkey was formerly kept for its feathers* and at presentthe domestic turkey is used in its stead. The great demands forfeathers of various birds in the ceremonies necessitates efforts tomaintain the supply, and extraordinary skill in capturing them.Communal hunts, so-called, should be considered from the socialand religious side of Hopi life rather than from the economic stand-point. The origin of the custom may have been utilitarian, neces-sitated by the habits of game in an open country, the primitive gre-garious method of Hopi hunting by driving, running down, andsurrounding the quarry, the protection of numbers in the presenceof enemies, and finally the carefree enjoyment of such hunts in com-pany with congenial spirits intent on getting the most out of theoccasion. In fact to an observer of a hunting party in action, thepeaceful people seem to be anj^thing but that, and to have let them-selves loose with the intention of massacring everything living insight. The hunt may be divided into two periods?the departure tothe field with hilarity, the fierce hunt, though only for rabbits, andthe subdued return with whatever the gods of the chase have awardedin the way of game.The Hopi trap the coyote, the fox, and other mammals and birds.The common form is the deadfall, the weight consisting of a flatstone held up on a peg with rounded ends, the lower resting on a con-vex surface of wood, giving a. very unstable support. The bait istied to the peg and a slight pull upsets the support and releases thestone. A similar trap is found among the Zuiii. The simplicity ofthis device is noteworthy; it can be prepared in a short time frommaterial readily at hand and without tools, the rubbing necessary toround the sticks being done on stones. The figure four device is notknown to the Hopi and indeed on account of the meager environment
1 Pi-operty rights in eagles among the Hopi, .T. Walter Fewkes, Amer. Anthrop. (n. s.),vol. 2, Oct.-Dec, 1900, p. 70.
^ Zuni Follj Tales, F. H. Gushing, New York, p. 34.3 Fewkes, Amer. Anthrop. (n. s.), vol. 2, 1900, p. G9.
? Winship, in 14th Ann. Rept, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 517.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 287the rather complicated inventions which characterize the traps of thetribes who depend largely upon the chase are not developed here.The name for trap is cka-kom-i, appearing in continuation as i<sA-c/mko?ni, coj'ote trap ; peha-chako7ni, bird trap.WEAPONS.One of the most curious of American Indian weapons is the throw-ing club, "boomerang," called putc kohu (pi. 44, fig. 4, Cat. No.12G348 U.S.N.M.). It is made of oak, Querciis ganvhelll^ a very hardtough wood, presenting great obstacles to working, especially withthe crude tools and appliances of the Hopi. The club is flat, aboutone-half inch thick, and the curve is produced by working from woodselected for its natural bend. At one end a hand-grip is cut and theother end is usually apexed. The club is smoothly finished, oftenpolished, and is painted red with a customary?perhaps prescribed
?
design in black, representing rabbit feet. The careful finish of theclub appears to be for the purpose of expediting its passage throughthe air. It is held in position for throwing with the concave edgefront brought down with a sweep and released in a horizontal posi-tion (pi. 53). It rotates in the air and on striking the ground oran obstacle executes a series of evolutions, often for several yardsaround the point of contact, touching the ground and erraticallyflying up several times, but has no tendency to return to the thrower.The Hopi use this club with considerable skill in hunting rabbits andrarely miss the quarry. The weapon appears to be very ancient andmay at present be assigned almost exclusively to the Hopi. Clubsthat suggest the beginnings of the flat putc kohu are frequent (pi.44, fig. 1, Cat. No. 69480, U.S.N.M.) and are the common form of theZuiii. This club is often flattened on the sides (pi. 44, fig. 2, Cat.No. 69534, U.S.N.M.) and when more flattened and formed at oneend for grasping (pi. 44, fig. 3, Cat. No. 69443), the resemblance tothe typical putc Jcohu (pi. 44, fig. 4) is apparent.The bow and arrow must be regarded as having been the most im-portant weapon of the Hopi, but as the innate character of the peopleis peaceful, their name expressing this aspect, the extent and develop-ment of weapons among them is very limited. The bows, so far as[nay be determined from specimens collected within forty years andwhich no doubt represent modified survivals, are small. Thej^ aremade of a hard and elastic oak, Quercus gamheJli., procured in themountains far to the north of the villages, and though short arestrong and effective. They are self bows and there is no evidencethat they were backed with sinew, as was the custom with their neigh-bors and enemies, the Ute, Navaho, Apache, and other tribes. Asmentioned, the formation of a bow from tough oak by means of the
