FRONTISPIECE.?Above: Festively colored silk bridal outer coat and bridal accessories including bridal coronet, hairpin and ribbons, belt, stocking boots, rubber shoes, and bride costume storage chest. All items, with the exception of the rubber shoes, are "traditional." Below: Village farmer's family seated on a concrete foundation of an otherwise traditional house. S M I T H S O N I A N C O N T R I B U T I O N S T O A N T H R O P O L O G Y ? N U M B E R 3 9 The Modernization of Three Korean Villages, 1951-1981: An Illustrated Study of a People and Their Material Culture Eugene I. Knez SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION PRESS Washington, D.C. 1997 A B S T R A C T Knez, Eugene I. The Modernization of Three Korean Villages, 1951-1981: An Illustrated Study of a People and Their Material Culture. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, number 39,216 pages, 191 figures, 35 tables, 1997.?The "totality" of artifacts in three distinct villages, now consolidated into a city ward, represent an ethnohistorical perspective of material culture within a specific time-level of cultural evolution. Detailed descriptions of 413 selected artifacts are provided. These artifacts are assigned to four categories, namely Traditional, Traditional/Modified, New, and New/Modified, to reveal the number and distribution of artifacts in households and cultivated fields. Although the field study emphasizes the more durable objects, the perishables are also examined. The "totality" of artifacts will provide the reader "an archeology of the living" for Korean folk life. OFFICIAL PUBLICATION DATE is handstamped in a limited number of initial copies and is recorded in the Institution's annual report, Annals of the Smithsonian Institution. COVER DESIGN: A willow rice winnowing basket (see Material Culture No. 114) showing reverse (left) and obverse (right) views. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Knez, Eugene I. The modernization of three Korean villages, 1951-1981 : an illustrated study of a people and their material culture / Eugene I. Knez. p. cm. ? (Smithsonian contributions to anthropology ; no. 39) Includes bibliographic references and index. 1. Material culture?Korea?Kimhae-gun. 2. Villages?Korea?Kimhae-gun. 3. Kimhae-gun (Korea)?Social life and customs. I. Title. II. Series. GN635.K6K54 1997 951.95?dc20 96-4058 ? The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48?1984. Contents Page Preface viii Introduction and Acknowledgments x Part 1. Koreans in Kimhae 1 Kimhae in Space and Time 1 The Social Milieu 7 Village Economics 29 Selective Modernization 43 Conclusions 54 Notes 54 Part 2. Material Culture 56 Introduction 56 Household Utensils 56 Toys and Games 76 Musical Instruments 82 Weights and Measures 85 Hunting and Fishing 86 Clothing 87 Adornment 98 Agriculture 101 Personal Accessories 121 Value and Ritual 123 Tobacco Smoking 125 Animal Husbandry 126 Confections 130 Household Furniture and Accessories 131 Carpentry and Blacksmithing 140 General Utility 147 Vehicles 149 Toilet 152 Communications 152 Notes 154 Part 3. The Village House: Its Recent Development in the Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 155 Notes 160 Part 4. Summary and Interpretation 162 Usage Trends in Village Artifacts in the Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 166 Notes 168 Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Inventories 170 Appendix 2. Food Preparations, 1951-1981 180 Appendix 3. Domesticated and Useful Wild Plants and Domesticated Animals, 1970 182 Appendix 4. Factories within the Three Ministers Community and the Nearby Kimhae Industrial Park in 1980 185 Appendix 5. Restaurants, Shops, and Other Commercial Outlets Present in or nearby the Three Ministers Community during 1980 187 Vi SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTION TO ANTHROPOLOGY Appendix 6. English-Korean Character List 188 Bibliography 206 Index * 208 Romanized Korean Index 214 Tables 1. Educational achievement of residents in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 16 2. Household participation in methods of modern communications in the Three Ministers community for 1971 and 1981 17 3. Land use for greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community for 1975 41 4. Proportion of income from greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community for 1975 41 5. Households containing livestock in the Three Ministers community in 1981 42 6. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1952 . . . 43 7. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1970 . . . 43 8. Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1981 . . . 44 9. Small factories and cottage industries located in the Three Ministers community in 1981 46 10. Village shops established within the Three Ministers community in 1970 47 11. Peddlers and itinerant repairmen frequenting the Three Ministers community in 1970 49 12. Funeral expenditures for a deceased parent in the Three Ministers community in 1970 52 13. Average cost of ancestor worship in the Three Ministers community in 1970 52 14. Expenses of a wedding for a bride's family in the Three Ministers community in 1970 52 15. Average size of a traditional house, with a living/bedroom and kitchen in the Three Ministers community in 1951 .155 16. Changes in house styles in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 . . . . 160 17. Origins of the material culture examined in one of the villages of the Three Ministers community in 1958 * 162 18. Persisting features in Koreanized Japanese homes in the Three Ministers community in 1958 162 19. Traditional, Traditional/Modified, and New artifacts recorded in the Three Ministers community in 1971 162 20. Comparison of the usage of selected objects in the villages of the Three Ministers community in 1971 163 21. Classification of the material culture studied from the Three Ministers community in 1971 164 22. Loss of selected Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers community in 1981 164 23. Combined loss of selected Traditional and Traditional/Modified artifacts from the Three Ministers community in 1981 164 24. Persistence of selected artifacts in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 165 NUMBER 39 vii 25. Types of household fuel consumed in the Three Ministers community in 1971 165 26. Traditional artifact usage 166 27. Traditional/Modified artifact usage 167 28. New artifact usage 167 29. New/Modified artifact usage 167 30. Invented artifact usage 167 31. Traditional household artifact usage (utensils and appliances) 168 32. Traditional/Modified household artifact usage (utensils and appliances) . . . . 168 33. Traditional agricultural artifact usage 168 34. Traditional/Modified agricultural artifact usage 168 35. New agricultural artifact usage 168 Preface This study, which initially sought to determine the influence of the Japanese colonization (1910-1945) upon Korean village life with an emphasis upon material culture, soon became an inquiry into modernization. In the history of anthropology relatively little has been contributed to the study of modernization. This is difficult to understand because all the processes of modernization [may be considered] as broadly representing a single "stage" of cultural evolution. Despite the central concern of anthropology with evolution... the discipline has largely ignored modernization (this is certainly so in comparison to economics, political science, and sociology) (Rogers, 1975:346). My field experiences corroborated the current view of anthropologists and other social scientists that "modernization is not the same as the introduction of the horse among the Plains Indians or the steel ax among aboriginal Australians" (Dalton, 1971:13). Two or more generations of a society may have to undergo a psychological conditioning prior to an acceptance of new ideas and skills of modernization (Dalton, 1971:13). An integration of socio-cultural activities on the local, regional, and national levels, with the accumulation of required resources, must be achieved for the time-consuming development of modernization. Modernization has been defined as a widely participatory process of basic social structural change in a society, intended to bring about both social and material advancement of the majority of the people through means that foster equality, freedom, and other valued qualities (Rogers, 1975:359). Although this definition would be appropriate in a government directive or a report by a development specialist, with its emphasis on design, it lacks a sense of reality. Probably many field investigators instead regard modernization as the . . . unintended consequences of technological change-[with subsequent] change . . . in occupations and work habits, in perceptions and values, in interpersonal relations, in standards of living, in expectations and relationships to institutions and environment, [and] for the most part.. . , except for improved living standards, [they are] unplanned and usually unwanted (Brandt, 1992, personal correspondence). From various points of view, scholars, artists, collectors, and, in recent times, economic development specialists have all found Korean material culture of interest. Whether considered as a practical assemblage of man-made objects to exploit the natural environment or as a tangible expression of a unique heritage, Korean artifacts provide the end-product to a student of human behavior. Historical, ethnographic, or esthetic studies of Korean material culture often have been restricted to one or a few aspects: for example, house types, ceramics, agricultural tools, musical instruments, costumes, or paintings. On the other hand, archeologists in Korea, grateful for whatever an excavation revealed, have included all available evidence of material culture in their analyses. Ethnographers in Korea, studying village life, might acquire this broad perspective of material culture for another diagnostic dimension, the archeology of the living. Comprehensive consideration of material culture may provide further insight into Korean survival strategies as well as ethnic values. Material culture may disclose where Korean creativity is more in evidence; in what sectors foreign influences have been accepted; and, if accepted, have they been incorporated unchanged or modified in some manner. Contemporary studies of material culture will fill some of the gaps in the recent past and reveal behavior patterns that may persist in the future. Archeologists, who have not found complementary data in the ethnological literature for their excavations, have temporarily put aside their trowels, on occasion, to do material culture studies among the living inhabitants in the same geographic area. This, however, has been deplored because archeologists, it is said, should give their undivided attention to the recovery and protection of archeological remains, vm NUMBER 39 i x which often are threatened by destruction either by man or by other environmental circumstances. My personal interest in material culture arose from undergraduate ethnological and archeological experiences in the field and in the Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, University of New Mexico. Museum work with collections at the Yale Peabody Museum and Washington State Museum reinforced an appreciation of the artifact and its significance in cultural history. Korean museums, their collections, exhibitions, and related activities, were among my responsibilities as the officer in charge of the Bureau of Culture, Department of Education, in the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK), 1945-1946. To make a positive statement of Korean cultural identity after the long Japanese occupation (1910-1945), I established a National Museum of Anthropology1 (NMA) with the folklorist Prof. Sohng Suk Ha as director. In order to mount an exhibition for the formal opening of the NMA, I led an expedition2 in 1946 to Cheju Island to collect ethnographic artifacts, data, and to record music. I obtained permission from USAMGIK (Seoul) and General Headquarters (GHQ), Tokyo, for an excavation of two royal Silla tombs by the new Korean staff in the National Museum of Korea.3 The technical advisor was Prof. Arimitsu Kyoichi, a specialist in Korean archeology. A GHQ (Tokyo) inspection of the excavation was conducted by Prof. Langdon Warner (Fogg Art Museum-Harvard University) and Dr. Gordon T. Bowles (Harvard University). I provided the required USAMGIK supervision. During the Korean War, while a staff member of the American Embassy, I obtained for the National Museum of Korea the motor and rail transportation for a covert transfer of national art treasures from Seoul to Pusan (Kim W, 1956; Kim C, 1991:105-107). Subsequently, as a Smithsonian curator, I again dealt, for almost twenty years, with material culture, primarily Asian ethnological collections and exhibitions.4 This ethnographic study has involved observations of the village environment, interviews with residents, and the use of questionnaires and local government records. The questionnaires were administered by members of the research team and employed villagers who had experience collecting information for the Korean national census. Both social behavior and material culture data were recorded. Rapport was soon established with village leaders and elders, local government officials, and villagers because of the Korean traditional respect for scholarly endeavors. 1 The NMA was located in Seoul in the former residence of the Japanese diplomat, Minister M. Kato. 2 Members of the NMA expedition included Prof. Sohng Suk Ha and Prof. Kim Kyung Soo (linguistics), and 1 st Lt. Russell G. Mason (director of Seoul JODK radio station, musician/composer); Nim Tong Hyuk with three recording engineers, and two photographers, Yi Yong Min and Kim Pyong Ho. Rev. William G. Kerr, from GHQ (Tokyo), was an interpreter and translator (Korean and Japanese). For a winter ascent of Mt. Halla and meteorological recordings, nine Korean Alpine Club members were permitted to come along. 3 The archeological report (Kim, C, 1948) of this excavation was the first publication of the National Museum of Korea under Korean management. 4 These included two permanent Korean exhibits, Buddhism in Korea and A Korean Room [scholar's study] and for the Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition Service (SITES), A Korean Village In Transition: An Anthropological Field Trip (1977-1979). Introduction and Acknowledgments This ethnographic study of Korean village life began in 1951. I had planned for fieldwork to commence in 1949 and several villages were briefly visited at that time. Because of administrative duties at the American Embassy in Korea, it was impossible to begin the study until the fall of 1951, when I was scheduled for home leave. The years of 1950-1953, the reader may recall, were the time of the Korean War. During the fall of 1950, the news of enemy advances was so discouraging to my Embassy superiors that I received a temporary assignment to go to Cheju Island to lease several buildings for use by the Embassy information and culture program, if the UN forces, the South Korean government, and the American Embassy had to evacuate the peninsula. My planned ethnographic project seemed unrealistic because of these wartime circumstances. However, as the possibility of returning to Korea to do research appeared to be increasingly remote, I decided to start my fieldwork. Although my Embassy colleagues regarded my request to do fieldwork in the perimeter defense area as unusual, permission was granted with the specific proviso that no Embassy logistical support would be forthcoming. My home leave, with two extensions of time, permitted me to spend more than two months in the field. After I had been assigned to the American Embassy in Japan, I received a reprimand from the Department of State personnel office stating that, thereafter, I must spend accrued home leave for that purpose only. A consolidated community in the Kimhae township, Three Ministers, consisting of three older villages, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, was selected for the field project. It was near the dusty Kimhae-Pusan highway. The one-way movement of refugees and the two-way traffic of military trucks and jeeps, not to mention the occasional sound of artillery, emphasized the urgency of the field study. I was assisted by three Korean graduate students, two of whom had been recommended by their senior professors and the other by the director of the National Museum of Korea. They served both as interpreters and translators. I followed this staffing procedure for all of my subsequent field trips to the community. Over the years the student field assistants mostly came from Seoul National University, Korea University, and Pusan National University. Several of these student assistants later obtained advanced degrees in the United States in anthropology, archeology, and geology. Among the student assistants were Chon Myong-Che; Cheung Chang-Hi; Chyun Kwan-Woo; Choi Hyup; Kim Joon Ho; and Kim Hong-Joon. A number of village informants were interviewed during the fieldwork. One of the most knowledgeable was Suh Sul-Bong who had lived in the community all of his life. He was a respected elder, who participated in village affairs and also held local government positions in Kimhae town (now city). Suh Ho-Tuk, son of Suh Sul-Bong, was also an interested and useful informant. Dr. Lee Dong Hoon, a physician and surgeon; Kim I-Uk, a Korean employee specialist and later a public relations officer for a U.S. Army base; and Kim Song-sik, a businessman, are friends living in Pusan who facilitated my fieldwork. Several well-known scholars and cultural leaders were encouraging and provided assistance, but bear no responsibility for this publication. They include Kim Won-Yong, Kim Che-won, Yi Pyong-do, Minn Pyong-do, Lee Duhyun, and Lee Kwang- kyu. I am most grateful for the comments and suggestions of several scholars who reviewed my manuscript. These reviewers were Vincent S.R. Brandt, Forrest R. Pitts, Roger Rose, Robert Sayers, Edward J. Schultz, and Clark W. Sorensen. Stanley Schab gave me early editorial advice, and Hye Ran Chung provided transliteration assistance. NUMBER 39 x i Although funding for the first field study (1951-1952) was personal, the American advisors of the Republic of Korea Army Engineer School in Kimhae and the American personnel at the U.S. Marine Air Station at the K-l airfield (now the Kimhae International Airport) provided the fuel and maintenance for my jeep along with an occasional meal. The Smithsonian Institution sponsored a field trip in 1962, including the collecting of ethnological artifacts for the National Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C. The Asia Foundation gave financial assistance in 1971 to three graduate student assistants whom I had selected for fieldwork. A Fulbright research award partially funded a field trip in 1981. Between 1951 and 1981 I took several trips to the Three Ministers community to obtain some specific data, renew old friendships, and see at firsthand the changes in Kimhae's suburban life. Members of the field teams, including the author and employed local professionals, did the photography. Additional photographs were donated by Lee Duhyun, Choi Min Shik, and Kim I-Uk. At the Smithsonian Institution, Victor Krantz took photographs of artifacts in the Knez collection and in a Smithsonian traveling exhibition (Korean Village in Transition), which was developed by me. My wife, formerly Choi Jiae, was always an encouraging source of information and suggestions, with a Korean perspective. In Honolulu, research and editing assistance was provided by Paul D. Clur, a mathematical formulation was by Guoxiang Huang, and a computerized text was by Mariebel P. Sevilla. The Modernization of Three Korean Villages, 1951-1981: An Illustrated Study of a People and Their Material Culture Eugene I. Knez Part 1. Koreans in Kimhae Kimhae in Space and Time REGIONAL ENVIRONMENT The Kimhae region is situated on a delta composed of alluvial soil deposited by the Naktong River. The delta, 15 km long and up to 17 km wide, is the largest area of "bottom land" in the Republic of Korea (Bartz, 1972:174). The Naktong River is 525 km in length and is the longest river in South Korea. The delta provides a contrast to the rugged and repetitive terrain that is generally characteristic of the Naktong Basin and the rest of the Korean peninsula. The Kimhae delta is located in South Kyongsang Province. Prior to 1896, North and South Kyongsang provinces were a single province named Kyong- sangdo, which was well known for its relative fertility (Lautensach, 1988:12). The two Kyongsang provinces exactly fill the Naktong [river] basin and are thus a perfect example of a political unit with boundaries dictatated by physical geography (Lautensach, 1988:15). This Kyongsangdo area comprises the entire southeastern end of the Korean peninsula. Pusan, the second largest city in the Republic of Korea, has the largest port, and is located just east of the mouth of the Naktong on the Korea Straits (Figure 1). Pusan was designated a special city in 1963 by the national government when it had reached a population of 50,000, and it is now administered apart from the South Kyongsang province. It is an industrial complex, a commercial center, and a terminus for water, rail, and air transportation. An important and influential neighbor, Japan, Eugene I. Knez, 469 Ena Road, #3403, Honolulu, Hawaii 96815. lies across the Eastern Sea (Sea of Japan) and the Taehan and Tsushima Straits. Pusan by air travel to Fukuoka on Japan's large southern island of Kyushu, is 214 km away. The Kimhae city hall is 34 km from the city hall of Pusan to the south, but the distance from the Kimhae city hall to the nearest boundary of the expanding Pusan metropolitan area is only 2 km. Near to Kimhae city is the Kimhae International Airport, which is the largest air facility in southeastern Korea. It was expanded in 1977 to handle 1,350,000 passengers annually and 140,000 tons of cargo. It is the principal airport for Pusan. A four-lane highway, the Seoul-Pusan expressway, just across the Naktong, is accessible to the communities of the Kimhae delta. A four-lane highway from Pusan to the west passes near Kimhae city. An older two-lane highway, later paved with asphalt, connects Kimhae with Pusan. The enlarged network of roads includes three bridges across the broad channel of the lower Naktong. The Kup'o bridge, the oldest and best known of the three, is just 15 km south of Kimhae. The Kup'o bridge was the only bridge across the lower Naktong when this ethnographic study commenced in 1951.1 Across the Kup'o bridge, on the east bank of the Naktong, is the town from which the bridge derives its name. Kup'o is now (1981) within the Pusan metropolitan area. It is located along the main railroad that links Pusan with Seoul. As the urban sprawl of Pusan has extended out over adjacent rural areas in recent years, so has that of Kimhae. Within the administrative boundaries of Kimhae town were a number of rural settlements, including the three villages represented in this ethnographic study, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill. These villages were consolidated into an administrative unit, a ward, MAP OF SOUTH KOREA (PRINCIPAL SOUTHEASTERN CITIES) SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY CHINA /v , ^ ' N O R T H / * . ^ KOREA-/ ^ " T ^ i ?SEOUk S*" \ SOUTH ) f* "!) KOREA \ X YELLOW SEA .{pU$Atm/. SHANGHAI 5 0 A CHEJU , i ISLAND ' y \ SEA OF 2 ^ J A * s / ? V . EASTERN SEA (SEA OF JAPAN) c*? NORTH KOREA (DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA) 38TH PARALLEL SEOUL YELLOW SEA SOUTH KOREA (REPUBLIC OF KOREA) DEMILITARIZE ZONE SCALE 0 25 50 75 km. %\ 25 50 mi. ? o Via MT.CHIRI #TAEGU IULSAN CHINJU MASAN KIMHAE FIGURE 1.?An outline map of South Korea, with the location of Kimhae indicated. NUMBER 39 and given the name of one of the villages, Three Ministers. As of 1971, Kimhae town was designated a city.2 The East Asian monsoon weather cycle of Korea has extraordinary temperature variations (Lautensach, 1988:85) with four distinct seasons: a long, cold winter (December to February), a warm spring (March to May), a hot summer (June to August), and a cool autumn (September to November). Monsoon rainfall occurs during the months of July and August. The average annual rainfall for Kimhae is 1,242 mm. The average temperature range for the Kimhae area is from below 4.9? C in January to above 25? C in August. There is often a light snowfall during the winter season. Occasional typhoons in the early fall may bring both heavy rainfall and destructive winds. The milder winters of southeastern Korea, when compared with the weather to the north, are partly due to the warmer Kuroshio Current of the western Pacific, which flows from the south along the Asian mainland through the Korea Straits into the Eastern (Japan) Sea (Bartz, 1972:29). The native flora and fauna of Korea are surprisingly diverse. Along with the native flora, many exotic plants have been introduced in cultivated fields and reforested areas. The Kimhae area has deciduous broadleaf trees indicative of the temperate zone, and evergreen vegetation as well. The fauna of Korea includes numerous visiting and permanent species of birds.3 On the peninsula there were many indigenous mam? mals. Korea was home to the Manchurian tiger and the Korean tiger, the black bear and river deer, among others, but because of excessive hunting and the disturbance of their habitats, numerous mammals are now extinct or endangered (Lau? tensach, 1988:143). To protect endangered species, the South Korean government has imposed regulations to limit hunting to designated seasons and areas. Other land animals and freshwa? ter fish still exist. The waters off the eastern coast in the Eastern (Japan) Sea are internationally known for their marine resources (see Appendix 3 for domesticated and useful wild plants and animals). The physiography of southeastern Korea includes huge deposits of sedimentary rock with "young" granite, also in the Naktong geological series: sandstone, conglomerate, and shale, which is bituminous in places, appears (Lautensach, 1988:494). The Cretaceous sediments and disruptive rocks represent a transition to the Pacific Rim (Lautensach, 1988:484). The Naktong valley has distinctive "steep hillsides" adjacent to "flat valley floors" (Bartz, 1972:13). The older geological forma? tions found elsewhere in Korea are reported to have their stratigraphic sequence correlate with those in southern Man? churia and north China. In the southeastern part of the Korean peninsula, however, the younger rocks relate to those in the Japanese archipelago (Lautensach, 1988:484). In the Kimhae area, the rich alluvium of the Naktong River flood plain is extensive and often thick (Bartz, 1972:164). Early accounts of the Kimhae area refer to iron sources being mined. Residents today (1981) say that several village names in the Kimhae area can be linguistically related to iron mining. Elsewhere in the South Kyongsang province iron is still actively mined, along with gold. The province is also a source for purple amethyst and ceramic clay (Bartz, 1972:175). The soils of Korea, including those of Kimhae are diversified and fre? quently poor for agricultural purposes. The application of prepared manures and chemical fertilizers has greatly increased soil productivity (Lee H., 1936:25). FOLKLORE AND LOCAL HISTORY According to contemporary (1971) folklore, the first king of Kaya (Kuya, later modern Kimhae) was selected by tribal chiefs. His name was Suro of Pon Kaya. His legendary origin refers to a strange voice and a purple rope from the sky that attracted the attention of the Kaya people. At the end of the rope was a box with six golden eggs. One of the eggs produced a child who became King Suro. A more detailed historical account of the foundation myth of Kaya is as follows: On the bathing day in the third month of A.D. 42, a strange sound was heard on the northern part of Mount Kuji (turtle-mandate) and a crowd of several hundred gathered. The sound, like a human voice, concealed its form but projected its voice saying: "Are there people here or not?" The nine chiefs replied: "Our people are here." Then the voice said, "Where am I? " They answered: "This is Kuji [Turtle's Back, the summit of North Mountain]." Again the voice said, "I am to rule here, to renew your state and to be your ruler according to a heavenly command. Dig off the mountain top and while working sing and dance to this song [magic spell] which will show your numbers and enthusiasm in welcome for the great King." "Turtle, Turtle [a divinity], poke your head out. If you do not, we will roast you and eat you. Then you will meet a great king." The nine chiefs did so; all were happy, and they sang and danced. Then they looked up and saw a purple rope descending from heaven with a golden box wrapped in a red cloth at the end. Inside the box were six golden eggs. The eggs were taken to the house of the nine chiefs. The following day the eggs were transformed into six boys and one of them became the first king of Karak, one of the six Kaya states. This was Suro.4 His surname was Kim (gold) because he came from a golden egg. The other boys became the rulers of the other Kaya states (Henthorn, 1971:231-232; Ilyon, 1972:158-159, 172). In the southern part of the Korean peninsula, there were three tribal leagues, the Samhan. Although their specific locations remain uncertain, these three groups of tribes included the Mahan in the west, the Pyonhan along the lower Naktong River, and the Chinhan to the north of the Pyonhan. We are particularly interested in this study with the Pyonhan, consisting of twelve tribes or village states, one of which, the Kuya, evolved into the Pon [original] Kaya kingdom (Lee K., 1984:29). These village states, including the Pon Kaya and the Tae [great] Kaya, became the Kaya federation (42-532 A.D.), which is said to have possessed its own distinctive culture. The Samhan (Lee K., 1984:24, 36), in contrast with some of the more nomadic tribes further to the north, are described as sedentary and agricultural. According to early Chinese ac? counts, the Samhan had 78 "countries" (Lee K., 1984:28), including scattered communities with pit dwellings that were entered through a door in the roof, ground-level houses, and wall-towns with wooden stockades. They grew hemp, millet, rice, and pulses, and had festivals at the time of the spring planting and during the harvest season (Hatada, 1969:11). Slavery was practiced. Horses, cattle, and pigs were raised, and they also practiced sericulture. Some mined and smelted iron, which was used as currency and for barter. Sun worship was SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY practiced. In their burial ceremony, wings of large birds were placed with the deceased to enable the soul to depart from the body (Lee K., 1984:34). In their burials, the orientation of the corpse was with the head toward the sunrise. It was believed that the deceased had an influence upon living descendants, and so they were honored with ancestor worship. Their shamanistic ceremonies were performed with chants and dancing to ward off evil spirits and invoke gods (Joe, 1972:41-45). King Suro of Kaya is credited with establishing a govern? mental system with rank designations and work assignments. His administration is reported to have incorporated both Korean and foreign ideas (Ilyon, 1972:163). According to tradition, King Suro's reign extended from 42 and 199 A.D., with no explanation given for the impossible time span (Ilyon, 1972:164). Over the centuries, King Suro has been idealized by Koreans as a model ruler. Special attention is accorded to the grave sites of King Suro and his queen, and to the ancestor worship by their descendants. These ancestor-worship ceremo? nies, unlike those of most Korean lineages, include among the participants the governor of the province or the mayor of Kimhae. What would normally be a lineage affair is instead a government memorial service. In 1981, the mayor of Kimhae represented the local government, although lineage members participated and remained responsible for the details of the service. King Suro's queen is believed to have died in 189 A.D., ten years before her husband's death. On March 15th and September 15th, according to the lunar calendar, ancestor- worship rituals are conducted for them by lineage members. The lineage members are actually members of three lineages who are related and therefore not permitted to intermarry. They are the Kimhae Kim, that is, the Kim Suro family that originated in Kimhae; the Kimhae Ho, representing the queen's family; and the Inch'on Yi, who previously had the Ho surname. When a former mayor of Inch'on was honored for his service his surname was changed from Ho to Yi. According to lineage members interviewed in 1981, King Suro had ten sons. This view and the information below pertaining to the lineages differ somewhat from the recorded account in the Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samguk Yusa). The first son became the second king of the Kaya dynasty. His offspring were members of the Kim clan. Two other sons of King Suro were given the surname of Ho and their descendants belong to the Ho lineage. The remaining sons of King Suro became celibate Buddhist monks. This current folklore also refers to Princess Ho as a Buddhist. Yet historical accounts would have Buddhism arriving in southern Korea sometime later, in the fifth century (Lee K., 1984:59). Kaya society, because of its location at the end of the peninsula, had a profitable maritime trade. Commercial contacts extended to the Chinese colonies northward along the west coast of the peninsula, with the Ye people along the east coast, and to the southeast with the Wa in Japan. A prehistoric chronology has been established by archeolo? gists working in Korea with evidence for Paleolithic, Neolithic, Bronze, Iron, and Proto-Three Kingdoms (Wonsamguk sidae) periods up to the historic era. A Kimhae shell mound (200 B.C.), with archeological remains among the marine refuse and beneath it, has become Korea's type Iron Age site. More recently the Kimhae shell mound was also assigned to the Proto-Three Kingdoms Period (Wonsamguk sidae), 0-300 A.D., as it contains two cultural levels. Elsewhere, archeologi? cal excavations of Kaya tombs located within large tumuli have revealed a high degree of sophistication of architecture and artifacts. The tombs possessed main chambers and small stone-lined burial pits for what probably were immolated serfs and slaves. Bones of fish were among the food remains found in ceramic vessels. Archeologists are reassessing the Kaya period because of these newly excavated sites (Kim W, 1986:187-193). There has been an international controversy about the views of some Japanese historians who refer to a Yamato-controlled area in the old territories of Pyonhan during the fourth century A.D., which they called Mimana (Suematsu, 1961; Inoue, 1973). It seems likely that there were close ties between Kaya and Yamato due to an important trade relationship as well as from political and military alliances and emigration to Yamato (Joe, 1972:29,30; Kim W, 1986:188). As the available data are reevaluated by Korean and Japanese scholars, a more definitive and mutually acceptable opinion is emerging. The Ministry of Culture and Information, Republic of Korea, announced in 1981 a ten-year project to restore the ancient Kaya archeologi? cal sites, to determine the influence of Kaya upon the three neighboring Korean kingdoms of Silla, Paekche, and Koguryo and to disprove any claim that a Yamato colony, Mimana, existed in Korea during the Kaya period.5 After years of strife with the neighboring kingdoms, in the sixth century, both Pon Kaya and Tae Kaya were annexed by Silla (Lee, K., 1984:39, 41). The Kaya nobility received commensurate rank and governmental positions within Silla society. A number intermarried with the Silla aristocracy. One of the best-known heroes of Korean history, Kim Yu-sin (595-673 A.D.), was a direct descendant of the last king of Pon Kaya (Kimhae) (Lee, K., 1984:4). He played a leading role for Silla in the eventual military and political unification of the Korean peninsula. This period of the Three Kingdoms, which included Koguryo and Paekche with Silla (ca. 100 B.C. to 668 A.D.), ended when Silla, with the assistance of China, became dominant as United Silla (668 to 936 A.D.). Following the collapse of United Silla, the Koryo dynasty (918 to 1392 A.D.) came to power, followed by the Choson (Yi) dynasty (1392 to 1910). Each dynasty made its own unique contributions to Korean history, despite the devastation caused by Mongol, Manchu, and Japanese invasions and occupations. Korean culture did not merely persist during these occupations, but rather it was enriched with a blending of native and foreign elements. In a regional history and geography for Kimhae published in 1631 and revised several times (Kimhae Upchi, 1974), various facts are mentioned that are of pertinent interest to this study A NUMBER 39 knoll, now surrounded by paddy fields, was Front Hill (Chonsan) Island. This same knoll is the site of one of the three villages included in the field investigation and referred to in this text as the third village (Figure 2). The early account, however, makes no mention of any settlement on Front Hill Island. The name of the village there today is Front Hill. The early island designation of this knoll, and of several other localities in the vicinity, seem to substantiate what older residents said?that several hundred years ago, much of the Kimhae delta was under water. The name of one of the two remaining villages in our study, Three Ministers (Samjong), does not appear in the early regional history, which may indicate that it also did not exist at that time (Figure 3). The name, Three Ministers, in the village folklore, was said to be derived from Kaya times when a "prime minister" and two "vice-ministers" resided in that village. No historical evidence to support this explanation has been found. The village of South Post (Namyok) was recorded in the local history, and as its name indicates, it was a post station used by official travelers and messengers. After 1945, the more prestigious name, Three Ministers, replaced the name of South Post for the consolidated community (ward). Neighboring villages over the centuries had regarded the South Post villagers as their social inferiors.6 The personnel of the post station raised horses and also, to support themselves, cultivated land. At times the men may have served as a local militia. Because of their low status, any intermarriage with others in the Kimhae area was resisted. In recent times, however, this discrimination has been minimal. The descendants of old-time residents, as well as the newcomers who are moving into Kimhae villages, have little or no interest in this traditional view. The early regional history of Kimhae also makes mention of a Buddhist temple7 that still exists on the slope of the high hill behind the villages of Three Ministers and South Post (see Figure 70). A Confucian shrine in Kimhae city that was constructed during the Choson (Yi) dynasty and rebuilt at least twice was deemed sufficiently important to be recorded. The shrine or hall today preserves the name tablets of seven Chinese personages and of eighteen Korean sages, two of whom lived during the Silla dynasty, two in Koryo times, and fourteen during Yi. Reference in the historical text was also made to a "palace" built during the Kaya period. Only the stone foundations of the "palace" remained in a small park in the middle of Kimhae city. Kimhae was described as a fortified town or "castle." Tangible evidence was seen in stone walls on the nearby hillsides and mountain slopes. AGRICULTURAL HISTORY Despite the significance of agriculture in the ideal Confucian state and its primary role in the Korean economy over the centuries, the life of the farmer was difficult and sometimes grim, often due to circumstances imposed by his own society. Uprisings by farmers and slaves have occurred to protest their exploitation. The farmer was usually taxed, forced to contribute corvee labor, and was subject to military service. The farmer often paid half of his harvest to the landowner. For the government, both the farmer and the landowner were taxed approximately a tenth of their harvest income. A tribute levied on villages and often paid with regional handicraft specialties was a particularly heavy obligation. As one historian observed of the Koryo dynasty, which could be said of other dynasties as well, "The free born peasantry and others directly involved in the production of wealth generally led lives of poverty" (Lee K., 1984:124). At times the farmers to escape such burdens would attach themselves to the estates of the nobility as outcasts or slaves. In the 1590s, the Japanese invaders of Korea spent much time in what is now North and South Kyongsang provinces, including the Kimhae area, as a point of entry into the peninsula. The civilian population, as a result, was drastically reduced by war, famine, and disease. Cultivated land, which had been among the most productive in the country, was reduced to one-sixth of its yield before the invasion. This Japanese invasion was eventually repelled by Korea and its Chinese ally. Several centuries later, Japanese aggression was more successful and through a Resident-General in 1906, and then a Governor-General in 1910, Korea was formally annexed and administered as a Japanese colony. Exploitive programs in Korea soon evolved, one of which was a cadastral survey that commenced in 1910 to assure the revenue of the colonial government. Although hidden land ownership was revealed, other agricultural problems that had existed during the late Choson dynasty persisted (Shin, 1991:89). Approximately 75 percent of Korean farmers lost their lands and were reduced to tenant status (Nahm, 1988:227).8 Despite the ambitious immigration policies of the Japanese authorities, the total number of Japanese immigrants was always small (about 3 percent) when compared with the existing Korean population. Most of the Japanese immigrants in the rural areas had little or no formal education. Some farmed, and others owned small shops selling miscellaneous merchandise. Most of those who lived in the villages of the Three Ministers community were farmers. Impoverished Korean farmers, including a number from the Kimhae area, left their homes, especially in the 1930s, for Korean cities or foreign countries. During World War II, a system of quota production was enforced, making the Korean rural population responsible for specific quantities of rice, barley, and livestock to be shipped to Japan. Other items for Japan included potatoes, silkworm cocoons, cotton, and hemp. One Japanese official noted that "the forced development of Korean agriculture by Japanese capital resulted in further impoverishing Korean farmers and increasing the rate of desertion from the farms" (Hisama, 1943). Aside from the Japanese economic exploitation, the attempt to Japanize Koreans was particularly resented. This process involved the forced use of the Japanese language, taking of Japanese SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS T O A N T H R O P O L O G Y ?g o o tf .2 .22 =: ??= 2 > - 1 *- tf 5 ?? S c ?o ** ? w ?? o ^ ft ."2 w 2P 8 ?> = s c ?? * is ? 8 5 o ? M S ? !H ?? ^ Q> l l l f c o ? "S. 5 g U e * o . .ti S h S S ts 2 3 ? w 5b S ?? -S ? .* 0 2 -o ? > Eb W QQ 1 ? ~ d 'C O e E I o w ? I S % a ri w* ? ja 3 ? "3 6 S 4) B U W NUMBER 39 FIGURE 3.?A view of Three Ministers village, one of the three villages in the consolidated community (ward) that is now known as Three Ministers. Black and white photograph, 1952. personal names, state Shintoism, and related indoctrinating measures by Japanese authorities. In retrospect, it can now be seen that a heritage of land management, governmental organization, and industrialization was accrued both through the modernization that had actually commenced in Korea prior to the Japanese occupation and also through the bitter experience of the occupation itself. As one historian expressed it: "the lasting cultural change that the Japanese policies induced was not 'Japanization.' It was modernization. Through Japanese intermediaries, Koreans came into contact with the civilization of the West" (Kim H. in Nahm, 1973:50). At the end of World War II, during an interim American military government in South Korea, Japanese officials and other Japanese residents in Korea were repatriated to Japan and their property in Korea was confiscated for Korean citizens and the incoming (1948) Korean government. The new Korean government, however, did little for the rural areas and agricultural productivity during the late 1940s and 1950s, but it did promulgate a land reform in 1949. Despite the devastating Korean War (1950-1953), the Republic of Korea, after a ten year dormant period, had a dramatic socio-economic transfor? mation. The Social Milieu The Three Ministers community or ward (Tong) within Kimhae city (Si) was, as previously mentioned, an administra? tive consolidation of three older villages: South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill. These villages are often referred to in this text as the first, second, and third villages (Burak) or suburbs (Ku), respectively. During a 1951 survey, all of the households (164) of the Three Ministers village were visited and recorded. Each household most commonly contained 5 or 6 persons, for a total population of 454 individuals. A number of homes had more than one family living in it. In addition, there were 567 individuals in the first village and 135 in the third, for a total population of 1,156. Until 1945 there were also Japanese households in the first and second villages. In the 1970s the total population of the community had increased to 2,350, primarily because of the number of outsiders coming in as temporary residents to work in nearby factories and shops or to attend schools in Kimhae city. These outsiders, often young men, did not come with families, rather they came alone or were accompanied by one other member of his family, usually his grandmother or mother who did the cooking and laundry. SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY By 1981 less than half of the residents of Three Ministers ward were born in the community. The total population in 1981 was 3,396 individuals. GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION The three older villages of the community were once what Korean social scientists referred to as "natural villages."9 They continued to maintain their traditional identity in the minds and behavior of the permanent residents. They were recognized by local government offices in Kimhae, whose representatives dealt directly with their village chiefs. The position of village chief (kujang) provided the crucial interface between central government officials from above and village activities below. Each village had a development committee. In addition to developmental projects, the committee was concerned with immediate problems, such as the sale of agricultural products, either to a government agency or elsewhere, and replenishing the supply of chemical fertilizers and insecticides. The village chief and the developmental committee worked closely together. The committee was also involved whenever a petition was submitted to the government on behalf of the village. Candidates for village chief were selected by a local committee. This committee also made the election arrange? ments. Each household was permitted one vote. The name of the elected candidate was submitted to the Kimhae govern? ment, which almost invariably accepted the recommendation (Figure 4). Similarly, if the village chief proved to be unsatisfactory or corrupt, a village recommendation for his removal from office was usually immediately accepted. Government civil servants residing in the three villages seldom became a village chief or a member of a village committee, as it was said, they were too busy with their official duties. These civil servants included school teachers, police officers, and bank and post office employees. In the opinion of villagers, a village chief should be older than twenty-five, have more than a middle-school education, own property, and possess an attractive personality. The position of village chief was generally not regarded as a full-time occupation, but as an opportunity to render service and as an honor bestowed by one's neighbors. Nevertheless, chiefs have complained that the demands of the office were such that they didn't have time to take care of their personal affairs. After the military revolution in 1961, the village chiefs were nominated by the mayor of Kimhae (Pak and Gamble, 1975:24). Prior to 1981, a village chief received a monthly salary from the Kimhae government. In addition, the chief received from the village 80 kg of barley in the spring and 80 kg office in the fall, or the equivalent in money. However, after July of 1971 when Kimhae was elevated to city status, the title of the village chief was changed as city services became directly available to villagers and the workload of a chief presumably was reduced. The amount in the grain allotment given him by the villagers was a subject now (1981) under discussion. It was said by FIGURE 4.?A "village master," selected by residents and approved by the Kimhae city government. Black and white photograph, 1952. villagers that he probably should also receive from the city government an annual holiday trip as a fringe benefit. One of the primary duties of a chief was to conduct an annual village meeting. The village meetings were well attended. In 1977, the second village constructed its own village building for meetings and social gatherings. The first and third villages have since followed suit. During a village meeting the village chief would read the annual financial report, which was jointly prepared by him, the development committee, and other influential villagers. Villagers were especially interested in the expenditure of funds and, particularly, funding for chemical fertilizers. In later years (1981) this changed as each villager purchased most of his own chemical fertilizer. After presenta? tion of the village report and a lively discussion, the participants enjoyed a party with food and beverages for all.10 Within each village, the village chief appointed the representatives for the village subdivisions, blocks (Pan), after consulting the heads of the households in each block. The number of households in a block varied from fifteen to thirty. Prior to and including the 1970s, the role of the block chief was of some importance, as he assisted the village chief and purchased and distributed chemical fertilizer, insecticide, and herbicide for his block. When the villagers later bought their NUMBER 39 9 own supplies, the block chief had little to do. The block chiefs did not receive a salary or grain, but their positions were still assigned and respected. When Kimhae town was designated a city in 1971, the consolidated community of Three Ministers was merged into a larger administrative unit along with the neighboring Fishing Bank community. Administratively, this new consolidation of Three Ministers village with villages one and three (Sam- jonggu) formed a portion of the Hwalchun ward (Hwalchun- dong), within Kimhae city (Kimhae si), which in turn was part of South Kyongsang province (Kyongsang-namdo). Despite these administrative changes and others brought about by Kimhae's new city status, and even prior to that, within the bureaucracy of Kimhae town, the identities of the three villages were retained in the minds of the villagers and local officials. In 1971, the residents of the first village said that they had selected for the mayor's nomination a new village chief because of the prevailing opinion that his predecessor had been in office for nine years and a change should occur. In 1981, a villager who had once been village chief was again elected to the office, primarily because of the support he received from his own kin who lived in the village. In the second village, the village chief, who had been chief two years previously, replaced the incumbent because of his popularity and proven capability. The village chief of the third village held the position for the last seven years, not merely because of his own political efforts, but also due to the support of his relatives, who constituted a majority of the population. In 1970 a nationwide rural development program, the New Community Movement (Saemaul Undong), was initiated.11 This was a countrywide program of modernization and involved government promotion, with technical and financial assistance, and educational support. Community leaders were identified and trained. Approximately 70 percent of the total resources for projects were contributed by the rural population (Whang, 1981:15). The Saemaul Undong proved to be a positive influence in the modernization of Korea. from which the nature and operation of the development committees evolved. This earlier village organization was known as the Farmer's Meeting-House Society (Nongch'- ongho). All farmers in each village were members. The staff of each society consisted of men who were respected village elders. Their leadership was based upon their personal prestige. Most decisions pertaining to village life were made during the society meetings.12 OTHER VILLAGE ORGANIZATIONS There were few "free-wheeling groups" in village life, organizations were usually subject to direct or indirect governmental control. Several national agencies influenced village life. These were the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation (NACF); Rural Guidance, the extension services of the Office of Rural Development; and Land Improvement Association, with local offices in Kimhae city. Because all farmers, by paying a fee, became members of the NACF, it had the largest number of members among the villagers. A Kimhae government office for irrigation maintained pumping stations for the nearby counties and Kimhae city. Villagers were participants in other organizations; e.g., the parent teacher association, military reserves,13 political parties, mutual aid societies, and religious sects, principally two Buddhist sects and two Christian congregations. A youth club provided village security with a night watch and surveillance for fire control. Political parties played a minor role in the lives of the villagers but were more active during election time. More will be said later of mutual aid societies. In one of the two Buddhist sects, only one hundred villagers were active, and in the other only three villagers. The two Christian congregations were small, but recently had grown. In 1981, the number of members in the Holiness Church was 200, in the Presbyterian Church 60.14 With financial assistance from Koreans elsewhere in South Korea and from foreign sources, the congregations have built two church buildings (Figures 5, 6). VILLAGE COMMITTEES The members of the development committees in their respective villages were recognized community leaders. In the first village, there were at least six men with this social status; in the second village, nine; and in the third village, five. They generally owned more property and were at least high school graduates. They had entrepeneurial skills and were more knowledgeable about governmental agencies, increasing agri? cultural productivity, and exploiting current market opportuni? ties. These village dignitaries were also frequently members of ad hoc committees to improve village life. They received no salary for their participation in village committees. Prior to the existence of these village development commit? tees, which were established at the direction of the national government, a traditional organization existed in each village NUCLEAR FAMILY AND THE LINEAGE Although Korean family traditions in the three villages persisted in 1981, modifications were in evidence. The relationship between the father and the eldest son remained the fundamental link between the generations. Although patriline- age was observed, there was less patrilocal residence, even for the eldest son. Contrary to the traditional ideal, the household of the married eldest son did not always include his aged parents. He was aware of his special responsibility to his parents, whether he honored it or not, even if that responsibility was assumed by a younger brother who remained in the village. A number of households consisted only of elderly parents whose grown male children, married or not, had moved away, usually seeking employment or educational opportunities. 