288 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. VOL. 54.crude stone-age tools, was difficult; the procural of the wood itselfrequired exceptional labor, especially as the wedge was not known.As among most American tribes, fire and the stone ax were the chiefagencies used in timbering. The bow was worked out from the roughwood and finished by attrition on sandstone and with gritty rubbingstones (pi. 45, fig. 1, Cat. No. 69532, U.S.N.M.). The curve in theback of the bow is formed by heating and bending the wood. Thenocks are not deep. The string is of sinew looped at one end andwound and half hitched to the bow at the other end. Most of thebows are painted, which indicates their connection with religious ob-servances. This has been the case with ceremonial offerings of bows,etc., from ancient times. Arrows are made from sprouts of Rhus,oak shoots or wild currant smoothly finished (pi. 45, figs. 2, 3, Cat.Nos. 69,603; 84,318 U.S.N.M.), the triple feathering of hawk's plum-age wrapped on with sinew. The shaft isgrooved, as was the general custom in America.Reed shaft arrows have not been used by theHopi since their settlement in their presentlocation; but the reed, Phragmites comTnuivis^has almost disappeared from the southwesternUnited States, and its extinction was gradualup to the time of settlement and grazing, whenit passed away very rapidly. No Pueblo stonepointed arrows exist, iron having supersededthem, and the stone points are frequently usedas charms (fig. 47). The bark was scraped off,the rod ground and polished with standstoneabraders (shown in archeological collection),straightened with a horn wrench (pi. 46, fig. 4),feathered, the point set in, and the shaftpainted with yucca splint brush (pi. 46, fig. 1)from a paint pot of four colors (pi. 46, fig. 5). The awl and primi-tive basket for holding resin are also property of the arrow maker.To protect the wrist from the recoil of the bowstring, a leatherwristlet is used (pi. 45, figs. 4, 5, Cat. No. 75700, U.S.N.M.). Theexamples in the United States National Museum are made fromharness leather procured from the white man and have attached tothem plates of tin ornamented with pierced work or punching.It appears probable that lances were never used by the Hopi, orif so, only to a slight extent. They have been observed among someof the Pueblo tribes, who, it is thought, adopted this weapon fromthe Spaniards. The lances referred to have iron heads, often bear-ing the name of the maker and date. The iron-head lance of theComanche, Kiowa, and other plains tribes may have had as a proto-type a shaft tipped with a chipped stone head, like those which are
Fig. 47.?Stoke arrow usedas a chabm against ught-NING
NO. 2235. HOPl INDIAN COLLECTION?ROUGH. 289known to have been used in Mexico and which have come downto recent times among the northwest coast tribes and Eskimos.While objects which appear to be shields of the flimsiest char-acter are made use of by the Hopi in ceremonies, no effective shieldhas ever been found among them. A large basketry shield is notedfrom the ancient ruins of the Canyon de Chelly.^ This forms theonly evidence that the shield was used by the ancient Pueblos. Theeastern Pueblos used shields, and it is worthy of considerationwhether they were introduced from the plains.There is no trace of the throw stick among the Hopi, nor has itsurvived in any of the southwestern tribes, though formerly its usewas widespread. There is evidence that the throw stick had beeninvested with a ceremonial character even in ancient times amongthe Pueblos, a feature which often marks the decline and disuse ofan implement. It is improbable that the stone axe or stone headclub ever had important or general use as warlike implements of theHopi, which seems to be borne out by the scarcity of such stone agerelics in the ancient ruins. Nevertheless, a weapon or implement,called pu u kong^ traditionally having a stone head, has given itsname to one of the Hopi ceremonies. It may be possible that thestone head club mentioned was the peculiar weapon of one of theclans aggregated to the Hopi in former times and retained as aceremonial element in the rites observed by the clan. The charac-teristic weapons of the Hopi appear to have been the bow and arrowand the wooden club. There is a tradition that a stick curved atone end like a shepherd's crook was anciently used as a weapon, butin a manner not explained. These crooks are associated with war-riors in ceremonies and it is surmised that