10 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 5.?A fundamentalist Christian church, Holiness, located on a former site of a Japanese home in Three Ministers village. From a color photograph, 1981. Married daughters usually lived apart from their parents and the village. A number of the lineages, represented by village households, had their geographic origin elsewhere in Korea. The majority came from the same South Kyongsang province in which the three villages were located. Two lineages were said to possess genealogical records that go back to the first king of Kimhae and his queen, Kim Suro and Ho Hwang-ok. This remarkable statement was not confirmed. Villagers referred to paternal and maternal relatives with special kinship terms for addressing them. Generation, sex, and degree of relationship remained of concern. The kinship system with its precisely defined vertical and horizontal relationships was still of importance in 1981, especially to older villagers. Relatives of an eighth degree or less were considered to be close relatives. Genealogies indicated the degree (Ch'on). The genealogical relationship between the parent and the child was one ch'on, but between siblings was two ch'on, as the ch'on for the parent must be counted as well. Although patrilineal descent was stressed, the lineages of wives were not ignored. The names and deeds of illustrious ancestors were recalled with pride, but only when genealogies were being discussed. It otherwise was regarded as in poor taste to speak of one's lineage. The younger villagers displayed little interest in such kinship accounts or complexi? ties. However, the graves of ancestors, which were the properties of the lineages, were usually well-maintained and were the sites for formal worship. The lineages, as through the centuries, were exogamous and provided support for ancestor worship. The lineage was reinforced with Confucian values stressing respect and recip? rocity between kin members, households, and generations. Two villages within the consolidated community of the Three FIGURE 6.?A Presbyterian church in Three Ministers village. From a color photograph, 1981. NUMBER 39 11 Ministers were not one-lineage villages.15 In the first and second villages, no lineage dominance was discernible. The third village, however, could be regarded as a lineage village because of the number and dominance of Kim households, which would allow for greater political and economic cooperation. Within the Three Ministers consolidated commu? nity (ward), thirty-one different lineages were represented as of 1961. Although a widespread folk belief in South Korea that in the Kimhae area there were four major lineages, Kim, Ho (Huh), Cho, and No, there were actually five: Kim, Ho (Huh), Yi (Lee), Pae, and Yang. An examination of all lineages represented in the Three Ministers community revealed that eight lineages had large numbers of households. The largest of the eight was Kim with one hundred and forty-seven families. These lineages had long resided in the three villages. The households of the other and smaller lineages probably came more recently from elsewhere in Korea. The twenty-three remaining lineages had less than five households each. Despite the existence of the lineages mentioned above, it must be stated that most activities in the village were not lineage-oriented but instead were either household centered or were within the context of non-kin organizations. PERSONAL NAMES At birth a child acquired his or her surname, which was the name of the lineage. This surname was often written with a Chinese character and followed by the given name, usually written with two Chinese characters. These final two Chinese characters for the personal name had a meaningful and close relationship. The entire personal name revealed not only the lineage but also the gender and generation of the individual. First generation Kim Kyong-baek r Kim Kyong-su Kim Kyong-u Second generation - Kim Pok-tong v- P KimSu-tong ' Kim U-tong Third generation ? Kim Ik-ch'an V Kimlk-ho * KimIk-W-6n The two characters for the given name were selected according to a sequence. Each Chinese character often referred to an element, one of the five classical components of the universe: wood, fire, earth, metal, or water. According to ancient cosmology everything in the universe moves or changes according to this sequence. The two characters for the given name should, it was said, harmonize with each other and be auspicious. Often some knowledgeable person, in or out of the village, was consulted, and a traditional text was carefully examined for guidance. Eventually the entire name was entered in the genealogical record of the lineage. Parents often gave their child another name other than the one that had been recorded. This name was also retained throughout his or her life. These "nicknames" occurred especially for girls. The name of a child is used to refer to a parent, such as the mother of a particular child (a practice known as teknonymy) to avoid speaking the name of the parent. SOCIAL CLASSES Most villagers in 1981 said that the centuries-old traditional Korean social classes no longer existed. Yet when marriage partners were selected, the social status of the lineage was one factor usually taken into account before a final decision was made. Thirty years earlier, when this ethnographic study commenced, the differential behavior to a visiting sophisticated Korean gentleman from a villager was quickly apparent when they met. This had mostly disappeared and, as one villager put it, today the rich are the "yangban"16 and the poor, the commoners. Yet traditions of social classes, including bond? age, do in dire circumstances reemerge. In 1951, when a research assistant attempted to employ a girl in a neighboring village as a maid for his parents' urban home, the destitute rural family expressed a willingness for their daughter to stay permanently in his parents' home. Elderly villagers when discussing the human life cycle may have referred to four classical stages, which emphasized the age of the individual, but also had social implications, e.g., the expected degree of maturity. Childhood (Spring): one through approximately eighteen years of age. Youth (Summer): approximately nineteen through thirty- five years. Manhood (Autumn): approximately thirty-six through fifty- five years. Old Age (Winter): approximately fifty-six years or older. Most villagers, however, used a different set of descriptive categories that involved age or educational levels or both. CHILD CARE AND TRAINING During the study period of 1951-1981 babies were fed when they cried from hunger, not necessarily on schedule. Toilet training was seldom rigidly enforced, but commenced when the child was about six months old. Mothers perhaps changed the baby's diapers as often as once an hour during the day and once every two hours during the night, but usually did so less frequently. At the approximate age of five months, the child was permitted to crawl about, play with toys, and to sit up. Infants were usually soon capable of recognizing their mothers, and at about six months, their fathers and other family members. They would try to repeat the words for mother and father upon hearing them. After the first year of age, children learned simple words and were encouraged to touch and to name objects. Often, just before a year old, children would be assisted and sometimes forced to stand up. When they were 12 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY about fourteen months old, they would try to walk without assistance. Until the age of about two, they wore thin rubber or plastic diapers (1971), and were encouraged to use a chamber pot in a corner of the room. When they did not observe toilet rules they were punished with a quick but gentle slap to the body or an immediate scolding while being picked up and momentarily shaken. Although mothers traditionally permitted breast-feeding until the child was three or even four years old, breast-feeding when it did occur was often reduced to only sixteen months. The reasons advanced for the difference were to develop independence in the child, to diversify the diet, to permit the mother more freedom, and to improve the health of the mother. When breast-feeding was reduced, most young mothers fed their children a powdered milk solution or a rice gruel with sugar. When an older baby insisted upon breast? feeding, the mother at times placed on her breasts a sour solution, which quickly caused the child to prefer the bottle of powdered milk. Many new ideas pertaining to infant care and birth control (1971) came from a governmental health center located in Kimhae. A doctor or a nurse previously came from the health center to the village three or four times a year. By 1981, such visits were limited to one annually, as the villagers, with the improved roads and transportation facilities, were able to go directly to the health center themselves. Better-informed villagers often persuaded their neighbors to visit the health center. Young mothers in the Three Ministers community, when compared with those in more remote villages, often had at least primary or middle school education and were more willing to modify or discard traditional ideas pertaining to child care or health practices. Emergency medical care was available from a licensed doctor, an unlicensed practitioner (Figure 7), or a herbalist in either the Three Ministers community (1951) or at one of several Kimhae hospitals (1961-1981). Treatments, therefore, varied from traditional to modern. A badly frightened baby might be treated with blood-letting, herbs, or an injected sedative. When a younger brother or sister was born, the children often had sleeping places on either side of the grandmother or mother to prevent the older child from striking or otherwise abusing the younger child because of sibling jealousy. The father and other adult male relatives, with the exception of the grandfather, were often away from home, working in the fields, employed in nearby Kimhae factories, or perhaps employed somewhere in Pusan. It was the mother, usually with the assistance of paternal grandparents, who provided the child with its initial care and educational experience. At home, infants, regardless of sex, were dressed similarly. However, when they were taken out, boys were clothed in gray, black, or white garments, whereas girls were dressed in bright colors, with red and pink as favorites. On the twenty-first, forty-ninth, and one hundredth day, and on the first-year birthday, the baby traditionally received visits FIGURE 7.?An unlicensed doctor, who was a student of Japanese medical literature, examines a villager. In 1952, this unlicensed physician, a licensed physician, and a shaman provided medical assistance to the community. Black and white photograph, 1953. and presents from relatives and friends of the family. The ceremonies for the twenty-first and forty-ninth day were usually brief and perhaps involved only clear water and uncooked rice offerings placed on a small table for three deities representing heaven, earth, and humanity. Invited visitors often partook of seaweed soup and rice and soon departed. Although the first two ceremonies might be omitted entirely, the one hundred days and the first-year birthday almost always received attention from the family. The child was dressed in new but traditional attire, with sleeves of alternating stripes of brilliant colors. The guests were served seaweed soup, rice mixed with red beans, and rice cakes. A table was placed before the child with an array of items representing several occupa? tions, such as a writing brush, a book, thread, money, and others. The first item of interest that the child grasped was taken half-seriously to indicate his or her future career. EDUCATION Preschool children were permitted to develop at their own learning rate and to acquire self-confidence as they played at home, in the yard, and along village lanes. If the grandfather had received some formal education, he taught the child to write a few Chinese or Korean (Han 'gut) characters. Children also learned by imitating the singing and dancing of their older NUMBER 39 13 FIGURE 8.?Five primary-school girls are dressed in cotton-padded winter clothing. They are standing beside the primary school building. Black and white photograph, 1952. FIGURE 9.?Four of these primary-school boys are dressed in western-style winter uniforms, and one is in padded traditional winter clothing. Black and white photograph, 1952. brothers and sisters who were attending school. Their toys, most of which were mass-produced in Korean factories (1971-1981), were plastic miniatures of automobiles and airplanes, replicas of swords and American cowboy handguns with holsters and ammunition belts, miniature plastic dishware, and an assortment of Caucasian-looking dolls. Traditional toys for boys were kites with large spindles for the control string and tops for spinning with whips. For girls, a rope (often an elastic version) for skipping and the seesaw (a girl stands on either end of a plank, which rests on a fulcrum a few inches of above the ground) were also popular. Preschool children were seldom taught occupational skills, but they often closely watched older persons so involved. Primary school children wore uniforms, or, more often, parts of uniforms, with western-style sports shoes (Figures 8-12). A completely new school uniform was prohibitively expensive for many village families.17 The curriculum for the primary school included Korean language, Korean history, mathemat? ics, art, music, and physical education (Figure 13). Textbooks were printed in the Korean phonetic script (Han'gul). Primary school was coeducational and attendance was compulsory. Ninety to ninety-five percent of the village primary school graduates entered one of the Kimhae middle schools (Figure 14). In 1971 in Kimhae, there was one public middle school for boys and another for girls, and one private coeducational school; in 1981, there were two public middle schools for boys and one public and one private middle school for girls. The curriculums of the middle schools were similar to one another, but the middle schools for girls also included domestic science and rhythmic calisthenics. Efforts to combine the boys and girls middle schools to assure the same quality of instructions for FIGURE 10.?A primary-school teacher wears military attire in his impover? ished classroom; the effect of the recent Korean War (1950-1953) is evident. Black and white photograph, 1953. girls failed. Most parents continued to believe that boys and girls should be taught separately. Among the courses taught were Korean language, English, mathematics, geography, morality, art, physics, music, chemistry, biology, history, and civics. Prior to 1971, it was necessary for a student to take an examination to demonstrate his or her eligibility for middle and high school. Later, middle schools and high schools did not have an entrance examination. 14 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 11.?Boys and girls, in western attire with Korean rubber shoes, are before the main entrance of the primary school. The school is located within Three Ministers village. Black and white photograph, 1969. Many middle school graduates found employment in agriculture or one of the nearby factories. Some sixty percent of middle school graduates continued their education in one of the four Kimhae high schools; two of which were college preparatory. There were two vocational schools, one of which (for boys) had a curriculum emphasizing agriculture. A new school, Kimhae High School (for boys), was built between the first village and the nearby highway on paddies belonging to FIGURE 12.?Two primary-school girls with their school bags. From a color photograph, 1970. the first village. The number of high school graduates who went on to a college or university was said to be very small because most parents could not afford the cost.18 The curriculums of the FIGURE 13.?Primary-school students doing their homework out-of-doors. From a color photograph, 1970. NUMBER 39 15 FIGURE 14.?Five middle-school boys in various summer western-style clothes with closely-cut hair. In 1983, uniforms were required by school authorities. From a color photograph, 1969. college preparatory high schools for boys and girls were very similar and contained no vocational courses. The agricultural high school for boys stressed agriculture and related industrial subjects. Within its agricultural program, attention was given to gardening, forestry, and livestock raising. The industrial program was concerned primarily with food processing, especially of fruit (peaches, tomatoes, and strawberries) and meat (chicken, pork, and beef). The two schools built in the Three Ministers consolidated community on what were once paddy fields, were the Sam Sung Primary School (its maxim, "self-examination three times a day") and the new Kimhae High School for boys (Figures 15, 16). The primary school, which was in the second village, in 1981, had 17 teachers, over half of them women, and as students, 405 boys and 340 girls. The new high school located near the first village, in 1981, had a faculty of 45 men and a student body of 1,449 boys. The students attending the primary school or the high school could have come from anywhere in the entire Kimhae area. However, most children attending the primary school came from families residing in the immediate vicinity. Most teachers in 1981 and during the previous five years were paid by the government. In 1981, teachers of a private middle school for girls and a private vocational high school for girls were paid by school foundations maintained by interested parents. In the 1950s, many adult villagers were illiterate. They had not received any schooling during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945). In 1981, nearly all of the villagers were able to read and write the Korean han'gul phonetic script. There were a few villagers who had received some formal instruction during the Japanese occupation. They read and wrote Korean script and were familiar with a number of Japanese and Chinese characters. Almost all villagers were convinced that education was desirable, and worth the effort and sacrifice to attain it, if not for themselves, then for another member of the family. A widely held opinion was that graduation from middle school FIGURE 15.?The Sam Sung primary school in Three Ministers village. Suh Sul-Bong, an elder in Three Ministers village, working with a U.S. Army engineer (Lt. Col. ? Ellis), built this primary school along with others throughout the Kimhae area. U.S. Army advisors were stationed in Kimhae with the Korean Army Engineer School, 1945-1948. Black and white photograph, 1953. 16 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 16.?Entrance to the Kimhae high school for boys. The school was built, in 1978, on what were paddies owned by farmers in South Post village. Over the gate is written a maxim, "A proper education is the basis for a moral life." From a color photograph, 1981. TABLE 1.?Educational achievement of residents in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981. Figures for 1951 were obtained from the Kimhae County (Kun) Office; those for 1971 and 1981 were from surveys. Transients in 1971 and 1981 living in rental accommodations, usually not as families, were excluded. 1951 entries account for 100 percent of the community population whereas 1971 entries account for 81 percent of the community population and 1981 entries account for 69 percent of the community population. Level of schooling None Elementary school Middle school High school College South Post (First village) 1951 140 210 160 108 5 1971 256 416 216 118 20 1981 210 440 280 220 29 Three Ministers (Second village) 1951 1971 1981 130 165 80 38 5 134 297 104 56 10 110 292 280 180 20 Front Hill (TI 1951 90 81 10 9 0 lird village) 1971 1981 92 71 133 141 29 40 32 35 0 2 was the minimal educational level for an individual to achieve. During the thirty years of this study, 1951 -1981, the number of village graduates of primary, middle, and high schools increased greatly, but the number of college students and college graduates remained small (Table 1). Mention must be made of the educational differences and divergent views that have developed between the older and the younger generations of villagers, a "communications gap." The younger generation was known as the "han'gul generation." Han'gul makes reference to the Korean phonetic script that was emphasized in their schooling. The "han'gul generation" was not usually a derogatory reference, in fact, often the contrary. It was said to be progressive and responsible for many sociocultu? ral developments in South Korea. The percentage of households that relied upon some technical means to obtain domestic and foreign information whether by newspapers and magazines, telephone, radio, or television increased significantly from 1951 to 1981 (Table 2). The popularity of television seemed to have a restraining effect upon radio ownership. Nevertheless, many radios were in use, both stationary and portable sets. ADULTHOOD Legal adulthood was attained at twenty years of age. Voting in national elections was then permitted, and young men became eligible for military service (Figure 17). They could now smoke and drink alcoholic beverages, although a number had previously done so. Full adult status, however, remained linked with marriage, which was the persisting traditional view. Young women, although they no longer had many of the traditional restrictions on their behavior, were still regarded NUMBER 39 17 FIGURE 17.?Young men who are army reservists. From a color photograph, 1969. TABLE 2.?Household participation in methods of modern communication in the Three Ministers community for 1971 and 1981. Item Radio (Ownership) Magazine (Subscription) Newspaper (Subscription) Television (Ownership) Telephone (Ownership) 1971(%) 76.5 13.2 17.6 2.0 0.0 1981 (%) 75.0 * * 71.2 41.8 *Percentage of household ownership not determined, but a definite increase was noted. with much concern by their families until they were married (Figure 18). Virginity continued to be a prized virtue for marriageable women. Most young adults did strive to acquire occupational skills and experiences, etiquette, and other behavioral patterns of adulthood. Young women learned to cook, sew, and care for infants and older children. Although traditional family life had been modified, the desire for a son to maintain lineage continuity was widespread. The eldest son's roles as the ritualist for ancestor worship and the one who supported his parents in their old age were still held as ideal. However, in 1981, traditional responsibilities often received less or no attention. Many village men from thirty to thirty-nine years of age received more recognition than prior to 1945 because of their travels and work experiences elsewhere (Figure 19). Previously the age span of this socio-biological group was said to be thirty to thirty-five. Adult men with the age span of forty to sixty years were thought to be at the zenith or prime of life and were deemed the most capable of independent, responsible behavior FIGURE 18.?Two young unmarried women standing before a lotus pond. Black and white photograph, 1969. 18 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 19.?Married middle-aged men dressed in western-style winter clothing. Black and white photograph, 1969. FIGURE 20.?Village elders in traditional clothing, with horsehair hats and traditionally-patterned rubber shoes. They carry long-stemmed pipes and three have canes. Their estimated average age is sixty-five. Black and white photograph, 1952. and decision making. Apart from being the primary family provider, they were involved with arrangements for their children's education and the negotiations for their marriages. Older villagers were usually treated as respected elders, and their advice was still solicited in many family affairs (Figure 20). In 1981, younger family members did not consult their elders as readily as they did in 1951, due to the above mentioned "generation gap," unless the particular elder revealed a tolerance for change. Elderly men, with friends in their age group, remained concerned with ethical and other community problems. Elderly women, on the other hand, were more involved with family matters, their women friends, and religious activities, e.g., shamanism, Buddhism, or Christian? ity. MARRIAGE Over the years certain ceremonial "rites of passage" in the life of a villager were observed. Traditionally there were four essential rites: the initiation into adulthood, marriage, the funeral, and ancestor worship. Those that continued in importance were marriage, the funeral, and ancestor worship. It was estimated, in 1981, in the opinion of informants, that about 40 percent of the marriages occurring in the three villages involved the parents making the arrangements and selecting a spouse, with the assistance of a "go-between." Many villagers continued to believe that an arranged marriage was the ideal and would be more stable. Such active parental participation also revealed that villagers still regarded marriage as a family affair as well as an event of importance to the marrying couple. Marriage established a link between two nuclear families and their lineages. The age of the bridegroom was usually between twenty-five and thirty, and that of the bride between twenty and twenty-six. Around 1900, the age of the bridegroom was said to be often between twelve and eighteen and the bride fourteen to eighteen. Parents have traditionally wanted their children to marry early rather than late to assure the continuity of the family and to assure themselves of mature members of the family who would care for them in their old age. The importance of an early marriage and bearing offspring was underscored by the fact that frequently the bride was older than the bridegroom, hence more mature to cope with child-rearing and other family responsibilities. To avoid incest, an initial inquiry and the exchange of information pertaining to the two potential wedding partners, e.g., family lineage and its place of origin, was obtained through the services of the go-between. This go-between was usually an elderly woman possessing numerous social contacts. When she learned of a marriageable son or daughter, she would attempt to locate a possible spouse and then initiate negotia? tions between the two families of the potential marriage partners. At other times, families would find likely marriage partners themselves and negotiate the marriage contracts with the service of a go-between. As in previous years the marriage possibility was thoroughly discussed in both families. If all the parents were willing to consider the matter seriously, usually the young man and his mother would visit the girl's home so that the two young people and other family members could meet. When both families tentatively agreed to the marriage, family representatives visited a fortune-teller who, by consult? ing traditional texts, e.g., the Anthology of Cosmogony (Ch'on'gidaeyo) and an almanac, determined whether the marriage would be successful. Both families provided the fortune-teller with specific information about the young man NUMBER 39 19 and woman, known as the Four Pillars (the hour, day, month, and year of birth). If the prediction for marital compatibility, known as Palace Harmony, was not favorable then the negotiations between the two families were usually discontin? ued. However, if the fortune-teller was optimistic, then the family of the prospective bridegroom would prepare a marriage proposal, written in Chinese characters, and, on a separate sheet of paper, restate the Four Pillars information. A free translation of one proposal is as follows: I acknowledge with pleasure that you have decided to consider my son seriously as the future husband for your daughter and regard his shortcomings and immaturity with tolerance and understanding. Your lovely daughter whom you offer as his future wife is appreciated with heartfelt gratitude. In recognition of this mutual agreement, I forward this letter with wedding gifts. Signature of the Bridegroom's father Date Upon receiving the marriage proposal, the bride's family would reply with a letter of agreement indicating the selected day for the wedding. The bridegroom's family would then forward wedding gifts, which often were cloth for the bride's trousseau, jewelry, including double gold wedding rings or diamond rings, a watch, and shoes, with an accompanying letter stating formally both the birth dates of the bride and the bridegroom. The letter was tied with a red and blue silk thread representing the cosmic principle of universal duality (um and yang). The bride's family traditionally reciprocated with gifts for the bridegroom, his parents, and his relatives on the wedding day. In 1981, this gift exchange was often completed before the wedding day. To reduce the cost of the wedding, the parents at times agreed to a token exchange. On the wedding day the bride and her parents, escorted by relatives and friends, traveled, often in taxis, to the home of the bridegroom where the ceremony took place. After the bride arrived, she and the bridegroom were dressed in their traditional wedding attire. Families of the couple might have borrowed the set of used traditional wedding clothing owned by the village for the bride and bridegroom. A strong preference, however, was for newly made costumes. The bride remained in a room provided for her until asked to come forth into the yard at a time thought to be the most auspicious. Prior to the time when the bride appeared in her wedding costume, the bridegroom held a wooden replica of a duck, a symbol of a mate for a lifetime. After a bow to the north, an acknowledg? ment of the authority in Seoul (in former times, the king), he gave the duck to a member of the brides family. The bridegroom stood to the west of an improvised altar in the yard, and the bride took her place to the east of the altar, both maintaining a serious countenance (Figure 21). The altar, a table covered with a cloth on which were set a vase of camellias and another of bamboo, food offerings of rice, chestnuts, jujube (dried dates), and a bound live rooster and a hen. The chestnuts and the rooster were placed near the bridegroom and the jujube and the hen near the bride. The rice was said to be for the rooster and the hen. A knowledgeable village elder directed the ceremony. He stood behind the altar whereas the guests were before it. When an attendant brought a basin of clear water to the couple to wash ritually, each merely flicked the surface with their fingers. The bride did two and one-half bows and the bridegroom three and one-half bows to each other. The number of bows was frequently reduced to shorten the ceremony. Two cups of wine were exchanged, one with red thread attached for the bride, and the other with blue thread for the bridegroom. The bridegroom usually drank some of the wine in each cup but the bride simply touched the cups as they were presented to her. The couple did not eat any of the food on the altar but each, with chopsticks, did turn over a chestnut. The duration of the ceremony was between thirty and forty minutes. A wedding photograph of the couple, with family members and friends, was taken before a decorative folding screen. The bridegroom was then led away to a room where food and drink were served to him. The bride was escorted to another room for similar refreshments and relaxation. The evening of the same day, the couple was reunited for the nuptial night. Traditionally the bridegroom had stayed for an extended period living in the home of his parents-in-law before returning to his home. More recently, he left after spending two nights there. In taxis or rented cars, the couple, with the bride's father, an uncle, and a few other relatives of the bride, went to the FIGURE 21.?Bridegroom and bride in traditional wedding dress facing an altar containing traditional symbols of the universal duality (um and yang). These include a vase of bamboo and a vase camellias, rice and chestnuts, a bound live rooster and hen, and blue and red thread. Also on the altar is rice wine in a brass cup on a pedestal tray. Black and white photograph, 1955. 20 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 22.?A family elder expressing homage and gratitude to his ancestors for a recent wedding in his family. Black and white photograph, 1953. bridegroom's home. The taxis also carried gifts for the bridegroom's family, rice cakes, and bedding for the couple. The bride, no longer in her wedding attire, still wore traditional clothing, usually a red skirt and a green blouse, both of which were made of cloth previously received from the bridegroom's family. The bridegroom wore a western-style suit made or bought for him by the bride's family. Meanwhile, preparations were made at the home of the bridegroom for the arrival of the couple. After the wedding party's arrival, and after members of the bridegroom's family had received their gifts, a brief ceremony was performed for the bridegroom's ancestors (Figure 22). Next the bridegroom made full bows to his grandparents, parents, and uncles. Subsequently the bride bowed to all of the assembled relatives of the bridegroom. The bows made by the bride indicated both respect and the fact that she had become a member of their family. All of the guests, most of whom had made financial contributions prior to the wedding ceremony, were then served food and drink. After this festive occasion, the couple continued to reside in the home of the groom's parents. All weddings, according to government regulation, were to be recorded in the city office within one month, a requirement that was not always promptly met. The bride kept her family name. Contrasting with the traditional marriage described above, was what was known as the "free marriage" preferred by approximately 60 percent of young marriageable couples. Yet even with these free marriages, a young couple, who had fallen in love and wished to marry, were still anxious to receive parental approval of their engagement and marriage. Prior to 1981, parents were reluctant to give their approval unless they had been involved with the selection of the marriage partner and the negotiation of a formal agreement between their two families. In a neighboring village, a talented young man, who was a college graduate, committed suicide because his parents forced him to accept their choice of a girl in marriage rather than approve of the one that he loved. Many parents in the vicinity were shocked by the news and have become less insistent upon tradition. Undoubtedly of significance was the fact that many villagers had been students in a school system with a decided Western orientation since 1945. Many regarded a free marriage not merely as new but more prestigious. These free marriages occurred at times in private homes, as had been the case with the traditional ceremony. However, often one of Kimhae's five private wedding halls was rented, or special arrangements were made to use a Buddhist temple (Figure 23), a Christian church, or the city auditorium. Kimhae wedding halls were so popular and sufficiently busy that they were seldom used for any other purpose. Each was equipped with an altar and had a seating FIGURE 23.?A wedding ceremony at the Circle (Won) Buddhist Hall in downtown Kimhae during which a guest sings a solo. An elder from Three Ministers village is a member of the congregation. From a color photograph, 1970. NUMBER 39 21 capacity of one to two hundred persons. Similar but larger marriage halls in Pusan had seating capacities for up to five hundred people. Because of his personal status in the community and his friendship with the couple and their families, a private citizen, a man, was selected to officiate at the ceremony. He might have been the principal in the school that the bridegroom had previously attended or a local celebrity. When a marriage partner came from one of the Christian families living in the Three Ministers community, it was likely that the ceremony took place in one of the two village churches. The prevailing concept of incest prohibited marriages between individuals of the same lineage and the same place of origin. Adopted individuals also observed this incest restric? tion. It should be pointed out that adopted children were mostly the children of kinsmen. Approximately 20 percent of marriages occurred between persons of two lineages that were represented in the Three Ministers community for many years. Some 70 percent of marriages were between villagers and persons from elsewhere in the Kimhae area, and about 10 percent were between villagers and those from a more distant locality, such as central Korea and the cities of Pusan and Taegu. (The above comments refer to longtime residents, not to recent arrivals in the community. At least 50 percent of village residents in recent years have come from outside because of work and educational opportunities in the Kimhae area. They often did not come as families but as a single or two individuals. The marriage behavior of these newer residents was not ascertained, but probably it was similar to that of the permanent residents in terms of their own villages of origin.) Although contrary to the traditional view, a divorce was now regarded mostly as a personal problem. Traditionally, divorce only occurred when initiated by the husband's family due to a childless marriage or adultery. Upon the death of a spouse, the widow, as well as the widower, could remarry without social criticism. However, it was still thought proper for a widow not to marry if her sons or daughters could support her. FUNERAL SERVICE The funeral service of a deceased member of the family, especially for parents, continued to reveal the belief in a bond between the living and the dead that not only should be acknowledged but honored with prescribed, though often modified, ritual. Upon the death of a father, a son traditionally would toss a coat of the deceased on the roof of the house and cried out the tragic news. Many families eventually relied upon modern methods of communication, e.g., an obituary distrib? uted by the postal service or placed in a local newspaper. The garment of the deceased usually remained on the roof until the corpse was placed into a wooden coffin. A mutual aid group, the burial society, to which the family belonged, was notified of the death. The membership of such societies could include as many as forty representatives of village households. The society often prepared a formal announcement of the death, and at times they arranged to have the announcement printed and either mailed or personally delivered the cards themselves. Although the society provided assistance and contributed money toward expenses, the family remained in control of the arrangements and the subsequent funeral. Food prepared for the funeral service included the butchering and roasting of a pig, rice soup, and other traditional dishes, along with a supply of liquor. Additional needed dishware was often borrowed from neighbors to serve the food to the guests. In 1981, most bereaved families prepared only what was deemed to be a minimal number of food dishes; not as lavish an effort as was seen in funerals in previous years. The family purchased the coffin, the bier, and the paper flowers, whereas the canopy for the bier might be bought or rented from an undertaker in Kimhae. Each family in the village of the deceased sent a member, usually the head of the household, to visit and express condolence. When the visitor entered the yard of the deceased's home, he was greeted with a distinctive cry by family mourners. He responded with a wail and two full bows to convey his sympathy and respect. To determine the appropriate time of the funeral and the place of burial, an "earth officer" (Chigwan) who possessed classic texts of geography and cosmogony, was consulted. The burial often took place on the third day after death, but circumstances might alter this schedule. Prior to its placement in the coffin, the corpse was washed, the nails of the hands and feet were trimmed, and then the body was dressed with clean clothes. The coffin was positioned with the head of the deceased to the east. During the time the corpse remained at home, it was kept in one of the better-maintained rooms and placed behind a decorative screen. Just outside this room, a table served as an altar for burning incense and for fruit offerings. The room containing the corpse was entered by family members only, visitors remained in an adjoining room or building or in the yard. A portable altar or "soul box" was prepared for the funeral procession, containing a slip of paper on which the name of the deceased was written in Chinese characters. In the soul box also were personal effects of the deceased, often a traditional or Western style hat, a pipe, and a pair of shoes (Figure 24). As the funeral procession moved toward the selected burial site, periodically it stopped enroute so that a ceremony could be performed before the soul box in order to placate the soul and to assure it a successful journey. A banner with the name of the deceased painted upon it in Chinese characters was carried at the head of the procession. The hired men carrying the bier with the coffin frequently stopped at bridges or curves in the road or path to demand money. After family members or relatives placed money on the bier, the bier would be transported further. The mourners who accompanied the bier of a deceased father, were male lineage members and male friends. A few of these, including the eldest son or an adopted son, as chief ritualist, wore a mourning costume made of hemp cloth (Figure 25); 22 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 24.?This "soul box," on a litter decorated with paper flowers, is brought to the burial site of the deceased. In addition to the written name of the deceased in Chinese characters, it contains a few personal effects, e.g., hat, shoes, glasses, and pipe. After the funeral, the "soul box" is returned home and is placed into a small temporary chapel. From a color photograph, 1970. sometimes only the hat and parts of the traditional costume were worn over a western-style suit. The use of biers and funeral processions was decreasing. After 1971, a funeral bus often carried the coffin and members of the family and relatives to or near the burial place. At the burial site, ceremonies were conducted both for the spirit of the mountain or the locality and for the deceased. Devout Buddhist families invited a priest to conduct a Buddhist ritual prior to the interment. Before the coffin was lowered into the grave, it was covered with the banner on which the name of the deceased appeared. The eldest son, as the chief mourner, placed three handfuls of earth upon the coffin, one over the head, another over the torso, and the last over the feet. A long slender pole, often bamboo, was temporarily placed above the center of the coffin as the grave was filled with earth. This pole was used to facilitate the construction of a small burial mound FIGURE 25.?An elderly couple dressed in hemp mourning clothes with bamboo canes and rice straw sandals. From a color photograph, 1970. directly over the coffin and the grave site (Figures 26, 27). When the burial was completed, a farewell service was conducted for the family of the deceased. This was then followed by another ritual to assure the soul of the deceased that all of the requirements of the funeral had been completed and to give a formal conclusion to the entire funeral service (Figure 28). Food and drink were then served to all present at the grave site, and the social atmosphere became noticeably more relaxed. A final and brief ritual occurred, before the burial party departed, during which the deceased became, in effect, an honored participant and not just the recipient of the offerings. The soul box was returned to the home and placed in a temporary chapel in the yard. Rice-straw rope was used to wrap around the supporting posts and beams of the temporary chapel, and rice-straw mats became the walls, the door, and the floor. The chapel contained an altar with a photograph of the deceased and other items from the soul box, including the slip of paper on which was written the name of the deceased. Before this altar memorial services were conducted periodically for one year (Figure 29). At times, instead of constructing a temporary chapel, the family of the deceased placed the soul box within the home and conducted services there. After a year, during an anniversary service, the personal effects in the soul box and the soul box itself were burnt at NUMBER 39 23 FIGURE 26.?Mourners at a grave site. The coffin has been placed in the grave and earth is being shoveled in and pressed down. The upright bamboo pole indicates the midpoint of the grave so that the grave mound will be centrally located. The mourners' costumes are made from rough hemp cloth. From a color photograph, 1970. home. During this service the burning of the slip of paper upon which the name of the deceased was written was referred to as a "farewell to the soul." The traditional mourning period for a deceased father was three years, for a mother, one and one-half FIGURE 27.?A graveyard on the slope of the hill behind the villages of South Post and Three Ministers. The graves were later moved to another cemetery to make way for the construction of modern buildings. The new Kimhae city hall was built nearby. Black and white photograph, 1955. years. According to idealized Confucian behavior, the eldest son should live beside his father's grave for three years, during which time his hair and nails are not cut and he practices sexual abstinence. Recent behavior was a modification of this traditional ideal. The length of the mourning period and the expense of the ritual were reduced. The villagers, with the encouragement of the national government, limited the mourning period either to forty-nine or one hundred days. Although a family in mourning was expected to wear white cotton, or coarsely woven hemp clothing, this requirement was frequently observed only symbolically by a hemp ribbon pinned to a man's coat or fastened to a woman's hairdo. The number of memorial services during the mourning period was also often reduced. There was a growing sentiment that filial piety, stressed in Korean ethics, should be bestowed upon living parents and should be expressed by the generosity and attention of the eldest son and, in fact, by all the adult offspring. Frequently parents were given birthday parties, gifts, and short vacation trips. A Buddhist priest or a shaman might be asked to offer prayers for their good fortune and for the passage of the parents' souls into paradise while the parents are still alive and attending the ceremony. Most villagers in 1981 buried their dead in a public cemetery or made use of the Kimhae crematorium.19 If the deceased was cremated, his ashes were scattered by the family upon a river, a hillside, or buried in a grave site marked with a tombstone. 24 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 28.?After the burial of the deceased, often the funeral includes a ritual in front of the burial mound with a photograph of the deceased, his name displayed, a small altar, a folding screen, and paper flowers. From a color photograph, 1981. ANCESTOR WORSHIP Although ancestor worship could be thought of as an extension of the funeral service, it had its own rites with supporting concepts and social practices. Both ancestor worship and the funeral service revealed the cultural emphasis placed upon filial piety and reciprocity. The Korean conception of social relationships was defined as those attributes of human existence that, it was believed, set man apart from other forms of life. Whether an adult or a child, the villager ideally was concerned about the welfare of his parents and regarded them and himself as links between the past and future generations. The villager, again ideally, remained faithful and respectful to the memory of deceased kin and was proud of his ancestors. These standards for behavior, however, were observed, modified, or even ignored among individual villagers. Whether adhered to or paid little attention to, the villager was aware of such idealized behavior and its ethical significance. These traditional values, in other words, still influenced many members of the Three Ministers community, although the degree of adherence to prescribed behavior was varied. Ancestor worship traditionally occurred in the villages five times a year. 1. The anniversary of the death of the deceased (lunar calendar). 2. New Year's Day (lunar calendar). 3. April 4 or 5 (solar calendar). 4. August 15 (harvest full moon, lunar calendar). 5. A selected day during October (lunar calendar). The rites that were performed on the anniversary of the death of the deceased, New Year's Day, and August 15 took place in the home after midnight. A household frequently will observe more than one ancestor's death anniversary each year. FIGURE 29.?Temporary chapel for ancestor worship in the yard of a home. It is used for one year after the death of a parent and then is demolished. Black and white photograph, 1970. NUMBER 39 25 I r . '-t 3 If 0 r'i Js '*?-::'::-" Wm '' ( ... l fi : j - -/-'?r^k_ Y B*#?* t FIGURE 30.?Altar for ancestor worship in the home of a village elder. From a color photograph, 1981. Grave-site rituals were conducted on April 4 or 5 and on different days in October. The food offerings were prepared by the wives and other women of the household. If the deceased was the husband and the sons were away, the widow or the husband's mother acted in the male role as chief ritualist. Although she did not do the full bows normally required, she ceremonially served the food and the wine. Ancestor worship beyond the fourth generation was conducted with services held at the grave sites in April and October by the eldest son and other lineage representatives. A ceremony for ancestor worship usually required about forty minutes to complete. The altar for ancestor worship was usually a low rectangular table, which at the grave site might be a permanent stone version. Behind the altar at the home was often a free-standing decorative paneled screen (Figure 30); at the grave site it was the grass-covered earth mound over the grave. The altar usually had wood, brass, or stainless steel dishware, but white ceramic items, such as a wine vessel, also were used. The food was placed on the altar in dishes and bowls, with each type of food in a separate vessel. The food included beef, fish, and vegetable soup. Fruit and rice cakes were impressively stacked on pedestaled trays. When the ritual at home was for a deceased couple, the altar was arranged with two sets of dishware and metal chopsticks and spoons. The chief ritualist, normally the eldest son, wearing traditional clothing or a dark western suit, placed a spoon into a filled rice bowl for each parent as an invitation to partake of the feast, and he filled their wine cups. Stepping back from the altar, he made, with other male relatives (often dressed in dark western suits) who were standing abreast, two full bows with the knees and forehead touching the floor. He then removed the spoons from the rice bowls and placed them in the soup bowls, and again, with his kinsmen, performed two full bows. Each soup bowl was replaced with a bowl of fresh water into which a small amount of rice was deposited, and again two full bows followed. The chopsticks were relocated at least twice on the altar from the beef to the fish dishes, after tapping them on the surface of the altar. A cup of wine was emptied and prior to refilling the cup, a drop or two of the remaining wine was poured as a libation upon a few stems of rice in a pedestaled bowl. Invited guests were permitted to watch the ceremony from a respectful distance or through an open doorway. Although similar to the funeral service the ancestor worship ritual had some differences. Ancestor worship was usually attended by only the eldest son with his family and relatives, whereas the funeral included nonkin mourners as well. Only beef was offered for ancestor worship, whereas pork often was used for the funeral service. Affluent families may also serve beef at the funeral service. The altar for the funeral service was relatively simple, but for ancestor worship an extravagant setting was often seen. Because of the number of mourners and other requirements, such as the purchase of the burial site, funerals tended to be more expensive, whereas ancestor worship was often less expensive, despite extravagant altar settings, because preparations could be conviently made in the home by the family. 