they may have been usedfor hurling darts somewhat as the throw stick. Frank HamiltonGushing suggested the evolution of the bow from a stick of thiskind having a cord stretched from the end of the crook to the straightpart of the shaft, a dart being projected in a manner intermediatebetween the method by the bow and throw stock. The sling, which,with the throw stick, seems to be connected with the developmentof the bow, was never an aboriginal weapon of the Hopi.The warrior according to Hopi ideas is represented in plate 52.The older weapons have become playthings for children, for whomare made bows, arrows, targets, clubs, etc. These weapons have alsosurvived as ceremonial objects and one of the chief contributions ofreligion to the history of culture is the preservation of obsolete forms.GAMES AND MUSIC.Athletic games are limited among the Hopi, the game of shinneyor bandy being almost the only open-air sport. The shinney is a
1 24th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. E^.hnol., pi. 1.3343?19?Proc.N.M.vol.54 20
290 PBOCEEDINOS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.stout curved club of Gambell's oak, brought from the mountains tothe north, the ball being of buckskin stuifed with wool (pi. 47, figs. 1,2). Foot races, hunts, and melees in the basket dance are ceremonial.Games of pursuit and capture follow the snake dance and are notconsidered sports, but general expressions of good feeling.Children's games and toys consist of buzzers (pi. 47, fig. 4), topswhich are actuated by a whip (pi. 47, fig. 6) ; handball (pi. 47, fig.7) ; and pea shooters of gourd and yucca stalk, the spring being astrip of elastic wood (pi. 47, figs. 5 and 8).The Hopi have a variety of the guessing game, widely dissemi-nated among the Indians. For this game they use four cylinders ofwood excavated at one end into a cup-shape cavity and decoratedwith painting, burnt work, carving and feathers (pi. 48, figs. 1-4 and5-8, two sets. Cat. No. 128763 and 22330, U.S.N.M., collected byMrs. M. C. Stevenson and Major J. W. Powell, respectively). Thegame is played by hiding a small object beneath one of the cups, hav-ing the opponents guess where it is concealed. A bundle of scoringstraws keep the record.The cups figured on plate 48 are excellent specimens of work inwood, and of decoration, especially by pyroligny.The kicking game of the Zuni and other southwestern tribes doesnot occur among the Hopi. Mention has been made of the custom ofshooting with bow and arrow and of throwing stones at a mark.Feather darts of corncob are thrown at a rotating ring of corn husk(pi. 47, fig. 3). This game, which is called "Motoun," throwing thewheel, is ancient in the Pueblo region. It is played by boys. Womenin the Owaculti ceremony throw arrows at a similar wheel.
^
Hopi children, having few toys, are compelled by the exercise ofimagination to make the simplest objects serve in their child drama-play. It is interesting to observe the seriousness with Avhich thelittle children conduct their play and the great psychologic reac-tions stimulated by a few corn husks, bits of stone, etc., gatheredand spread out in some quiet place serving as the imaginary theatre.The Hopi are very fond of their children and do as much as they areable to contribute to their amusement. The practical side of mostamusements is generally uppermost and play and education for futureduties are cunningly combined. Objects in miniature are made forchildren. The potter constructs toy vessels, rattles, and dolls (pi.49, figs. 1, 2, and 3), and sometimes manufactures models of houses(pi. 49, fig. 5). Toy cradles (pi. 49, fig. 4) are the most commonand the most prized possession of the little girls. A little boy isgiven a bow and target. It is difficult if not impossible to differen-tiate the religious and secular ideas and usages in respect even to
1 See Culin in 24th Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 495-497.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 291children's toys. From the standpoint of adults, children's toys aregiven a religious significance through connection with ceremonials,but without doubt the children employ the toys secularly accordingto their limited knowledge. Dolls, therefore, are not the impersonalfigurines of civilization, but are representations of spiritual beings.There are no dolls which can be named Flora or Mopsey; the name isthat of some awe-inspiring ancestral or nature spirit. In fact theHopi infants have no dolls as the name is understood in civilization.The figurines called dolls are tihus (see pi. 42), a word like theNahuatI teo. translated god, and are prepared by celebrants in Kat-china ceremo'jies to represent the being to be impersonated by theactor. After