26 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY ROUTINE BEHAVIOR During the study period (1951-1981) much of village life adhered to established patterns of behavior. Each villager often knew or could accurately guess where his neighbor was and what he was doing. Although the demands of agriculture gave a well-understood sequence to the behavior of the farmer, other villagers, who were not farmers, also had occupations that produced predictable behavior. One of the recurring village rhythms was traditional marketing that occurred every fifth day in Kimhae city, in which many villagers participated. There were also shops within the village and downtown Kimhae that were available every day. There was the daily routine of the housewife as she prepared meals, cared for her infant and older children, did the laundry, fed the chickens, cleaned the house and yard, and worked in her garden or assisted her husband in the fields. Throughout the lunar year, many events of interest to villagers occurred, which involved festivals, rituals, and specially prepared food. Official holidays, according to the solar calendar, were observed only by government officials, employees of banks and large firms, and school children. Some annual observances were both traditional and official, such as the harvest (Thanksgiving) full moon and Buddha's birthday. The four most important holidays in the village calendar were New Year's, Sol; the Day of Cold Food, Hansik (third month); Tano (fifth month); and "Thanksgiving," Chusok (eighth month). Descriptions of the annual holidays follow and are listed according to the lunar calendar. 1. The New Year's observance (Sol), was celebrated for at least three days and often longer. Traditionally the New Year's holiday season had extended for two weeks. The shorter New Year's holiday was said to be due to more demanding work schedules and an urbanized life style (1981). Ancestor worship was usually held after midnight on New Year's Eve. Ancestor worship, when observed, was mostly traditional in nature; other holiday activities were often modified. The food prepared for the holiday was less varied, and customary visits by young children to village elders to pay their respects often did not occur (1981). All villagers, young and old, still wore their best and often new clothing. A game (Yut) using a set of four sticks that are thrown on a mat was often played with two teams. Occasionally charms or shamanistic prayers invoking spiritual assistance and protection for a good year were obtained from temples and local shops. Children participated in outdoor sports according to sex. Boys usually flew kites, had footraces and mock battles, or played soccer. Girls often jumped over an elastic rubber cord, skipped rope, jumped for distance on one foot, or played a game of jacks. 2. Often early in the first month, a band of dancing village musicians, usually twenty men, visited homes to perform briefly in each yard, assuring a good harvest and good fortune throughout the year. As many as fifteen of the musicians played small, round drums with peg handles whereas the other musicians had different percussion instruments, a large hourglass-shaped drum, several other drums, and large and small cymbals (Figure 31). A flutist also frequently appeared. The formations and maneuvers of the village band resembled those of a military unit. The leader of the band was often the first musician among those who provided the tempo with small cymbals. He was in charge of both the musical performance and the dance choreography. The dance steps consisted of raising one foot after the other off the ground with the knee bent about forty-five degrees. The body of the musician was often slightly bent forward and while dancing might turn to one side or the other, or revolve completely. The costumes included baggy trousers tied at the ankles, three-pointed hats with attached pompons, and jackets with wide sashes worn diagonally across the chest. The bright colors employed were red, green, yellow, blue, and white. An officer of the band, but not a musician, was responsible for arranging the schedule for the performances and managing the business affairs. He was often the village chief or some other influential male villager. There was another band participant who didn't play an instrument or dance but who was seen with the dancing musicians during a performance. He was dressed to depict a nobleman, as he wore a black high-crowned, wide-brimmed hat and a long white or green coat, and carried a long-stemmed pipe. His role, it was said, was to dignify the dance performance. Other common participants included a "clown" and a hunter with his gun and game bag. These two band members, who danced but were not musicians, exchanged repartee that amused the spectators. The village band, after several days of rehearsal, was ready to perform. It received donations of money and rice. Some of the money was used to buy or repair instruments when needed. In the past, the band would collect money or rice for various village projects by visiting every household, but this practice, embarrassing to impoverished home owners, was discontinued. In more recent times, the band only went to households upon invitation. They spent about twenty minutes performing about the yard near the house, including the kitchen, annex buildings, and the outdoor cluster of sauce jars. During the New Year's holiday season, it was believed that the band should also visit the outdoor village shrine, the public well, the public laundry area, and the village office so that the year for the entire village would commence auspiciously. Whenever the band was not performing, the instruments were kept together in a home selected by the village chief. 3. Also in the first month, ceremonies were conducted in each of the three villages of the community before the village shrine dedicated to the spirit of the locality (Figure 32). Before each shrine was placed a small altar with food and beverages on it. It was usually the village chief who acted as the ritualist for his village. After the ceremony the village band gave forth with its drums and cymbals and lively dancing. In 1981, two of the shrines had disappeared. NUMBER 39 27 FIGURE 31.?Village band dancing and simultaneously playing percussion instruments in the yard of a home. The flute, often seen in village bands, is conspicuously absent here. Black and white photograph, 1971. FIGURE 32.?Shrine in the village of Three Ministers dedicated to the village deity. A short ceremony is conducted here annually. In 1985, this shrine had disappeared amidst the construction of new urban buildings. From a color photograph, 1969. 28 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 4. Often during the first month the well-attended annual village meeting took place, during which the village chief gave his report. 5. On the fifteenth day of the first month, prayers were occasionally offered to the first full moon, a requirement to assure abundant harvest and good fortune. As the moon rose, the once widespread practice of building small "moon houses" office straw in the fields and children burning them to remove the misfortunes of the past year seldom occurred. 6. The third month was usually the month when the village chief, the chairman of the village development committee, a few women representatives, and the "block" leaders arranged for a spring picnic. Money or rice was collected from each household and food was prepared by the women as a cooperative endeavor. Prior to the preparation of the food, marketing was frequently necessary to augment the existing supply of foodstuffs. Some food was cooked in the homes and carried to the selected picnic site on the slope of the high hill behind the first and second villages. Other food items were prepared at the site itself. Participants were limited to the members of households permanently residing in the commu? nity, not the numerous newcomers who had recently moved into the village (1970). The picknickers ate, drank soft drinks or alcoholic beverages, sang, and did impromptu dances individu? ally or in groups. However, since about 1970, the annual picnic has received less attention from the villagers and sometimes didn't occur at all. The explanation given was that the lack of interest was traceable to competing economic and urban activities. 7. The Day of the Cold Feast, Hansik, in the third month, was the time of the year when lineage members conducted rites at grave sites of their ancestors. These ancestors were not only those who were well remembered, but also, those whose day of death had been forgotten and others who lived so long ago that practically nothing was known about them. The government had designated this holiday to be the same day as Arbor Day, to emphasize national reforestation programs, but this official observance had no relationship with the traditional holiday. 8. The birthday of Buddha, the Feast of the Lanterns, was widely celebrated in the fourth month.20 Many housewives carried offerings up the hillside to the Buddhist temple (Figure 33). The amount of rice or money offerings varied according to the wealth and social status of the household. The name of the temple (Songjoam) refers to a famous Buddhist monk who lived during the Koryo dynasty (935-1392 A.D.) and was the founder of Korea's largest Buddhist order (Chogye, Jokyejong). Upon their arrival at the temple compound (1952-1981), the villagers, frequently while holding their rosaries, bowed and prayed before the Buddhist images, particularly the representa? tions of Sakyamuni Buddha and the saviors or bodhisattvas Kwanseumbosal (in Sanskrit, Avalokitesvara), andChijangbosal (in Sanskrit, Ksitigarbha). A separate shrine in the temple compound dedicated to the mountain spirit, who is depicted in one painting as a sage with a tiger, also received offerings (Figures 34, 35). Two or three middle-aged village women, employed by the priest, served food and tea to visitors at the temple site. Visitors were usually from the first and second villages of the Three Ministers community. Occasionally groups from elsewhere, consisting of a hundred or more persons, came to visit the temple. An afternoon service was conducted for visitors and their families. During the service the priest referred to each visitor and all members of his or her family by name as he invoked a blessing for them. Many of the villagers went home in the late afternoon for supper and then returned in the evening with lanterns for another temple ceremony. The paper covers of the lanterns bore the names of family members. These were later burnt as prayers. 9. The summer festival, Tano, in the fifth month, continued to be observed. It was said to have originated in rites performed after the spring planting. Ancestor memorial services and picnics occurred. Young women often competed, while standing, in daring outdoor swinging and in seesawing contests. Men were involved with competitive athletic events that required both skill and strength, including a Korean style of wrestling done within a circle made in the sand, and simulated cock fighting on one leg. Boys tried to keep shuttle cocks aloft by using only their feet. 10. Some village households observed a holiday during the eighth month, during which food was prepared from fall crops for the benefit of the ancestors. The advent of cold weather was also celebrated at this time with picnics and excursions to scenic areas, often to temples, in mountainous localities. This holiday, was often extended beyond the one-day observance. 11. Ch'usok, the Thanksgiving holiday in the eighth month, was always observed. It was a time for family reunions. Many adults who once lived in the Three Ministers community and now lived in nearby cities or elsewhere came with their families to visit their aged parents, brothers and sisters, and other relatives. Although this traditional holiday was the celebration for the harvest, because of the geographical latitude and climate, the reaping of the rice at Three Ministers was only partially completed. However, some of the new rice and other crops from the dry fields, such as millet, beans, and corn, were harvested. The grave sites of ancestors were visited and rituals were performed in which foods, including newly harvested grain and fresh fruits were served, with full bows from the participants. Prior to the holiday, the graves had been tidied up by weeding and, when necessary, with repairs. If the grave site had been neglected or poorly maintained, conservative mem? bers of the lineage were critical of the person responsible.21 Important family affairs were also discussed, and decisions were made prior to the departure of the visiting relatives. This holiday period could be extended to provide sufficient time for all of the activities families had scheduled for themselves. 12. Christmas, a Christian holiday and based on the solar calendar, had an increasing impact upon village life. Children were especially attracted to the Bible stories, gaiety, and exchange of gifts. The two Christian churches in the NUMBER 39 29 FIGURE 33.?A Buddhist temple, with adjoining building, is located on the steep hillside behind the villages of South Post and Three Ministers. The temple was rebuilt in 1985. From a color photograph, 1969. community were decorated with Christmas trees, figures of Santa Claus, and numerous glittering ornaments. Apart from the above described holidays other festive events have occurred in the Kimhae area, sometimes on an annual basis. These included bull fighting, with two bulls pitted against each other. Traveling stage plays, which were regarded by villagers as "modern theater," appeared until about 1953. Also disappearing at this time was a traveling group of entertainers that came almost annually and presented a farmers' band, acrobatics, songs, dramatic skits, and puppet shows. As of 1981, the traveling shows that villagers saw once every two or three years was a version of the Western-style circus featuring animal acts and acrobatic performances. Village Economics For an understanding of the economy of the Three Ministers community, it must be seen in the context of the national economy of South Korea. The national economy had largely overcome the shattering impact of the Korean War (1950- 1953) and the movement of many refugees mainly from the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) to South Korea, the Republic of Korea (ROK). The South Korean government in the late 1950s, and especially in the 1960s, began to create an effective rural infrastructure. In 1962, an Office of Rural Development (ORD) was attached to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, later (1973) renamed the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries. The ORD, through its Rural Guidance Office, provided extension services in each county (Brandt, 1980:270-272). Beginning in 1962, four national five-year plans for economic and social improvement were implemented, of which, the last three were the most successful. The legislation for land improvement and reclama? tion in 1962 became the basis for Korea's Green Revolution. In 1971, the South Korean government initiated the New Community Movement (NCM) to encourage cooperative rural and urban projects with technical and financial assistance. Many communities, including the Kimhae villages of South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, were involved with NCM activities. Mention must be made of the successful efforts of the South Korean government to obtain foreign technical and financial aid, particularly from the United States. Excluding military assistance, the U.S. spent $1.8 billion between 1953 and 1960 for ROK programs. By 1976, U.S. grants were mostly terminated, but sizeable loans were still available (Nahm, 1988:482). The ROK has been transformed from an underdeveloped country into a properous industrial state. The gross national product (GNP) increased by 452 percent between 1962 and 1980 (Nahm, 1988:486). The average annual income of a rural (farm) household in 1962 was $142 and in 1979 had become $4,830. The booming ROK economy has attracted investments from foreign firms, including many American companies. Technical expertise was often provided by foreign govern? ments and private agencies that also stimulated the ROK economy. Many foreign economists and development special? ists learned, from experiences in South Korea, that an industrial development could precede and become the basis for an agricultural revolution. The ROK, with a mostly literate 30 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 34.?A mountain spirit shrine, which is within the Buddhist temple compound, has exterior murals. From a color photograph, 1969. FIGURE 35.?The interior of the mountain spirit shrine with two paintings of the elderly sage, one with a tiger. On the altar there are brass candlestick holders and incense braziers. From a color photograph, 1969. NUMBER 39 31 population, possessing a common language and culture, and determined leadership, made the possibility a reality. In addition to the agricultural resources of the Kimhae region, the lower Naktong River area was once also known for a specific natural resource, riverine reeds. Prior to the extensive development of the Kimhae irrigation system, the extent of reed fields along the Naktong River was far greater. Over two million p yong22 of reeds (Phragmites communis trinius) were estimated to grow in the area, and some still do today, along the streams, islands, and marshy areas associated with the lower Naktong and its tributaries. Until about 1890, government inspectors from the Kimhae county office annually examined the reed fields, which subsequently were harvested in the autumn on contract by the highest bidder. Although many Kimhae homes once had reed roofs, in 1951 only a few homes had them. Reed roofs were very durable; it was said that they often lasted fifty years, which was longer than roofs covered with ceramic tile. The walls of these earlier homes were also constructed of reeds, and of bamboo, to which clay was applied using the wattle and daub technique. Fences made of reeds were once common. They also provided a source of fuel. Reeds were used to make mats to cover the surfaces of heated floors, as well as in the manufacture of paper, the construction of tray bottoms for raising silk worms, and for the frames supporting soy bean sprouts. During the Japanese occupation, the village of Three Ministers was the residence of the Japanese official who was in charge of the reed fields. The economy of this village during the occupation, however, was based mostly on agriculture and sericulture. Later the Korean government took steps to convert many reed fields into paddies. The farmers of the three villages, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill, were among those who acquired these new paddies. The increased emphasis upon rice production involved more labor and investment for seeds, fertilizers, insecticides, and equipment. The use of water in the new paddies created a special problem because of the ground salt brought to the surface of the soil. The development and the maintenance of the irrigation system required more participa? tion by the national government in local affairs. LAND OWNERSHIP Unlike most rural communities in the Kimhae area, a number of Japanese households existed in the consolidated Three Ministers community until the end of World War II. After the liberation of Korea in 1945 and the interim American military occupation, the new Korean government initiated a land reform in 1949 that allocated former Japanese and absentee Korean- owned property to the cultivators. However, because of the policy requiring payment within fifteen years, many villagers lost their property once again to absentee landowners (Figures 36-38). The average size farm was only two acres, which was too small to bring about a significant improvement in rural life. Absentee landlords could not legally acquire agricultural land ten or more kilometers from their homes. This law was said to be circumvented by changing their home address to one in the village or by declaring relatives who lived in the village to be the new owners. By 1981, much land in the entire Three Ministers community was owned directly or indirectly by absentee landlords who were urban dwellers. It was said that only a few of these new landlords moved from the city into one of the villages. Land was usually sold each year after the harvest, when debts were customarily paid. The value of land increased dramatically during the time from 1968 to 1981. As the price of agricultural land continued to increase, villagers realized that if they sold their land they would not be able to buy desirable land in the future. They were therefore increasingly reluctant to sell regardless of their financial problems. Nevertheless, as the village's economy became increasingly suburbanized, agricultural land was sold; how? ever, village homes and yards were retained. The total arable land of the Three Ministers community in 1970, with its population of 1,910, was 583,748 p'yong, of which, 526,637 p'yong were paddies and 57,111 p'yong were dry fields. The average farmer in the first village had 1,000 p'yong, in the second village 1,600, and in the third 2,400. The richest farmers owned as much as 5,000 p'yong and the poorest about 900. In 1981, the richest farmer still owned 5,000 p'yong but the poorest only 400. There were five farmers prosperous enough to possess between 4,000 and 5,000 p'yong of wet and dry fields. Two of these had doubled their holdings in ten years. The other three retained what they had. However, most farmers in the community did not own the land that they cultivated. As tenancy status usually involved an illegal sale of land, references to tenant farmers were often avoided by villagers. All interviewed villagers agreed that the number of tenant farmers who had sold their property was increasing. These tenants supposedly received 50 percent of the harvest from the lands that they cultivated. However, as they had to purchase fertilizers, insecticides, and herbicides, as well as seed and gas and oil for the machinery, their income was often reduced to the subsistence level. In 1970, hired farm laborers were paid according to the size of the field, but by 1977 they were paid according to the time spent at work, and usually on a daily basis. This change occurred because nearby factories employing villagers paid according to time spent on the job. In 1981, the daily wage for farm labor per day for a man was 5,000 won (approximately $7); for a woman, it was 4,000 won. Men and women laborers received lunch, a mid-afternoon snack, beverages, and other refreshments, which added 1,500 to 2,000 won to the income of each individual. The shortage of farm labor remained a serious problem in 1981 (Figure 39). Three years earlier the labor shortage was so acute that the government urged students and local government workers to join in an emergency program to assist farmers during the planting and the harvesting seasons. 32 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY CONSOLIDATED COMMUNITY OF THREE MINISTERS, 1958 KEY 1 2 3 ? ? ? p PS s w M B TO PUSAN R ? ch Village, South Post Village, Three Ministers Village, Front Hill House House, Korean - Japanese features House owned by Japanese until 1945 Public meeting place Public school Shaman home Tavern Memorial shrine Barber shop Rice mill Formerly chicken house, modified for residence o Dry field (other fields - paddies) A Grave f Tree m Temple F Shed for fire equipment and bell tower ? Fire fighting pump # Public well f Church & Public well J Land formerly owned by the Japanese 100 _L_ M.N. T.N. Village (KU), Front Hill - i i i_ FIGURE 37.?A detailed map of the consolidated community of Three Ministers. Kimhae town office, 1958. 34 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY ^ 8 ^ ^ ^ i. \iiy.y[ FIGURE 38.?View of the surveyed grid system of paddies on the Kimhae plain with irrigation canals. Many of the paddies are cultivated by Three Ministers villagers either as owners or as tenant farmers. Front Hill village is located on the knoll at center. Black and white photograph, 1955, Kimhae town office. FIGURE 39.?Because of the labor shortage during harvest time, an elderly villager works tying cut rice plants into bundles to be laid out in the drained paddy to dry. The bundles are then collected and carried to the thresher. From a color photograph, 1965. NUMBER 39 35 before acceptance. Nominees to serve as local officials of the organization were recommended to the national level for review and approval. Once a year after harvest time, the full-time staff of the local office collected an irrigation fee from the membership. The village chiefs assisted with the collection of this fee. The annual fee was paid by the landowner and not by the tenant farmers. When the fees collected were not sufficient to cover the annual expenses of the irrigation system, national government funds were made available. The local office was responsible for the irrigation system, which included the reservoirs, the pumping stations, the waterways, and the drainage, but not the irrigated fields themselves. Farmers were provided with information on irrigation methods and proce? dures, and other farming practices. In the Three Ministers community, the paddies of the third village received water from the river, but not the paddies of the first and second villages. The farmers in the first and second villages preferred not to join the irrigation organization as they had small streams and irrigation wells to provide water for their paddies. It was only during a severe drought that water from the river was required. Deep irrigation wells were dug and installed by government- sponsored well specialists who toured the countryside. Three of these deep wells were installed on Three Ministers land in 1971. Many villagers were displeased because, without sufficient consultation with them or the local officials, these wells were placed in locations that would not provide the emergency water desired. In fact, two of the wells were on sites accessible only to a few individuals and were limited to their private use. Most irrigation wells were equipped with pumps for use when a water shortage occurred. In 1955, one village elder living in Three Ministers village obtained approval from the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry to enlarge an existing small reservoir to irrigate a sizeable area that would have benefited both the communities of Three Ministers and neighboring Fishing Bank. A govern? ment team of engineers and technicians came to do the surveying and planning. Opposition soon arose from landown? ers who would lose some land in the construction of the waterways. A petition signed by them was submitted to the government and the project was discontinued. Any modifica? tions or extension of the existing irrigation system required a consensus of the landowners; as a result, development in the Kimhae area was slow, often involving years of debate and frustration. Landowners with a sufficient amount of irrigation water, including those absentee owners living in Kimhae or Pusan who desired to profit from their investment without further expenditures, were often not interested in developing the irrigation system or, for that matter, most land improvement projects. Another obstacle for land development was the funding required to prepare the initial plans to obtain official approval. After the proposed project to enlarge the reservoir had failed, another resourceful farmer in a nearby village proceeded on his own. The village elder, who had tried to initiate the 1955 project, encouraged him to plan a smaller irrigation reservoir, which would not be resisted by other villagers and would be more likely to receive government financial assistance. Such small reservoirs were made by constructing a small dam across an existing stream. Excess water simply flows over such a dam. The three village chiefs of the Three Ministers community were much involved with irrigation problems. When a drought occurred, each village chief organized and supervised a water supply team to distribute available irrigation water. The time of year when irrigation was the most needed was frequently between 25 June and 10 July; however this was when the most danger existed of salt water moving from the sea up the Naktong into the irrigated fields. FARMING STRATEGIES Each village chief had a liaison role to play between his village and the local branches of the national Office of Rural Development, especially its Rural Guidance Office, and the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation. The NACF provided village farmers with financial loans, chemical fertilizers, insecticides, herbicides, and fanning machinery, as well as assistance for collective selling of their agricultural produce. Before 1976, collective purchasing of chemical compounds by each village was compulsory, as the local cooperative would not sell to individual farmers. The village chief was responsible for collecting the money and distributing the compounds. In 1981, the cooperative often dealt directly with the individual farmer, although the village chief continued to purchase insecticides for other villagers. In addition to its Kimhae office, the ORD had local branches in the countryside that provided agricultural information and guidance directly to the villagers.24 Seed for the next year's rice crop was tenatively selected during the winnowing of harvested grain. This rice was placed into saline water and that which settled was used as seed. The selected seed was thoroughly washed to remove the salt and then placed in a solution with a worm killer compound for twenty-four hours, after which it was washed again. After it began to sprout in water, it was planted in a small plot of rich soil during the first part of May. The widely used25 "Unification" variety of rice (tongil), which had a greater yield but required a longer growing period, was often planted in a greenhouse to develop rice sprouts earlier. Transplanting to the paddies could then commence on 10 May and be completed by 10 June. Rice seedlings, prior to transplanting, were grown tightly together in beds because it was believed that this technique would discourage weeds.26 Chemical fertilizer was applied to the paddies prior to transplanting the rice seedlings. The seedlings were transplanted in evenly spaced rows to obtain maximum growth and rice production.27 After about five or six days, when the sprouts had developed a root system, a weed killer was applied. Insecticides were used a week after 36 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY transplantion. Herbicides were widely used, so it was only necessary for weeding to be done twice during the rice growing season, once with the application of herbicides and once by hand. Villagers said that with chemicals they were able to kill "six kinds of insects and five types of weeds. " However, local government representatives have become concerned and increasingly emphasized to farmers that they should not overuse chemical fertilizers. They were also cautioned against excessive use of insecticides and herbicides. Chemical fertiliz? ers were obtained from the local NACF office, whereas insecticides and herbicides were purchased in Kimhae and Pusan stores. The use of "natural" fertilizers was well understood by farmers. The preparation of natural fertilizers involved a mixture of rice straw, ashes, manure, and grass. The fertilizer was kept in mounds or pits from six to twelve months prior to its use. Often the mounds or pits of natural fertilizer were covered with straw bags or vinyl sheets to protect them from the rain and to hasten the process of decay. Three natural fertilizers were made with human, pig, or cattle manure. Natural fertilizers were expensive because of the labor costs needed to collect, transport, prepare, and apply them to the fields (Figure 40). Fish or marine shell powders were occasionally used, and chicken manure was placed on vegetable fields (not paddies). Farmers also transferred soil from hills or dry fields as a fertilizer to their paddies to enrich the soil. This however was done infrequently because of the expense. In 1970, on the fields of the second village, twelve or thirteen ox-drawn plows could frequently be seen in use at the same time, whereas in 1981, five or six motorized cultivators (rototillers) were in operation during the plowing season. Although the use of oxen for plowing was rapidly disappearing, they could still be seen. Two types of ox owners existed, those who possessed their own fields to be cultivated and the other, tenant farmers, who did contractual plowing for additional income. Oxen were expensive to maintain. They were often fed a mixture of wheat, barley hulls, and beans, and firewood was needed to cook their food. Paddies were usually plowed between 5 June and 5 July; dry fields were plowed from 15 June to 5 July. This was true of the first and second villages, whereas the third village, having its paddies irrigated from the river, with water always available, completed its plowing and harrowing sooner. Once a year, usually in April, meetings were held in the villages of Three Ministers, the importance of which was indicated by the numerous villagers in attendance, the presence of the development committee, the village and block chiefs, the more prosperous farmers, and the owners of the motorized cultivators, or oxen and plows. The purpose of the meetings was to negotiate an acceptable price for contractual plowing, taking into account inflation and the shortage of labor, oxen, and motorized cultivators. The difficult matter of establishing an equitable and realistic price, in terms of current economic conditions, was eventually resolved. There were two types of traditional plows in use: one was for FIGURE 40.?A farmer preparing to fertilize his fields is carrying on his A-frame back-pack a barrel with human manure. (The use of human excreta has since been discontinued, and the application of chemical fertilizers has been encouraged.) He has a ladle and a cane-like stick with a forked head against which the back-pack is leaned when it is placed on the ground. He wears as his work clothes a western shirt and trousers. The Kimhae industrial park can be seen in the background. From a color photograph, 1969. NUMBER 39 37 the deep-cutting required of paddies and the other for the shallow penetration needed on dry fields. The deep-cutting plow threw the soil in one fixed direction but the plow for dry fields, according to the angle it was held, enabled the farmer to turn the soil in either direction. Parallel furrows often were made on wet or dry fields but circular plowing also occurred. A field may be plowed twice, the second pass would cross-cut the first to even the surface of the field. Although motorized cultivators were eventually used to do most of the plowing, several farmers in 1971 retained traditional plows at their homes for emergency use. If and when traditional plowing was done, any shortage of oxen was quickly overcome by borrowing animals from relatives or renting them in nearby villages. With a motorized cultivator, the second plowing of a field was also done so that the furrows would cross the previously made ones at right angles. The motorized cultivator was also adaptable to do harrowing. When barley was grown it was usually planted in drained paddies after the rice harvest. Because of the moisture still remaining in the drained paddies, each row of barley was grown between two small drainage ditches. Barley was planted between 1 and 25 November and was harvested between 15 and 25 June. Barley was often eaten mixed with rice by the villagers. The poorer the household, it was said, the higher the percentage of barley seen in the rice bowl. During the 1950s and 1960s, many Three Ministers farmers raised barley. In 1970 the barley production in Three Ministers dropped significantly primarily because vinyl greenhouses, erected over the paddies during fall and winter, permitted the growth of other crops that were more profitable. About 50 percent of the paddies in the first and second villages were covered with greenhouses soon after the rice harvest. The remaining 50 percent of the land remained fallow as barley production would not be profitable and because of labor shortages due to competitive employment in the nearby factories. In the third village, as fewer villagers were employed elsewhere, some 70 percent to 80 percent of the paddies were covered with greenhouses to raise vegetables during the fall and winter seasons. With the use of the greenhouses, and because of the favorable weather, fewer destructive insects, and less plant disease, the year of 1981 was exceptionally productive. This use of the greenhouse was encouraged by the Rural Guidance Office, with the assistance of county and township officials in 1974. As the initial step, the local officials arranged for village chiefs and influential farmers in the Kimhae area to attend a lecture on the use of greenhouses. About ten farmers from the Three Ministers community appeared. These villagers returned to their communities and disseminated the information derived from the lecture. There was no resistance after the farmers became convinced that their crop productivity would increase. Each farmer was individually responsible for obtain? ing, with the assistance of the NACF, the necessary materials for the construction of a greenhouse, including vinyl sheeting and wooden or metal frames. Farmers who could not afford the building materials obtained loans that were payable, with a small interest, after the harvest. HARVESTING METHODS Although a new rice harvesting machine was seen in the Kimhae area, it seldom appeared on the fields of the Three Ministers community. A farmer in the second village acquired one that was said to be difficult to operate. Most villagers still harvested rice by cutting it manually (Figure 41). The rice plants, after cutting, were left in bundles on the drained paddies for fourteen to twenty days to dry.28 The labor needed for harvesting was obtained either on an exchange basis with neighbors or with cash payment. There were three and sometimes four teams of farmers for hire in the first village, four in the second, and two or three in the third village, which did most of the harvesting. The leader of each team was a villager and the owner of a power-driven thresher. The other team members whom he hired were also villagers. The leader usually selected the same teammates year after year. Within the last thirty years, 1951-1981, several threshing devices and assemblages have been used in the Three Ministers community. Most are still to be found. Some had a restricted use or were kept to replace more modern equipment if there was a breakdown. 1. Traditional flail for threshing barley or beans, usually performed on a rice-straw mat or vinyl sheet (see Figure 125). 2. Mounted, upturned iron comb, upon which a dried bundle of rice was manually placed and drawn through to dislodge the grain. This method was also used to obtain undamaged rice seeds (see Figure 126). 3. Foot-operated rotary thresher; several dried bundles of rice at a time were held against its whirling wire-loop studded cylinder to dislodge the grain. 4. Belt-operated rotary thresher with a detached diesel or gasoline-driven motor. 5. Rotary thresher used as in number 4 but with the belt attached to a motorized cultivator (rototiller) (Figure 42). After being harvested, sun-dried on mats, and placed in rice-straw or nylon sacks, the unhulled (unpolished) rice was often stored in the local village mill. Some farmers owned small galvanized-iron silos for storage, which were first introduced to Three Ministers about 1971. Unhulled rice was also kept in sacks at home. Rice polishing was accomplished in 1951 manually by use of a mortar and pestle, a foot-operated mortar and pestle, or in a water-operated mill (Figure 43). Barley polishing was often done with an ox-operated mill. Grain polishing has since been done in a diesel or electric motor-driven mill, but this had not entirely replaced the older methods. In 1981, there were two electric mills for grain polishing and flour production, one in the first village and one in the third. 38 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY - " ^ lft*. "v?SK "'*?*" '-'-. _" --?;. . . - '^.'f'-ftf . '? -?''""?'? '"'?'-?c^^s^.^-. ~'i~f' FIGURE 41.?Cutting rice with sickles and placing it in rows to dry on the drained paddy. From a color photograph, 1971. fn/r ;?- ??',>A-*$x?.' X '?''?;- - - ^ - - ^ WV*x,x:.?xmxx ;" : -. . .:^:SM:&M^m^ 2^R FIGURE 42.?A rotary thresher is powered by a belt attachment to a nearby motorized cultivator. From a color photograph, 1971. NUMBER 39 39 FIGURE 43.?A rice polishing mill in South Post village. Black and white photograph, 1952. Approximately 30 percent of unhulled rice from a harvest was sold by farmers to the government, about 20 percent was eventually eaten by the farm household and the remaining 50 percent was stored by the farmer, and as market opportunities occurred, was polished and sold. When rice was polished, the hull of the grain or kernel was removed, as well as the "eye" and a membrane covering the grain, so as to produce the characteristic white color.29 Rice that was to be sold to the government was examined by government inspectors and assigned to one of four quality categories. The criteria were size of grain, degree of dryness, cleanliness (no foreign matter), and weight. The nearest open area or yard for the government examination was in the neighboring village of Fishing Bank. After the classification and sale of the rice, it was stored there in government-owned warehouses or in one of two newer warehouses in the village of Three Ministers. One of these new warehouses was built in 1976 and the other in 1980. These two warehouses were privately owned but were built with govern? mental financial assistance. In addition to grain, agricultural chemical compounds and other items were stored there either by the government or private individuals. Each farmer received receipts for the grain sold to the government, which he exchanged for cash when he visited a government office in downtown Kimhae. Although the villager could sell his grain to private middlemen or directly to consumers, he usually preferred to sell to the government, as it paid a higher price. It was estimated in 1971 that about 45 percent of the Three Ministers community households raised sufficient rice for their own needs and more. Other families obtained additional amounts of rice either by cash purchases or by working in the fields of more affluent farmers. Rice prices were controlled by the government, but irregularities occurred in the market. In the 1970s, a few village middlemen would buy rice directly from the farmer, have it polished at the mill, then transport it for sale in Pusan. In 1981, there were no such middlemen, though five or six village women sold vegetables, often traveling by bus to Pusan. In 1980, rice farmers grossed approximately 120,000 won (~$200) per 150 p'yong. Many farmers, however, in the first and second villages raised mostly tomatoes, strawberries, and chrysanthemums. Farmers in the third village also grew tomatoes and celery. With truck farming and the use of greenhouses, their incomes were estimated to increase five to ten times. Traditionally farmers had raised two crops annually, rice and barley. The use of greenhouses permitted a longer growing season with at times four crops a year being grown. The combined use of greenhouses and open fields facilitated the growing of a greater variety of crops simultaneously. (See Appendix 3 for useful plants and animals in the Three Ministers community in 1952 and 1970.) MULTIPLE USES OF THE RICE PLANT Even though rice was grown primarily for the sustenance value of its grain, the rice plant had many other uses. 40 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 1. Rice grain with hulls: Rice seed. 2. Polished rice grain: Staple food, cakes, popped rice, candies, and beverages. 3. Hulls of rice grain: Fertilizer (after burning and mixed with manure), packing fruit, stuffing pillows, livestock feed, and fuel to heat floors (Ondol). 4. Grain membrane: Livestock feed (for pigs and chickens), soap, seasoning for radishes, fertilizer for paddies, candy, syrup, and lubricant for machinery. 5. Stem and/or leaves: Roofing for buildings, additive for mud-wall construction, woven bags, mats, boxes, rope, sandals, roughage in livestock food, buried layer beneath greenhouses for radiant heat, wallpaper manufacture (in Pusan), fertilizer (mixed with manure), belts for funeral costumes, pillows for the head and each foot of the deceased, protective weather cover for strawberries, shoulder straps for packboard, head pad to support ceramic or metal pots and other containers, components of ox pack saddle, and ox traction shoes. GREENHOUSE OPERATIONS It was estimated by villagers that around 1950 a farmer worked about 200 days annually. In later years, primarily due to the time spent operating greenhouses, farmers were working an estimated 330 days annually. It was only during a few traditional holidays that they permitted themselves time for recreation. The greenhouses of Three Ministers farmers were of four types, according to the material used for the frame: bamboo, Philippine mahogany, plastic, or steel. The frame was covered with a translucent vinyl sheeting (Figures 44, 45). The more sturdy, often permanently installed frames were of plastic or steel. Two shapes of greenhouses were seen, tunnel and rectangular with a gable roof. Although villagers usually constructed their own greenhouses, steel frames with concrete bases were built by outside firms on contract. A greenhouse constructed in November and used during the winter was paid for in April after the produce was sold. The average cost of a greenhouse (1981) was estimated to be 250,000 won ($500)30. Although some greenhouses were small, many were of sizeable dimensions and the area within was tilled either with an ox-drawn plow or a motorized cultivator. Larger sizes were preferred as there was less temperature variation and the space contained was easier to work. Once a villager decided to augment open field farming with one or more greenhouses, requirements for knowledge, funds, labor, and materials had to be met. A skilled greenhouse worker was paid daily (1981) 6,000 won (about $12), the ordinary laborer 4,000 won. Both also received three meals each work day. Skilled personnel knew the proper use of chemical compounds and temperature controls, and they often served as the supervisors of the greenhouse labor teams. Several of these supervisors, after acquiring experience and sufficient financial resources, became independent greenhouse farmers them? selves. The operation of most greenhouses usually involved the use of an installed water spray. The water sources were often wells, not river water. The desired temperature in greenhouses was maintained with artificial heat. Until approximately 1975, the heat was derived only from coal, later oil or electricity were used as heat sources. In many greenhouses, the farmer covered FIGURE 44.?One type of supporting structure for vinyl greenhouses in the fields of Three Minister village. From a color photograph, 1981. NUMBER 39 41 ^^^M03^^^^ FIGURE 45.?The vinyl greenhouses of an adjacent village and its agricultural fields are nearer than those of Three Ministers to the encroaching Kimhae industrial park. From a color photograph, 1981. the exterior vinyl walls with rice straw mats to maintain interior temperatures. Greenhouses were most extensively used in the fields of the third village (Table 3), but greenhouse farming first appeared in the fields of the first and second villages. The village that introduced this innovative farming to the entire Kimhae area was said to be neighboring Fishing Bank. More versatile uses of the greenhouse were seen in other Kimhae villages. One village had insulated its greenhouses with two vinyl layers and was raising bananas. Three Ministers villagers did not do likewise, it was said, because of the limited market and the expense involved. In 1981, the number of households with greenhouses in the first village was reduced to three because the new Kimhae High School for boys, with its large playground, was built near the highway on their agricultural fields. In the second village, the number was nine; ten years before it had been four. In the third village, an increase from sixteen to thirty occurred over the same period. Although the community of Fishing Bank had organized an independent cooperative for its greenhouse farmers, in the Three Ministers community such an organiza? tion was not established. The reasons advanced were that Three Ministers had fewer greenhouse farmers and those that did exist operated on a modest scale. This rationale seemed more valid for villages one and two, and less so for village three where more farmers were using greenhouses (Table 4). LIVESTOCK Chicken raising among Three Ministers fanners had been popular and profitable in the 1960s (Figure 46). Due to the low selling price of eggs and the high cost of feed, only a few TABLE 3.?Land use for greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community for 1975 (in p'yong per household). Land used 301-400 p'yong 201-300 p'yong 101-200 p'yong Less than 100 First Second Third village village village 3 4 12 6 4 4 2 4 2 TABLE 4.?Proportion of income from greenhouse farming in the Three Ministers community for 1975 (per household). Proportion of income Almost all More than half Less than half Little First Second Third village village village 2 4 11 7 1 5 7 2 - villagers still kept chickens. Although some villagers had exotic breeds of chickens as pets, the birds used for commercial purposes were often the improved American breeds, Babcock (a variety of the Leghorn breed) and the New Hampshire. When the market prices were still attractive, one villager had as many as 600 chickens, producing 400 eggs daily. Eggs were sold through the Kimhae office of the NACF either to Pusan public markets or to U.S. Army units in Pusan. Domesticated animals in the community included cattle, pigs, chickens, rabbits, goats, and ducks (Table 5; Appendix 3). 42 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 46.?A chicken farm in Three Ministers village. About 20 percent of the households raised chickens during the 1960s, mainly for eggs. Leghorn and New Hampshire were two popular American breeds. Black and white photograph, 1969. TABLE 5.?Households maintaining livestock in the Three Ministers commu? nity in 1981 (household/livestock). Village 1 2 3 Oxen 12/24 3/17 3/3 Pigs 34/82 8/16 4/5 Chickens 13/419 24/26 13/19 Dogs 36/38 pumpkins, yellow melons, and watermelons. He was the first to grow melons in greenhouses and was able to harvest his crop two or three months before other farmers. To reduce the number of seeds and to increase the size of watermelons, he grafted them to the stems of gourd plants. As of 1970, he continued to grow vegetables, including cabbages, lettuce, radishes, carrots, cauliflower, and celery, and had added flowers, especially carnations, chrysanthemums, and roses. He dared to raise approximately twenty thousand chickens in open, elevated pens as he believed they could endure winter temperatures and would be healthier. His reasoning was that with direct sunlight and fresh air, his chickens would lay more eggs. In turn, he used the resulting chicken manure to increase the productivity of his greenhouses. Most of his chickens, unfortunately, died from disease. The debt that he incured from this problem forced him to sell some of his land. His greenhouse operation proved to be much more successful. He once attempted to build a local hydroelectrical power system, but failed. Frequently he was asked to present the views of Kimhae farmers to government authorities. He participated in and contributed funds to civic affairs, e.g., an athletic program of the Three Minister primary school. Another entrepreneur, Choi Kyung-Ho from Fishing Bank village, was very successful with livestock, especially chick? ens, pigs, and a dairy with a herd of Holstein cattle (Figure 47). He encouraged other farmers to raise livestock. For many years he was president of the Pusan Dairy Association, through A slaughterhouse existed in the Fishing Bank community. A Three Ministers villager bought cattle in the Kimhae livestock market and sold them to the slaughterhouse. Dogs were usually kept to provide home security, but they also were eaten as a folk remedy against the effects of hot weather.31 Chickens, eggs, and pigs had the greatest market value. VILLAGE ENTREPRENEURS Two entrepreneurs, who were prosperous farmers living in adjacent villages, influenced farmers in the Three Ministers communities and other rural communities throughout the Kimhae area. One, Park Hye-Soo, received national recognition in 1970 with a government award. He was born in a Kimhae village and returned after World War II because land formerly owned by Japanese had become available. He was an educated and resourceful farmer32 who had lived several years in Japan and he willingly shared his views and agricultural experiences. His farm was distinctive because of the many buildings, the number of greenhouses, the pens for chickens, and the modern machinery. He was probably the first to use greenhouses in the Kimhae area, and perhaps in South Korea. For his initial greenhouses he used oil paper for the walls and bamboo for the frames; later he upgraded to vinyl sheeting on steel or plastic frames. For several years he raised tomatoes, cucumbers, 3!