the ceremony the tihu is given to a child, who thus maybecome acquauited with the characteristics of the being and whoprobably is supposed Uj ?ecure also some guardianship or other bene-fit from its possession. The tihus are respected and treasured byth(^ children, who are not expected to fondle them as dolls, but suchis sometimes the case. MUSIC.The meaning of the rattle is complex. It is principally a device formarking rhythm and is so used in the cycle of songs in the Flute andother ceremonies as well as in the meetings for instruction in sing-ing. The rattle is also sounded at intervals in ceremonies as thoughmarking an event in the performance. The sound is thought to havea magic influence and really has a hypnotic and inspirational influ-ence.Several kinds of rattles are possessed by the Hopi, this class of musi-cal instruments showing great variation. Simplest are the fringes ofseeds, hoofs, shells, etc., attached to ceremonial garments and soundedby movements of the body. The rattle of cedar berries is called lepos te qua hi. Not much in advance of this are the rattles of moun-tain sheep horn (al te qua hi). These consist of three horns piercedat the apex, provided with a thong, tied together and to a cord a cot-ton loop foi suspension as with the horn bells mentioned below usedby the 1 lin priests in their morning runs to bring rain (see pi.22, fig. 1).Hoofs of cattle also pierced at the point, knotted on a thong andbunched, are frequently used in the same manner as the horns.Bells of mountain sheep horn with clapper of the same material
'are sometimes bunched with other horns and hoofs and carried ontheir rounds by rain makers. The Zuhi occasionally make globularpottery bells, apparently a frank copy of a sleighbell, and in theancient ruins in the Jettyto Valley, once inhabited by Hopi clans,small pottery bells of this form are somewhat frequently found.Occasionally they are of metal in the ruins south of the Colorado
292 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol. u4.Chiqiiito and have been evidently derived from Mexico. The bellmust then be included in the list of Hopi musical instruments. Ofthe same nature as the bell are trinkets of shells of oUvella and conus,worked or unworked, prevalent in ancient sites, and of hoofs, seeds,etc., occurring on existing religious costumes and paraphernalia. Acurious scarecrow, consisting of a ring of twigs wound with cottoncloth, to which are tied, with wool cord, shoulder blades of a sheepand a tin can, is one of the oldest specimens from this region in theUnited States National Museum. (Cat. No. 9571, collected in 1870by Dr. Edward Palmer.) (See pi. 22, fig. 3.)Rattles of peculiar sacredness, made from the shells of the watertortoise, are called yung uh sho na (pi. 51, fig. 5). These animals arecollected in the Colorado Chiquito, eviscerated without injury tothe shell and the latter brought to the villages for use in the cere-monies. In making the rattle, antelope hoofs are fastened to thongsand sewed to a strip of buckskin provided with a loop to tie throughthe arch of the shell. A thong is passed through the other arch ofthe shell for fastening the rattle to the left leg of the dancer justbelow the knee. The movements of the dancer strike the pendanthoofs against the dome of the shell, producing a sharp sound. Someof these rattles in the National Museum collection are much wornfrom continual use. The Sia and perhaps other Eio Grande Pueblosbore holes through the shell for the thongs which secure it to theleg. The rattles of hoof fringing the snake kilt are called shi la la^and when of conical metal tinklers like those used by many Indiantribes, are called shi va mash e. The natural rattle of the dry seedpods of an astragalus used to amuse children are also called shi la la.Rattles of which the sounding portion is the shell of a gourd arevery common (pi. 50, figs. 1, 3, 4, 5). They are oblate, pear-shapeand conical. The handle is of wood, either tapering regularly orwith a shoulder formed on it, inserted in openings cut in the shellof the gourd, the latter resting on the shoulder and held by a peg,passing through the projecting end of the handle. In the oblatespecimens the handle passes through the gourd horizontally and inthe pear and other forms vertically. The handle is short in mostcases, but sometimes the gourd is placed at the end of a long stafl'of yucca flower stalk used in one of their ceremonies. A buckskin orcotton cord is passed through the base of the handle for suspension.Gourd rattles are always painted in bright colors and appropriatesymbolism, the tendency being toward movement symbols. They arerepainted and refeathered at the recurrence of the ceremony forwhich they are used, but sometimes a worn specimen is employed insoothing a child to sleep or for marking time in the singing classes.Rattles of skin are only used by the Snake, Antelope, and Soyal fra-ternities. They consist of a hoop of wood forming a frame over