-' <8** FIGURE 47.?Holstein cows were probably derived from introduced American livestock. They were in a dairy in the neighboring village of Fishing Bank. Only one family in the Three Ministers community, in the village of South Post, had Holstein cows. From a color photograph, 1971. NUMBER 39 43 which he sold his milk. Although he is now deceased, an enlarged dairy, with ninety milk cows, has continued to operate with his sons as owners. Although these two persons were perhaps the most outstand? ing examples of villagers who were prime movers of modernization in the Kimhae area, they were not alone. Suh Sool Bong, an innovative elder in the second village with political and administrative experience, repeatedly encouraged or directly facilitated modernization. He was once the mayor of Kimhae town (1946-1950), and later head of the Kimhae offices for the administration and development of land formerly owned by Japanese, and for the reclamation of marshland along the Naktong River. He and his son were village leaders for the New Community Movement. He established a consumers' association in his village to purchase village necessities at the Kimhae market. He attempted to revitalize and transform a traditional mutual aid society into a village bank. He also tried to arrange for a cannery firm to relocate to Three Ministers village. Landowners, however, refused to sell land needed for the site of the cannery, and his plan failed. As a Kimhae government official, he played a significant role in land reform and agricultural guidance. As a private citizen he facilitated the establishment of new schools including the new Kimhae High School. He and an American advisor (Lt. Col. ? Ellis) for the ROK Army Engineer School in Kimhae were responsible for the construction of 134 new classrooms throughout the Kimhae area. Selective Modernization Although there was extensive use by Three Ministers villagers of the power-driven threshing machine and the motorized cultivator, usually operated by village teams, other new agricultural equipment received little attention, e.g., a rice reaper, mentioned previously, and a rice polishing machine for single households. This was in contrast with other villagers in the Kimhae area who did acquire such machinery. Unlike Three Ministers villages, particularly villages one and two, with their increasingly mixed rural-urban economy (see below), these other Kimhae area villagers were more dependent upon agriculture. OCCUPATIONAL DIVERSIFICATION The various occupations of Three Ministers residents indicated an ever-broadening economic base as shown in Tables 6-8. The occupations shown in the tables refer mostly to men. There was one woman peddler who exchanged cloth for cash or grain in Pusan; women were also fortune tellers and shamans (Figure 48). The majority of the peddlers either purchased vegetables and rice to sell directly to consumers in Pusan or obtained fish wholesale in downtown Kimhae that they then sold in the villages. Most of the laborers listed were part-time farmers possessing less than 450 p'yong of land who TABLE 6.?Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1952. Occupation Farmers Laborers Government clerks Shopkeepers/employees Peddlers Christian minister Buddhist priest Fortune tellers/shamans Physicians None Totals: First village 86 22 12 0 2 0 1 1 2 7 133 Second village 123 28 12 3 4 1 0 1 1 1 174 Third village 43 2 2 10 0 0 0 1 0 0 58 Total 252 52 26 13 6 1 1 3 3 8 365 were supplementing their incomes. Housewives who tended to their vegetable gardens near their homes and often assisted their husbands in the fields as part-time laborers have not been included. Included in the commercial dealers were those persons working in two general merchandise shops, two rice TABLE 7.?Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1970. (Omitted were housewives, unless they had other occupational skills.) Occupation Farmers' Laborers Shopowners/employees2 Home industry artisans3 Government employees4 Teachers Physicians5 Clergymen: Buddhist5 and Christian Tradesmen7 and factory technicians Students Soldiers8 Miscellaneous9 Totals: First village 301 32 48 17 27 8 2 2 23 187 22 10 679 Second village 142 19 35 9 22 6 1 1 5 84 10 9 343 Third village 101 12 10 2 1 0 0 3 59 7 4 199 Total 544 63 93 26 51 15 3 3 31 330 39 23 1221 'Farmers were involved primarily with three types of agriculture: open-field cultivation, greenhouses, and chicken raising. 2See also the data on village shops in Table 10 and Appendix 4. 3Among these were basket weavers. Other villagers made concrete blocks and rice straw bags and mats. 4Employees who worked in Kimhae government offices. 'Three villagers, one a western-trained doctor of medicine, one who practiced western medicine without a license, and another who administered herbs. 6About 1960 the married Buddhist priest was replaced by a celibate one. 7This refers to persons with specialized skills in various trades, such as carpenters, barbers, and tailors. 8Soldiers were young villagers who had been drafted into the Army Reserve. They visited their homes frequently. Many eventually moved from the villages to seek employment. 'Part-time employed and the unemployed. 44 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY TABLE 8.?Occupations of residents living in the Three Ministers community in 1981. Occupation Farmers' Laborers Shop owners/employees Cottage industry artisans Government employees Teachers Physicians2 Tradesmen3 and factory technicians Students Soldiers Clerks (in Kimhae firms) Drivers (motor vehicles) Seamen (civilian) Clergymen Miscellaneous4 Totals: First village 130 78 52 41 9 2 2 320 438 21 6 8 2 2 36 1,147 Second village 98 86 37 33 14 6 1 285 360 26 25 13 11 1 41 1,037 Third village 45 20 2 2 3 0 0 53 70 7 3 6 2 0 11 224 Total 273 184 91 91 26 8 3 658 868 54 34 27 15 3 88 2,408 'Farmers were involved with open-field cultivation and greenhouses. Chicken raising had almost disappeared as it had become unprofitable. 2Three villagers, one a licensed physician, one who practiced without a license, and another who administered herbs. (A modern hospital for the city of Kimhae, with a medical staff, had been constructed on what was previously land of the first village). 3This refers to persons with specialized skills in various trades, such as carpenters, barbers, and tailors. One was an overseas (Near East) construction worker. "?Miscellaneous (including a realtor for rentals, a second-hand merchandise dealer, and a bathhouse operator). FIGURE 48.?A female shaman performs a ritual before a Buddhist-like altar with paper flowers in her home. In 1981, it was said, there were no shaman in the Three Ministers community. Shamans were reported to live in neighboring villages. Black and white photograph, 1955. mills, one tavern (Figure 49), and the blacksmith shop. There were three people listed as physicians; however, one was not licensed and the third was an herbalist. Near villages one and two of the Three Ministers commu? nity, numerous factories were being established in an industrial park. One firm was a synthetic fiber manufacturer that employed approximately four thousand workers. Another was a seaweed processing (laver) company with two hundred workers. Both of these factories employed a number of young adults from the Three Ministers community. Other factories involving employees from the community were a bakery that exported to Japan, a synthetic sugar firm, a factory producing stationery, and a diversified industrial company. (See Appen? dix 4). Several village women were working in a rubber shoe company in Pusan. The villagers who were employed by the government worked in the Kimhae city hall, Kimhae county office, post office, police station, electric power company, and the local offices of the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation. After World War II, when a village elder became mayor of Kimhae town, several long-term residents of the second village obtained administrative positions in local and national govern? ment offices. A number of young apprentices from Three Ministers community worked with skilled craftsmen in Kimhae's urban center. Several of these craftsmen were also from one of the Three Ministers villages. Other villagers were employed in Kimhae, these were recent arrivals who had moved into the Three Ministers community. AGRICULTURE IN TRANSITION Little interest in horticulture was expressed over the years in Three Ministers, though the well-known "Kup'o pear" and other fruits were grown in the Kimhae area. In the past, during the winter seasons and prior to the use of greenhouses, the residents of the first and second villages made rice-straw sandals and rope for the market. In the third village, mostly straw bags were produced. Many changes in the economy have since occurred. In 1970, strawberries began to provide the Three Ministers community with a large cash crop, especially in the first and second villages, where at least one hundred farming households became so involved that they no longer raised rice. Strawberries gave farmers an estimated three times the income that might be derived from other crops. Every fourth year the old strawberry plants were removed and replaced with new plants grown from cuttings. Usually strawberries were planted on dry fields,33 but occasionally on drained paddy fields. Before transplanting the cuttings, chemical fertilizer mixed with vegetation was applied to the fields. After transplanting, chemical fertilizers were applied in approximately the following percentages: phosphate (40), potassium (40), and nitrogen (18). Although rice, wheat, barley, and bean fields were seldom weeded more than three or four times annually, strawberries required twelve weedings. NUMBER 39 45 FIGURE 49.?A village tavern where the men are playing cards and chess under a willow tree during a summer afternoon. Black and white photograph, 1960. For more control over their strawberries environment, an increasing number of farmers began to use greenhouses rather than open fields. Other crops raised by Three Ministers villagers in 1981, some of which were sold in Kimhae city and Pusan, included sweet potatoes, carrots, lettuce, pumpkins, turnips, cucumbers, tomatoes, watermelon, yellow melon, cabbage (Figure 50), celery, eggplant, green peppers, spinach, garlic, parsley, onions, and scallions (see Appendix 3). In the Kimhae area persimmons, peaches, and chestnuts were produced, but only a few of these were grown on Three Ministers land. Other aspects of the economy of the Three Ministers villages also revealed an ever-increasing diversification as shown in Tables 9 and 10. MARKETS AND PEDDLERS Kimhae city had two marketing systems. One, mentioned previously, consisted mostly of temporarily installed booths (Figures 51, 52); the other, the permanent downtown shops. The traditional market held every fifth day continued to be useful for villagers who wished to barter or to become vendors and obtain immediate cash for an emergency. Three Ministers villagers often sold rice, vegetables, chickens, and eggs at the Kimhae marketplace. Once barley, beans, and firewood were also sold, but later these items seldom appeared. Perhaps the most important feature of periodic markets, in the opinion of some participants, was the buying and selling of livestock (Figure 53). The activities of peddlers and itinerant repairmen facilitated the exchange of goods and services between the three villages of the Three Ministers community and the cities of Kimhae, Pusan, and Masan as well as other rural communities. As they came into the villages, often directly to each home, they indicated their presence with a distinctive call or sound from the village lanes (Table 11). There were at least twenty-six peddlers, mostly men, providing specific goods or services, but there were also women who sold other items. With the exception of six instances for goods and services, vendors, according to gender, had a specific product or service and mode of transportation. Men peddlers used vehicles, e.g., a bicycle, a push cart (Figure 54), or a three-34 or four-wheeled motor truck. Women peddlers often came on foot, sometimes nursing a child, carrying their items for sale in a tray or a bucket balanced on their heads (Figure 55). Beef and pork peddlers and the candy vendors (Figure 56) might come many times a month, whereas the sieve seller would appear only once a year. GOVERNMENT LOANS AND MUTUAL AID After a disappointing harvest, as in 1970, farmers could request financial aid from one of two banks or from the post office in Kimhae. Few farmers, however, attempted to obtain loans from either of these sources as their homes or lands were required as collateral, usually at one-third of their actual value. The expense just to prepare the request for a loan was also prohibitive for most villagers. Loans from the post office were only available to those individuals who had established 46 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 50.?A cabbage field in Three Ministers. Also seen are a motorized cultivator, a rear cart, and several vinyl greenhouses that are the property of a truck farmer. From a color photograph, 1981. TABLE 9.?Small factories and cottage industries located in the Three Ministers community in 1981. Item Rice-straw bags' Rice-straw rope' Rice-straw mats2 Baskets (previously willow, now often other tree bark) Artificial silk cloth Playing cards {Hwat '?)3 Processed grain (mostly rice polishing) Soybean sprouts Concrete blocks5 Brewery6 Aluminum window frames Iron valves7 Tools8 First village 5 households ~60 households 1 factory 1 craftsman, later a factory 1 factory, 2 households - 1 electric mill 1 factory 2 factories - 1 brewery 1 factory 1 factory - Second village 4 households ~50 households - 2 households 1 factory 1 factory 1 blacksmith Third village ~30 households, 1 factory -10 households - 1 diesel mill4 - - - - - - - Year (first seen/ceased) 1970/1974 1970/1974 1978/ 1974/ 1978/1980 1970/ 1970/ 7/1970 1970/ 1981 1976/1981 1971/1974 1970/ 1981/ 1978/ 1951/1980 Remarks For grain storage Used to insulate vinyl greenhouses To package fruits and vegetables Alcoholic beverage (Makkolli) Died, no successor 'The manufacture of most rice-straw bags and rope ceased during 1973-1974 because expanding greenhouse farming during the fall and winter required more labor and provided more income. One factory in the first village was not owned or operated by resident villagers. This factory moved out to another community when its profits dropped. Bags from households were made by hand; those from the factory were made with electrically powered machinery. 2This factory was owned and operated by nonresidents. 3The playing card factory (Hwat'u) closed about 1971. 4When the diesel-powered mill was established the third village did not receive electricity. 5These factories were developed during New Community Movement projects. 6Makkolli, an alcoholic beverage, was traditionally made of rice but recently was also made from maize or wheat flour. 7The owner of the factory was a resident villager; his employees were not. 8The village blacksmith made only small hand-tools, such as sickles, hoes, and knives. Sometimes he also made wooden parts, like handles of tools. However he spent most of his time doing tool repairs. Many tools in the villages were no longer handmade but factory produced and purchased in Kimhae or Pusan NUMBER 39 47 TABLE 10.?Village shops established within the Three Ministers community in 1970. FIGURE 51.?Booths, seen here with displays of grain, beans, and hardware, are on the periphery of the downtown Kimhae market. Black and white photograph, 1969. Category General merchandise' (with bar for alcholic beverages) Pharmacy Hardware Clothing (especially for children) Fuel2 (briquettes) Fuel3 (kerosene) and other petroleum products Seamstress (at home) Barber Tailor Real estate (rentals) "Second-hand" merchandise Laundry4 Bath house Library5 (rental) Bakery6 (rice cakes) Totals: First village 10 - 1 - 17 Second village 5 1 - 2 1 1 1 2 1 14 Third village 3 - - - - - - - 3 'In 1981 many of these general merchandise shops had become larger. The incomes of the owners were reported to have become more dependent upon their shops. 2In 1970 briquettes came from a downtown Kimhae dealer to a village distributor. Since 1981 they were also obtained from Pusan and Masan and sold in a village shop. 3Fuel oil and other petroleum products were sold in the second village in a shop built and owned by a retired carpenter in 1980. 4The laundry was moved into downtown Kimhae in 1977. 5The rental library was closed in 1980. 6The bakery was closed in 1974. FIGURE 52.?Summer time in the Kimhae downtown market. A woman and man are seen in traditional summer clothes, and a school girl and other men wear western-type garments in a booth-lined lane. From a color photograph, 1969. 48 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 53.?The open-air area for livestock sales in Kimhae town. According to villagers, livestock sales is one reason why the traditional fifth-day market has persisted. Note the ground pegs for tying down livestock. Black and white photograph, 1969. FIGURE 54.?A fish peddler with a Japanese-style hand cart that has an iron frame and two wheels with pneumatic tires. From a color photograph, 1969. FIGURE 55.?A woman peddler. From a color photograph, 1969. NUMBER 39 49 TABLE 11.?Peddlers and itinerant repairmen frequenting the Three Ministers community in 1970. (Transportation: T = on foot, sometimes pushing a cart or walking beside a loaded bicycle; MT = transported with motor trucks.) Item sold or repaired Fish/shellfish' Radio transistors Beef or pork Clocks Kerosene2 Irons (for clothing) Cooking vessels Rice candy3 Clothing Cosmetics4 Mosquito nets Blankets5 Hair collectors6 Oil (food) Honey Door paper7 Sieves8 Ginseng Western bread9 Goldfish Heated floor repairs10 Sieve repairs Umbrella repairs" Books'2 Manure-basket repairs'3 Sex F M M/F M M M M M M/F M/F M/F M F F F M F F M M M M M M M Transportation T MT T MT MT MT T T T MT T MT T T T T T T MT MT T T T MT T Method House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit Distinctive call Distinctive sound House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit House visit Form of exchange Cash/credit Cash/credit Cash/credit Cash/credit Credit Credit Cash/credit Barter Cash/credit Credit Credit Credit Barter Cash Cash Cash Cash/barter Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Cash Credit Cash Monthly visits 23 3 20 _ 10 6 1 30 4 10 4 10 1 - - - 2 Annual visits _ _ _ 1 - - l o r 2 3 - - 3 1 2 1 2 3 10 3 2 'Approximately four times a year male peddlers also came with a truckload of sardines, which were used by villagers as an ingredient for one particular type of pickled relish (Kimch'i). 2Kerosene peddlers disappeared in the early 1970s. Petroleum products have been sold since 1980 in a shop located in the second village. 3Peddlers exchange candy for second-hand or recycleable waste materials, such as glass bottles, iron, steel, and paper items. 4Cosmetics were not sold by peddlers but by sales representatives of a cosmetic company. 5Blanket peddlers disappeared soon after villagers began to work in the nearby synthetic fiber products factory, a convenient source of blankets. 6Hair collectors for wigs disappeared about 1973. 7Door paper was in little demand, as many paper covered doors and windows have been replaced with those containing glass panels. 8Sieves were often obtained in exchange for rice. 'Peddlers with western-style bread no longer appeared. '"Heated floor repairs were less frequent due to the use of briquettes and a boiler installation with hot water plumbing. When a possible gas leak occurred in the floor, it was quickly repaired by a village carpenter or plasterer. 1 'This repairman has disappeared, as villagers now prefer to replace a damaged umbrella with a new one. 12A small rental library existed in the first village. It was used by both young and older villagers. Farmers found it a convenient source of agricultural information, including instructions on how to construct and operate a greenhouse. l3This repairman also was no longer seen as the bamboo and wire basket that was attached to a long handle was replaced by an aluminum or steel bowl within a new manure ladle. long-term savings accounts there. Villagers who desired funding for a project, some emergency, or an item that they wished to purchase, usually had to go elsewhere. By 1981, there were three banks in Kimhae city that presumably could provide useful services to the needy villager: 1. Citizen's Bank, a local office for a national banking system. 2. Kyung-nam Bank, a local office for a regional bank. 3. National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, a local office. The first two organizations offered services mainly to merchants and others in the Kimhae business sector. Farmers desiring loans went to the local NACF office where funds were available with modest interest charges and no collateral requirement. Financial assistance was also available to villagers through mutual aid societies (Kye), which were based upon pooling the available resources of the membership. These societies were established by the villagers themselves, with each member usually representing a village household. In several such 50 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 56.?A candy peddler, although usually seen with a two-wheel cart, here has an "A-frame" backpack to carry empty glass bottles, pieces of metal, worn-out rubber shoes, and other discarded items received in exchange for hard candy. Black and white photograph, 1965. societies small sums of money were collected periodically from the membership to maintain a fund, which was advanced to individual members in a prescribed sequence. To assure periodic monetary contributions, a member not prepared to participate would be asked to sign an I.O.U., permitting legal recourse in case of default. Among the purposes of mutual aid societies were funeral and wedding expenses, jewelry and stainless steel dishware purchases, and social and recreational activities for persons of the same lineage, age, or occupation. The funeral organization was also known as the "friendship" society. It had a selective membership of older villagers who maintained a fund for the funeral expenses of themselves and family members. The male heads of households usually were the participants. In 1970, when an applicant was admitted to one such organization he paid a sum, as an example, 2,000 won, and thereafter perhaps 1,000 won a month to establish and maintain its cash reserve. This money was used in a funeral for the purchase of the coffin, bier decorations, mourning clothing, and alcoholic drinks for the funeral participants. Items such as the bier itself were usually rented. Other services provided by the members of a society were assistance in carrying the funeral bier to a grave site and digging the grave. Business meetings and parties were arranged at other times by the officers of the society. The mutual aid society for a lineage was often linked with others nationwide of the same lineage that possessed the same surname with the same geographic place of origin. The officers of such societies alerted members in the province or the entire country with a notice in one or more newspapers to assemble on the memorial day either at their ancestor's grave site or at a main ancestral hall maintained by the lineage. Wealthy members often contributed funds to maintain or beautify the grave site. A lineage society obtained the services of a kinsman living near the grave site of the ancestor to supervise its maintenance. In the three villages of Three Ministers, the most prominent lineages represented by such societies were Kim, Ho, Suh, Hwang, Cho, and Pae. In 1970, the membership of the "same age" societies was most often established on a city or a county basis to include a number of middle-aged persons. The members would contrib? ute from 1,000 to 2,000 won periodically for birthday parties and trips to scenic localities. Wedding societies were established to financially prepare for the weddings of the members' children. The members, which usually numbered from twenty or twenty-four, would contrib? ute a given monthly sum for a period of twenty to twenty-four months. A member received all funds collected at a designated meeting, or the funds were allowed to accumulate and eventually a fixed sum was paid to all members simultane? ously. The "jewelry or stainless steel ware" societies in 1970 consisted of housewives, usually ten to twelve persons in each group, who eventually accumulated through monthly payments a sum of perhaps 10,000 won, to be given to each member in a prescribed sequence. The membership of the "same occupation" groups was extended to persons throughout Kimhae city. This type of mutual aid society occurred less frequently. Another society, primarily concerned with social and recreational activities and tours, became popular. The member? ship included persons living elsewhere but usually was limited to those from within the Kimhae city limits. There were no restrictions pertaining to gender or age, although most members were over thirty years old. Members contributed to create a central fund, which was available to members and nonmembers as a loan with a monthly interest of 3 percent payable to the society. With the accrued interest from such loans, the membership was often able to afford two tours a year, usually in the spring and fall, but scheduled not to interfere with planting and harvesting. Often the organization for such societies included a chief or chairman, an assistant, a manager, and an accountant. The locality to be visited, the scheduling, and budget management required decisions that were made by these officers. For each tour, two or three buses were usually chartered. New members were accepted provided each contrib? uted a sum of money equivalent to the current amount in the central fund when divided by the number of members in the society. Nonmembers were permitted to join a particular tour if they paid their full share of the expenses. A popular financial aid society made loans to its individual members; the amount of the loan usually was 30,000, 50,000, NUMBER 39 51 or 100,000 won. The monthly interest rate chargeable to the member, upon receipt of the loan, was from four to six percent. Usually the financial aid society was established with the understanding that it would terminate in 20 months. It often involved 20, 15, or 16 members. The time sequence for receiving a loan determined the size of monthly payments a member contributed. The members were either men or women, but women frequently outnumbered the men. The organizer of such a society was almost invariably a woman, who was entitled to receive the first loan at the first monthly meeting. She had recruited the membership and was responsible for their subsequent monthly payments. Often the first five members to receive loans were expected to have more than one account and to make larger monthly contributions. These first five members who received loans were thereby given preferred treatment as they usually had a more pressing need for funds. The money received by a member on a particular month was used by that member alone or pooled with the loans of several members to purchase land, construct a greenhouse, or pay for harvest expenses. When a member received a loan as scheduled, he or she did not make a contribution to the society for that particular month, but was expected to provide a luncheon for the membership after the monthly business meeting was concluded (Figure 57). These loan organizations involved risks; e.g., a member might receive a monthly loan but not continue to contribute each month as initially agreed, or the organizer of the society might abscond with all the funds. Such loan societies were not as numerous as they once were as the NACF has liberalized its banking policies. However, for villagers desiring sizeable sums of money quickly, despite the high interest rates, the loan society offered a solution. Villagers cooperated with one another in ways other than the mutual aid societies. One of these was a traditional exchange of personal labor, such as assisting a neighbor to repair his roof and receiving similar help later. Another, which has now disappeared from the Three Ministers community, was village- wide cooperative weeding, which occurred for the last weeding done in the paddies during the month of August. This weeding was facilitated with the music of the farmers' band. The weeding team would later participate in a noisy party with food and alcoholic-beverages, and the farmers' band. ECONOMICS OF CEREMONIES The economics of ritual obligations, whether reckoned in time expended or financial expense, was significant in village life. A 1970 examination of the costs of rites for a deceased parent disclosed substantial sums being spent. Because of the Confucian tradition, with its supreme virtue of filial piety, and the social prestige obtained by the family from the ceremonies, the rites accorded parents, especially their funeral arrange? ments, received considerable emphasis. The expenses of a father's funeral, in particular, were frequently excessive (Tables 12, 13). The Korean government advocated less expensive ceremonies, which at first was met with little public response, but by 1981 there was some success at heeding this advice in the Three Ministers community. FIGURE 57.?A mutual aid society, with a membership of village matrons, are socializing with traditional dancing after a business meeting. Black and white photograph, 1970. 52 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY TABLE 12.?Funeral expenditures for a deceased parent in the Three Ministers community in 1970. Household status "Rich" "Poor" Estimated annual income Estimated costs 600,000 won ($2,000) 200,000 won ($670) 100,000 won ($330) 30,000 won ($100) TABLE 13.?Average cost of ancestor worship in the Three Ministers community in 1970. (Travel expenses of the lineage participants were not included.) Ancestors (the last four generations) Parents Grandparents Great grandparents Great, great grandparents Estimated costs 10,000 won 10,000 won 3,000 won 3,000 won The economic aspect of their children's marriages was a concern of parents years before the events occurred and was apparent in the selection of marriage partners, particularly the prospective husband. The parents of the bride had to be convinced of his ability to earn a living, among other desirable qualifications. Although wedding ceremonies were more simple to perform than funeral rites, they generally were more of a financial drain (Table 14). A family with several marriageable young men and women was often impoverished after their weddings. RAISING CHILDREN Among the major expenses of a village household were those incurred in raising children. The parental responsibilities of providing food, clothing, medical care, and higher education for children at times constituted such a financial burden for a head of a household that he, if a farmer, sold some of his agricultural land to cope with the expenses. Nonfarming parents had to find a different solution to the problem; sometimes both parents sought employment in the area and the grandparents cared for the children. TABLE 14.?Expenses of a wedding (including clothing, gifts, and prepared foods) for a bride's family in the Three Ministers community in 1970. Household status "Rich" "Average" "Poor" Estimated annual income Estimated marriage costs 600,000 won 300,000 won 200,000 won 300,000 won 150,000 won 70,000 won MEAL VARIETIES AND COSTS Normally breakfast and supper were the important family meals. However, during the transplanting of rice, chemical spraying, and harvesting, lunch became the big meal. The usual diet was mostly traditional and included steamed rice with barley, and various side dishes of vegetables and fish. Beef and pork, being expensive, seldom appeared on the table. The prepared food of the Three Ministers community tended to be more highly spiced and salty when compared with similar dishes in central Korea, north of the Kimhae area. Water and barley tea were consumed during the meal. Men preferred to drink alcoholic beverages, usually makkolli. An idealized schedule for a farmer's meals is as follows: 0700 hours - breakfast 1000 hours - beverages 1200 hours - lunch 1500 hours - beverages 1900 hours - supper (During more hectic work periods, farmers who started work at 0500 hours had a light meal before breakfast). In the spring, a meal might have included a mixture of 90 percent boiled rice and 10 percent barley; pickled vegetables (kimch 7); beef, pork, or vegetable soup; fish stew, boiled wild vegetables; and fresh lettuce. Summer food often included boiled rice and barley; one of several kimch'i varieties, possibly spiced cucumbers; boiled salty fish; fish stew; boiled squash with white potatoes; fried eggplant; and soybean sauce (Figure 58, 59). For autumn, boiled rice and barley; stew of hair-tail fish with white radish; stew of soybean curd; chopped white radish, and an oyster or a leek kimch'i; soup of beef, pork, or vegetables; loach fish; and raw fish. On the table in the winter season often appeared boiled rice and barley with kimch'i or a soybean sauce stew; vegetable, beef, pork, or only white radish soup; salty vegetables; and dried seaweed. Both wild and domesticated plants were used for food as well as for medicinal purposes (see Appendices 2, 3). It was estimated that 25 percent of annual income was spent for food in 1970. During the following decade the proportional cost of food became considerably less because of a higher level of income. The most commonly used beverages, other than water and barley tea, were a liquor, soju, of at least 25 percent alcoholic content; a wine, makkolli, with approximately 5 percent alcohol; and chongjong, which resembled the more familiar Japanese sake. Although it was illegal to make alcoholic beverages unless licensed, homemade grape and strawberry wine were regarded as somehow different by authorities and consumers alike and were available in many homes. Within the economic means of each village household, food and beverages in daily life as well as for rituals and holidays received much attention. Hospitality invariably translated into being served food and drink. NUMBER 39 53 FIGURE 58.?For a summer lunch, food is often served on a small table that is carried from the kitchen. In this instance, the plastic and aluminum table has collapsible metal legs. From a color photograph, 1970. i?3* FIGURE 59.?A summer evening meal for children. Black and white photograph, 1969. HUNTING AND FISHING Traditionally the village men fished along the tributary streams of the Naktong River, using fishing poles, nets, or traps. Because of the labor shortages throughout the rural areas, fishing activities have been greatly curtailed. Recreational fishing was still done on weekends by visitors, mostly from Pusan, sometimes with expensive tackle. Villagers usually purchased ocean fish for food rather than river fish. Very few of the villagers did any hunting because of the expense and the required license. The area along the lower Naktong River, as previously mentioned, is internationally known for migrating birds. Hunting, however, was prohibited there. In Kimhae city there were hunting and fishing clubs, but villagers were seldom members whatever interest they may have had in outdoor sports. THE SMOKING HABIT Smoking was widespread among village men. Traditionally smoking was forbidden in front of ones' elders; however, this attitude has been modified in recent years (1981). Many teenagers commenced smoking when they were about seven? teen years old. Most young men become smokers after graduating from high school. An elder occasionally switched from the traditional long-stemmed pipe to cigarettes when they were available. Women usually did not smoke but some, after attaining old age, did so. Cigarettes were preferred by most villagers throughout the 1951-1981 study period. Korean brands were available on the market, with a wide range of prices. Tobacco was strictly controlled as a government monopoly, as was salt and ginseng. To have foreign cigarettes in one's possession made one liable to a severe fine.35 54 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY TAXES The taxes paid by village farmers (1981) were based primarily upon agricultural productivity, especially rice, barley, vegetables, and fruit, and considerably less upon property, such as housing and land. Agricultural grain taxes were usually paid once a year in currency or in rice or barley. In the case of vegetables and fruit, the taxes were paid in currency. The agricultural grain tax for rice and barley was a small percentage of the harvest, whereas the tax for vegetables and fruit was derived from profit accrued on a sliding scale. Villagers paid only the agricultural grain tax.36 The few farmers who on a large scale raised vegetables, flowers, and other special crops paid considerably more taxes. In the Three Ministers commu? nity only 10 villagers were in this category. Generally well-to-do farmers paid approximately 4 to 5 percent of their income as taxes; the middle-class farmers 2 to 4 percent; and those of low income often none. When agricultural land was sold, the buyer paid a tax if he did not continue to farm the land. Although a livestock tax existed for those villagers having 30 or more pigs or one or more oxen, most owned little or no livestock and were not taxed. A defense tax was in effect from 1975 through 1980. This tax was adjusted according to the level of income. Since 1970, when Kimhae received its city status, the tax structure has been simplified, but the tax load has increased. Three Ministers villagers, being within the city limits of Kimhae, now pay a local municipal tax. There was an "internal" tax, and a tax for inherited property over a given value. There was also a small resident tax. Conclusions Despite the increasing loss of land to absentee landowners, and taxes, the diversified economies of the three villages within the Three Ministers community were regarded by the residents and their neighbors as not just satisfactory but as relatively successful. The additional income derived from younger household members who were employed in nearby factories or Kimhae business firms, and from lucrative greenhouse farm? ing, was the primary reason for this local opinion. Although the economic activities in Three Ministers still retained some conservative features, there was an increasing number of new ideas, practices, and related artifacts appearing in village life. The villagers and local Kimhae offices of governmental agencies were not only receptive to innovation but often actively sought it. Representatives of the Rural Guidance Office frequently visited the three villages of the community to examine each aspect of the annual farming cycle. They continued to relay information on improved methods of using chemical compounds, other agricultural techniques, and the new agricultural equipment. They talked to individual farmers or, at times, came to the village and gave lectures to the assembled farmers and others on the proper use of the land. Interestingly, these same specialists, when they compared the Three Ministers community with other rural settlements in the Kimhae area, called it "underdeveloped" because the rate of agricultural innovation was slower. The underdeveloped nature of the economy was mainly due to circumstances cited earlier: the growing number of absentee landowners who, as well as their tenant farmers, were less interested in assuming the cost and the risk of innovation; the gradual shift in the nature of the economy from agriculture to industrial and commercial activities; and the fact that Three Ministers was becoming an integrated suburb of Kimhae and increasingly economically dependent and responsive to urban opportunities (Park J., 1971:125, 151). Notes 'During the initial phase of the field research (due to the fluid nature of the Korean War, especially the guerrilla raids) the Kup'o bridge was fortified with a machine gun installation that, on occasion, restricted civilian traffic. 2When the population of a township exceeds 50,000, it may be promoted to city status by the national government. 3Korea is on the busiest migration route for birds in the world (Lautensach, 1988:147). The Naktong estuary was designated in 1966 a natural monument and has since been regarded as one of the most important wildlife sanctuaries in Asia. It has provided a habitat for thousands of migratory birds, including many rare species. There were government plans (1981) to construct a 2-km long dam in the mouth of the river to protect the fresh water resources of Pusan and the Kimhae irrigation system from the sea. This proposed project was resisted by environmentalists who were convinced that the ecological balance of the habitat for migratory birds would be destroyed (The Korea Times, 6 November 1981). A dam in the mouth of the Naktong River was built in 1985. Since the construction of the dam, the visits of migratory birds have been noticeably reduced. Some birds have found an adjacent area, the Chunam reservoir, for their stopover. If the prevailing conditions of birdlife are linked to the extensive use of chemicals by farmers, which eventually go into the ground water, and to pollutants from the growing industrial sector, which also affect water sources and the atmosphere, it seems likely that in the future economic "progress" will receive a more critical appraisal by the people of Kimhae. A unified and determined resistance to pollution probably will be necessary to safeguard the environment. 4King Suro is reported to have married a sixteen-year-old princess, Ho Hwang-ok, from an Indian nation, Ayuta (Ilyon, 1972:162). 5After a study of the early literature, a Korean historian (Hong, 1994:719) concludes that many Japanese historians have become propagandists for nineteenth century imperialism. A Japanese anthropologist (Befu, 1971:133) reasons that due to extensive cultural indebtedness from abroad, the Japanese have feelings of inferiority, which are concealed in certain historical interpretations of early Japanese history. 6Ch 'onmin, "low-born" or "inferior people," government slaves. 7The Buddhist temple is one of the oldest Buddhist temples in the Kimhae area. Fifteen Buddhist temples of various sizes exist in Kimhae city. 8Although this view is widely held, much of the tenancy is now believed to have occurred for other economic reasons (Sorensen, 1992, personal correspondence). 9A "natural village" is defined by Lee (1982:187) as "a cluster of rural homes some distance from others." '"During one such meeting, the author presented a slide show of villagers, which was received with enthusiasm. The mayor of Kimhae came to see the slides and kindly provided the projector and operated the machine. NUMBER 39 55 "During the regime of Park Chung Hee, the national government inaugurated in 1971 the New Community Movement (Saemaul Undong) to improve the quality of life and to increase the productivity in rural areas. It was later also extended to towns and cities. Although villagers initially had mixed feelings about the NCM and its requirements, NCM did set in motion numerous self-help cooperatives and other endeavors that accelerated modernization. Funding for NCM up to 1981 was $6.9 billion, including $3.5 billion from the government (Nahm, 1988:489). The organization of cooperatives included all agricultural households as members by 1976. Visible changes that occurred in the countryside included new roofs replacing thatch ones, new housing, new wells, an increase in the number of roads and bridges, irrigation development, mechanization, and rural electrification. Flood control and scientific farming were also promoted. More local banks were established to advance credit. The wide socio-economic gap between the industrial sector and villages was finally addressed. The bridging of this gap was more evident in rural communities than in urban centers. 12In the early 1930s, during the Japanese occupation of Korea, a program for rural development included model villages, village development committees, training for local leaders, and local government involvement?a program that was aborted in 1937 when more Korean manpower was required for Japanese factories and mines (Aqua, 1974:6). 13The Republic of Korea maintained the fifth largest standing army in the world (Mason et al., 1980:54). 14In 1990, membership in the two churches had increased to 500 and 150. 15A lineage or clan village has been defined as a village where more than one-half of the families have the same name [and place of origin] (Pak and Gamble, 1975:18). l6Yangban refers to the scholar gentry class of traditional Korea, especially the Choson (Yi) dynasty, 1392-1910. 17After 1983, school uniforms for primary, middle, and high school students were no longer worn. The government permitted the school authorities to decide whether or not uniforms were to be worn. Most students and their parents preferred civilian attire. About 1988, school authorities and parents decided that uniforms should be worn because they revealed the identity of each school and encouraged responsible behavior. 18In a 1989 survey, it was found that about 90 percent of boy and 60 percent of girl high school graduates, with the exception of vocational high school graduates, attempted to attend college. However, many students failed to pass the entrance examination even when they tried for a second time. l9The Kimhae crematorium was demolished in 1982 because it was too near the city. City authorities attempted to locate a new site that was beyond the city limits. 20In the Three Ministers community, the villagers who were Buddhists were members of the Jokyejong Buddhist sect, and a few belonged to the Won Buddhist Church, one of Korea's "new religions." 2 'The author had been invited as a guest to one such occasion in 1971. When the ceremony was completed, the participants seated themselves on the grass and began to enjoy some refreshments. Suddenly, a traditionally dressed kinsman jumped to his feet and in an explosion of pent-up rage expressed his displeasure over the untidy condition of the grave. An elder speaking quietly to him at some length finally managed to calm him. It seemed likely that the presence of a foreigner taking photographs triggered the emotional outburst. 22A p 'yong is 3.30 square meters. 23In 1961, six local irrigation organizations were merged into the Kimhae Irrigation Association; in 1962, the name was changed to the Kimhae Land Improvement Association; and in 1970, the name was modified again to Kimhae Agricultural Land Development Association. 24It is of historical interest to note that some of the government services given to the Kimhae villages were available out of the Kimhae county office during the Japanese occupation. The particular county organization then responsible for such services was called the Agricultural Society, with the county chief officer as its administrator. 25 "Unification" rice was widely used because of government (Office of Rural Development) pressure for rice self-sufficiency. It was not a favorite variety for eating. 26Farmers explained further that seedlings were grown closely only to a certain height prior to transplantion and that the constant care required for seedlings made it impractical to grow them separately over a wider area. Seedling beds, however, were divided with furrows for drainage. 27Although much transplanting from the seed bed to the paddies was still done by hand, a transplanting machine was introduced to the Three Ministers farmers about 1976. Four or five farmers rented the machine during the transplanting season from farmers in a nearby village. It operated efficiently and reduced labor costs. 28In many Korean mountainous areas, the harvested rice plants were tied to poles for drying (Pitts, 1992, personal correspondence). In the Kimhae district this was often not done as the drainage of the wider paddies in the Kimhae delta was more thoroughly accomplished. 29Commencing in 1980, mill operators, using improved equipment and responding to competition, often retained the "eye" in rice. 30The exchange rate of won to one U.S. dollar varied greatly during the time of this field study, e.g., in December 1972, it was 399.70; in December 1980, 662.30; and in December 1981, 702.70 (Bank of Korea). 3 'Government authorities, since about 1982, have discouraged dog eating, primarily, it would seem, because of adverse foreign reaction. 32He sought and applied the recommendations of the prominent Korean agricultural scientist, Prof. Woo Jang-chun, and other researchers. 33In 1989, many of these dry fields were converted into building sites for homes, shops, apartment houses, and also new roads. 34As of about 1975, most three-wheeled motor trucks were no longer manufactured. They were replaced with four-wheeled vehicles. 35Beginning in September 1986, American-made cigarettes were available at designated shops in Pusan and other large cities. 36This tax had not been imposed upon most farmers since 1985. It was still paid by wealthy farmers owning more than 3,000 p'yong of agricultural land. Part 2. Material Culture Introduction A rationale for the study of material culture is that artifacts as well as concepts and language are "all symbols taken from the mind and impressed onto material, behavior, or sound waves" (Richardson, 1974:4). Artifacts therefore may be regarded as "the fullest expression of man's efforts to objectify his concepts, to find out about himself. . . about the mystery of being human" (Richardson, 1974:4, 5). Although most cultural anthropologists would probably accept this point of view, only a few have displayed interest in the research potential of material culture. A number of anthropologists, with a cognitive concept of culture, point out that artifacts should not be confused with culture, the ideational backdrop of human activity. It seems likely, however, that even the researcher with the cognitive approach would not deny attention being given to the artifact as well as the concept or value behind it. Other anthropologists, the archaeologists, with the excavation and analysis of artifacts, have contributed much to our understand? ing of material culture and its socio-cultural implications. They have shown, among other findings, how a study of material culture delineates geographical distributions and the develop? mental sequences for an evolutionary evaluation. Furthermore, there cannot be a serious doubt that to each generation of researchers, the artifact, previously studied or not, will often provide new information due to the existence of greater theoretical sophistication and new or improved analytical techniques. Whenever modernization is being discussed by social scientists, reference is frequently made to its material or technological basis. In economic recovery programs, develop? ment specialists, in their planning and implementation, also have been concerned with the material aspects and have often differentiated between two phases of change: macro-technical programs (e.g., airports, power installations, dam construction, and regional road systems) and the micro-technological level (emphasized in this study) with the artifact inventories of households. After pilot surveys in two households, in which artifacts were selected at random, village-wide household inventories were compiled for the three Kimhae villages, South Post, Three Ministers, and Front Hill. All village homes were visited. Only those items previously selected in the pilot surveys were recorded. A description and additional information on many of these items follows. All artifacts, an essential data base for the study, are cited in Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Inventories. The field project1 was concerned with several basic questions: what artifacts existed there; what changes, as revealed by the material culture, took place; and how and when did the changes occurr. Artifacts that existed, including those that were modified or being discarded, would hopefully reveal the level of conservatism that existed in the three villages and the receptivity to innovation. The results of such an investiga? tion should enhance a definition of village life in the Kimhae area of Korea. The local and standard Korean terms of artifacts were noted, with the Korean characters and the romanizations. The local term is the colloquial term for the Kimhae area and was the term often used by the villagers. The standard term is the term used in the Seoul area or is the preferred term in the dictionary. The standard term, although well understood, was used infrequently by the villagers. Additional historical and ethno? graphic information is in the Bibliography and found in the Appendices. For similar or identical artifacts, and possible prototypes existing elsewhere, consult the references listed with the Comparative Literature under each material culture number. Farm tools, particularly traditional implements, have received the attention of several Korean and foreign scholars. Most useful of these publications are those by Han Sung Kum, M. Heydrich, Kim Kwang-6n, and Toru Ogawa. Other useful comparative works are those prepared by Rudolf Hommel, Hong Il-sik, Jeon Sang-woon, and Joseph Needham. For publications prepared by the authors mentioned above, see the Bibliography for details. Household Utensils Material Culture No. 1 FIGURE 60 NAME.?