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 293which dampened skin is stretched.- The short handle is enveloped bythe surplus leather and fastened with thong. This rattle is alwayspainted white. Its sound is likened to the warning of the rattlesnake.Pottery rattles, following the form of the gourd rattles or as smalltoys for children, are sometimes made, but have no use in religion(pi. 50, fig. 2).Clean, white quartz pebbles, in some cases small crystals picked upfrom ant's nests, are put in the rattles ; and frequently, as is the Zuiiicustom, sacred white meal is added. The Pima use wheat or whitequartz pebbles as a rattling material, and the Yaki the seeds of theWashington palm. The Zuiii use white quartz pebbles and some-times pink glass beads, and the Rio Grande Pueblos, in examplesexamined, pebbles of various colors, red predominating.All rattles when prepared for ceremonies have attached to themdowny feathers of the eagle on sacred cotton cord. This appears to bea form of consecration, the "breath feather," as it is called, givingcommunication with the spiritual world (pi. 50, fig. 4).Some of the ceremonies have special rattles belonging peculiarly tothem, as the pa a ya of the Flute ceremony, which consists of acrook bearing at the end a bunch of shells; and with the crook aretied a grass stalk and a rod set with disks of gourd, the bundle form-ing an object used only in the Flute ceremony.Another form of rattle, truh hun pi, is one in which the sound isproduced by rasping a rod of wood or a sheep's scapula over a rowof notches cut in a stick (pi. 51, figs. 1-4). The notched stick is laidover the open mouth of a jar or gourd to increase the resonance. Thisrattle is entirely ceremonial, and is played by the men who representthe female Kachinas in the dances, hence it was called by observers
" hermaphrodite stick" among the Pueblos and southwestern tribes.There is only one doubtful example going to indicate its antiquityin the Pueblo region, a notched bone discovered in a ruin near thePetrified Forests of Arizona. In Mexico, however, numerous notchedhuman femurs used as rattles have been recovered.The Pueblo notched rattle shows careful work in wood, and oftenbears carving and decorative painting. The Hopi specimens usuallyterminate in a terrace cloud carving. The Rio Grande notched rattleis generally sounded with a rod of wood, while the Hopi and theZuni use a sheep's scapula.^The Hopi collection in the United States National Museum containsseveral specimens, consisting of a disk of pottery or stone piercedwith two holes through which pass cords, the disk being rotated bythe alternate twisting and untwisting of the cords, the motion of the
1 Archeological Fieldwork In Arizona, Ann. Kept. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1901, pi. 56.
294 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.disk producing a buzzing sound. The instrument is familiar as a toyof civilized children, and the Hopi probably have received it fromthe while man, especially since it has not become a part of thereligious paraphernalia (see pi. 47, fig. 4).One of the simplest yet most remarkable and very widely diffusedinstruments of music is the bullroarer, the rhombus of the ancientGreeks, consisting of a tablet of wood whirled through the air bya free-arm movement at the end of a string, producing an awesomegroaning sound (pi. 51, fig. 6). The Hopi bullroarer is used ex-clusively in religious ceremonies, following in this respect its em-ployment by almost all peoples, now or formerly. In civilizationthe instrument sometimes continues its usefulness as a child's toy.There is evidence of its antiquity in the Pueblo region.^ The Hopibullroarer is a rather thick tablet, pointed or terraced, usually atone end, supplied with a cotton string sometimes tied to a shorthandle. It is painted with white, red, black, or other pigment anddecorated with the lightning symbol. In the Snake Dance it is in-trusted to the war priest, who whirls it vigorously for a short intervalat the commencement of the open-air ceremony of both the Snakeand Antelope Fraternities. It is used also in the Soyal and otherceremonies. In all cases it is kept a mystery. The Hopi associatethe sound with meteoric phenomena, and its use may be in effect anincantation to bring rainstorms.The Hopi drum has a shell of cottonwood taken from a decayedtree trunk, and in most cases little modified by artifice, the shell thusshowing irregularities of the surface and diameter