(English) Kitchen knife (Korean) Chongjik'al Puokk'al Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This kitchen knife had a blade made of forged iron with a wooden handle over the tang. The length of the blade was 19.5 cm and of the handle 12 cm. The width of the knife was 4.5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This Korean knife was mostly used by butchers instead of a similar but more refined Japanese-introduced knife that had a stainless steel blade. Both were now made in Korea. Although the Korean knife was seldom seen, the Japanese kitchen knife was in almost every home of the community. The Korean and the Japanese knives were often used with cutting boards. An older type of Korean knife with a semi-lunar shape was described but not seen. Among the other knives that appeared 56 NUMBER 39 57 in a few households was a cleaver (Ppong k'al) with an iron blade 30 cm in length. Villagers say that it was introduced by the Japanese for cutting mulberry leaves to feed silkworms; it was also used to prepare vegetables and grass for chicken feed. Another knife also seen was a heavy cleaver with a steel blade. The length of the blade was 17 cm. Villagers said it was used by cooks in Chinese restaurants to chop bones. Though it was referred to as a knife (K'al), it was often used by the villager as a hatchet for cutting kindling. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598- 599. Material Culture No. 2 FIGURE 60 NAME.?(English) Chopping board (Korean) Tomae Toma Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine or chestnut) chopping board varied in size but often was 23 x 40 cm in width and length, with a thickness of 1.5 cm. A chopping board was often supported with two wooden runners that were partially inset (dovetailed) into the board (no nails or glue were used). The runners were often 3.5 cm in height and 4 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Every household in the commu? nity owned more than one chopping board for preparing food. When foodstuffs were cut into smaller pieces, they cooked more quickly, requiring less fuel. Plastic chopping boards were also used (1971-1981). Chopping boards were usually purchased in Kimhae shops. The use of a chopping board often gave forth a distinctive rhythmic sound from a village kitchen. Villagers believed that the chopping boards had a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598- 599. FIGURE 60.?A steel kitchen knife with a wood (pine) chopping (cutting) board. In 1981, such items were still in use but plastic versions of the chopping board were common, although frequently smaller in size. From a color photograph, 1969. FIGURE 61.?Rice scoops made of wood (pine), stainless steel, and lacquered wood (smallest scoop). The primary purpose of these ladles is to serve steamed rice. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 3 FIGURE 61 NAME.?(English) Rice scoop (a) Rice scoop, brass (b) Rice scoop, wood (Korean) Chugu Local term Chugok Standard term (a) Notchugu Local term (b) Papchugu Local term DESCRIPTION.?The rice scoop was often made of wood (pine). Scoops were also made of brass, stainless steel, and plastic. The scoop appeared in several sizes. The length of perhaps the largest was between 30 and 40 cm. A common size was 15.5 cm in length, and the circular, concave end was often 8 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The scoop was mostly used to remove steamed rice and other grains from the cooking pot. Rice scoops were frequently bought in Kimhae during the traditional market day, which occurs every fifth day. Many of the wooden scoops were said to be made in Yangsan town (40 km away). Brass rice scoops were used by richer families, as brass items were more expensive. Stainless steel utensils became popular around 1960 and replaced brasswares, mainly because stainless steel did not become discolored. Stainless 58 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 62.?The two scoops on the right are made from gourds and are seldom seen. The plastic version on the left occurs widely. From a color photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. steel scoops were stronger than wooden ones. In a 1971 survey, wood and stainless steel scoops were widely used. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. Material Culture No. 4 FIGURE 62 NAME.?(English) Gourd scoop (ladle) (Korean) Pagaji Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This scoop was made from a dried round half-section of a ripe bottle gourd. Such scoops varied in size. One size often seen was 25 x 20 cm. A smaller popular size, a plastic replica, had a hemisphere 17 x 10 cm, with a handle 18 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This traditional gourd ladle was perhaps the most distinctive household utensil. The dried rind of a ripe gourd was light and durable. When a gourd was examined to determine if it was sufficiently ripe to convert into two ladles, a needle was inserted. If the needle moved easily into the gourd, it was thought to be ready. The gourd was then sawed into two halves, steamed, the pulp removed, and sundried. In many idyllic farm scenes seen on wall calendars and painting reproductions, the gourd was seen either as growing on the thatched roof of a village home, or as a ladle near a well. To drink water, a necessity for life, it was thought the use of a gourd was most appropriate. A cracked gourd ladle was often stitched together and continued to be used. In a 1971 survey, 22 percent of the homes still used a gourd ladle, whereas 77 percent had plastic ladles. In a 1981 survey, the gourd had almost disappeared and was replaced with plastic versions. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. Material Culture No. 5 FIGURE 63 NAME.?(English) Scoop, wood (ladle) (Korean) Namubagaji DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine) scoop had a hewn oval shape with a horn-shaped handle. The scoop was often 30 cm in length, 22 cm in width, and 14 cm in depth. FIGURE 63.?Wooden scoop (pine) for transferring grain from one container to the other. Black and white photograph, 1952. NUMBER 39 59 ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This scoop was often used to transfer grain from one container to another. It was either made by the villager who needed it or bought in a Kimhae shop. The horn-shaped handle was similar to the handle found with certain neolithic ceramic pottery2. The wooden scoop was rapidly being displaced by plastic versions. In a 1968 survey, only 12 percent of the village households had this wooden utensil. Material Culture No. 6 NAME.?(English) Spoon (Korean) Sutkkal Sukkarak Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Spoons were generally made of brass, silver, nickel, or stainless steel. The handle of the spoon was often straight and had at one end a small shallow bowl that was round or oval.3 Metal spoons, particularly those of silver, occasionally had an incised or inlaid Chinese character denoting longevity or happiness within its bowl. The length was often 22 cm with the diameter of the bowl 4.5 cm. There were spoons of smaller sizes for children. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Spoons were often bought in downtown Kimhae shops. Various shapes of spoons were seen in 1981, traditional, modified, and new. Villagers believed that spoons had a Korean prototype. The brass spoon had almost disappeared by 1971. Often the silver spoons decorated with Chinese characters were reserved for the use of men, occasionally boys. The stainless steel spoons were most widely used in the community in 1971 and 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:390- 391, 603. Material Culture No. 7 NAME.?(English) Chopsticks (Korean) Cho Chokkarak Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Among the materials used to make chop? sticks were wood, brass, aluminum, silver, and bamboo. Plastic chopsticks were also seen in some households. In 1981, stainless steel chopsticks were used widely in the community. Three sizes existed: large, medium, and small. The most popular size was 18 cm in length. In cross section, chopsticks either approximated a square, or a round shape, but other chopsticks had one flat side with the remaining surface in the round. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A pair of chopsticks and a spoon were the essential table utensils. Chopsticks were seen in all households of the community. Although chopsticks were used throughout a meal to eat most food that had been served, they were particularly associated with the various "side dishes" that appeared on the table. Brass and silver chopsticks required frequent polishing before use and were often replaced by stainless steel chopsticks for this reason. In a 1981 survey, disposable wooden chopsticks were widely used, especially for parties. Chopsticks were believed to be derived from Korean prototypes, or Chinese ones. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:390- 391, 603. Material Culture No. 8 NAME.?(English) Dipper (ladle) (Korean) Chokcha Kukcha Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Dippers were usually made of aluminum and consisted of a straight handle with a hemisphere at one end. Sizes varied, but it frequently was 23 cm in total length. The hemisphere was 10 cm in diameter. Dippers were also made of a dried half of a gourd, and, after 1971, stainless steel. In the handle there was a hole for hanging the dipper on a peg or nail. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Metal ladles were mostly used for serving soup. Metal ladles were factory-made, often in Pusan, and were bought in a Kimhae shop or from a peddler. Villagers believed that the aluminum dipper was first intro? duced by the Japanese. The Japanese dipper had a curved handle, whereas the traditional Korean brass dipper had a straight handle. The aluminum dipper was widely used in the community in 1971 and 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:597. Material Culture No. 9 NAME.?(English) Rice bowl Bowl (Korean) Papsabal Sabal Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The rice bowl, which usually appeared on the table with the soup or water bowl, had a vertical oval shape when seen with its lid. Rice bowls were porcelain, brass, stainless steel, or aluminum. The frequently used white porcelain ware, in 1971, were factory-made in molds, as were the brass, stainless steel, and aluminum versions. Porcelain bowls, under the rim, on the outside surface, occasionally displayed auspicious Chinese characters for happiness, wealth, and longevity. At least three sizes of rice bowls existed. Two examples were 13.2 cm wide and 10 cm high for adults; and 9.8 cm wide and 7.5 cm high for children. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In these bowls, often a mixture of rice and barley was served. More prosperous families ate just rice. Plain porcelain bowls, without lids, were often seen in poor households. Porcelain bowls appeared in 71 percent of village homes in a 1971 survey; stainless steel in 71 percent; and aluminum in 67 percent. It was once believed that it was more desirable to serve guests with brass vessels, but the use of stainless steel had completely eclipsed brass. Brassware, which required a maid to keep it polished, was thought to be a luxury that was beyond the means of most households. Traditionally, porcelain was used during the summer and metal ware in the 60 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 64.?White porcelain cup and bowls on a lacquered portable table with a pedestal base. Black and white photograph, 1971. winter; however, by 1981 stainless steel had become the most popular dishware regardless of the season. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:393. Material Culture No. 10 FIGURE 64 NAME.?(English) Soup or water bowl (Korean) Taejop Local term DESCRIPTION.?This bowl, used for serving soup or water, was made of white porcelain, stainless steel, aluminum, or brass. Auspicious Chinese characters often appeared in a decorative band just below the rim on the outside surface of porcelain bowls. Sizes of bowls for an adult were 15 cm in diameter and 5.5 cm high or 13.5 cm in diameter and 5 cm high; those for a child were 13 cm in diameter and 5 cm high. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Contemporary porcelain bowls were factory-made by the use of molds, as was true for the stainless steel, aluminum, and brass versions. Previously, porcelain bowls were wheel-made by hand. The decorative, "good" omen characters were also once hand-painted, instead of being stamped on the surface. A soup or water bowl usually appeared on the table for each person, with an accompanying rice bowl. Much of the dishware was manufactured in Pusan. The white porcelain and the stainless steel bowls were widely used, with the stainless steel ware having a higher prestige value. In traditional times brassware was once used for formal occasions, including ancestor worship. Brassware required considerable effort to polish prior to its use. This was the primary reason that village women were pleased to replace it, whenever possible, with stainless steel ware. In 1981, all of types of bowls mentioned above, except brass, continued to be used. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:393, 602-603. Material Culture No. 11 FIGURE 64 NAME.?(English) Bowl (small) (Korean) Chongji Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This small cup-shaped vessel was usually made of white glazed porcelain or stainless steel. Early brass and earthenware versions had almost disappeared. The white porcelain bowl was 3.9 cm high and 6.5 cm wide. The stainless steel version was 3.8 cm high and 7.7 cm wide. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This cup was used to serve soy sauce, hot pepper ketchup, or salt on the dining table. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. Villagers believed that it was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, it continued to be used. The stainless steel version was becoming more popular. Stainless steel ware generally had more prestige than NUMBER 39 61 brassware, which it has replaced, as it was regarded as "modern." COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. Material Culture No. 12 FIGURE 64 NAME.?(English) Bowl, condiment (small) (Korean) Chongbari Local term Chongbal Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This small bowl was often made of glazed white porcelain. Occasionally it had an auspicious Chinese character with a linear band just below the rim. One frequently encountered size had a height of 5 cm, mouth width of 12 cm, and base width of 5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This bowl was used to serve side dishes, and not rice. An older version of this bowl was made of brass but was seldom seen. A stainless steel one was widely used. The dimensions of the stainless steel bowl, which had a more round shape, usually were 4 cm in height and 11.5 cm in diameter. This type of bowl, porcelain or stainless steel, was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers believed it to be derived from a Korean prototype. In 1980, it continued to be used. Material Culture No. 13 NAME.?(English) Bowl, aluminum (Korean) Yangjaegi DESCRIPTION.?The aluminum bowl was made of sheet metal. Sizes varied, one had a diameter of 11.5 cm and a height of 3.5 cm, another was 16 cm in diameter and 5 cm in height. The bowl had a rounded rim and a plain surface. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This bowl was used to serve several kinds of food, including rice and soup. It was manufactured in several Korean cities, e.g., Pusan and Taegu, and purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. This aluminum vessel originated as the rice bowl of the Japanese soldier during World War II and has since become popular in Korea. During a 1971 survey, it was found in 67 percent of village homes. Material Culture No. 14 NAME.?(English) Plate (Korean) Chopsi DESCRIPTION.?This porcelain plate was often white but occasionally other colors, e.g., a light green, and often had a blue and white design on the upper surface. Plates usually had a round and shallow shape. Brass, aluminum, and stainless steel plates were also used with similar shapes and sizes. Plate sizes varied considerably but often were 12 cm in diameter and 3 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Porcelain plates of various sizes were widely used to serve side dishes and could contain many types of food. Fish and fried eggs frequently appeared on plates, but rice was only infrequently seen served on a plate. Most plates that appeared in the community were manufactured in Pusan or Taegu and were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. The plates, mentioned above, continued to be used in 1981, except for brassware, which was no longer seen. Many plastic versions also appeared. The porcelain plate was thought to be introduced by the Japanese. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. Material Culture No. 15 FIGURE 65 NAME.?(English) Serving dish (Korean) Chopsi Local term Chaengban Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This was a round, shallow, white porcelain or rarely glass plate. The height was usually about 2 cm, with a diameter of 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Although this dish was not widely used, when it did appear on the table it usually contained fish or salad. Probably it was a version of the western plate, which villagers said was introduced by the Japanese. This dishware was made in Pusan and Taegu and was purchased by villagers in downtown Kimhae shops. In the community the term chopsi was most frequently used for this dish, but sometimes the term was restricted to a smaller dish, and the term chaengban referred to this larger dish. Chaengban was also used to designate a tray. In 1981, this dish continued to be used, but a smaller version was more frequently seen. Colorful plastic versions had become popular, sometimes with pictorial scenes on the upper surface. Material Culture No. 16 FIGURE 66 NAME.?(English) Soup pan (Korean) Naembi Local term Nambi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The round cooking pan, with two loop handles and a lid, was made of brass-colored aluminum. The lid had a black plastic knob in the center. This pan was seen in several sizes. Those most frequently used had diameters of 15-30 cm and heights of 10-15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The pan, though usually used for preparing soup, was also used to cook rice. Every home had at least one. One informant said that after he examined the number and the size of such pans in a kitchen, he could estimate the number of persons in the household. Such pans, when still in good condition, after being used in the kitchen, often appeared on the dining table as a serving vessel. These pans were factory-made, usually in Pusan or Taegu. The prototype of this pan was reportedly Japanese. It was introduced to the villagers before 1945, the end of the Japanese occupation. 62 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 65.?White plastic tray with western landscape, often used for fruit, cookies, or candy. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. FIGURE 66.?Aluminum soup pan with a yellow finish. Sketch. Material Culture No. 17 NAME.?(English) Frying pan (Korean) Huraip'an DESCRIPTION.?This frying pan, with a long handle, was made of iron, steel, or aluminum. The size varied but often had a diameter of 23 cm and a handle with a length of 20-30 cm. A hole at the end of the handle was for hanging the utensil on a peg or nail. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The frying pan was used to prepare eggs, vegetables, and meat. Most of the frying pans were manufactured in Pusan or Taegu and bought in downtown Kimhae shops. However, when a large amount of food was to be fried, a traditional method was preferred, which was inverting the lid taken from an iron cauldron and placing it over a kitchen fireplace. In the 1971 and 1981 surveys, frying pans were found in almost all of the homes. The frying pan was said to have been introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. NUMBER 39 63 Material Culture No. 18 FIGURE 67 NAME.?(English) Teakettle (Korean) Chujonja DESCRIPTION.?This teakettle was made of aluminum that was often brass colored. The lid had a centered knob and was beneath a curved movable bail. Several sizes were seen. The spout was often 9 cm in length. The body of the kettle was frequently 14 cm in height and its width 15 cm. The maximum height of the kettle, including the bail, was 24 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This kettle was factory-made in Korea. It was mostly used to heat water or wine (makkolli) and to serve wine. Every village home had one or more aluminum teakettles. Prior to the introduction of the aluminum kettle by the Japanese, the villagers had ceramic, brass, or iron versions. In 1971, a number of families had stainless steel teakettles. Material Culture No. 19 FIGURE 68 NAME.?(English) Kettle, iron (cauldron) (Korean) Sot DESCRIPTION.?This round heavy kettle, with its lid, was made of iron, but in 1951 and 1981 a smaller aluminum version was also seen. The size of the iron kettles varied; a larger one had a height of 31 cm and a diameter of 50 cm. The aluminum one was 26 cm in height and 42 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The kettles were snugly fit into round holes in the clay surface of kitchen fireplaces. The newer FIGURE 67.?Teakettle of yellow-colored aluminum, seen in 1971, continued in use in 1981. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. 64 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 68.?Cauldrons, inserted into a clay and stone counter over kitchen fireplaces. Seen here are the traditional iron (center) and the newer aluminum versions. Black and white photograph, 1969. type of aluminum kettle was lighter in weight and more easily removed and cleaned. Kettles were often used for preparing rice or other grains, as well as for the cooking of other food and also for heating water. Most village households had two iron kettles on their kitchen stoves. One kettle usually was larger than the other. The larger kettles were especially useful when other villagers, who had assisted the household with the harvest, were fed. An earlier version of the iron kettle was said to have been made of stone; however, such a stone kettle was not seen. The villagers' belief was that food prepared either in the stone or the iron kettle was more tasty. Stone and iron kettles, with their heavy stone or iron lids, reportedly permitted a greater buildup of steam pressure during the cooking of rice. In a 1968 survey, only 60 percent of the households in the community continued to own iron kettles. The iron kettle was believed to have a Korean prototype, the aluminum kettle was considered to be a Japanese import. In 1981, the iron kettle had almost disappeared, but the aluminum one, with its thick wooden lid, retained its popularity. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:399, 595-596. FIGURE 69.?Aluminum rice kettle with wood (pine) lid that usually has wooden blocks attached on the upper surface for weight and to serve handle. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. two as a NUMBER 39 65 Material Culture No. 20 FIGURE 69 NAME.?(English) Kettle, aluminum (cauldron) (Korean) Sot DESCRIPTION.?This aluminum kettle was patterned to some extent after earlier stone and iron kettles, and it often had a heavy wooden (pine) or occasionally an iron lid. The wooden lid had on its top surface two heavy parallel pieces of wood. The size of the kettle varied, often the height was 26 cm and the diameter 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This size of kettle was said to be large enough to cook rice for five or six adults. The kettle was more easily removed from the fireplace than the iron kettle and was more convenient to clean. Such kettles were made in Pusan and elsewhere in Korea and were purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. This kettle, said to be a Japanese import, was well integrated with Korean life. In 1960, it appeared in all homes of the community, often with a traditional iron kettle nearby. In 1981, the iron kettle was rarely seen as the aluminum one had replaced it. Material Culture No. 21 FIGURE 70 NAME.?(English) Water bucket (water can) (Korean) Mult'ong FIGURE 70.?Water bucket made of galvanized iron to be carried on the head of a woman. Two low handles are located to facilitate holding the bucket on the head with both hands. From a color photograph, 1970. DESCRIPTION.?This galvanized iron, cylindrical water vessel usually had a diameter of 28 cm and a height of 36 cm. It had two loop handles, one on each side. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This water can was used by women to carry water on their heads from a community well or faucet to their homes. The two handles were held to steady the vessel in transit. Such water cans were made either in Kimhae or in Pusan. Although the shape of the vessel was said to be derived from an earlier Korean ceramic pot, the galvanized iron version was reportedly introduced by the Japanese. Younger villagers did not know of the ceramic prototype. The iron bucket usually was not present in those households that had coveted private wells. Thus, the presence of this water bucket seemed to reveal a lower socio-economic status. In 1981, the galvanized iron water bucket was disappearing as many homes were now supplied with running water. Material Culture No. 22 NAME.?(English) Bucket (Korean) Ppakkessu Local term, derived from English via Japanese for bucket Pagech'u Local term Pakkessu Local term Mult'ong Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This bucket was made of galvanized iron sheet-metal, with a wire and wood bail. The height was often 25 cm and the maximum diameter 32 cm, another common size was 27 x 30 cm. A plastic version also existed. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This bucket was used primarily to carry or temporarily store water, but it also served other purposes. The metal bucket in a 1971 survey was found in 82 percent of the homes and a plastic bucket in 45 percent. Many families possessed both types. Such buckets were purchased in Kimhae shops. Villagers believed that these buckets were introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, aluminum and plastic versions had replaced galvanized iron buckets. Buckets of galvanized iron were hand-made, whereas the aluminum or plastic versions were mass produced. Material Culture No. 23 FIGURE 71 NAME.?(English) Washbasin (Korean) Sesuttae Local term Sesudaeya Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round, open vessel, with a wide lip, was seen in 1981 and was usually made either of aluminum or plastic. The diameter varied from 30 to 40 cm and the depth from 10 to 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The traditional brass washbasin existed only in a few well-to-do households. Also rarely seen were older basins of wood and enameled sheet iron. The brass basin had a broader flat bottom with more vertical sides and a pronounced lip.4 This same traditional shape also existed in some of the stainless steel basins. Both the enameled iron and 66 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 71.?Washbasins made of aluminum, stainless steel, and plastic. The aluminum one appeared first in the community and was later followed by the others. From a color photograph, 1971. the aluminum basins were said to have been introduced by the Japanese. In a 1971 survey, 55 percent of the homes had aluminum basins and 52 percent had a plastic version. Many households had both. In 1981, plastic versions greatly outnumbered the aluminum ones. Material Culture No. 24 NAME.?(English) Washbasin (Korean) Pqjigi DESCRIPTION.?This earthenware basin had a dark brown color and a clear glaze. The diameter of the body often was 43 cm and the height 22 cm. There were two handles located on the body, one on each side. When cracked near the top of the body, the pot was retained but repaired with firmly attached wire. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This vessel was often used to contain water for washing rice and barley or dirty dishes. In 1971, it was almost completely replaced by a galvanized iron version, tarangi. This type of ceramic jar was once made and fired in a kiln near this community. A smaller but similar vessel was called sagu. The washbasin was believed to have a Korean prototype. Material Culture No. 25 FIGURE 72 NAME.?(English) Waste water tub (Korean) Kkujongmult'ong Local term Kujunmult'ong Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This tub was made of wooden (pine) staves and bamboo hoops, with two side lugs. Usually the diameter was 30 cm and the height 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The tub was often used to collect dirty water and food remains in the kitchen. This wooden vessel was reportedly once widely used but was being replaced by galvanized iron or plastic containers. By 1968 it FIGURE 72.?Wooden tub for kitchen waste. From a color photograph, 1969. had disappeared from the community. It was made elsewhere in the province and purchased in Kimhae shops. Villagers believed that it had a Korean origin. Material Culture No. 26 NAME.?(English) Washtub (Korean) Tarangi Local term, derived from Japanese tarai DESCRIPTION.?This shallow, round, metal (galvanized iron) tub varied in size but often had a diameter of 25-30 cm and a height of 12-15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951 and for sometime later, the material used for such wash tubs was often sheet metal scrap from U.S. military bases. Tubs manufactured completely with galvanized iron were also seen. This washtub was used to wash rice, other foodstuffs, dishes, and clothes. A similar tub was for bathing the baby. In 1960, at least 44 percent of the households had at least one, and often two, of these tubs. In 1971, it was found in 68 percent of the homes. Although the metal tub was made and used in the Kimhae area ever since the end of World War II (1945), it became especially popular during the Korean War (1950-1953) and often was made from salvaged American beer cans. This tub was replaced by a plastic version, often colored brown to resemble a ceramic prototype. Later, a synthetic rubber version also was used. By 1981, aluminum, stainless steel, and plastic washtubs com? pletely replaced those made of galvanized iron. NUMBER 39 67 FIGURE 73.?Galvanized iron washtub. Sketch. Material Culture No. 27 FIGURE 73 NAME.?(English) Laundry tub (Korean) Tallangi Ppallaet'ong Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This washtub, in various sizes, was made from several materials, e.g., wooden staves and bamboo hoops or from galvanized iron, aluminum, stainless steel, rubber, or plastic. The size often was 14 cm in height with a diameter of 30 cm. The sheet metal tub often had two loop handles, one on each side. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The tub was often used for washing clothing or for taking sponge baths. In 1960, all village households had at least one. It was made in Pusan and usually was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers said that it was introduced by the Japanese. In 1970, this tub, except the plastic version, had almost disappeared from the community. Material Culture No. 28 FIGURE 74 NAME.?(English) Medicine pot (boiler) (Korean) Yakt'ang Yakt'anggwan Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This brown, dark glazed earthenware pot with lid had a constricted mouth and a solid, spout-like handle. Approximate dimensions were a height of 15.5 cm, body diameter of 19 cm, and a handle length of 10 cm. The wall of the pot often had a thickness of 1 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This pot was used to boil herbs in water over a low flame for an extended period of time. Most of these unique pots were made in the Yangsan or Ch'an- gnyong areas and were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Such a pot sometimes had its own portable stove, chirisot, with charcoal or a briquette for fuel. The stove itself was of stone (often black in color) or of gray earthenware. The pot was used widely in a 1971 survey; it was seen in 49 percent of the homes. In 1981, the pot continued to be frequently used, but an electric pot, for the same purpose, was also seen. Villagers said that an electric pot was more convenient to use, but many, especially older villagers, preferred the traditional vessel. Material Culture No. 29 NAME.?(English) Steamer (Korean) Siri Siru Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This brittle, brown earthenware pot with circular holes in its base was often reinforced over its outer surface with wire. The wall of the pot was usually impregnated with soot. Various sizes existed, often 28 cm in height and a maximum width of 42 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This vessel was used to steam rice powder to make rice cake, siruttok. Although such steamers were widely used in 1960, few were owned. Often a family would borrow a steamer, when needed, from a neighbor. In 1971, it was frequently used, but in 1981 the steamer was seldom seen.5 Such vessels were made elsewhere in southeast? ern Korea and purchased in downtown Kimhae. It was believed by villagers that the prototype originated in Korea. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:388- 389, 606. Material Culture No. 30 FIGURE 75 NAME.?(English) Sauce jar (Korean) Tanji6 Local term FIGURE 74.?Earthenware herb boiler for preparing folk medicine. These were found to still be in use in 1981. Black and white photograph, 1971. DESCRIPTION.?This utility ware had a dark brown earthen? ware body covered with a clear glaze. It appeared in the community in many sizes and shapes. One frequently seen jar was 40 cm in height and 34 cm in width. Frequently, it had round handles, one on each side. The deep dish-like lid was 11 68 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 75.?Earthenware storage jars are typically clustered together in the yard of a home. They are often used for soy sauce, bean paste, hot pepper sauce, and fish sauce. Black and white photograph, 1955. cm in height and about 30 cm in width; it occasionally had side handles. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This storage ware often was used for soy sauce, a hot pepper paste (kkoch'ijang), or pickled vegetables (kimch'i), most often during the summer season. This ware was seen, usually outdoors, in the yard of almost every home. Villagers believed that it was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, it continued to be used. Although plastic versions were widespread, a growing belief was that food from ceramic vessels "tasted better." Material Culture No. 31 FIGURE 76 NAME.?(English) (a) Jar (pot) (b) Lid (Korean) (a) Sut'ingi Local term Tok Standard term (b) Ttakkari Local term Tokttukkong Standard term DESCRIPTION.?(a) This dark brown earthenware jar, cov? ered with a glaze, appeared in at least three sizes, one of which had a diameter at its mouth of 40 cm, a maximum body diameter of 60 cm, and a height of 80 cm. The shape of these jars, when compared with similar jars elsewhere in Korea, it was said, were more squat, and they had a smoother surface. (b) Lids, deep dish-like, varied in size according to the size of the mouth on the jar, which they covered. A large lid could be as much as 40 to 50 cm in diameter. However, a frequently used lid had a maximum diameter of 39 cm, and the depth from its rim to the base was 11.5 cm. Lids often had two loop handles. Cracked lids were repaired with a wire net over its outer surface. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?(a) These jars were used to hold fresh water, soybean sauce, or grain. During the winter season, they were also employed to hold pickled vegetables (kimch'i). Rough estimates by other villagers could be made of the size and wealth of a household simply by counting the number of such jars that were usually placed together in the yard. (b) Ttakkari was a term used for most lids. The lid for ajar, sut'ingi, however was called a norigi. The jar and lid together were referred to as tok. The lid of a jar also served on occasion as a shallow pot for water and washing foodstuffs. These jars and lids were still in use in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:260-261, 272. Material Culture No. 32 NAME.?(English) Liquor jar (Korean) Sulturimi Sojudok Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round, dark brown earthenware jar was covered with clear glaze. It had a mouth with a diameter of 10 NUMBER 39 69 FIGURE 76.?Earthenware jar for outdoor food storage, embellished with motifs of concentric rings, rosettes, and foliage. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. cm, a lip with a diameter of 17 cm, and a short neck 2.5 cm in length. The total height of the jar was 31 cm, and the diameter of the base was 24 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This jar was the traditional liquor vessel and was said to have originated in Korea. It was widely used in the community in 1960. It was primarily for storing rice wine, which was often homemade. The jar was occasionally used for soy sauce. Such jars were usually purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. This jar was still seen in 1971 and 1981 but was seldom used for rice wine. 70 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY 0* , . . . _ . _ _ ?IT l ' 1 v * , '/ l ^fl ? i 1 - i -..^-J H H J H R H H H H S H H H B H , ? V .* ? ' - " . . . ? ? ; . XX".?-.. , ..;-- .. :,??, " " " ? " ? ? i * ? ^ ; , ? . - - - ; ^ % . ' ^ ^ ^ M ' ? ^ ' ^ j ^ K . - . - - WBZ& H HBO?' $K?g''? ; : ' SOT* 1 ^%Wl*@ul 'HPY' ' H^HB ItslP PH ' : ! . A f' 1 H B ' ? ? ' 1 K ir FIGURE 77.?Earthenware jar with two handles and traditionally used for water transportation. The bottom of this jar, however, is perforated for growing soy bean sprouts. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 33 FIGURE 77 NAME.?(English) Storage jar (Korean) Oktongu Tongu Oktongi Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This earthenware jar and cover, had a dark brown color and a clear glaze, with thick walls. It had a mouth diameter of 30 to 40 cm, and a body height of 50 to 60 cm. The shape consisted of almost straight walls and a wide mouth. Other examples had a more constricted mouth and more body curvature. In the latter case, at least three sizes were noted. All jars had two loop handles, one on each side of the vessel. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The uses of this jar included the transporting of water from a well to a home. Often a backpack with a carrying pole extending to each side was used to transport two jars suspended with rope. The jar also was used for storing and shipping salted small fish or shrimp. This type of jar was widely distributed in the community in 1961, appearing in almost all homes. When this jar was used for raising soybean sprouts, a hole was made in the base. It was made elsewhere in Korea. It was believed to have originated with a Korean prototype. In 1971, it was not used any longer for carrying water. Examples were still seen in 1981. Material Culture No. 34 NAME.?(English) Storage pot (Korean) Sagu Local term DESCRIPTION.?This earthenware pot was covered with a glaze and appeared mostly in two sizes, each with two loop handles. The inner surface of the pot was uneven with ridges. One size was 38 cm in diameter at the top, 29 cm at the bottom, and 45 cm in height. A smaller version was 30 cm in diameter at the top, 22 cm at the bottom, and 38 cm in height. NUMBER 39 71 ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The larger vessel was often used to wash leafy vegetables. The smaller version was preferred for washing rice or barley. Aluminum and plastic versions also existed. At times the sagu was used as a cover for a larger ceramic vessel. It was believed to have a Korean prototype. In 1981, it was still seen in the community. Material Culture No. 35 FIGURE 78 NAME.?(English) Tray (Korean) Pant'ingi Pant'i Pat'ingi Hamt'ingi P'almobant'ingi Local term (widely used) Local term (widely used) Standard term Standard term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This usually four-sided wooden tray often had bottom dimensions of 30 x 40 cm with a height of 15 cm. The surface of the tray was plain or covered with red lacquer. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This tray was used to carry fish, fruit, and other items. Women peddlers often appeared with such a tray balanced upon their heads. Housewives at times carried lunch on such trays to their husbands working in the fields. This tray also was seen in roadside commercial booths as a container of grain, beans, or other foodstuffs. Frequently when a carpenter wished to test the skill of another, he asked that the other carpenter make one of these trays. The joinery was then carefully examined. The tray was often purchased locally. It was thought to have a Korean prototype. In 1981, this tray was rarely seen, it was often replaced by plastic versions. Octagonal wooden trays were seen in sets of graduated sizes. When not in use, smaller trays were superimposed upon larger ones. The size of trays in one set were 38, 31,27,23, and 19 cm in diameter with a height of 9 cm. Such trays frequently had round iron handles. The corners of the trays were reinforced with iron decor. These trays were often used to display food on festive or ritual occasions. FIGURE 78.?This wooden tray (pine) had many uses, including for women to carry lunch on their heads to men working in the fields. From a color photograph, 1952. Material Culture No. 36 NAME.?(English) Tray (Korean) Namubat'ingi Hamjibak Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round tray was carved from one piece of wood (pine) and painted with a light red lacquer. The size varied, but often the diameter was 40 cm and the height 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This tray was once widely used especially for pulverized grain, cooked rice, and rice cakes. It was made in Hamyang county and purchased in Kimhae shops. The tray was seldom seen in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:600. Material Culture No. 37 NAME.?(English) Sprinkler (watering can) (Korean) Mulppurige Local term Salsugi Standard term Chooro Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A portable water sprinkler, with a forward spout, and top and rear circular handles, was made of galvanized iron or plastic. A single rear-handle version also existed. The end of the spout had a perforated spray cover. At least two sizes of the sprinklers were used. Dimensions of the body were frequently 18 cm in height and 19 cm in diameter, with a 55 cm spout. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This sprinkler was used to water plants, especially potted plants or flower gardens. One villager, who made concrete blocks at his home for a construction firm, also used a sprinkler for his blocks as they were being sun-dried. According to villagers, it was introduced by the Japanese. It was not widely used. In 1981, only plastic versions were seen. Material Culture No. 38 NAME.?(English) Water jar (Korean) Multomu Mult'omu Multomu Multongi Local term Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This glazed, dark brown earthenware jar usually had a wooden lid. Size varied, but often the maximum diameter of the round shape was 61 cm and the height 38 cm. The wooden lid was constructed of pine boards held together with two cross pieces. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This jar was used to store drinking water. Once made in a nearby Kimhae kiln, it was later made in Miryang, then at Hanam. It was usually purchased by villagers within Kimhae. If the upper part of the body was cracked, repairs were often done by a traveling artisan who fashioned a wire net on the outer surface to hold the fragments tightly together. He also repaired other types of ceramic vessels in a similar manner, including jars for pickled vegetables. This 72 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY water jar was seen only in a few households. Many villagers preferred a larger jar, a tok, for water storage. Villagers believed the jar had a Korean prototype, but the wooden lid was a Japanese derivation. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598. Material Culture No. 39 NAME.?(English) Flower pot (Korean) Hwabun DESCRIPTION.?This unglazed red ceramic pot was seen in various sizes. It had an inverted truncated cone-shape. The pot had a rim that protruded from the body of the pot approxi? mately 1 cm. It usually had a top diameter of 20 cm and a height of 17 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Primarily this pot was used to grow flowers or shrubs. As of 1971, only a few villagers had such pots. These pots were usually seen in the yard of a home. They were purchased in Kimhae and reportedly were made in Tongnae and Yangsan (Pusan). Villagers said that such flower pots were introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, plastic versions in various sizes were seen in use with their ceramic prototypes. Material Culture No. 40 NAME.?(English) Wine bottle (Korean) Handoebyong Toeppyong Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This glass bottle was usually dark brown or blue-green in color. The body, with a tapered neck, was 40 cm in height and 10 cm in maximum diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Usually used as a liquid storage vessel but on occasion, bottles were used to serve. A white porcelain wine bottle, however, was the preferred serving vessel for rituals, e.g., ancestor worship. It was often 26 cm tall and 15 cm in its maximum width. Although the glass bottle was considered to be a wine vessel, it was also widely used for soy sauce or sesame oil. It was manufactured elsewhere in Korea and purchased in Kimhae. Villagers attributed its origin to a Japanese prototype. In 1981, this bottle was still seen in homes and village shops. Material Culture No. 41 NAME.?(English) Head pad (Korean) Ttabaengi Ttobari Ttwari Local term Standard term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Often this head pad consisted of bound rice straw within a sewn cloth cover that approximated the size and shape of a large doughnut. The outer diameter of the pad was approximately 15 cm. It had a thickness of 3 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Sometimes a head pad was simply a folded towel placed upon the head on which a pot, a parcel, or sometimes a sack was carried. Head pads were believed by villagers to have come from a Korean prototype and were usually made at home. Head pads were used only by women and girls. Well-made head pads had almost disappeared in 1960. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:598. Material Culture No. 42 NAME.?(English) Scrub brush (Korean) Sossinnun sol DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine or lauan [Philippine mahogany]) scrub brush was made with hemp bristles. It was rectangular in shape, with rounded corners, and was about 13 cm in length and 6 cm in width. A similar brush was made later with nylon bristles. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The brush was used to clean cooking vessels, especially the iron cauldron. Scrub brushes were also made with pig hair or pine roots. It was purchased in Kimhae shops. The scrub brush closely resembled a western version. Villagers said (1960) that a nylon brush had appeared and believed it to be a Korean innovation. By 1981, the hemp brush had disappeared. Later scrub brushes, made with nylon or steel-thread bristles, were still used for cleaning iron or aluminum cooking vessels. Material Culture No. 43 NAME.?(English) Broom, bamboo (Korean) Pi Taepssaribi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This broom was made solely of bamboo, tied together at one end to provide the handle but untied at the other end for the brush. This bamboo broom was usually about 97 cm in total length, and its brush was about 12 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This bamboo broom was one of the three most commonly seen brooms in the village. The other two are discussed elsewhere, one being made of millet for the kitchen, and the other of river reed for room floors. The bamboo broom was used during harvest time to sweep the chaff, but more often it was used for cleaning the yard. A broom for the same purpose was also made of another plant, ssari. Villagers believed the bamboo broom was derived from a Korean prototype. It was frequently seen in 1971, but smaller plastic versions replaced the bamboo broom by 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Umehara and Hamada, 1923:29, sketches; Hommel, 1969, figs. 472-473; K. Kim, 1969:331, 345, photos 413-415; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603. Material Culture No. 44 FIGURE 79 NAME.?(English) Broom, reed (Korean) Pangbitchari Pangbi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The core of the broom handle was made of rice straw lashed together. The brush consisted of the tasseled tops of river reeds. The maximum length of this soft broom was NUMBER 39 73 FIGURE 79. Brooms for home floors: the larger, traditional one is made from river reeds; the smaller is a plastic version that first appeared in the late 1960s, and in 1981, coexisted with the traditional type. Black and white photograph, 1977, Victor Krantz. often 40 to 55 cm and the thickness of the handle from 4 to 5.5 cm. At times the brush extended evenly from the tightly-bound vertical handle. In other instances, the brush was approximately at a 45 degree angle to the handle to facilitate the use of the broom by a stooped villager. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This broom was found in practically every village home and was used to sweep heated and wooden floors. By 1971, plastic versions had appeared. The plastic broom was found in 23 percent of the homes, often with the traditional one. Both the traditional and the plastic broom were purchased in Kimhae. Reed brooms were often made with colorful plastic lashing. Villagers attributed the origin of the broom to a Korean prototype. In 1981, plastic versions were mostly seen, occasionally with bamboo handles, in a wide range of sizes, shapes, and colors. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, illus.; Hommel, 1969, figs. 422-423; K Kim, 1969:331, 345, photos 413-415. Material Culture No. 45 NAME.?(English) Broom, millet (Korean) Susibitcharu Susubi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This was usually a short-handled broom, which was made by tying together with cord and/or wire the stalks of millet plants with the top of the plants inverted to provide the brush. The total length was often between 50 and 60 cm, but at times it was as much as 74 cm. A loop of cord was occasionally fastened to the handle for hanging the broom when not in use. 74 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This broom was used mainly for the kitchen clay floor but also for outdoor walkways and the yard. It was usually purchased in Kimhae, especially on market day. This broom continued to be widely used in 1971. Villagers believed that such brooms originated from a Korean prototype. In 1981, it was seldom seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, illus.; K. Kim, 1969:331, 345, photos 413-415. Material Culture No. 46 FIGURE 80 NAME.?(English) Ladle (Korean) Chorae Chori Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This bamboo ladle had a long handle of bamboo strips, which were bound together, then spread and upturned at the distal end to form a palm-sized scoop. The ladle was often 20 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This ladle was not made in the community. It was usually purchased in downtown Kimhae on market days. The ladle was used to scoop up rice that was being washed, permitting the sand and pebbles to drop to the bottom of the vessel. As rice grains are lighter in weight than most foreign matter, when the water was stirred with the ladle, the grains rose to the surface and were quickly transferred to another container. The ladle was normally used for cleaning large quantities of rice. Small amounts were washed in a gourd ladle, pagaji, from which the rice was removed by hand. The bamboo ladle was an indispensable item in all village kitchens. It was believed to be derived from a Korean prototype centuries ago. A plastic version had become popular, and in 1971, it was found in 44 percent of the village homes. The bamboo type was still found in 63 percent of the households. Some homes possessed both the bamboo and the plastic types of ladle. On FIGURE 80.?Iron, plastic, and bamboo strainers used primarily for washing rice. Housewives prefered the bamboo version, which is also a traditional symbol for wealth. From a color photograph, 1981. FIGURE 81.?Bamboo basket, with its wicker-weave, serves many needs of the villagers but often is used for red peppers and fruit. Color photograph, 1970. the morning of New Year's Day (lunar calendar), it was customary to buy a new bamboo ladle. This ladle was referred to as the good luck ladle, pokchori. In 1981, bamboo ladles were still being sold in the Kimhae market and were used at home along with the plastic version. Material Culture No. 47 FIGURE 81 NAME.?(English) Food basket (Korean) Pagimi Local term Taebagimi Local term Paguni Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round bamboo basket, with a wicker weave, occurred in at least three sizes with diameters of 40, 50, or 60 cm, and a height of about 7 or 8 cm, sometimes as much as 12 cm. A scoop-shaped version, with an open-end, also existed. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This basket was made in the village community and could be purchased from the craftsman or bought at a Kimhae shop. It was often used to wash foodstuffs, such as rice and other vegetables. Washed vegeta? bles were often left in the basket to dry. Such baskets were also for parching food, including food that had previously been cooked. The best basket maker in the village was a fifty-year- old man who was planning to teach his craft to several handicapped young men. The three terms cited above were used interchangeably and included the scoop-shaped basket as well as the one with the circular rim. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, illus.; Hommel, 1969, fig. 229; K. Kim, 1969:236-237, photos 297, 300; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:482-483. Material Culture No. 48 NAME.?(English) Cooked-rice basket (Korean) Kolbagimi Local term Pappaguni Standard term NUMBER 39 75 DESCRIPTION.?This round bamboo wicker basket, with a bail and an exterior base of two parallel pieces of bamboo, was usually 30 cm in diameter and 15 cm in depth. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Both terms cited above were often used. This basket was used to preserve cooked rice in the summer and was hung on a nail in a well ventilated area so that the rice did not spoil. The basket was made by a village craftsman and could be bought directly from him. Such baskets were also purchased from peddlers. In 1981, such baskets were still used for the same purpose; they could be purchased in the market. However, when differentiating between it and a scoop-shaped bamboo basket, villagers referred to the scoop- shaped type as sok'uri. Otherwise the same term was often applied to both types of baskets. Villagers believed that both baskets had Korean prototypes. In 1981, these baskets were still in use by the villagers and could be purchased at the Kimhae market. Material Culture No. 49 FIGURE 82 NAME.?(English) Rice cake stamp (Korean) Sip'yonson Ttokson Ttoksal Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This stamp, or mold, was made of either wood (pine) or glazed ceramic, with various curvilinear abstract designs or occasionally natural motifs. Several sizes existed, usually with straight handles for a total length of 16-19 cm. Another style of mold, with a mushroom shape, had a diameter of 4-5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1971, examples of this traditional stamp were seen only rarely in the community. It was used to impress a design upon rice cake dough. By 1981, it had become a collector's item. FIGURE 83.?A fireplace with an aluminum rice kettle and ash shovel. From a color photograph, 1969. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE- 407. Material Culture No. 50 FIGURE 83 NAME.?(English) Ash shovel (Korean) Pulbusap Pusap Hwasap -Hong, 1982 Vol. 2:406- Local term Standard term Standard term FIGURE 82.?Wooden mold for rice cakes. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. DESCRIPTION.?This small shovel consisted of a handle attached to a flat rectangular scoop, open-ended in front, with raised edges on the two sides and the back. The shovel was made of sheet iron, which had its tang inserted into the straight, wooden (pine) handle. The total length of the shovel, including the handle, was 50 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, this shovel was widely used for charcoal and ashes in the community. It was often used with a brush or broom. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. The shovel was said to be introduced by the Japanese. It was no longer seen in the community in 1968. A Korean-style shovel also existed with the same approximate length. Its wooden handle, unlike the Japanese version, fits into a socket. In 1981, it was still used in the community. Modifications of the Korean-style shovel included a plastic grip over a straight hardwood (Philippine mahogany) handle. 76 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Material Culture No. 51 NAME.?(English) Fire forceps (tongs) (Korean) Puje Local term Pultchige Local term Pulchipke Standard term DESCRIPTION.?These forceps were made of sheet metal (galvanized iron). At the top there was a tensile loop to keep the two extended arms apart until they were manually pressed together. The forceps had a plain surface and a length of 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1970, forceps, still in use, were purchased by housewives of the community in downtown Kimhae shops. Such forceps were Korean-made, but the prototype was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, forceps continued to be used. There also were tongs made of two iron rods with plastic handles. A pivot point was held by a screw or nail. The length of the tongs was often 50 cm. Tongs were used in all households to place or to remove briquettes from fixed or portable stoves. Traditional fire tongs were also described by villagers that were 40 cm in length and made of iron that was loosely linked together at the top by an iron ring. These were seen in the community in 1951 but not in 1971. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1954, Vol. 4(2):58. Material Culture No. 52 NAME.?(English) Bellows (Korean) P'ungno P'ulmu Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This cast-iron bellows had a round air chamber with an air exit tube and an exterior wheel for manual operation. The diameter of the bellows was approximately 20 cm. The length of the bellows with the wheel was 34 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Instead of using a fan to start a kitchen fire, the bellows was occasionally used. It was more effective when used with sawdust rather than straw or twigs for fuel. It was also used with a fireplace near the stable to cook food for the ox. Villagers believed that it had been introduced by the Japanese. It was made in 1950 in Korea and was usually purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. Some of these bellows were still in use in the community in 1971 but were rarely seen since then. Toys and Games Material Culture No. 53 FIGURE 84 NAME.?(English) (a) Checkerboard (b) Stone pieces (Korean) (a) Padukp'an (b) Padugal Paduktol Standard term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This thick wooden (chestnut or oak) game board was supported by four squat legs, and its top surface was subdivided into squares, with 19 lines intersecting at right angles 19 other lines. The dimensions of the board itself were 45 x 45 cm. The height, including the legs, was 19.5 cm. The game pieces were in two sets, with 170 in each set. One set was black and the other white. The small round pieces were usually of plastic made to resemble stone, or of shell. The diameter of each piece was approximately 2 cm. Each set of pieces had its own round bowl with a lid, which may be wood or plastic; one example was 9.3 cm in height and 12 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?If one villager suggested play? ing the game with another, he politely offered the white pieces to his opponent. White, "elder," pieces were thought to be superior to black, "younger," ones. During a survey (1968), only 11 percent of the homes had the game board and pieces, which were often borrowed from neighbors when desired. Although the game was enjoyed by men and boys, the game was reported to be more popular in Japan. When a game was in session, it was often silently observed by other men or boys. It was the villagers' opinion that the game originated in China. The items were usually purchased in Pusan. In 1981, the game was still being played in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:337- 338, 652-655. Material Culture No. 54 FIGURE 85 NAME.?(English) (a) Chessboard (b) Chess pieces (Korean) (a) Changgip'an Local term (b) Changgial Local term DESCRIPTION.?This chess set consisted of a wooden (pine, oak, or Philippine mahogany) chess board, subdivided with incised lines, 7 by 8 into squares, with two groups of oak or plastic chess pieces. The board was often supported by two wooden runners across the bottom surface. The chessboard was 48 x 46 cm, with a thickness of 6 cm. Each flat chess piece was octagonal. The pieces had Chinese characters incised on the top surface indicating the nature of the individual piece. The characters were colored either red or blue. The total number of chess pieces was 32, with each player having 16. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The villagers believed that this chess game had a Chinese origin. The names of kings incised upon chess pieces were the names of Chinese Han and Ch'o royalty who fought one another for the control of China. This historic struggle occurred during the Chinese Period of the Three Kingdoms (220 to 589 A.D.). The Japanese shogi chess was quite different from this Korean game, according to villagers, both in its appearance and in the rules of the game. In a 1968 survey, 13 percent of the homes owned such a chess set. However, those who did not have a set frequently borrowed one from a friend or a neighbor. Chess sets were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. The chess boards were also made by NUMBER 39 77 FIGURE 84.?Game board and black and white circular pieces for Paduk, a popular game for two players. Black and white photograph, 1981. the village carpenter. The incised Chinese characters on each chess piece were often made by the same Kimhae craftsman whose specialty was carving seals with personal names in Chinese characters to authenticate signatures. In 1981, the game was played frequently, especially by the elderly men. JEEI2L ? FIGURE 85.?A game board and pieces on which are incised Chinese characters for chess, Changgi; a popular game for two players. From a color photograph, 1971. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Culin, 1958:67; Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:399, 646-652. Material Culture No. 55 FIGURE 86 NAME.?(English) Yut game (Korean) Yutchak Local term Yutp'an Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This game required the use of four short wooden sticks, 15 cm in length. Each stick was rounded along one surface and flat on the opposing surface. A scoring paper or board had positions, often dots or coins, to indicate a player's progress. The positions were recorded on a circular pattern and two intersecting lines of dots in the center. The sizes of the sticks, the scoring design, and the number of players varied. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The game was played by each player while seated on the floor. Each player in turn tossed the four sticks in the air and noted the number of round surfaces that were turned upward when the sticks came to rest. This game was particularly popular during the New Year season. Often the players wore newly made traditional clothing to greet the new year. A set of sticks and a scoring design were either 78 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 86.?Yut game, with four throw sticks. Sketch. purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop or made at home. The game was believed by villagers to be derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, this game continued to be played, mostly on holidays, but less frequently than in the past. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:291, 308, 476-492. Material Culture No. 56 FIGURE 87 NAME.?(English) (a) Kite (b) Kite spool (Korean) (a) Yon Standard term (b) Yonjase Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A kite was often made of mulberry paper and a split bamboo frame. It was usually square in shape, with a round window in the middle, or occasionally semi-circular, with two tails (cotton cord). Often the size of the kite was 30 x 40 cm or 20 x 30 cm. The wooden (pine) spool for the control string consisted of an open four or six-sided reel with a handle protruding from its center at one end. The reel often was 21.5 x 13 cm, and the length of the handle was 18.5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Kite flying was a popular sport, especially in the fall and winter, for boys and occasionally men. Kite fighting was also popular. This competition envolved cutting the control string of an opposing kite with one's own control string that had been coated with sand, granulated porcelain, or glass, and fastened with fish glue. Kites were either made at home or purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. In 1981, boys continued to fly kites that were bought in the village shops. Only on rare occasions were kites made at home. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Jeon, 1974; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:603-605; Vol. 4:293-294, 355-365, 493-507. Material Culture No. 57 NAME.?(English) Roller (Korean) Tongt'ae Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Four or five round ends of tin cans were loosely placed together on a nail or slender metal bar, which was attached laterally to the end of a straight bamboo stick. The diameter of the metal discs was approximately 16 cm, and the length of the stick usually was about 78 cm. Later a somewhat similar toy appeared involving a small iron wheel attached to a guide-rod. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This homemade toy for a boy from three to five years of age was seen after World War II (1945). Villagers believed that this toy was a local invention. In 1960, it had disappeared from the community. NUMBER 39 79 FIGURE 87-Handmade rectangular kite constructed of a bamboo frame covered by paper, which has a round w X Ready-made kites that have a diamond (lozenge) shape are available in Kimhae shops. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 58 NAME.?(English) Ball (Korean) Ppol Kong Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This rubber ball, often black in color, was seen in two sizes, one 6 cm in diameter and the other 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This widely used ball was owned and used by children, especially boys. In 1960 and 1971, a larger-sized ball, though not the regulation size for soccer games, was nevertheless used for that purpose on the primary school playground and elsewhere in the community. 80 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY The ball was purchased at a village store. Soccer was believed to have been introduced to Korea by an American missionary. In 1981, rubber balls of various sizes and colors, e.g., white, blue, and red, were in use by boys and occasionally by girls. The black colored ball was no longer seen. (Korean) Moich'ong Mokch'ong Local term Standard term Material Culture No. 59 NAME.?(English) Play cart (Korean) Kuruma Tongch'a Local term, derived from Japanese Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine) wagon was large en? ough for one seated child. The bed of the wagon, with a low siding around it, was often 75 cm long and 40 cm wide. The four wheels were wooden or metal (iron). The wagon was pulled by an attached rope. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This wagon, which was seen in 1951, has since disappeared. It was made by fathers for their children. By 1970, the tricycle had mostly replaced the wagon as a toy vehicle for transportation. Numerous plastic tricycles, wagons, and other toys appeared in bright colors, most often in red or yellow. The tricycle was used almost exclusively by small boys, but wagons occasionally transported young girls as well. Villagers regarded the handmade wooden wagon as a Korean invention, though Kuruma is a Japanese word for cart. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 1:49. Material Culture No. 60 FIGURE 88 NAME.?(English) Mock gun DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (usually pine, sometimes chestnut) mock gun closely resembled the stock of a carbine or rifle. The length was often 88 cm and the width of the butt was 10 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This mock gun was reported by villagers as identical with the type used by the Japanese military trainees during World War II and in Korean middle and high schools for male student drills after 1945. A few remaining ones were used by children in the community for war games. None were seen in 1968. Toy guns, in 1971 and 1981, evolved from make-shift wooden versions to purchased plastic replicas of rifles and handguns. Some make-believe handguns were made from imported Philippine mahogany. Material Culture No. 61 FIGURE 89 NAME.?(English) Card game (Korean) Hwat'u DESCRIPTION.?This set of forty-eight small illustrated cards often depicted birds, flowers, and deer in natural settings. The cards were made of mulberry paper, papier-mache, or plastic. Their size was 5.2 x 3.3 cm. A set of cards was carried in a plastic box, 5.2 x 3.2 x 3 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Sets of these cards were found in 30 percent of the homes during a survey in 1971. In 1981, the card game was popular. Although the cards in use retained the same colorful papier-mache appearance, they were usually plastic versions. Students on a camping trip often carried a set FIGURE 88.?The gun on top was made as a toy, whereas the one below was used as a mock gun for military trainees and was later used as a toy. Sketches. NUMBER 39 81 FIGURE 89.?Card game, Hwat'u. Sketch. to occupy themselves during their rest periods. These cards were also used to predict half-seriously the future. Sets of these cards were available in village shops. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Culin, 1958; Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:660-661. Material Culture No. 62 FIGURE 90 NAME.?(English) Hoop and stick (toy) (Korean) Tongt'ae Kullongsoe Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The hoop consisted of a circular band of sheet metal (iron) or thick wire, sometimes an old bicycle wheel. The straight guide stick had a wooden handle with a short wire hook. The hoop and stick existed in several sizes. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This child's toy was most often used by a 5- to 10-year-old boy who rolled the hoop vertically on the ground. It was often homemade and was said to have commenced with the use of a bicycle wheel. The villagers believed it had a western origin. In 1981, this toy was not as popular as previously and, in fact, probably was disappearing. Material Culture No. 63 NAME.?(English) Seesaw (teetertotter, jump board) (Korean) Nulttwigi Local term Nolttwigi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A wooden (pine) plank approximately 240 FIGURE 90.?Child's hoop and stick toy. Sketch. 82 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY cm in length, 40 cm in width, and 4 cm in thickness, had as its fulcrum a rolled-up rice-straw bag or a mound of earth covered with sacking, about 15 cm in height. Where each end of the plank touched the ground, a slight depression was made in the earth. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Two girls or young women would play with this seesaw. Each player stood erect on an end of the plank and alternately would jump in place so that the other player, on the other end, was thrown upward. This sport was especially popular among school-age girls and premarital women during the New Year holidays until 1960. Experienced players can throw their partners at least three feet into the air. Young village women in traditional dress have participated in regional contests where they were tossed much higher. They also were seen in daring swinging contests, vying for the greatest distance above the ground while standing on the wooden swing seat. Villagers believed that such sports have Korean origins. In 1981, these athletic activities were rarely seen in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 4:304, 460-466. Musical Instruments Material Culture No. 64 FIGURE 91 NAME.?(English) (a) Gong (small) (b) Gong (large) (a) Gong beater (b) Gong beater (Korean) (a) Kwaengsa Local term Kwaenggwari Standard term (b) Ching Standard term (a) Kwaengsach'ae Local term (b) Chingch'ae Local term DESCRIPTION.?There were two sizes of round flat brass gongs, each having a rim around the rear surface. The smaller gong had a 21 cm diameter and a rim width of 4 cm. The larger gong was 40 cm in diameter with a 10 cm rim width. Each gong had a cord attached to hold it suspended when struck with a beater. Gong beaters are made in several ways, one with a wooden handle and disc-shaped head, one with a similar handle but a cloth-wrapped head, and another beater made of rice straw. The wooden beater, sometimes made of imported Philippine mahogany, was often 25 cm in length and its head was 4.5 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The smaller gong, kwaengsa, with its beater, kwaengsach 'ae, was the instrument used by the leader of the farmers' band and at least one other musician. Only a few village households owned a gong. FIGURE 91.?Brass gong with two types of beaters, one cloth wrapped with a wooden handle, and the other wrapped with cotton cordage. This gong was used by the dancing farmers' band. Black and white photograph, 1970. The larger gong was also used to sound a village alarm. A gong of this size was carried and struck by visiting chimney sweeps to advertise their service. Gongs of various sizes were often used by shamans' assistants. Gongs and beaters were usually purchased in downtown Kimhae stores. They were stored with one of the families in the community until needed for practice or for a performance during an agricultural event or holiday. Villagers believed that all of the gongs had Korean prototypes. In 1981, gongs were still in use, mostly by the musicians in the farmers' band. Material Culture No. 65 FIGURE 92 NAME.?(English) Long drum (Korean) Changgu Local term DESCRIPTION.?This shoulder-slung long drum with its hourglass shape had two opposing drumheads. The body was often red or yellow lacquered wood and the heads were covered with cowhide and doghide. A newer version was made with a body of galvanized iron that had slightly different proportions and a higher tone. The length of a long drum was often 55 cm and the diameter of one drum head was 30 cm and the other 42 cm. A bamboo sliver was a beater for the right hand to strike the thinner cowhead drumhead. It was 40 cm in length. The thicker drumhead of doghide was struck with the left palm for a lower sound. Each of the two drumheads was held firmly in place by means of exterior cord lacing and sliding leather gauntlets. Tonal adjustments were made possible by moving the gauntlets, which tightened or relaxed the cord tension. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The two long drums were perhaps the most distinctive of the instruments in the local farmers' band. The other instruments that were played included a large gong, two small gongs, one shoulder-slung bass drum, and six or seven hand drums. The long drums were made in the Kimhae area and were available in downtown shops. The long drum, in addition to being used in the farmers' band, was closely associated with traditional dancing. Villagers say that NUMBER 39 83 ? ? ^ ? H M P FIGURE 92.?Hourglass-shaped long drum composed of a lacquered wood body with two cowhide drumheads, with a cloth shoulder sling and one bamboo beater. This drum was used by the farmers' band and also to generally provide accompaniment to singing and dancing. From a color photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. the long drum was derived from a Korean prototype. This drum was seen in 1951 and continued in use in 1981. Material Culture No. 66 FIGURE 93 NAME.?(English) Bass drum Bass drum beater (Korean) Puk Pukch'ae Local term Local term DESCRIPTION.?The cylindrical body of the bass drum was constructed from a tree trunk (pine) and its two drumheads from cowhide. The drumheads were tied to each other over the body with a cowhide thong. A cloth, with each end tied to the 84 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 93.?Bass drum made of cowhide and wood, with a cloth shoulder sling. It was used by the farmers' band. Black and white photograph, 1952. drum, was the shoulder sling. The bass drum was 40 cm in diameter and 23 cm in depth. The bass drum beater was made of bamboo and oak. It was often 29 cm in length. Another similar bass drum existed, but the drum heads were held in place with nails placed around the circumference as studs. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The size of the bass drum varied. The drum was also played by being struck with the hand. This drum was made by Kimhae artisans who worked with cowhide. When such a drum was needed, it was often borrowed. Villagers believed that the drum and its beater had a Korean origin. In 1981, this drum and beater continued to be used as in the past. Material Culture No. 67 FIGURE 94 NAME.?(English) (a) Hand drum (b) Drum beater (Korean) (a) Sobuk Sogu (b) Pukch'ae Local term, most widely used Standard term FIGURE 94.?Hand drum made of cowhide and wood (pine), with a wooden beater. It was used by the farmers' band. The um and yang symbol (concept of universal duality) is depicted on the drumhead. From a color photograph, 1971. DESCRIPTION.?This small hand drum was often made from jujube wood and the laced-on drumheads from cowhide. There was an attached handle. The circular design in blue and red on the drumheads was the um and yang design for the principle of universal duality. The diameter of the drumhead was 15 cm and the length of the handle was 13 cm. The length of the beater for the hand drum approximated that used for the bass drum. It was a slender stick of jujube wood, with a length of 28 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers described the tone as not particularly pleasant, with no resonance, but good for maintaining tempo and was sprightly. Seven of these hand drums were played in the farmers' band. A musician beat the two drum heads of each instrument alternately. This drum was made by artisans in the Kimhae area who worked with cowhide. It was bought in a Kimhae shop. In 1981, this hand drum continued to be used. A colorful plastic version has appeared including simulated nails in a studded pattern around the circumference of each drumhead. Material Culture No. 68 NAME.?(English) Musician's hats (two types) (Korean) (a) Kkokkal Local term Kokkal Standard term (b) Sadaebu Local term DESCRIPTION.?(a) This white paper hat was worn by the members of the farmers' band. It had red, blue, green, and yellow paper pompons attached. The hat had a triangular shape, often with a chin ribbon. The measurements were 30 x 30 x 30 cm. (b) A circular hat with wing attachments and chin strap was worn by the member of the band who portrayed a nobleman, a yangban, in the farmers' band. The circular part was black with gold trim, and the wings were white. It had a height of 35 cm and a diameter of 25 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?(a) This hat was worn by all the dancing musicians of the farmers' band. All members of the band were men. (b) This hat was worn by a dignitary who did not play an instrument. He wore a long robe, sometimes green in color. His presence indicated that the performance of the band was an important event. In 1981, the farmers' band continued to appear on traditional and special occasions deemed appropriate by the village chief and elders. NUMBER 39 85 Weights and Measures Material Culture No. 69 FIGURE 95 NAME.?(English) Abacus (Korean) Chup'an Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This calculator (abacus) was made from hardwood, often imported mahogany, with bamboo partitions. In two compartments, sliding wooden beads were vertically aligned on rods. The upper, narrow compartment contained 18 vertical rows of two beads. In the lower, wider compartment there were 18 vertical rows of four beads. Sizes of the abacus varied but often it was 6 x 30 cm or 7 x 25 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?An abacus was found in almost every home of the community. This particular type was said by villagers to have been introduced by the Japanese. No traditional Korean/Chinese abacus was seen. The Korean and Chinese version had vertical rows in the smaller compartment, each with two beads, and four beads in vertical rows in the larger compartment. The use of the abacus was now (1971) taught in a special class in middle school. In the commercial high school the use of the abacus was mandatory. In 1981, the usage of the abacus was limited to special school classes as in 1971. Some primary school children were taught in private institutes the use of the abacus. Many parents believed that learning the abacus would improve the mathematical profi? ciency of their children. Small electronic computers were seen in 1981 in several homes. Material Culture No. 70 NAME.?(English) Platform scale (Korean) (a) Choul (b) Anjunbaengi choul DESCRIPTION.?This platform scale was manufactured in Korea from iron and wood. The height of the scale was often 77 cm; the length and the width of its platform was 52 x 32 cm. From the top of a vertical iron support was a horizontal graduated bar upon which a weight was suspended with an upright hook. Circular weights were placed on the hook as needed. Each weight varied in diameter, but were 2 cm in width (thickness). This type of scale varied in size but often was the size indicated above, capable of weighing objects of 100 kg or more. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This scale was used primarily to weigh sacks of grain. Only prosperous farmers owned one in 1960. It was usually purchased at a downtown Kimhae store. Villagers said that it was introduced by the Japanese. Two other scales existed in the community. One was a steelyard, which was a handheld, graduated, slender horizontal bar with a suspended weight and a round tray, sonjoul. It was said to be of Chinese derivation. This scale was seldom seen in a 1970 survey. Another scale that was seen was squat in shape and FIGURE 95.?Traditional abacus with a modern calculator. Black and white photograph, 1981. made of sheet metal (steel). It had a round clock-like face with a pointer to indicate the weight, with a small square tray above to hold the item being weighed. It had three small peg-like legs and was set on a counter or table. This modern western scale, said to have been introduced by the Japanese, was seen in approximately 24 percent of village homes and was becoming more popular. The platform scale and the table scale continued in use in 1981. Material Culture No. 71 FIGURE 96 NAME.?(English) Volume measure (Korean) Toe DESCRIPTION.?This square wooden (pine or chestnut) open box was a standard measuring unit, especially for grain. It was 15 x 15 cm with a depth of 8 cm. Another measuring box, a hop, existed, which was 5.5 cm squared with a depth of 4.5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These two boxes were used with a wooden rod. The top of each box would be evenly scraped with the rod when the box was filled with grain to assure that a full measure existed. The measuring boxes were bought in downtown Kimhae stores. Such boxes were said to have been introduced by the Japanese. Similar traditional Korean measuring vessels existed but their capacities differed slightly. In 1960, the older Korean measures were not used in the community. In a 1965 village survey, Japanese measures were found in 33 percent of the households. In 1981, they were rarely seen. Material Culture No. 72 FIGURE 97 NAME.?(English) Volume measure (Korean) Mai 86 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 96.?Wooden measuring box for whole or powdered grain. Black and white photograph, 1960. DESCRIPTION.?This wooden cylindrical vessel reinforced with iron trimming provided a basic grain measurement. It had a height of 32 cm and a diameter of 28.4 cm. There were two side lugs to facilitate handling. A wooden rod was used to level the surface of the grain assuring a full measure. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This measuring box was widely used, particularly by farmers in 1960. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. It was said to be Japanese-derived. It was described as larger than a traditional Korean one. Villagers referred to the traditional Korean measuring unit as "old mal" (ku mal), and the Japanese version as "new mal" (sin mal). In 1981, this mal was seldom seen. Hunting and Fishing FIGURE 97.?Wooden measuring vessels, mostly used for grain. Black and white photograph, 1969. Material Culture No. 73 FIGURE 98 NAME.?(English) Fish trap (Korean) Karae Kari Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This fish trap had a conical shape and was made with bamboo strips. It was often about 90 cm in height and 60 cm in maximum diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The trap was used by wading in a flooded paddy, stream, or river, and thrusting the larger open end of the trap to the bottom and ensnaring the fish. The fish was seized by reaching into the trap's small hole at the top. The fish most often caught in this manner was carp. Perhaps 5 percent of the villagers owned such a trap in 1961, but in 1971 it was no longer seen. It was made by a local craftsman for sale and also by villagers for their own use. It was believed to have originated from a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969:131; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:271. Material Culture No. 74 FIGURE 99 NAME.?(English) Fish trap (Korean) T'ongbal T'ongbari Local and standard terms (both are used) NUMBER 39 87 FIGURE 98.?Bamboo fish trap for thrusting downward into a paddy or stream. Black and white photograph, 1952. DESCRIPTION.?This tunnel-shaped fish trap was con? structed with strips of bamboo. The sides of the trap were reinforced with a riverside weed (Tchaburak). Three sizes existed, but most often it had a 100 cm length and, at the entrance, a 60 cm diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This fish trap was used to catch small fish, mainly mudfish (loach), that entered the paddies from the irrigation canals. The trap may be placed where water flowed into a lower paddy, or, after the harvest, when water was drained from the paddies. This trap was not widely used. It was usually made by a village craftsman. In 1960, it was seen more in the third village of the community where there was more rice cultivation. The trap disappeared from the community in 1971. A pyramidal-shaped fish trap also existed that was made with a wire frame and wire mesh. The measurements were 93 x 90 x 100 cm (base). Villagers said that the trap was once fashioned from bamboo, without wire, and that the existing one was a modification of the older version. When placed in a stream or shallow river, the pyramidal trap was placed so that its open base was accessible to fish. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:353. Clothing Material Culture No. 75 NAME.?(English) Sandal (Korean) Mesin Met'uri Chipsin Local term, said to be derived from the term, mit'uri Standard term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This woven sandal was made primarily of rice straw and could be made in various sizes. The uppers were braided and the soles were twined. In better quality sandals, the rice straw was reinforced with hemp and river reed. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This sandal was seldom seen in the community in 1971, where most persons wore leather or rubber shoes. Older villagers said that about 1920, nine out of ten persons wore such sandals. A coarsely woven sandal still appeared as part of the mourning costume used by relatives of the deceased. Hemp was often mixed with the rice straw to bind the foot more securely to the sole. Once craftsmen living in the community made such straw sandals. Two pairs of sandals could be made in one day by a skilled worker. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969:201; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:198. Material Culture No. 76 FIGURE 100 NAME.?(English) Raincoat (Korean) Ujang Torongi Local term Standard term FIGURE 99.?Bamboo fish trap, often placed in running water. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. DESCRIPTION.?This rain cloak was made with a hemp-like grass (Tti) and a rice-straw lining to which was attached a rope or cord to tie around the neck and two shoulder loops to support the weight and hold the cloak to the body. The length of the cloak was often 90 cm and the width 60 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This rain cloak was often worn with a wide conical bamboo and sedge hat. Villagers believe that the cloak originated in Korea. The rain cloak was used when working in the fields, whereas folding umbrellas were for visiting and shopping. Since 1960, the hat had almost SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY X'- - ' FIGURE 100.?Rain cloak and cap. From a color photograph. disappeared. Umbrellas were made from oil-soaked paper, vinyl, or cloth. Modern raincoats were occasionally seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925; K. Kim, 1969:324-326, 340-342, photos 400-403. Material Culture No. 77 FIGURE 101 NAME.?(English) Suitcase (Korean) Yanagigori Local term, derived from Japanese Local Term Standard term Koritchak Podulsangja DESCRIPTION.?This wicker-woven willow case with cover often had its edges and corners reinforced with cloth. The measurements were approximately 70 cm in length, 40 cm in width, and 15 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This Japanese type of traveling case, which was made in Korea, resembled a traditional Korean version, which was somewhat smaller and had a pine or willow frame. The dimensions were 47 x 34 cm with a height of 11 cm. The Korean case, which had been often used to hold wedding gifts, including food, was almost forgotten, and the Japanese case also was seldom seen in 1971. The Japanese case was purchased in Pusan. Although once (1951) this case was used for traveling, now (1960) it provided storage mainly for clothing. Material Culture No. 78 NAME.?(English) Winter inner cap (Korean) Huiyang Hwiyang Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This black or brown silk cap, often with a bearskin trimming, was worn by older men during the winter season under the traditional horsehair hat. Frequently the dimensions of the inner cap were 35 cm from the open crown to the nape, 20 cm for the maximum width of the crown, and 12 cm for the height of the crown. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This cap was homemade or purchased in a Kimhae shop. One Korean visitor from Seoul was surprised to see that it was worn during a village wedding, as he said that this would never occur in Seoul. He speculated that such a cap might have been introduced centuries ago into Korea from Manchuria or Mongolia. Most villagers attributed a Korean origin to the cap. This cap was no longer seen in the community in 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Yi, 1970:60, photo; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:212. Material Culture No. 79 FIGURE 102 NAME.?(English) Underhat (Korean) T'anggun T'anggon Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This was a black, lacquered, open-weave, brimless hat woven of horsehair. The hat was made to fit snugly over the traditional topknot hairdo of men. The diameter of the hat varied, but the height was approximately 12 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This hat was usually worn in formal attire beneath the traditional horsehair high-crowned hat. It had been many years since any adult male in the Three Ministers villages had a topknot hairdo, but this underhat was worn nevertheless by a number of older men at home. Such hats were made by craftsmen, one of whom lived in the Three Ministers village. He had retired and no longer made or repaired such hats. This underhat was stored or transported in a similarly shaped box. Villagers believed that the hat originated with a Korean prototype. In 1960, this underhat was seldom seen in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Choi, 1948:111; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:165. Material Culture No. 80 FIGURE 102 NAME.?(English) Hat (Korean) Kat DESCRIPTION.?This black-lacquered, open weave, horse- NUMBER 39 89 ? v - - ^ < ^ r * ? - C^S -? V . ~ FIGURE 126.?Hand-operated comb thresher, which is often preferred to obtain rice seed as it is believed to cause the least amount of damage to the rice grain. From a color photograph, 1971. also had a limited distribution. The fan was used to winnow small quantities of rice and was only one of several methods employed by villagers to winnow rice. With the wind or a fan to blow away the chaff, a pan or basket with threshed grain was manually shaken to permit the grain to drop from the edge of the container. Such mechanical fans were usually purchased in Kimhae or Pusan in the 1950s. Villagers stated that such fans were introduced by the Japanese. These fans had disappeared by 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:158-159, 168. Material Culture No. 127 FIGURE 128 NAME.?(English) Winnower (Korean) P'unggu Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This manually operated wooden winnowing machine consisted of a wind chamber with four interior fans, a hopper, and three exits, one for the superior rice, another for inferior rice (which was lighter in weight), and the last for chaff. These winnowers appeared in two sizes; one was 131 cm in height and 153 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A few prosperous families (3 percent of the households in 1951) had these winnowers. They were manufactured in Pusan and could be purchased in downtown Kimhae or in Kup'o town, just across the Naktong River. Villagers said that this type of winnower was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. In a 1968 survey, it was not seen in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:157-158, 167. FIGURE 127.?Mechanical winnowing fan made of iron. Black and white photograph, 1955. 108 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 128.?Hand-operated wooden winnower (pine). Black and white photograph, 1955. Material Culture No. 128 FIGURE 129 NAME.?(English) Waterwheel (Korean) Such'a Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This portable waterwheel was constructed of wood. Each paddle had on its outer edge a footrest for the farmer, who walked upon the wheel to rotate it into the stream or irrigation channel to bring water up to the level of the field to be irrigated. The diameter of the wheel was 140 cm. One upright pole, next to the wheel, was held by the farmer for support. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This waterwheel was lighter in weight than a more sturdy Korean type of a waterwheel. It was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. Only three families owned such a waterwheel. By 1970, no Japanese waterwheel existed in the community. From about 1960, a portable diesel water pump was used. After 1970, a motorized cultivator often provided the power to operate a water pump. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:120-121; and 195. Material Culture No. 129 FIGURE 130 NAME.?(English) Chemical sprayer (hand-operated) (Korean) Punmugi DESCRIPTION.?This chemical sprayer consisted of a back- carried tank and two shoulder straps, with an attached pump, an extended handle, and a hose with a spraying wand. The tank was made of galvanized iron, stainless steel, or plastic. The hose was rubber or plastic, and the spray wand was often stainless steel. The tank was 44 cm high, 38 cm in length, and 15 cm in width. FIGURE 129.?Irrigation waterwheel. Black and white photograph, 1952. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This spraying equipment was for the application of chemical fertilizer, insecticide, or herbicide and was usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was found in 1970 in 75 farming households or 21 percent of the community. Villagers believed that it had a western origin. In 1981, motorized sprayers had replaced manually operated sprayers. Material Culture No. 130 FIGURE 131 NAME.?(English) Farmer's watchtower (Korean) Wondumak DESCRIPTION.?This watchtower consisted of four upright wooden poles, resting on rocks, that supported a rice-straw thatch roof over an elevated wooden platform. The tower was 288 cm in height and 185 cm in width. Variations occurred both in structure and size. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Although this watchtower was well known to villagers, only one remained in their cultivated fields (1970). The watchtower was used to guard the fields and orchards against pilferers and birds. Usually only one person NUMBER 39 109 FIGURE 130.?Sprayers for fertilizer and insecticide, with pump handles and shoulder straps. From a color photograph, 1970. would sit on the elevated platform. At times such towers were used by one or two persons to take a nap and enjoy a summer breeze. Material Culture No. 131 FIGURE 132 NAME.?(English) Paddy plow (Korean) Ttaba Chaenggi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This plow had a steel (previously cast iron) moldboard and blade (share) attached to a heavy wooden (pine or chestnut) beam, with an inserted handle, braces, a wooden forward extension for a whiffletree (swingtree), and the harness attachment for an ox. The beam was about 130 cm in length and its thickness was 9x12 cm. The braced, hitching extension was 130 cm in length. The triangular steel blade (share) was approximately 19 cm in length. The steel moldboard was 32 cm in length and 20 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This plow, which villagers believed was introduced by the Japanese, was used to mm the wet soil of paddies prior to transplanting the rice seedlings. Although this type of plow was widely used with oxen, by 1971 it was seen in only 13 percent of village homes. It disappeared around 1975. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925; Heydrich, 1931, fig. 4; Hommel, 1969, figs. 60-64; K. Kim, 1969:25-29, 45-49, pis. 2-26. Material Culture No. 132 FIGURE 133 NAME.?(English) Dry-field plow (Korean) Hulch'aengi Hulttabu Kukchengi Local term Local term Standard term FIGURE 131.?Farmer's watchtower. Black and white photograph, 1955. DESCRIPTION.?This plow consisted of a wooden (pine or chestnut) beam with side handles to hold the iron share upright. The beam, with the share, was 120 cm in length, and a forward extension for the whiffletree (swingtree) attachment was 150 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This plow was primarily for dry fields. It had a shallow soil penetration and was pulled usually by one ox. By moving the position of the handles from one side to the other the plowman could deposit the upturned soil either on the right or left side of the moving plow. With this plow, relatively easy U-turns were made when the boundaries of the field were approached. This plow was lighter in weight than the paddy plow. It was regarded as a traditional plow with a Korean prototype. This plow was seen in 11 percent of the village homes in 1970, but by 1975 it had disappeared. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, figs.; Heydrich, 1931, fig. 4; Hommel, 1969, figs. 60-64; K. Kim, 1969:30-32, 50-52, pis. 2-26. Material Culture No. 133 FIGURE 134 NAME.?(English) Paddy harrow (Korean) Mussori Ssore Local term Standard term 110 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 132.?Paddy plow made of wood and steel. Black and white photograph, 1960. FIGURE 133.?Dry field plow made of wood and iron. Black and white photograph, 1952. were introduced by the Japanese. They believed that the harrow had a Korean prototype. A village carpenter and blacksmith made this paddy harrow upon request. The harrow was seen during a survey in 1971 in eight percent of village homes, but by 1981 it had disappeared. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969:55; K. Kim, 1969:61-65, 75-76. Material Culture No. 134 FIGURE 135 NAME.?(English) Dry-field harrow (Korean) Kwaengissori Local term Marun ssore Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This harrow was often made of hardwood (chestnut or oak), with rows of iron spikes, usually 25, extending down from the heavy frame into the earth. The rear DESCRIPTION.?This soil preparation implement consisted of a wooden (oak or chestnut) horizontal beam, sometimes with as many as thirteen iron spikes that protruded downward into the water and the previously plowed soil of the paddy. Extending up (60 cm) from the beam were two upright supports for a horizontal bar by which the farmer held the harrow at the desired angle to give the submerged plowed field an even surface for transplanting rice seedlings. Extending forward from the horizontal beam were two wooden poles or iron rods to which the harness was attached. The width of the harrow was usually about 108 cm. The length of the exposed iron spikes was 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers stated that an older type of harrow had only wooden pegs, and that the iron spikes FIGURE 134.?Harrow made of wood and iron for use in a paddy. Black and white photograph, 1971. NUMBER 39 111 FIGURE 135.?Harrow made of wood and iron for use in a dry field. Black and white photograph, 1971. row, nearest the farmer who walked behind the harrow, were wooden pegs. The wooden pegs were said to be a safety precaution. A more traditional harrow was reported to have all wooden pegs, but it was not seen. The harrow was 120 cm in length, with a front width of 70 cm and a rear width of 100 cm. The harrow was usually pulled by one ox. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This harrow broke up clods to level the surface of plowed dry fields. Villagers believed that the harrow was derived from a Korean prototype but that the use of iron spikes instead of wooden pegs was due to Japanese influence. The harrow was seen in eight percent of village homes in 1971. It was made by the local blacksmith and a local carpenter. It disappeared around 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925; Heydrich, 1931, fig. 11; Hommel, 1969, figs. 87, 88; K. Kim, 1969, pis. 55-61; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:256. Material Culture No. 135 FIGURE 136 NAME.?(English) Water-lift (water "gourd," water scoop) (Korean) Mulbagaji Local term Panggye Local term Yongdure Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The water-lift (lever) was a wood (usually pine) pole with an attached container. Half of a dried gourd, a wooden scoop, a metal bucket, or a discarded petroleum can (one of the four sides removed) were examples of containers used. The lever was supported by a crossbeam, which served as a fulcrum that was placed over the irrigation ditch. The length of the water-lift was about 300 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Most villagers could not recall the use of the traditional, sturdy Korean water wheel or a long wooden scoop suspended from a tripod. The water-lift was made by the farmer who needed one. It was believed by villagers that such water-lifts were derived from a Korean prototype. In 1971, the water-lift had almost disappeared from village life. A portable motorized pump was used instead of the water-lift since 1971. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, figs.; K. Kim, 1969:119-120, photo 123; Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:260. Material Culture No. 136 NAME.?(English) Pick (Korean) Kokkwaengi DESCRIPTION.?Picks and mattocks, with wooden (oak) handles and metal (iron) heads, existed in the community. One was said to be Korean, with a small and compact iron head having two pointed ends. It had a handle approximately 83 cm in length, and the head extended 40 cm across from point to point. A second was said to be a Japanese mattock, which had an elongated iron head with one end pointed and the other end with a flat cutting surface. The third was a compact American mattock, which had an iron head with one end pointed and the other a flat end with a wider surface than that of the Japanese type. 112 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 136.?Water-lift, operated as a lever with a scoop at one end to transfer irrigation water. Black and white photograph, 1960. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These three tools were made by blacksmiths either in the Kimhae area or in Pusan. Villagers thought the Japanese mattock was introduced prior to 1945. The American mattock perhaps appeared after 1945. The pick and the two mattocks continued to be used in 1981. In 1971, at least one pick or mattock was seen in 51 percent of the households. Picks were often borrowed when needed. It was said that picks were not used in the Three Ministers area as frequently as elsewhere in Korea as many of the agricultural fields were on a flood plain. The available motorized cultivator also limited the use of the pick or mattock. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969. Material Culture No. 137 NAME.?(English) Shovel (Korean) Sugump'o Sap Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The shovel had a steel blade and a straight wooden (oak) handle ending with a horizontal grip. The total length of the shovel was 96 cm. The length of the blade was 26 cm and its width was 22 cm. Often the blade had a modified point. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The shovel was widely used, especially for digging into and working with earth, and for mixing and distributing natural fertilizer. This shovel almost completely replaced an older wooden Korean shovel, sokkarae, which was reinforced with iron bands. According to villagers the newer shovel was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. In 1951, it was manufactured in Pusan and purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, the shovel was still used extensively. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931. Material Culture No. 138 NAME.?(English) Sickles (Korean) (a) Homangnat (b) Kollat (c) Yangch'ollat Standard term Standard term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The sickles, with the handles at a right angle to the blades, had a crescent-shape ending with a point. Of the above mentioned types, (a) and (b) were said to have a Korean origin and were made of forged iron with wooden handles. Type (c) was a Japanese sickle with a blade made of sheet iron. The measurements of the three types were as follows: (a) blade length 20 cm, blade width 2.5 cm, and length of handle including blade tang 37 cm; (b) blade length 27 cm, blade width 2.4 cm, and handle length 44 cm; (c) blade length 23 cm and handle length 39 cm. Although these were perhaps the basic types of sickles used in the community, others existed, including sickles with Korean and Japanese features combined. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Sickle (a) was for cutting grass and twigs for firewood, (b) for reaping rice, and (c) for cutting grass. These sickles were made in Kimhae or Pusan. Generally NUMBER 39 113 Korean sickles were stronger and more durable with narrow blades, whereas the Japanese type had a wider blade and were lighter and easier to use. In 1981, these sickles continued to be used. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931; K. Kim, 1969:127-129, 131-133. Material Culture No. 139 NAME.?(English) (a) Three-pronged forked rake (b) Two-pronged forked rake (Korean) (a) Sebal sosirangi Local term Sebal soesurang Standard term (b) Tubal sosirangi Local term Tubal soesurang Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This three- or two-pronged forked rake was made of forged iron with a pole handle made of wood (pine or oak) inserted into a socket. The fork was at a right angle to the handle. The fork was 12 cm to 15 cm in width. The length of the prongs was 15 cm. The handle was approximately 105 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The fork was primarily used to dig up small dry fields instead of plowing them, to prepare and scatter compost, and to remove stones and rice stubble from the fields. It was made by the local blacksmith. Villagers stated that it was introduced by the Japanese prior to 1945. In a 1971 survey, it was found in 54 percent of the village homes. In 1981, this fork was still seen in use. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931; Hommel, 1969; K. Kim, 1969:41-43, 60. Material Culture No. 140 NAME.?(English) Pitchfork (Korean) Hok'u Hokku Hok'u Local term Local term Standard term, from English via Japanese hoku DESCRIPTION.?This fork had a four-pronged iron head attached to a straight handle. The handle was at a right angle to the iron head. The total length of the fork was 120 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The fork was used mostly to pile up, mix, or spread compost. Villagers said that this tool was introduced by the Japanese. It was often made in Pusan. It continued to be in use in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:60. Material Culture No. 141 NAME.?(English) Mud leveler (Korean) Mojarik'al Mojariyong milk'al DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine) tool was used to level the muddy surface of a rice nursery plot or a paddy. The baseboard was often 66 cm in length and 10 cm in width. The baseboard was pointed at one end and often resembled a large trowel. The handle (pole), set at about a 45 degree angle with a small wooden support, was approximately 90 cm in length. A similar tool had a small horizontal bar just above the baseboard and resembled a plasterer's trowel. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This tool was made by the farmer who required one. It was also used to repair paddy walls with mud and to kill weeds growing there. In 1960 it was widely used. Villagers believed that it had a Korean prototype. It disappeared about 1970. Material Culture No. 142 FIGURE 137 NAME.?(English) Weeder (mechanical) (Korean) Chech'ogi DESCRIPTION.?This weeding tool consisted of an upright wooden frame of two parallel boards with a horizontal handle and, at the distal end, two rotating sets of iron blades (hooks). The rotating blades destroyed the roots of weeds between the rows of domesticated plants. The iron blades were 46 cm in length and 10 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This factory-made weeder, according to villagers, was introduced by the Japanese. It replaced the weeding trowel and the use of traditional pointed bamboo finger-covers used to work the soil. After 1971, this weeding tool was rarely used as spraying with chemical weed killers was preferred. Material Culture No. 143 NAME.?(English) Weeding trowel (Korean) Homaeng'i Homi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The weeding trowel had a triangular blade that was made of forged iron with its tang inserted into a short wooden (pine) handle. Two types were seen, one of which terminated with a point and the other with a horizontal leading edge. The wooden handle was often reinforced with an iron ring. The total length of the pointed trowel was 32 cm. The length of the blade was 10 cm and its width was 6 cm. The above pertains to the "long trowel"; the "short trowel" was very similar but had a shorter tang. The use of the shorter version, which was newer, had become more popular as it was easier to use. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This tool was widely used for weeding, transplanting, and the seeding of com, beans, and millet, as well as for the cultivation of other vegetables and flowers. It was useful for digging up potatoes, bulbs, and onions. It was made by Kimhae blacksmiths, including the one who lived in the community. Villagers believed that this tool had a Korean origin. In 1981, it continued to be the most widely used agricultural tool. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:109-115. 114 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 137.?Mechanical weeder made of wood and iron. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 144 NAME.?(English) Hoe (Korean and Japanese) (Korean) (a) Choson'gwaengi Standard term (b) Ilbon'gwaengi Standard term Turumgwaengi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?(a) The blade of the Korean hoe was at a right angle to the wooden (oak) handle. The blade was usually iron. The blade was 22 cm in width and 13 cm in length. The handle was 100 cm in length, (b) The Japanese hoe had its blade at 45 degrees to the handle and had a length of 160 cm. Hoe blades were occasionally made of wood. Hoe blades may have a horizontal or pointed edge. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These and similar hoes were for cultivating fields, removing roots and stones, and also for building and repairing the dikes of paddies. The Korean hoe was preferred for field cultivation or "heavy-duty" work, whereas the Japanese hoe was preferred for dike maintenance. When the hoe and the existing shovel8 were compared, it was said that the hoe was traditional and the shovel was introduced during the Japanese occupation. Hoes were made by local blacksmiths, and some were believed by villagers to have a Korean origin whereas others were considered to have a Japanese prototype. In 1981, these hoes were still in use. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931; Hommel, 1969. NUMBER 39 115 Material Culture No. 145 NAME.?(English) Axe (Korean) Toch'i Tokki Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Two types of iron axes were seen in the community. The blade of the Korean axe had a cutting edge of 5 cm and a pointed head. The length of the handle (oak) was 60 cm and the blade was 20 cm. A Japanese axe had a smaller blade with a flat head but a handle of the same length. The length of its blade was 17 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The cutting edge of the Korean axe was primarily used for firewood, and its pointed head was used for digging roots. Every household had at least one axe. The Korean axe was more popular than the Japanese type. Most axes seen in 1951 were made by the village blacksmith. In 1960, axes were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, axes were seldom seen probably because obtaining firewood from forest lands was prohibited by law. The villagers instead used briquettes and other fuel. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969. Material Culture No. 146 NAME.?(English) Mallet (Korean) Mae Me Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (birch or oak) mallet had a straight handle about 70 cm in length and a head, which was a cross section of a sapling, 30 cm in length and 10 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The mallet was used to soften rice straw that was woven into mats. The mallet was made by the farmer who needed it. Villagers believed that such mallets had a Korean prototype. In 1970, it was rarely seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:327-328, 343. Material Culture No. 147 NAME.?(English) Clod breaker (earth hammer) (Korean) Kombe Local term Tongorime Local term Kombangme Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Both the head of the hammer and the handle were usually made of pine. The handle (a pole or a trimmed branch) was inserted into the midpoint of the head. The head was a cross section of a sapling. The total length of this tool was 100 cm, and the head was 30 cm long with a diameter of 7 or 8 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This clod breaker was often used after plowing a dry field or before barley was planted on a drained paddy. It was also employed to cover planted seed with earth. The villager who needed one made it himself. It was believed to have a Korean prototype. In a 1971 survey, such clod breakers were seen in 40 percent of village homes. In 1981, they had disappeared. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931, fig. 12; K. Kim, 1969:68, 80, pis. 69-70. Material Culture No. 148 NAME.?(English) Straw pounder (mallet) (Korean) Chipmdurinun pangmaengi Local term Chippangmangi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This straw pounder was made of wood (oak or pine) and consisted of an elongated, round head and an inserted short, straight handle. The head was 20 cm in length and the handle was 20 cm in length. It was often used upon a wooden surface, e.g., a tree trunk. Another tool for the same purpose was made from a single piece of wood (pine or other wood). It had a billy club shape with a knob handle. It was about 45 cm in length with a maximum width at the end of 10 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This pounder was made by a village carpenter. When making rice-straw rope, bags, or sandals by hand, the rice straw first needed to be beaten to make it more pliable. This tool was not seen in 1970 and was reported by villagers to have disappeared between 1955 and 1960. It was believed to have a Korean prototype. Material Culture No. 149 NAME.?(English) Hatchet (Korean) Nat'a Sondokki Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This iron hatchet, with a socket for a wooden handle, had the shape of a halberd, with a beak and a lateral cutting edge. The hatchet was about 20 cm in length and 6 cm in width. The short wooden handle was for use with one hand. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The hatchet was used primarily to cut firewood. It was seen in 1951, but by 1968 it had disappeared. It was believed to have been introduced by the Japanese. Material Culture No. 150 NAME.?(English) Sledgehammer (Korean) Ulme Local term DESCRIPTION.?This sledgehammer consisted of a head and a straight handle; both were made of oak or pine. The head was a cross section of a sapling or a small tree trunk, and the handle was made from a branch of a tree. The head had a diameter of 15 cm and a length of 30 cm. The length of the handle was 120 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The sledgehammer was often used to drive wooden stakes into the ground and also for general utility purposes. It was made by the villager who needed one, or it could be purchased in a Kimhae store. It was believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. It was seldom seen in 1970 and 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:327-328, 343. 116 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 138.?Slate whetstone. Sketch. Material Culture No. 151 FIGURE 138 NAME.?(English) Whetstone and stand (Korean) Suttol DESCRIPTION.?This whetstone was made from slate and was often partially inserted into a wooden (pine) base or tied with wire to a sawed-off section of sapling. The whetstone was often 30 cm in length and 7 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The whetstone was frequently used for sharpening iron knives, sickles, and occasionally axes. It was usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was quarried in Hamyang county in the same province. Villagers believed that this type of whetstone had a Korean prototype. The whetstone was seen in 1971 in 52 percent of the households. Villagers who did not possess one would borrow one when needed from a neighbor. Many villagers were using stainless steel knives in 1981, so the use of the whetstone was significantly reduced. Material Culture No. 152 NAME.?(English) Spade, wood (Korean) Namugarae Nokkarae Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden spade was fashioned either from a single piece of wood or was made with a pine blade and an oak handle. The length of the spade varied but often was 160 cm. The blade was about 35 cm in width and had a 60 cm maximum length. This wooden spade was similar in shape to the modern (western) spade with its wooden handle and steel blade. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?During a 1971 survey, the wooden spade was found in 24 percent of the village homes. It was made primarily to move grain drying in the sun after harvesting or for use in winnowing. Villagers believed that the wooden spade had a Korean prototype. The wooden spade had completely disappeared by 1981, but a metal (steel) version had appeared. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, figs.; Heydrich, 1931:412, fig. 7; K. Kim, 1969:323-324,340, photos 392,393. Material Culture No. 153 NAME.?(English) Stone mill (Korean) Tolbanga Local term Yonjamae Standard term Yonjabanga Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This mill consisted of a large vertical stone (granite) wheel with wooden fittings and a central metal (iron) pole for support. The wheel rolled on a stone and cement platform. The stone wheel moved on its rim around the iron pole when attached to an ox that walked around the platform. The wheel had a diameter of 110 cm; it was 40 cm thick. The platform's diameter was approximately 270 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Stone mills such as this were used mostly to hull or to pulverize rice or barley. As a villager led the ox, another villager turned over the grain so that all of it was properly ground. One stone mill was still in use in the community in 1951, but it had disappeared by 1968 and was replaced by an electric mill. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931, photo Id; Needham, 1954, figs. 449, 450; Hommel, 1969, fig. 149; K. Kim, 1969:176-179, 204-205, sketch 205. Material Culture No. 154 NAME.?(English) Tilt hammer (trip hammer, mill) (Korean) Tidilbanga DESCRIPTION.?This foot-operated, horizontal tilt hammer, or pounder, was made from a tree trunk, usually oak, sometimes pine or chestnut, which operated as a lever upon a fulcrum. An inserted, replaceable vertical pole at the end of the pounder had a rounded surface covered with iron. It was designed to strike into a stone mortar. The hammer and mortar were supported by a large round concrete base. The length of the pounder was 270 cm and the striking pole of the pounder was 60 cm. The stone mortar had a diameter of 40 cm and a depth of 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The tilt hammer mill was used to polish or to pulverize grain. Two or four villagers, usually women, operated it by stepping down together on a forked end of the hammer, each with one foot, holding to an upright stick to maintain their balance. One such mill existed in each of the three villages. They were made and installed by village carpenters. Their use continued until about 1953 because power outages occurred at the newer electric mill. Polishing large amounts of grain was done at such mills, not by hand with pestles. Villagers believed that the tilt hammer mill had a NUMBER 39 117 FIGURE 139.?Stone quern (granite). Black and white photograph, 1971. Korean prototype9. There was no recollection that a stationary water mill ever existed in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, fig.; Needham, 1954, Vol. 4, fig. 415; Hommel, 1969, fig. 155; K. Kim, 1969:179-182, 206-207, photos 206-214. Material Culture No. 155 FIGURE 139 NAME.?(English) Stone quern (Korean) Maettol DESCRIPTION.?This portable quern was made of granite (porphyry) rock with a short vertical wooden handle in a top revolving stone. The size of the quern varied but often the diameter of the revolving stone was 30 to 40 cm and the thickness was 10 cm. The top stone had a hole into which was placed the material to be ground. Both the interfacing surfaces of the moving top and the fixed lower stones were coarse. The quem was often used in a wooden or galvanized iron mb so as not to lose any of the pulverized material. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Among the foodstuffs that were most frequently ground in the stone quern were green beans, com, and soybeans. Such quems were usually owned by more prosperous families. They were found in 30 percent of the households in 1951 but in only 11 percent in 1971. These quems were widely used by women and, if not owned, were borrowed. They were made elsewhere in the Kimhae area by stone masons and were believed by villagers to have a Korean origin. In 1981, they were rarely seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1954, fig. 447; Hommel, 1969, figs. 156-158; K. Kim, 1969:188-191, 212-215, photos 235-242; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:412-413, 604-605. Material Culture No. 156 NAME.?(English) Pestle-mallet (pounder) (Korean) Ttokme DESCRIPTION.?This two-handed pestle-mallet was made of wood (often oak, Quercus mongolica). Although the dimen? sions varied, often the mallet head approximated 60 cm in length and 9 cm in diameter. The handle (pole), inserted at a right angle into the head of the pestle, was 80 cm in length. A wooden mortar or, at times, simply a flat hard platform provided the striking (working) surface. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?One of the uses of the pestle- mallet was to pound rice dough into the desired consistency for rice cake. Kneading the dough manually was not sufficient to produce the desired texture. Such a pestle was made by a villager at home or purchased in a Kimhae shop. It was believed that this pestle had a Korean prototype. It was widely used in 1960 but had disappeared around 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel 1969, fig. 154; K. Kim 1969, photo 218; Hong, 1982:414. Material Culture No. 157 FIGURE 140 NAME.?(English) Pestles (straight) (Korean) Toguttae Local term Cholgugongi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Wooden pestles were made of hardwood FIGURE 140.?Hardwood (oak or chestnut) straight pestle and stone (usually granite) mortar used mostly to pulverize grain, hot peppers, and other foodstuffs. They are disappearing from the community, primarily due to the existence of the village mill. From a color photograph, 1955. 118 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY (often chestnut, Castanea crenata). The straight pestle oc? curred more frequently than the mallet type and was approxi? mately 90 cm in length and 10 cm in maximum diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The straight pestle was used with a mortar to pulverize grain and to prepare rice dough. It was also used to crush other foodstuffs, such as beans and red peppers. Villagers believed that the straight pestle was older than the mallet type. Villagers believed that both pestles, widely used, were derived from Korean prototypes. In 1970, these pestles were seldom seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketches; Hey? drich 1931, figs. 19, 20; Needham, 1954, Vol. 4(2), figs. 357-359; Hommel 1969, fig. 154; K. Kim, 1969:210, photos 218-229. Material Culture No. 158 FIGURE 140 NAME.?(English) Mortar, wood (Korean) Togut'ong Namudogu Namujolgu Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The mortar was often made from a hard? wood tree trunk (often chestnut). It often had a height of 60 cm, a diameter of 40 cm, and a depth of 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Wooden mortars were perhaps prized more than those of stone or iron. They were occasionally constructed by a villager but were usually bought at a Kimhae shop. At times they were repaired with pieces of galvanized iron sheeting and nails. They are used by one or two persons, usually women, each with a wooden pestle, to remove the hulls of rice, to pulverize grain and hot peppers, and to prepare glutinous rice for cakes. Iron mortars were often used to obtain oil from sesame seeds. In a 1971 survey, mortars were found in 30 percent of the village homes, and were believed by villagers to have a Korean prototype. In 1981, several were seen, but they were used infrequently. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketch; K. Kim, 1969:185-187, 209-211, sketchs with text, photos 224-229; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:416, 604. Material Culture No. 159 FIGURE 141 NAME.?(English) Sieve (Korean) Ch'ae DESCRIPTION.?The rim of this sieve was made with a flat willow or pine strip; its two ends were sewn together with arrowroot to form a round frame. Traditionally the rim held a mesh of horsehair or wisteria vine. Iron or copper screen or nylon or cloth netting were seen used as sieve screen material in 1971. The diameter of the sieve was about 28 cm and had a depth of 10 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This sieve enabled a villager to sift pulverized grains for fine powder, e.g., wheat powder. The FIGURE 141.?Horsehair sieve, sometimes made from wisteria vine, more recently made with a screen of metal or plastic and having a stitched willow rim. Black and white photograph, 1955. sieve was usually purchased from a peddler or in a downtown Kimhae shop. In 1960, it was widely used in the community. It was thought by villagers to have originated in Korea. In 1981, it was seldom used, although a number were seen in homes. Other similar sieves of different sizes also existed. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketches; K. Kim, 1969:162-164, 169, photos 174-175; Hong, 1982:605. Material Culture No. 160 NAME.?(English) Rice sieve (Korean) Pyoolgimi Local term Pyoch'e Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This sieve was made from a willow strip, with the two ends of the strip sewn together to form a round frame. The coarse mesh was made from a climbing vine (Ch 'ilgaengi). The size varied, but often the diameter of the sieve was about 40 cm with a height of 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The purpose of this sieve was to separate the chaff from the unhulled rice grain. The mesh retained the straw and permitted the unhulled rice to fall through. The person using the sieve either shook it or beat the rim so that the rice fell free. In 1960, this sieve was widely used. At times, the sieve, when damaged, was seen repaired rather than replaced. It was made by Korean craftsmen elsewhere and sold to villagers on market day in Kimhae. Villagers believed that the sieve originated from a Korean prototype. In 1971, it was widely used but was seldom seen in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketches; Hom? mel 1969, figs. 119, 121-122; K. Kim, 1969, photos 174-175. NUMBER 39 119 Material Culture No. 161 NAME.?(English) Compost basket (compost scoop) (Korean) Korumbaji Local term Taesok'uri Local term Korumsok'uri Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The local term was used for several types of compost carriers, including a lashed twig basket with an opening just below the rim on each side to serve as a handle. The usual shape was an elongated scoop with an open end. The dimensions varied, but the maximum width was often 50 cm and the length 60 cm. Other compost baskets were made of rice straw, bamboo, and wooden (pine) boards. Only the shape and dimensions of the wooden container differed significantly from the other compost carriers. The box-like scoop had the top and one side open. Its width was between 30 and 40 cm, and the length from the rear to the open end was 60 cm, but often less. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The bamboo, twig, and rice- straw baskets as well as the box scoop were mostly used to transport "natural" fertilizers (compost, grass, soil) a short distance. The box carrier also was used to move grain. These compost containers, especially those made of bamboo, twigs, and rice straw, were frequently used in pairs suspended from a pole, which extended to each side of a backpack (A-frame). Although these containers may be bought in a downtown Kimhae shop or from a booth or peddler during a Kimhae market day, most of them were made by the villager who needed them. Villagers believed that they were all derived from Korean prototypes. They disappeared around 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1925, sketches and photos; K. Kim, 1969:95-96, 106-107, photos 105-109. Material Culture No. 162 NAME.?(English) Manure dipper (Korean) Ttongbagaji DESCRIPTION.?The manure dipper was often made with a dried gourd and a wooden (pine) handle. The handle, sometimes a trimmed bough with a hook-shaped end, was attached around one half of a dried gourd with pine-tree roots. The straight overall length of the handle was approximately 110 cm. After the Korean War, farmers often used the inner plastic liner of a U.S. Army helmet as it was lightweight and durable. More recently, Korean factory-made plastic or rubber versions were used, sometimes with detail seen on the army helmet liner. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The manure dipper was usually seen in use with the manure barrel in the agricultural fields or when it was transported with the barrel on a packboard. The manure dipper was used by 39 percent of the village households in 1960. A plastic dipper, with vertical sides and a socketed handle, was also used later to facilitate removal of excrement from cesspools. The handle was at a 45 degree angle to facilitate its use. Manure dippers mostly disappeared in the 1970s because human fertilizer was seldom applied to the fields. In 1981, households had outhouses or western-style interior toilets with cesspools that periodically were drained by tank trucks for waste removal. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel 1931, fig. 85; K. Kim, 1969:92-93, 104, pis. 86, 101. Material Culture No. 163 FIGURE 142 NAME.?(English) Manure bucket ("honey bucket") (Korean) Ttongt'ong DESCRIPTION.?This bucket was often made of Cryptomeria wood, with bamboo hoops to hold the staves tightly together, and with two longer staves and a rope attachment for a handle. Different sizes existed; one was approximately 50 cm in height and 46 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The bucket was used to carry manure or water to the fields. It also was employed as a urinal and to collect urine. This wooden bucket was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. The bucket was made by artisans in the Kimhae area and was purchased in a downtown shop. In the 1970s the manure bucket was disappearing from the commu? nity. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1931, fig. 84; K. Kim, 1969, pi. 96. FIGURE 142.?Wooden manure bucket (pine). Sketch. 120 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 143.?Wooden manure barrel (Cryptomeria or pine), with bamboo staves. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 164 FIGURE 143 NAME.?(English) Manure barrel (Korean) Changgun DESCRIPTION.?This round, tapered, wooden barrel or cask was made of pine, or often of Cryptomeria as it was less permeable, with bamboo hoops. A faceted protrusion on one side of the barrel provided an oval opening for a stopper (bung). The barrel was frequently about 91 cm in length and 61 cm in maximum diameter (including the protrusion). The bung was usually made of rice straw. A smaller plastic version of the barrel had appeared, which was about one-half the size of the wooden one. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The barrel was used primarily to transport human manure or water to dry fields. Such barrels were often carried on a packboard (A-frame) or a push cart. It was believed by the villagers to have a Korean prototype, a ceramic version. It was made by a craftsman in downtown Kimhae who visited the community periodically to determine the number of barrels that were needed. During a household inventory in 1960, this type of barrel was found in 39 percent of village homes. In the 1970s this barrel had mostly disappeared because human fertilizer was seldom used. In 1981, most households in the community had either interior toilets or outhouses with cesspools that were pumped out periodically by tank trucks. Material Culture No. 165 NAME.?(English) Noise-making "whip' (Korean) T'aegi T'ae Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This was a strap made of softened rice straw and/or bark of a river rush (kai). Although the length varied, it was usually about 100 cm. It had an elongated tapered shape; the width in the middle was about 7.1 cm, and the width at the ends was about 1.9 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The device was swung and snapped to make a sudden noise to frighten birds away from the paddies. Such noises were made in the paddies usually early in the morning, at noon time, and in the evening just before nightfall. The device was made by the villager who needed one. It was regarded as a Korean invention. It was not seen in 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:335-336, 338. NUMBER 39 121 Material Culture No. 166 NAME.?(English) Rope spinner ("stone" spinner) (Korean) Soikkaridurinun chase Local term Saekkidurinun chase Local term Mulle Local term Tolmulle LoCal t e r m DESCRIPTION.?The rope spinner consisted of a wooden (pine) revolving frame mounted on a stand. The stand was placed on the ground and held firmly with a large stone on its base. The approximate height of the stand was 40 cm, the length of the spinner was 31 cm, and its width was 21 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The spinner was used to make strong straw or hemp rope, e.g., a bridle and a rein for an ox, by twisting two weaker ropes separately and then twisting them together. The term "stone" spinner referred to the stone placed on the base. Although a number of spinners were seen in 1951, they had almost disappeared by 1968 due to the use of nylon rope. Villagers believed that it originated with a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:302-303, 316, photos 371-372. Material Culture No. 167 NAME.?(English) Straw-rope roller (Korean) Saekkijase Saekkidongt'ae Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A storage roller or reel for rope, usually made of pine, was mounted on a stand with two upright supports. Attached to the axis of the roller was a handle to rotate it. The diameter of the roller was approximately 52 cm, and the height of the roller and its stand was 95 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This device was used primarily to store rice-straw rope, particularly after the rope had just been made. In 1951 and 1971 the roller was widely used. The roller was usually made by the villager who needed one. Villagers said that this roller originated with a Japanese prototype. It had disappeared by 1981. Material Culture No. 168 NAME.?(English) Grain spreader (Korean) Tanggurae Komurae Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This hoe-like grain spreader was about 110 cm in length with a blade of 30 or 54 cm in length and 7 cm in width. The handle was inserted into the blade. Grain spreaders were usually made of pine, but sometimes other types of wood were used. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Grain, most often rice, was spread evenly upon mats out-of-doors to be sun-dried. The grain periodically was raked with the wooden grain spreader so that all of the grain was well exposed. A grain spreader may also be used to even the soil in a seed bed. A grain spreader may be fashioned by the villager who needed it, but often it was made by a local carpenter. During a 1971 inventory, it was determined that grain spreaders existed in 43 percent of the homes. Villagers believed that such spreaders originated in Korea. In 1981, it was frequently seen in use. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketch, photos pp. 71-73, and fig. 123; K. Kim, 1969:69-70, 81. Material Culture No. 169 NAME.?(English) Rake (Korean) Kkakkuri Kalk'wi Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This rake was made of ten or twelve bamboo strips ("fingers") in a fan shape, with a wood (pine) or bamboo handle. The bamboo "fingers" were curved and lashed to the handle. Occasionally wires were used instead of bamboo. The wire version also had the ends bent and were attached by means of holes in the handle. The strips or wires were about 40 cm and the handle was 100 cm or less in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This rake, said to be derived from a type of Japanese origin, was frequently used to bring together fallen leaves and twigs in the garden, to gather fuel in the mountains, or to gather chaff, especially straw, after the rice was harvested. A 1971 survey found at least one rake in 70 percent of the homes. Villagers said that a Korean rake (which was sturdier than the Japanese one, with fewer bamboo strips or wires and a shorter handle to facilitate working on mountainous slopes) had a Korean prototype. It was seldom seen by 1970. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Heydrich, 1931; K. Kim, 1969:321-323, 339. Personal Accessories Material Culture No. 170 FIGURE 144 NAME.?(English) Spectacles (eyeglasses) (Korean) An'gyong DESCRIPTION.?Styles of spectacles encountered in the survey consisted of a pair of lenses mounted in a plastic frame, occasionally in a metal frame, or more rarely in the traditional tortoise shell frame. Sunglasses were also used. The size and color of the frame varied considerably, but it was almost always round in shape, especially for elderly villagers. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The spectacles worn in the community were usually those seen on elderly men troubled with farsightedness and a few young men with nearsightedness. When women possessed eyeglasses, they were used in a circumspect manner. Several of the older men used hand-held magnifying glasses instead of reading spectacles. Traditionally eyeglasses were not worn by younger men in the presence of older men; therefore, they were removed in many social situations. Spectacles were once regarded as a screen to conceal 122 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 144.?Plastic framed eyeglasses and case. From a color photograph, 1971. one's eyes and intent from others and therefore should not be worn among friends. This act of courtesy was often not observed, but it was still considered ideal behavior. Tradi? tionally, the lenses of Korean spectacles were made of rock crystal. Eyeglasses of various types continued to be worn in 1981. Villagers believed that modem spectacles were intro? duced by the Japanese. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1951, Vol. 4(1): 116; Hommel, 1969. Material Culture No. 171 NAME.?(English) Cane (walking stick) (Korean) Chip'aengi Local term Tchaktaegi Local term Chip'angi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Straight walking canes or sticks were usu? ally lacquered hardwood. Canes of bamboo were also popular. Canes with a curved handle or short crossbar were seen. By 1981, plastic canes were often used; they were stronger, lighter, and cheaper. Wooden, antique-appearing canes were favored. The length of canes varied but commonly were 100 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Canes were used mostly by elderly Korean men of over 50 years who possessed wealth or a prominent social standing in the community. In 1951, older men preferred straight canes. Canes with curved handles or the short crossbar were said to be derived from western types and were introduced by the Japanese. Although some canes were homemade, most were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, a few elderly men continued to use canes. Material Culture No. 172 NAME.?(English) Knife and scabbard (a) Knife (b) Scabbard (Korean) Changdo (a) K'al (b) Changdo DESCRIPTION.?The hilt and the scabbard of the knife were often made of zelkova or oak. Occasionally the hilt was made of silver, gold, or jade with metal designs. The straight blade, with the cutting edge rounded at the end, was usually iron. The overall length was 15 cm. The width of the blade was 2 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This decorative Korean knife was usually worn by elderly men in traditional attire, suspended from the waist. In the 1950s, such knives were purchased in Taegu or Pusan shops. These knives disappeared from the community about 1960. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:192. Material Culture No. 173 NAME.?(English) Umbrellas (for rain and parasol) (Korean) (a) Usan (b) Yangsan DESCRIPTION.?Korean folding umbrellas varied in size but often were 120 cm in length and 100 cm in width when opened. Women had umbrellas with bright colors, whereas men preferred more somber colors, usually black. Among the folding umbrellas were traditional ones made of oiled paper and bamboo and western versions made often of vinyl and bamboo or metal. Both types were used for protection against the rain and the sun. A parasol for women was made of cloth in various colors. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers often bought their umbrellas in downtown Kimhae shops. The folding umbrella existed in Korea for centuries, according to the villagers. In 1981, all of the umbrellas mentioned above except the one of oiled paper continued to be used. About 1970, the modem folding and collapsible umbrella was introduced and by 1981 was widely used especially by women. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1954, Vol. 4(2):70-71. Material Culture No. 174 NAME.?(English) Fan (Korean) Puch'ae DESCRIPTION.?Both the rigid and round, and the folding triangular fans were used. The fans were usually made of paper or textile with bamboo frames. About 1968 plastic fans appeared in the community. The rigid fans with wooden or bamboo handles were often decorated with a bold circular red-yellow-blue design said to represent the universe, whereas folding fans were frequently enhanced with rural landscapes or birds and flowers. Fan sizes varied considerably. Rigid fans were often about 35 cm in length and 24 cm in width, and folding fans were approximately the same size. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Folding fans were generally more expensive to buy and were not as popular as rigid fans. Paper fans were more common. In 1970, both the rigid and the folding fans were usually purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Electric fans, in 1981, were seen in many homes. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1954; Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:605-607. NUMBER 39 123 FIGURE 145.?Household deity jar of earthenware or porcelain with rice offering. Black and white photograph, 1960. Value and Ritual Material Culture No. 175 FIGURE 145 NAME.?(English) Household deity jar (Korean) Sejondanji DESCRIPTION.?This brown, glazed earthenware jar was often placed on a high shelf near the ceiling of a room with a heated floor. The jar contained newly harvested rice. The mouth of the jar was covered with mulberry paper and tied with rice-straw cord. The jar was often 18 cm in height, and the diameter of its mouth was 11cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This ritual offering of dry rice to the deity of procreation and infants was believed to be essential to receive its assistance and protection. Villagers consulted a woman shaman to determine where the jar should be placed. In a 1970 survey of all three villages within the ward, this jar was seen only in 20 percent of the homes. In 1981, it was rarely seen in the community. Material Culture No. 176 NAME.?(English) Incense storage jar (Korean) Hyanghap DESCRIPTION.?This brass or stainless steel storage jar, with a lid, was used for keeping incense. It appeared in several sizes and shapes, one of which was 3 cm in height and 7.8 cm in diameter. The brass storage jar sometimes had a separate brass pedestal base. The pedestal stand for the storage jar was also used to burn incense. The diameter of the stand was 11.5 cm, and its height was 6 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?When an incense burner existed in a home, the incense storage jar was not always present. Frequently incense was simply kept in the package in which it was purchased. Incense storage jars were purchased in downtown Kimhae stores or in Pusan. Villagers believed that such jars had a Korean origin. In 1981, they were used infrequently. Material Culture No. 177 FIGURE 146 NAME.?(English) Incense burner (brazier) (Korean) Hyangno DESCRIPTION.?This round brass or stainless steel incense burner was supported by three legs or a pedestal base. Two upright handles were near a slotted lid. The slots in the lid to emit the incense smoke were often cut to represent a cosmological design, with short and long bar combinations. The lid had a vertical, faceted knob. The height of the burner often was 21 cm, and the diameter of the top flange was 14 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Incense burners were used for ancestor worship, Buddhist ceremonies, and shaman rituals. Sand within the vessel provided a bed upon which incense was burned. During a 1971 survey in the three villages, incense burners were seen in 31 percent of the households. They usually appeared in the home of the first son of an extended family, who officiated at family ceremonies. Many of the older incense burners were hidden during World War II from Japanese authorities, who confiscated brass objects for the manufacture of munitions. Villagers believed that the incense burner originated from a Korean prototype with perhaps FIGURE 146.?Brass incense burner. Black and white photograph, 1977, Victor Krantz. 124 Chinese influence. In 1981, incense burners continued to be used for ceremonial purposes. Stainless steel versions of this vessel were mostly seen in rituals. Material Culture No. 178 FIGURE 147 NAME.?(English) Wine cup Wine stand (Korean) T'akchan Local term Chandae Local term DESCRIPTION.?The round brass wine cup and brass pedes? taled stand appeared in rituals. The total height of the cup and pedestal varied but often was 10 to 13 cm. The diameter of the cup was usually between 5 to 6 cm, and the height of the cup was 3 to 4 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?During ancestor worship such a cup and stand were for a formal presentation of wine to ancestors. Brassware was expensive and was owned only by the more prosperous households. It usually appeared in the home of the first married son, who officiated at family ceremonies. The cup and stand were purchased in Kimhae or Pusan shops. Villagers believed that the prototype of the cup with the stand appeared in Korea. In 1981, the wine cup and stand were still in use. A cup and stand made of stainless steel were also frequently seen. Material Culture No. 179 NAME.?(English) Ritual food stand (Korean) Chegi DESCRIPTION.?The ritual food stand was a round wooden tray supported with a pedestal. Similar food containers also existed in brass, but wooden ones were more widely used. The SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 147.?Brass wine cup and pedestal stand. From a color photograph, 1977. FIGURE 148.?Brass candlestick holders. Black and white photograph, 1971. wooden stands were painted with a thin coat of dark reddish brown lacquer. Among the more common sizes were three with heights of 8 cm, 6.5 cm, and 6 cm; top diameters of 15 cm, 12 cm, or 14 cm; and bottom diameters of the pedestals of 8 cm, 7.8 cm, and 8.8 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The food stand was used for a ceremonial presentation of food. Cake, fish, beef, and other food items were served in this manner at an altar. Most homes of the first sons possessed several of these food stands, as he was the head of the extended family and the chief ritualist for family ceremonies. Wooden food stands were usually bought in downtown Kimhae stores where they were often sold in sets of ten. Brass versions were also available in Kimhae stores or Pusan. In 1981, the food stand was still used. A stainless steel food stand was also seen. The Korean prototype was said to be ceramic "stone" ware. Material Culture No. 180 FIGURE 148 NAME.?(English) Candlestick holder (Korean) Ch'ottae Local term Ch'oktae Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This upright, sometimes hexagonal, brass candlestick holder was often 25 cm in height, 10 cm in width at the base, and 6 cm in width at the top (cup with a spike). It was usually seen in pairs. Wooden versions also were present in the community, but for ceremonies brass candlestick holders were preferred. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A pair of such candlestick holders was seen in homes for family rituals, in a shamans' home, and in the local Buddhist temple. In 1970, stainless steel candlestick holders were also being used by the residents of the community instead of brass holders, which required polishing. Candlestick holders were bought in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers believed that the candlestick holder had a Korean origin. It continued to be used in 1981. NUMBER 39 125 FIGURE 149.?Wedding duck of carved wood (pine). From a color photograph, 1971. Material Culture No. 181 FIGURE 149 NAME.?(English) Duck (Korean) Ori Wonang Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The carved wooden duck used in the wedding ceremony was often painted with various colors and designs. Different woods were used, including pine, willow, and chestnut. The duck was constructed in a single piece or may have included three or more separate parts. The height often was 20 cm and the length 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The wooden duck represented life-time marital fidelity. It was carried by the bridegroom in the traditional wedding. In 1960, it was either made at home or purchased in a Kimhae, Seoul, or Pusan store. It was believed by villagers to have a Korean origin. It was seldom used in 1970 as traditional weddings were less popular than in the past. In 1981, almost all weddings were westernized and took place in rented wedding halls located in Kimhae or Pusan. The wooden duck had become a rarely seen curio. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 1:496. Material Culture No. 182 FIGURE 150 NAME.?(English) Rosary (Korean) Yomjul DESCRIPTION.?This circular string of 108 seeds or beads with a tassel was used for Buddhist rituals. The diameter of each seed usually was 1 or 1.3 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Buddhist rosaries of this type were carried in 1971 by the Buddhist priest and several older village women almost daily, whether in or out of the local temple compound. The 108 seeds or beads represents various human impurities. Although the use of the rosary was not widespread among villagers, the rosary was assignable to those objects long associated with Korean Buddhism. In 1971, and 1981, plastic replicas of the traditional rosary were also in use. Tobacco Smoking Material Culture No. 183 NAME.?(English) Tobacco pipe (Korean) Tambaettae DESCRIPTION.?The traditional tobacco pipe had three components, the bowl and the mouthpiece, both often of white brass, and the bamboo stem. The overall length varied considerably but was often between 30 and 40 cm. The bamboo stem often had a burnt curvilinear design on its surface. The size of the bowl also differed, but it was always small, often holding only enough tobacco for 4 or 5 puffs. A frequently encountered bowl had a diameter and height of 2 cm. Most village pipes did not have inlaid designs in the metal components, as was seen sometimes in urban areas. The cloth tobacco pouch, which was worn suspended from the waist of traditional male attire, was rarely seen. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?During a 1968 survey con? ducted in the community, only 25 percent of the homes possessed one of these traditional tobacco pipes. The pipe was bought in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, this traditional pipe was not in use, not even by the elderly men who once favored it. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:629. 126 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 150.?Rosaries, prayer beads, and a temple "block" (fish design) of wood with a wooden beater. From a color photograph, 1970. Material Culture No. 184 NAME.?(English) Ashtray (Korean) Chaet'ori DESCRIPTION.?Tobacco ashtrays were made of brass, wood, ceramics, glass, or plastic. They were usually round, sometimes square, in shape. The size varied, most often they were about 10 cm in diameter and had a height of 1.5 cm. Usually the ashtrays had a narrow flat rim around the circumference and a raised central area for tapping ashes from the metal bowl of the pipe. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The raised center of the traditional ashtray was often rapped by the host with his tobacco pipe to alert his wife or daughter that his guest should have more refreshment. Whereas the traditional pipe was disappearing from village life, the ashtray was widely used as determined in a 1971 survey by cigarette smokers, and it was found in almost every home. Villagers believed that the ashtray, as well as the pipe, originated in Korea. Ashtrays were often purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Ashtrays of various types continued to be widely used in 1981. Ashtrays made of plastic, glass, or ceramic with printed names of shops, companies, or brand names of commodities were frequently seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:629. Animal Husbandry Material Culture No. 185 NAME.?(English) Chicken coop (Korean) Ikkari Talgadugi Taguri Local term Local term Local term having no bottom (base). A supporting stick sometimes was placed across the diameter of the bottom at ground level. It was about 60 cm in height and 70 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The coop was placed over the chickens and directly upon the earth. It was especially used for younger chickens. Only a few coops of this type were still seen in 1971. The use of chicken wire for chicken enclosures, instead of bamboo or other fencing materials, commenced during the 1960s. In the opinion of villagers, the coop was disappearing from village life. They believed that it had originated in Korea. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969, photos 339- 346. Material Culture No. 186 NAME.?(English) Chicken nest (Korean) Pudong Tunguri Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round chicken coop was constructed with a bamboo wickerwork, enclosing the sides and top but DESCRIPTION.?Two types of chicken nests were seen in the community. One was round and woven with rice straw in loose, large coils. The other nest was two sided and open-ended. Rice straw was lashed together to form the walls of the nest. The dimensions of the circular nest was 40 cm in diameter and 27 cm in height; the two-sided one was 50 cm in length and 30 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Both types of nests were used to induce hens to lay their eggs there and were hung just under the eaves of the village home, near ground level. Both had almost disappeared from the community in 1951, and in 1970 they were found only in the third village. They were made in each household as needed. Villagers believed that they originated from Korean prototypes. Such nests were mostly used when the chickens were not in an enclosure. Both the local and the standard terms were used in the community. In 1975, these nests were no longer seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:285-286, 292. NUMBER 39 127 FIGURE 151.?Wooden feeding trough for chickens (pine). From a color photograph, 1971. Material Culture No. 187 FIGURE 151 NAME.?(English) Chicken feeder (trough) (Korean) Talmosit'ong Tangmoit'ong Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A traditional hewn feeder for feeding chick? ens was made from a pine log. There were many sizes, one was 90 cm in length and 30 cm width. A popular feeder, said to have been introduced during the Japanese occupation, was made from wooden (pine) planks and often had the same measure? ments as above. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The feeder was widely used by chicken owners. It was constructed by the villager who wanted it. When the number of chickens owned by a villager was few, he would follow the older method of scattering the feed upon the ground. The feeder was not seen in 1975. Material Culture No. 188 NAME.?(English) Ox-meal cooking pot and lid (Korean) Tangbu Local term Tanggu Local term Kamasot Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round iron cauldron, with its lid, was often 64 cm in width and 40 cm in depth. A wide rim below the mouth of the cauldron permited the vessel to fit securely in a round hole in the clay hearth. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The cauldron was seen in the preparation of food for an ox at a separate fireplace near the stable. The cooking vessel and lid were identical to those seen in the kitchen. The preparation of cooked food revealed much concern for the welfare of the ox. This concern seemed mostly attributed to the ox's economic value. These cauldrons were made in Pusan and were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Around 1971, the cauldron for cooking ox meals was seldom seen. Oxen were mostly replaced by the motorized cultivator. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 2:595. Material Culture No. 189 FIGURE 152 NAME.?