of the tree. Theheads are circular pieces of goatskin from which the hair has beenremoved ; the skin is cut larger than the diameter of the shell, damp-ened, lashed on by a continuous thong, passed through holes cutalternately in the edge of the skin and fastened off. Sometimes athong turned over each member of the lacing is passed around themiddle of the drum. A thong for suspending the drum is tied inthe lacing. The stick is short and has a padded beater of cloth tiedon with string, and the drum is struck in the center of the head.One of the heads is often decorated with four animal figures. TheHopi drums in the United States National Museum are from 8 to 15inches high, and from 12 to 18 inches in diameter. The native nameis pur shuJc pi po ya. A thin two-head, properly a tambourine, isalso used. It has a shell of cottonwood 3 inches high and 16 inchesin diameter. The heads of goatskin, lashed on as in the large drum,are decorated with a symbolic design representing a sun shield.There is no evidence of the antiquity of the wooden shell drum among
1 Hough, Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus., 1914, pi. 26.
NO. 2235. HOPI INDIAN COLLECTION?HOUGH. 295the Hopi or other Pueblos, no specimens having been found in thecliff shelters or in locations where perishable material would be pre-served. It appears probable, however, that the principle of theproduction of sound by vibrating membranes was known ancientlyto the Pueblos, and the pottery single-head drums of the Zuiii andRio Grande tribes may be the surviving form. The pottery drum isnot found at present among the Hopi. The Hopi wooden drum isvery crude compared with those of the eastern Pueblos, and seemsolder, but neither the drum or tambourine appear among the musi-cal instruments used in the unmasked or more archaic ceremonies,and for this reason seem to have been introduced by clans from theRio Grande. (See cases in exhibit of Ethnology.)The most important wind instrument possessed by the Hopi is theflute, an object regarded with peculiar veneration by the AmericanIndians, as it is also by the Chinese (pi. 51, fig. 7). Two cognateHopi religious organizations, the Blue Flute and Drab Flute fra-ternities^ base their ceremonies upon thisinstrument, and the clans to which theceremonies are assigned also derive theirname from it. The flute belongs to the di-rect class, being held vertically and blown fig. 48.-whistle of two potteeyacross the end ; has five holes, and is made ^'^^^ inclosing a leaf.of a tube of the ancient prescribed material, but now often of caneprocured from a distance.The Hopi wish to incorporate light with the charm liquid ormedicine, and in ceremonial purification. This is done by a reflectionof sunlight from the facet of a quartz crystal. Smoke incense isadded by blowing the vapor into the medicine and music by sound-ing a flute or whistle in the liquid. The same observance is presum-ably indicated when during the Flute ceremony, flutes are blown inthe springs. The Flute clans are said to have come from the south,and in the ceremonial caves of the upper Gila objects made to repre-sent flutes have been found, which were perhaps offerings from theseclans. Small transverse flutes of reed are also found.^The ancient and modern tribes used whistles of bone of the wingof the eagle, like those used by most Indian tribes. The bone hasan opening in one side and a mass of pitch or resin is put in the boneto force the wind over a sharp edge in the bone, vibrating the columnof air to form the sound. These whistles are called tur turk 'pi^ and
1 Fewkes, 19 Ann. Bept. Bur. Amer. Bthnol., pt. 2, 1900, p. 957.
' Hough, in Bull. 87, U. S. Nat. Mus., p. 126, fig. 328, 1901 ; Ann. Kept. U. S. Nat.Mug., p. 322, pi. 56, flg. 2.
296 PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL MUSEUM. vol.54.are used like the flute in ceremonial consecration of medicine as wellas to imitate bird calls. A whistle made by enclosing a leaf or grassblade between two pottery disks is sometimes used (fig. 48).The Hopi use a flute consisting of a gourd having a sound hole.This interesting object is a decoy for deer. (Cat. No. 22865.U.S.N.M.) Gourd trumpets or megaphones supposed to representthe hoarse bellowings of the great plumed serpent, are used in thePa lu lu hong ceremony.As will be seen from the descriptions above, the Hopi have merelya few primitive instruments, the flute being the highest in the scaleof invention. No string instrument occurs among the Hopi.
U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 19
Agricultural Implements.For description see pages 236~237.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS. VOL. 54 PL. 20
Sunning and Sorting Corn.For DEscRrpTiON see page 237.

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U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 22
Horn Bell, Scarecrow, Dipper of Gourd, and Spurs.For description see pages 237, 238, 278. 291.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 23
Domestic Vessels of Pottery.For description see page 239.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCDEDINGS. VOL. 54 PL. 24
Vessels of Gourd.For descri.?tion see page 240.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 25
O S

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 26
_| (SCO s

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 27
^\iMi: mtl:
Jewelry Worn by Men and Women.For description see pages 245, 251, 272.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 28
';?KS''Im
t M
Articles for Hair Dressing.For description see page 249.

U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 29
Footwear of Children.For description see page 251.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 30
Weaving Battens and Spindles.For description see pages 253, 254, 276.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS. VOL. 54 PL. 31
Hopi Loom and Weaver.For description see page 254,

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QuiLLWoRK Anklets.For description see page 263.

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5 6Wicker Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269~270.

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Wicker Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269~270.

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Wicker Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269 270.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL.'^ae
5 6Wicker Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269~270.

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5 6Wicker Basket-Tray Designs.For description see paqes 269 270.

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Coiled Basket-Tray Designs.FOF DESCRIPTION 5EE PAGES 269-270.

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Coiled Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269~270,

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS. VOL. 54 PL. 40
Coiled Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269^270.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 41
5 6Coiled Basket-Tray Designs.For description see pages 269-270.

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Figurines Carved from Wood.For description see pages 276, 291.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDtNGS, VOL. 54 PL. 43
SoYAL Feather Offerings and BoxesIfor Feathers.For description see pages 240, 276, 281.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS. VOL. 54 PL. 44
Forms of Throwing Clubs.For description see pages 276, 287.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54TPL. 45
Bow, Arrows, and Wristguards.For description see page 288.

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Arrow-Making Tools.For description see page 238.

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Games and Toys.For description see page 290.

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Cup-and-Ball Game Sets.For description see pages 240, 290.

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Dolls and Toys.For description see page 290.

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Rattles of Gourd.For description see page 292.

U.S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 51m^^
f\. iirnrrA-
Musical Instruments.For description see page 292.
I>sv

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 52
Costume of Warrior.For description see page 289.

U. S. NATIONAL MUSEUM PROCEEDINGS, VOL. 54 PL. 53
Throwing the Rabbit Club.For DEscRiPTroN see page 287.