(English) Ox-meal mb (Korean) Sojukt'ong DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine) tub, its staves held in place with bamboo hoops, was approximately 28 cm in diameter and 27 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The mb was used to transport or to serve prepared food for the ox, sometimes consisting of soybeans, barley, rice chaff powder, and cut rice straw that had been boiled together. At least one tub was owned by each household that owned an ox. A similar but more shallow mb appears in village kitchens for washing dishes and general utility. These tubs were not made in the Kimhae area. Ox-meal containers were also made from a log or cement. Villagers believed that the wooden tubs had Korean prototypes. The FIGURE 152.?Wooden ox-meal tub (pine). Sketch. 128 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 153.?Wooden feeding trough for oxen (pine). Sketch. ox-meal tub was not seen by 1971 probably because oxen were seldom owned. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969:356-357. Material Culture No. 190 FIGURE 153 NAME.?(English) Manger (trough) (Korean) Kusi Local term Kuyu Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This manger for feeding or watering live? stock was hewn from a pine log. The manger rarely was supported with wooden legs. There were several sizes, one was 100 cm in length with a width of 40 cm, another was 55 cm in length with a width of 25 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This manger was usually placed inside the enclosed livestock pen or within the shed or stable. It was often used for feeding oxen, pigs, or chickens. In some instances, within a rice-straw enclosure for privacy, it served as a urinal. It was made either by the villager who desired one or by a local carpenter. Believed by villagers to have a Korean prototype, it was disappearing in 1971. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong 1982, Vol. 5:279. Material Culture No. 191 NAME.?(English) Ox-meal hook (Korean) Sojuk kkakkuri Local term Sojuk kalk'uri Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This implement, used to stir the boiling thick mixture of food and roughage prepared for the ox, was made from a limb of a pine tree. It was often as much as 47 cm in length, 5 cm in diameter, and had at one end a natural hook extending out about 18 cm, which permitted raking the food from the iron cauldron into a wooden dipper. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1971, this implement practi? cally disappeared as the number of oxen owned by villagers had decreased. The ox-meal hook was believed by villagers to be derived from a Korean prototype. Material Culture No. 192 NAME.?(English) Fodder cutter (Korean) Chakto Chaktu Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This manually operated fodder cutter con? sisted of a movable steel blade with a handle attached to a wooden (pine) baseboard with an upturned fixed blade. The length of the movable blade, with the handle, often was 60 to 70 cm in length; the baseboard frequently had a width of 11 cm and a length of 82 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This implement was mostly used to cut rice straw for roughage, but it also was used to cut hay and grass for ox food. This type of cutter was said to be a Japanese version. A traditional Korean cutter, often mounted on a log or thick plank, was operated by two men. One placed the straw to be cut beneath the blade and the other, who was standing and holding a pole for support, alternately pulled the blade up with an attached straw rope and pushed the blade down with his foot. The Korean implement cut a larger amount of fodder more quickly. During a village study in 1971, the Japanese cutter was found in 20 percent of the homes. It previously was made by the village blacksmith. In 1971, it was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, it was seldom seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, fig.; Hommel, 1969:110-112; K. Kim, 1969:278-282, 287-288, pis. 332- 337. Material Culture No. 193 NAME.?(English) Yoke (Korean) Somonge DESCRIPTION.?This ox-yoke was made of a bent U-shaped piece of wood (often pine) with the inner surface of the midsection covered by a cotton pad. The length of the yoke was about 70 cm. To each end of the yoke was fastened a trace (hemp, wire, or nylon) that was attached to the cart. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The yoke for the ox or cow was made by the farmer when it was needed. Villagers believed that NUMBER 39 129 this type of yoke originated in Korea. In 1971, it was seldom seen as the ox-cart was replaced by motorized vehicles. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:49. Material Culture No. 194 NAME.?(English) Traction saddle (for ox) (Korean) Sojilmae Chilma Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This saddle for attaching the shafts of a cart to an ox was made of wood (pine) and was often reinforced with two iron bolts. The saddle consisted of two parallel inverted V-shaped components placed upon a rice-straw mat and a hemp mat. The end ring on each of the two shafts of the cart was fastened to the sides of the saddle. The height of the saddle was 50 cm and the width was 23 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The saddle was placed upon the back of the draft animal just to the rear of the shoulders. It was made in the Kimhae area by the same craftsmen who also constructed carts. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea and was modified with Japanese influence. In 1971, it was no longer seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:253 Material Culture No. 195 NAME.?(English) Packsaddle (Korean) Chilmae Kilma Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The packsaddle consisted of a wooden frame with two inverted U-shaped components held together with two iron bolts. The saddle was placed upon the back of an ox. A straw mat and a hemp mat were beneath the packsaddle. The height of the wood frame was 55 cm and its width was 23 cm. It was essentially the same as the traction saddle, with additional iron attachments for securing a net or rack to carry a load on the back of the ox. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The packsaddle was placed upon the back of the ox and slightly to the rear of the shoulders. It was owned by all ox owners. The packsaddle was made by a craftsman in Kimhae. Villagers said that this packsaddle had a Korean origin. Oxen were seldom seen in use around 1971; instead tractors and small trucks were used for the transporta? tion of material. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:217-219, 241-242. Material Culture No. 196 NAME.?(English) Packrack (Korean) Kolch'ae DESCRIPTION.?The packrack consisted of a horizontal wooden rack with two suspended straw rope nets. The rack was placed upon the packsaddle of an ox with a suspended rope net on each side of the animal. The length of the rack was 120 cm, and the width was 120 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This packrack was used to? gether with the packsaddle to transport rice, straw, leaves, and other light but bulky loads. One was used by a family who came from the North Kyongsang Province. In 1970, no such packrack could be found in the community. Villagers believed that the packrack originated in Korea. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:219-220, 243. Material Culture No. 197 NAME.?(English) Ox-bridle and nose ring (Korean) Soikkari DESCRIPTION.?The bridle for the head of the ox was made of two slender hemp cords twisted tightly together for strength. It was fastened to the ox's nose ring. The bridle was attached in turn to a single hemp rein, which was approximately 200 cm long. Nylon rope was used instead of the hemp from about 1965. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The ox-bridle was seldom seen in 1971 as the use of oxen was limited. The village specialists, who previously did the plowing with oxen for village farmers on a contract basis, now mostly use motorized cultivators. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969, pis. 250-263, 327-338. Material Culture No. 198 NAME.?(English) Ox nose ring (Korean) Sogunduri Local term Koppi Local term, also standard term DESCRIPTION.?The nose ring was made of willow, bamboo, pine root, or plastic. The ends were tied together with a vine. The ring was round or U-shaped. The ring was about 4 to 5 cm in diameter. Larger nose rings were also seen. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The ox nose ring was seldom seen in 1971 as oxen were owned only by a few villagers. The nose ring was made by the owner of the ox. It was inserted into the septum with a pointed piece of bamboo when the ox was a year old. Villagers believed that the nose ring had a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969, pis. 250-263, 327-338. Material Culture No. 199 NAME.?(English) Ox sandal (Korean) Sosin DESCRIPTION.?The sandal was made of rice straw provid? ing a sole or pad beneath the hoof, with two rear loops and two frontal cords to fasten the sandal securely in place. The size varied, but often the mostly circular sole was 10 to 13 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Sandals were used to protect the hooves of an ox on a stony road or for more traction on a slippery surface of ice, snow, or mud. Such sandals were made 130 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY when needed by the villager who owned the ox. Many farmers since 1971 had their plowing done with motorized cultivators and no longer owned oxen. Villagers believed that the sandal was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1968, the ox sandal was seldom seen. Confections Material Culture No. 200 FIGURE 154 NAME.?(English) Candy scissors (shears) (Korean) Yotchangsa kasige Local term Yotchangsa kawi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?These iron scissors were 29 cm in length and 17 cm in width across the handles. The scissors had large oval handles and were loosely connected with a bolt, and often they had no discernible cutting edges. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These scissors were used primarily as a noise maker by the candy peddler, who made his rounds with a two-wheeled, rubber-tired cart. They make a distinctive sound, a rattle, that villagers, especially children, immediately recognized. The scissors were also used by the peddler as an improvised hammer on hard taffy candy. The candy peddler, with his cart and scissors, was seldom seen in 1971. FIGURE 154.?Peddler's noisemaker that doubles as taffy scissors. From a color photograph. FIGURE 155.?Ice-shaving machine for a flavored ice confection. Black and white photograph, 1970. Material Culture No. 201 FIGURE 155 NAME.?(English) Ice shaving machine (Korean) Pingsut'iil DESCRIPTION.?This ice shaving machine (iron) had a screw clamp to hold a block of ice that turned on a metal cutting plate with a vertical wheel. It had a height of 68 cm and a base width of 33 cm. A glass or ceramic basin was placed between four supporting legs into which the ice shavings fell. Flavored water was poured over the ice shavings that were sold in paper cones. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1968, only one ice shaving machine was found in the community, but by 1981 four were seen in village shops. This appliance was purchased in Pusan. Villagers said that the Japanese introduced the ice shaving machine to Korea. NUMBER 39 131 Household Furniture and Accessories Material Culture No. 202 FIGURE 156 NAME.?(English) Screen (folding) (Korean) Pyongp'ung DESCRIPTION.?The pictorial folding screen had a wooden frame covered with paper and cloth or silk. Screens usually had six or eight panels. Pictorial themes often included representa? tions of the "four seasons" in sequence from right to left sides of the screen: plum blossoms, orchids, bamboo, and chrysan? themum. Among other themes were those depicting calligra? phy, and the scholar's cupboard (bookpile screen). The size of a single panel of a screen was often 130 cm in height by 35 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Village screens were mainly used for ceremonies, such as weddings, birthdays, ancestor worship, and funerals. The screen was deemed so essential that if the household didn't have one for a formal occasion, it was borrowed or rented. In a 1971 survey, only 26 percent of the homes owned a screen. A screen also provided privacy and a barrier to uncomfortable drafts in a room. Screens were made elsewhere by artists and craftsmen and were usually purchased in Kimhae shops. Many villagers believed that the screen had a Korean prototype, but others said that it probably had a Chinese origin. In 1981, the screen was still used in ceremonies and other formal activities. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?McCune, 1983. Material Culture No. 203 NAME.?(English) (a) Cushion (floor) (b) Cushion, silk and cotton (floor) (c) Mat, rice straw (floor) (d) Mat, vinyl (floor) (Korean) (a) Pangsok (b) Poryobangsok (c) Chippangsok (d) Pinilbangsok DESCRIPTION.?(a) This cushion was square, embroidered, and made of cotton, with a ruffle around its edge, (b) This square embroidered cushion had a silk cover with a cotton interior. The embroidery usually included auspicious Chinese characters for good health and prosperity, (c) This woven (plain twined) rice-straw mat had a circular shape, (d) This mat was of woven vinyl and could be circular or square. The size of the cotton cushion was often 50 x 50 cm, the silk cushion 55 x 55 cm, the rice-straw circular mat 33 cm in diameter, a square vinyl mat 44 x 44 cm, and its circular version 33 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The cotton and silk cushions were usually used during colder seasons, whereas the rice-straw and vinyl mats were preferred for warmer weather. The straw mats were also placed on the kitchen's clay floor for sitting while preparing a fire. The cotton and the silk cushions and the straw mat were made at home or were purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. The vinyl mat was usually bought in a Kimhae store. In 1971 and 1981, these cushions and mats were widely ? m i n i FIGURE 156.?Village elder with one of his folding screens often panels, depicting flowering trees and bamboo. From a color photograph, 1969. 132 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY used in the community. Villagers were uncertain about the origin of these cushions and mats. The woven mats, in the author's opinion, perhaps were more closely associated with traditional life, and the cloth and vinyl cushions with urban life and foreign influences. Material Culture No. 204 NAME.?(English) Mat (Korean) Satchari DESCRIPTION.?This plain, rectangular reed/rush mat, with a twilled weave, was usually light brown in color and varied in size, but was often 120 x 150 cm or 112 x 199 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951, this mat was seen in the homes of poor villagers who could not buy the traditional oil paper to cover the clay surface of their heated floors. By 1970, most homes in the village did not have such mats on their floors but had other floor coverings. Several homes made use of vinyl floor covers. These mats were, however, seen on the floors of rooms provided by prosperous villagers for their laborers. Mats, over the years, have also been used to cover walls, to wrap objects for shipping, and to serve as temporary rain shelters. For centuries the Kimhae delta with its extensive growth of reeds was known for the manufacture of these reed mats. Before the reeds were woven into a mat, they were split and boiled to make them more pliable. This mat was still seen in 1970 but was disappearing from village life. When not in use, such mats were rolled up and stood in the corner of a room or hung under the eaves of the house. Villagers believed that it had a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923; K. Kim, 1969:155-157, 160-162, 171-173. Material Culture No. 205 NAME.?(English) Mat, reed (Korean) Ch'osigi Ch'osok Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This fine quality, rectangular mat was woven (wicker weave) from reeds (Cyperus exaltatus, Retzius) or vinyl cordage. It often had a dyed surface design of bold Chinese characters. The size frequently was 120 x 160 cm or 123 x 190 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951, this mat was used mostly in the summer for a seated guest and also for ceremonies. It was placed upon an unheated floor in summer, a wooden floor, or in the yard for temporary use. In a 1970 survey, 34 percent of the village households had at least one such reed mat, whereas 14 percent owned mats made of vinyl. Such reed mats were made in the Kimhae area for many years but not in this village. Most of these mats were said to be made in Hamyang County to the west of Kimhae city. These mats were believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. This mat continued to be used in 1981, primarily for ceremonial occasions. FIGURE 157.?Bedding consisting of a quilt and mattress made of cotton and silk with a western-style pillow. Black and white photograph, 1955. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?CSN, 1923, sketches and photos; K. Kim, 1969:155-157, 160-162, 171-173; Hong, 1982:722. Material Culture No. 206 FIGURE 157 NAME.?(English) Quilt Mattress (Korean) Ibul Standard term Yo Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Quilts and mattresses were traditionally made of hemp, cotton, and/or silk. However, in 1971, many were also made from synthetic materials. Quilts for spring or fall weather were thin, incorporating within only a few layers of cotton sheets. Winter quilts were thicker and padded with cotton. Both the quilt and the mattress usually had a cotton or hemp sheet to cover the surface that was in contact with the sleeper. The quilt often had blue and red panels with embroidered flowers on its top surface. The covering sheet was larger than the size of the quilt or mattress, over which it was extended. It was wrapped over the edges of the quilt or mattress and stitched to form a border along the top surface, which contrasted with the colorful central panel of the quilt or mattress. One popular size of quilt had a length of 180 cm and a width of 150 cm. A popular size of mattress had a length 160 cm and a width 90 cm. Larger quilts with a length of 230 cm and a width of 180 cm were also made of synthetic material. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The sheets that covered the quilt and the mattress were periodically removed and washed. In the summers, a double cotton or hemp sheet was preferred as a cover rather than a quilt. Beneath the sleeper a smooth straw mat was often placed over the mattress. In 1981, such quilts and mattresses were still widely used. NUMBER 39 133 FIGURE 158.?Cotton cloth pillow filled with rice hulls. Black and white photograph, 1971. Material Culture No. 207 FIGURE 158 NAME.?(English) Pillow (Korean) Pyogae Local term Pegae Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round or square, elongated pillow was made of cotton cloth. It was filled with rice hulls or broom com and millet hulls. On either end of the pillow a colorful embroidery panel was sometimes attached. Frequently embroi? dered were the auspicious Chinese characters for longevity or happiness. The pillow for the individual sleeper was often 24 cm in length and 15 cm in diameter. A single pillow for newlyweds was approximately 44 x 21 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960 and 1971, these pillows were in almost every home. They were frequently made by the housewife, often two of which were made by her prior to her marriage. Villagers considered this pillow as traditional, derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, the pillow continued to be used, but most pillows were ready-made and bought in the Kimhae market place. For summer use, a flexible bamboo pillow was preferred. Rattan pillows were also seen in 1975. Material Culture No. 208 FIGURE 159 NAME.?(English) Writing desk (Korean) Ch'aeksang DESCRIPTION.?This rectangular desk was made of pine or plywood. It had a height of 35 cm, width of 45 cm, and a length of 70 cm. It was made with two drawers, each of which has a frontal slot for a finger hold. The desk was supported by four short legs. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This type of desk was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. At least two sizes of this desk existed. A few Korean writing tables were seen that were supported by two side panels that rested on the floor. This traditional table had a top surface rising slightly on either end and had no drawers. The Japanese-derived desk, on the other hand, had a flat top surface. This introduced desk was widely used in 1970 for study and writing while seated on the floor. It FIGURE 159.?Wooden (pawlonia) writing desk. Black and white photograph, 1952. 134 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY was made by a local carpenter or bought in a downtown Kimhae shop. In 1981, these pine or plywood desks were still in use. Material Culture No. 209 NAME.?(English) Desk (table) (Korean) K'un ch'aeksang DESCRIPTION.?This wooden desk, made of pine or ply? wood, was a larger version of a smaller desk that was more widely used. This larger desk had a flat top, two drawers, and four legs. Each drawer had a frontal slot as a finger hold. The desk size varied, one had a height of 70 cm, a width of 74 cm, and a length of 105 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This larger and higher desk was seen in only 15 households of the community in 1951, but by 1981 it was in many homes. The desk was primarily used by school children for writing and reading while seated on chairs. Most of these desks were purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. All were made in Korea, but the prototype was believed to have been introduced by the Japanese. Material Culture No. 210 FIGURE 160 NAME.?{English) Dining table (Korean) Tullesang Local term Tullep'an Local term Chagaebapsang Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This is a portable dining table to usually serve one person. Often the table was made of pine, sometimes lacquered, or hardwood. One example was rectangular and FIGURE 160.?Portable table of black lacquered wood with mother-of-pearl inlay, for use by one person. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. NUMBER 39 135 decorated with mother-of-pearl and black lacquer. Each pair of legs was placed upon a common runner to stabilize the legs. The legs were squared behind and rounded in front. The edge of the table top was raised. This table was often 22 cm in height, 36 cm in width, and 48 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951, lacquer with mother- of-pearl decor was mostly seen on tables owned by well-to-do households. The designs were frequently flowers and birds, e.g., plum blossoms and warblers. Mountains and a river with boatmen was also a common theme. Lacquer not merely enhanced the appearance of tables, but it also waterproofed and preserved them. Such tables were frequently made in Ton- gyong County, about 130 km away on the seacoast. This type of table was usually bought in a downtown Kimhae shop. The prototype of this table was believed to be Korean. In 1981, this table was still in use. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:601-602. Material Culture No. 211 FIGURE 161 NAME.?(English) Round table (Korean) Tullesang Tullep'an Hojokpan Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This traditional round table was made of wood, often pine or gingko, and was painted with a light red lacquer. The edge of the table top was raised and often twelve-sided. The S-curved legs were described as "tiger- legged." A supporting rod was inserted vertically in each leg, which was visible in the rear and toward the bottom of the leg's S-curvature. The diameter of the table was 35 cm and the height was 28 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Small round tables of this type are used to serve refreshments for one or occasionally two persons. Often they were used to provide wine or other alcoholic beverages for men. Such tables were widely used in 1970 and in 1981. They were purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. The prototype was said to be Korean. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:396. Material Culture No. 212 NAME.?(English) Folding table (Korean) Tullep'an Kyojasang Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This round folding table was made of pine or oak and covered with a light red varnish. The top surface at times had an incised margin. It had four wooden legs, which were collapsible when the table was not in use. The diameter of the table was 70 cm, and its height was about 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This table was used by women and children who often ate their meals together. Villagers said that it was derived from a Japanese prototype. In 1981, the table remained in use. Material Culture No. 213 FIGURE 162 NAME.?(English) Round table (Korean) Tullesang Soban Local term Standard term FIGURE 161.?Round wooden table for serving beverages. Black and white photograph, 1971. DESCRIPTION.?Several sheet metal and plastic versions of a small traditional wooden table were in use. They had a round table top, whereas the type of base varied; a round pedestal shape was popular. Often the diameter of the top surface was 45 cm. The height of the table was 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Such tables were widely used in the community in 1970. They were more durable and less expensive than the traditional prototypes. The tables were seen in different colors. Aluminum tables often had a brass or gold color; plastic tables were pink or white in color with silver flecks. A larger table with a formica top had a diameter of 70 cm and a height of 30 cm. It had an aluminum rim and four metal (steel) collapsible legs. It was a dining table for children who were seated on the floor. In 1971 and 1981, these tables were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. The more expensive traditional tables, however, were regaining their popularity. Increased income as well as preference were said to be the change in consumers' demand. Material Culture No. 214 FIGURE 163 NAME.?(English) Rice chest (Korean) Ssaltuji Ssaltwiju Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This sturdy rice chest was made of zelkova 136 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 162.?Portable table of translucent plastic used especially for serving beverages. Black and white photograph, 1970, Victor Krantz. or oak, or sometimes pine. It was varnished brown and had an ornate brass lock, often with a fish motif, just below the overhanging hinged lid of the chest. The chest had four squared legs. The dimensions varied but were often 80 cm in height, 70 cm in length, and 60 cm in width. When new plastic chests were available in 1981, a sheet metal grain release was inserted near the bottom of the chest. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, this rice chest was most often found in the homes of the "middle class" and "rich" villagers. "Poor" households usually stored rice in ceramic jars. The rice chest was also regarded as a decorative piece of furniture. Plastic versions of the traditional chest appeared in the early 1970s. By 1981, the modified factory-made plastic versions had replaced most of the traditional rice chests. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:411, 599. Material Culture No. 215 FIGURE 164 NAME.?(English) Storage chest (for blankets) (Korean) Pandaji Local term Aptaji Local term DESCRIPTION.?This storage chest was often made of zelkovia or pine and was decorated with iron or brass motifs. The chest was divided into two horizontal parts, each of which had metal decor. The top and bottom parts have doors with ornamental locks and drawers. On either end of the chest was a round, metal handle. The dimensions of the storage chest were 100 cm in height, 83 cm in length, and 52 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Although the chest was referred to as a blanket storage chest, it also was often used for clothing, scrolls, and other small items. Only a few were found in the community in 1975. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:638. Material Culture No. 216 FIGURE 165 NAME.?(English) Bench-bed (Korean) P'yongsang DESCRIPTION.?This bench-bed was constructed of bamboo or pine. Rarely, the supporting frame was pine with the surface of the platform bamboo. When the bench-bed was made completely of bamboo, each joint consisted of one section of NUMBER 39 137 FIGURE 163.?Rice chest of oak or zelkova. Black and white photograph, 1971, Victor Krantz. bamboo wrapped around another. When pine planks were used, the joints were often tongue-in-groove. The top surface of the bench bed was 120 x 180 cm, with a height of 71 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The bench-bed was for sitting or sleeping, or more precisely, napping during the day. This outdoor furniture was constructed by a local carpenter or a bamboo craftsman. It was most often used in a shady portion of the yard of a home, particularly in the summer. Villagers believed that it was derived from a Korean prototype. In 1981, some were seen in use during the summer. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969. Material Culture No. 217 NAME.?(English) Lantern (Korean) Tungjan Sagihorong Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This lantern consisted of a four-sided glass case with a wooden frame, and within the case was a white porcelain lamp that contained fuel oil and held a cotton wick. The lantern was carried by means of two cords attached to the top of the wooden frame. The case was 30 cm in height, and the base was 13x15 cm. The porcelain lamp was 5 or 7 cm in height and the diameter of its base was 6 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This lantern was used out-of- doors as well as in the home. It was rarely seen in the first and second villages of the consolidated community, where electric? ity was first available. In the third village, it was widely used in 1955. Prior to the introduction of glass by the Japanese, according to villagers, paper was used to encase the lamp. The lantern was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. It was believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. It was no longer seen in the community in 1965. Material Culture No. 218 NAME.?(English) Lamp (Korean) Tungjan Horongbul Standard term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This lamp was in use for several years after the Korean War (1950-1953). It was made from the aluminum sheet of salvaged oil cans. Similar galvanized iron lamps were 138 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 164.?Wooden (zelkova) storage chests. Black and white photograph, 1960. also made but often not from salvaged material. The body of the lamp was supported by a round base with a slender cylindrical pedestal. The tapered body for fuel was 12 cm in length, and the width varied from 5 to 7 cm. The total height of the lamp was 48 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This lamp was said to have replaced a traditional lamp, which had not been used in the community since 1945. The traditional lamp (horongbul) had a wood base and a vertical piece of wood with an adjustable lateral component for holding an oil cup with a wick. It disappeared about 1960. In 1971, the metal version described above was rarely used in two of the villages of the community, but it was widely used in the third village where electricity had only recently been introduced. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:625. Material Culture No. 219 NAME.?(English) Kerosene lamp (Korean) Hoya DESCRIPTION.?This metal (galvanized iron) lamp, with a bulbous glass tube around the wick, had a chimney, and a fuel tank as the base. The glass tube could be raised, making the wick accessible for maintenance. A bail was attached to the lamp. The maximum height was 43 cm, and the width of the base was 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers regarded it as a western-style lamp. It was purchased in Kimhae shops. In 1955, it was used more often in the third village, which had not as yet received electrical service. In 1968, this kerosene lamp was seldom seen as all of the Three Ministers community had now been electrified. Material Culture No. 220 NAME.?(English) Portable stove (Korean) Kollot'ong Local term DESCRIPTION.?This portable tin stove was made from a salvaged oil storage can with the top removed and most of one of the four sides cut away. It was 30 cm in height and had a width of 25 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In the stove, wood, charcoal, or FIGURE 165.?Bamboo bed for napping or sitting, usually used during the summer. Black and white photograph, 1971. NUMBER 39 139 straw was burnt as fuel. Rice and other foods were prepared on this stove. Although the oil can was thought to have a Japanese origin, the stove was regarded as a Korean innovation. One visiting Korean scholar said that the oil storage can probably originated in the U.S.A. and not Japan. The stove was manufactured in Korea and bought in Kimhae shops. By 1968, this stove had almost disappeared. Material Culture No. 221 NAME.?(English) Charcoal stove (brazier) (Korean) Kollo P'ungno Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This portable cylindrical charcoal stove was made of baked clay. It was open on top, with a thick rim, and near the tapered base it had an air vent with a sliding metal door. Often the height was 25 cm, and the diameter at the top was 28 cm and at the base 25 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A number of households in 1951 had one of these portable charcoal stoves, in addition to the fixed fireplaces of the kitchen. It was convenient to prepare food outdoors in the summers away from the uncomfortable heat of the kitchen. Such stoves were made in Korea and purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1970, this stove was mostly replaced by a portable metal and clay stove that used a briquette for fuel. Villagers believed that the charcoal stove was introduced by the Japanese. Material Culture No. 222 NAME.?(English) Portable stove (Korean) Yangch'olbuok Yangch'olnallo Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This cylindrical sheet-metal stove was open at the top, and just above the base it had an air vent, which was an inserted metal tube. On either side of the stove there was a loop handle. The air tube had a removable cap. Within the outer metal surface of the stove was a layer of baked clay. The stove was 38 cm in height and 27 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The fuel used in this stove was the cylindrical briquette. This stove had mostly replaced other portable ones. In 1971, a community survey disclosed that it was in 70 percent of the homes. In 1981, almost all households used this stove, especially for outdoor cooking during hot weather. This stove was often factory made from pieces of scrap tin. Material Culture No. 223 FIGURE 166 NAME.?(English) Stove (Korean) Sut'obu Nallo Nallo Local term, from Japanese Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This western-style stove was made of cast FIGURE 166.?Iron stove of western design. Sketch. iron with a stovepipe leading to a chimney. It had a barrel-shaped fire chamber with a side door to insert fuel and regulate the draft. The diameter of a circular narrow compart? ment, which was just above the fire chamber was 32 cm. Below the fire chamber was another compartment with a side door to remove ashes. The stove was supported by four legs. The height of the stove was 70 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers said that this stove was introduced by the Japanese. The western-style stove was made in Japan and bought in Pusan. In 1965, the stove was the source of heat in the local primary school and in village offices. In Korean homes, with traditional heated floors, it did not appear. This stove was modified after 1970 to bum a briquette instead of firewood. Commencing about 1970 and continuing in 1981, the briquette was the primary fuel for heating and cooking in village homes. 140 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Material Culture No. 224 NAME.?(English) Brazier (Korean) Hwaru DESCRIPTION.?This iron or brass brazier for burning charcoal was shaped as a deep dish or pan, with a flat rim, and three legs for support. The maximum diameter, including the rim, was often 39 cm, and the height was 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The iron brazier not only provided a source of heat, but it was also used to roast chestnuts, to heat an iron for smoothing clothing, or to ignite tobacco in the metal bowl of a pipe. In 1960, the iron brazier had almost disappeared. A similar but older brazier mentioned, but not seen, was made of bronze. Another brazier said to have existed resembled a flower pot. It had a flat rim and no legs. It was said to be Japanese-introduced, and it had a maximum diameter of 29 cm and a height of 15 cm. This Japanese brazier has not been seen in the community since 1945. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:632. Material Culture No. 225 NAME.?(English) Tripod (Korean) Sambal Sambari Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This iron tripod had an iron ring to provide support for a cooking vessel. The diameter of the ring varied from 17 to 19 cm, and the length of the legs varied from 15 to 20 cm; a shorter version had a ring diameter of 13 to 15 cm with leg lengths from 7 to 8 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The tripod was placed in a brazier or a portable stove above the burning charcoal or briquette. The shorter tripod was most often seen over a briquette. Tripods were made by Kimhae blacksmiths and were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1965, these tripods were disappearing from the community. Such tripods were believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. Material Culture No. 226 FIGURE 167 NAME.?(English) Door lattices (a) Tortoise pattern (b) Open field pattern (Korean) (a) Chukch'angmun (b) Salch'angmun DESCRIPTION.?A simple bamboo lattice, known as the tortoise pattern, seen in many doors and windows, was constructed with an open checker-work of bamboo strips. A wooden lattice, with the open-field pattern, had its slender elements crisscross each other at right angles; the crisscrossing was tightly concentrated in some areas so as to represent at least three horizontal bands. The open-field pattern was made with pine or oak. Doors with lattice had a "rice paper" layer FIGURE 167.?Temple lattice-work showing an open field partem. Black and white photograph, 1971. stretched over the inside surface and often had an outside iron ring latch. One frequent size of door was 60 x 127 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Both types of lattice, the bamboo tortoise and the wooden open-field patterns, were seen in 1951 and 1961 in the community. Bamboo lattice usually appeared in the homes of the poorer villagers. Often it was made unevenly or carelessly. The wooden lattice, seen in other homes, was constructed skillfully. These two lattices were believed by villagers to be traditionally Korean. In a 1981 survey, most homes in the community had either wooden or aluminum framed doors with glass panes and no lattice work. Different and complex latticed doors, however, were seen at the hillside temple behind villages one and two. Carpentry and Blacksmithing Material Culture No. 227 NAME.?(English) Push broom (Korean) Sol DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine) push broom consisted of a rectangular brush with short hemp bristles and an inserted bamboo pole for a handle. The length of the handle was about 90 cm, and the brush had a length of 21 cm and a width of 9 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, this push broom was not widely used and did not usually appear in most Korean homes. It was used to wash concrete floors, logs, and boards. It NUMBER 39 141 was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers said that it was introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, a similar but plastic push broom with plastic bristles, with an inserted bamboo or wood (pine) pole as a handle, appeared. It was used for the same purposes. Material Culture No. 228 NAME.?(English) Paste brush (Korean) P'ulbi DESCRIPTION.?This small brush made of wood (pine) with hemp bristles was 20 cm in length and had a width of 9 cm. It had a straight perforated handle with a thong. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The purpose of this bmsh was to spread the paste for wall-papering or for oil papering on clay floors. In 1960, it was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. It was made in Korea but was perhaps derived from a western prototype. In 1981, a similar brush was used for house painting. Similar newer brushes were made with an imported wood, Philippine mahogany. Material Culture No. 229 NAME.?(English) Blacksmith's hammer (Korean) Mangch'i DESCRIPTION.?This "engineer" hammer, with a wooden (oak) handle, had a total length of 30 cm. The maximum length of the iron head was 16 cm. The head had a wedge-shaped top with a flat, round striking surface. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This hammer was a tempering tool. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea. Another existing hammer (also with a flat, round striking surface on one end of the head and a claw for pulling nails on the other) was believed to be a combined Korean and western tool. A hammer, with a ball top (peen) was said to be Japanese. Most homes contained at least one hammer, as well as a saw, a file, and a pair of pliers to do routine repair and maintenance work when needed. In 1971, a kit or assemblage of a few tools was found in 85 percent of the homes. Such tools were purchased in Kimhae stores. In 1981, less than 50 percent of homes possessed a tool assemblage that probably would be adequate to cope with household problems. Tools were often borrowed from neighbors to do maintenance, or the task was done by employing professional Kimhae personnel. Material Culture No. 230 FIGURE 168 NAME.?(English) Piston bellows (Korean) P'ulmae Local term Pulmi Local term P'ulmu Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This machine consisted of a rectangular wooden (pine) box with two compartments. One compartment FIGURE 168.?Blacksmith's wooden (pine) piston bellows. Black and white photograph, 1952, Knez. contained the plunger and an air chamber that was connected with another air chamber that had a valve to release the compressed air. The length was 120 cm and its height was 50 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, the only piston bellows in the community was in the blacksmith shop located in the second village. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. The smithy was closed in 1963. The piston bellows was sold about 1965 to someone not residing in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969:18; Nee? dham, 1982, Vol. 4(2): 136. Material Culture No. 231 NAME.?(English) Anvil (Korean) Momding Moru Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The rectangular top of the iron anvil was the working surface. The wedge-shaped bottom of the anvil was inserted into a wooden base (section of a tree trunk). The anvil had an approximate height of 20 cm; the wooden base was 40 cm. The top surface of the anvil often was 21x12 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The village blacksmith did his repairs of village tools upon this anvil. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae. The smithy was closed in 1963, and the anvil with other tools were sold about 1965. It was said that this type of anvil was introduced by the Japanese. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969. 142 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Material Culture No. 232 NAME.?(English) Water cooling vat (Korean) Kusi Kuyu Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This water cooling vat was made from a single wooden log. Often the overall dimensions were 40 x 70 cm with a depth of 20 cm or 62 x 100 x 30 cm. It was supported by a four-legged iron stand with a height of 50 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This water vat was used by the blacksmith to temper hot iron. In 1960, similar wooden vessels, but without metal stands, were also seen as mangers for oxen or as urinals in several village toilets. This vat was homemade using an adze and was believed to be derived from a Korean prototype. It was no longer seen in 1968. Material Culture No. 233 NAME.?(English) Pliers (Korean) Tchikkae Ppuraya Chipke Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Several iron pliers in different sizes and shapes were in use, but usually with lengths between 20 cm and 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, although most pliers seen were in the blacksmith's shop, other villagers had pliers for various purposes in their homes. Pliers were usually purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Several pliers were thought to have been introduced, possibly by the Japanese. Other pliers were said to be derived from Korean prototypes. In 1981, factory-made zinc-coated pliers for automobile repairs were widely seen in the community. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hommel, 1969. Material Culture No. 234 NAME.?(English) Files (a) Medium-size file (general use) (b) Large-size file (to sharpen axe blades) (c) Two-surface file (to sharpen saws) (Korean) Chul (a) Chungjul (b) K'unjul (c) Yangnalchul DESCRIPTION.?These iron files usually had a herringbone pattern of grooves on their face. Each had a wooden handle over its tang and a point at the distal end of its blade. Some files were four-sided in cross section with a prominent ridge running along its entire length. The size of files varied, one often seen had the length of 25 cm and a maximum width of 1.5 cm. Three types of these iron, later steel, files were differentiated according to function. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers believed that several of these files were western-style tools introduced by the Japanese. Such files were mostly used by repairmen. In 1960, they could be purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. They were manufactured in Korea. Material Culture No. 235 NAME.?(English) Drawknife ("bark stripper") (Korean) Namukkangnun k'al DESCRIPTION.?This drawknife consisted of an iron blade in a roughly hewn wooden (pine) elongated mount with two handles, one at each end. The maximum length of the drawknife was 30 cm, and the length of the blade was 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951, such drawknives could be seen in many homes. The more recently made drawknives had steel blades. Such drawknives were used primarily to strip bark from timber by pulling it with both hands. It was made by the village blacksmith and believed to have originated in Korea. In 1968, this tool had almost disappeared. Another knife with a single wood (pawlonia) handle, said to have a Japanese origin, was also used occasionally to strip bark, but primarily it was used for sculpturing wood as in temple construction. The blade was 15 cm in length, and the handle was 10 cm in length. The knife was described as sharp enough to shave a man. One example was used by a retired carpenter who had served an apprenticeship with a Japanese carpenter. It was seldom seen in the community. Material Culture No. 236 NAME.?(English) Adzes (small and large) (Korean) Sotchagu Local term Taetchagu Local term Chagwi Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This tool consisted of an iron, later steel, head with a lateral cutting edge and a socket for an inserted wooden (oak) handle. The other end of the head was a squared hammer. A small adze had a length of 20 cm, the head had a width of 11 cm, and the cutting edge was 5.5 cm. A larger adze existed; its length was 30 cm, the head was 14.5 cm in width, and the cutting edge was 4.5 cm. Another adze was seen with a curved handle inserted into a socket on top of an iron head. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The adze was used by carpen? ters and other villagers to plane or to split a board, or to strip bark from timber. It was bought in a downtown Kimhae shop. The smaller adze, said to have been introduced by the Japanese, was often seen in 1951, but very few existed in 1968. The larger adze, thought to have a Korean prototype, was still used. In 1981, all adzes were disappearing due to the use of powered tools. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:493. Material Culture No. 237 NAME.?(English) Angle rule (metric) (Korean) Cha DESCRIPTION.?This right-angle metric rule was made of stainless steel and measured 24 x 48 x 1.5 cm. Another NUMBER 39 143 right-angle rule existed and was graduated according to two traditional Korean scales. Both Korean scales appeared on the same rule. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A folding wooden rule, gradu? ated according to the metric scale, was widely used by carpenters. Students often relied upon a straight metric rule made of bamboo 30 cm in length. A traditional straight rule with a Korean scale for measuring cloth, with the total length converting into 54 cm, was rarely seen in 1968. Rules, graduated with the metric system, were purchased in downtown Kimhae or in Pusan shops. In 1971, the right-angle steel mle and the straight bamboo rule were widely used. Metric mles were believed by villagers to have been introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, plastic versions were popular. Bamboo rules were seldom seen. Material Culture No. 238 NAME.?(English) Square (marker) (Korean) Suk'weo Local term, from Japanese version of English "square" Chikkakcha Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden marking tool consisted of two straight-edge components that were attached at a right angle; one was 15 cm and the other was 21 cm in length. This tool was not graduated into metric or the traditional Korean units. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This tool was used by carpen? ters to mark a line at a right angle. It was often made by the carpenter who wanted one but also could be purchased in a Kimhae or Pusan store. Villagers said that it was a western tool that was introduced by the Japanese. In 1971, it was rarely seen. Material Culture No. 239 NAME.?(English) Oblique marker (Korean) Yon'gija DESCRIPTION.?This wooden marker consisted of two straight edge components attached to each other at an oblique angle of 45 degrees. The length of the two components were 18 cm and 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Carpenters used this tool to mark and cut an oblique line. Most villagers did not own one of these markers. It was bought in a Kimhae shop. This marker was seen in the community in 1951. Later the wooden marker was often replaced in carpenters' kits with a plastic version. In 1968, there were none seen. Material Culture No. 240 FIGURE 169 NAME.?(English) Ink marker (stylus) (Korean) Mokk'al DESCRIPTION.?This bamboo sliver was pointed at one end and finely cut into a brush at the other. The length was often 20 cm or as much as 30 cm, and the width of the brush was usually 1 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The pointed end was used to FIGURE 169.?Japanese carpenter's snap-line marker (pine) and a bamboo stylus. Black and white photograph, 1969. make a fine ink line, and the brush was for a wider line. In 1960, this tool was used widely by carpenters and occasionally by other, often older, villagers. It was made by the person who needed one. It was used with an ink pad. The modem pencil probably replaced this traditional marker. Villagers believed that this bamboo marker originated from a Korean prototype. It was not seen in 1971. Material Culture No. 241 FIGURE 169 NAME.?(English) Ink box, snap-line marker (Korean) Mokt'ong DESCRIPTION.?This round wooden (birch) ink box had an attached wheel around which was a wrapped silk cord. By means of a small hole in two sides of the box, the cord passed through the box containing a cloth or mass of cotton fibers soaked with black ink. The end of the cord was fastened to a small wooden peg with a pin to facilitate pulling forth the ink-stained cord and fastening it in place. The sizes of ink boxes with attached wheels varied but often had a length of 24 cm and a maximum width of 10 cm. The diameter of the wheel was 8 cm. The maximum length of the silk cord was usually 9 meters. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1960, this snap-line marker was seen in use by a carpenter who came to work in the Three Ministers community from downtown Kimhae. His three semi-skilled assistants lived in the community. This round- shaped ink marker, with an attached wheel, was said to be fashioned after an introduced Japanese prototype. A traditional Korean ink box marker was described that had a square shape, with an attached wheel, but was not seen. Ink boxes were usually bought in Pusan. Plastic versions have existed since 1971 and continued to be used in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:492. Material Culture No. 242 NAME.?(English) Line marker (Korean) Kebik'i Chikson'gi Local term, from Japanese Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This carpenter's single-blade line marker 144 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY consisted of a wooden (oak or birch) rectangular mount, rounded on top, with a small rectangular hole in the middle for an adjustable shaft of wood and a small steel blade. One marker had a maximum width of 9 cm, the height was 5 cm, and the length of the shaft was 17 cm. Three sizes of line markers were seen. Markers with two blades were also in use. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These line markers were also used for splitting boards. The markers were purchased in Pusan. Villagers believed that they were derived from Japanese prototypes. In 1981, these markers were still seen among carpentry tools. Material Culture No. 243 NAME.?(English) Lattice plane (Korean) Salmiri Pyont'ang Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This specialized carpenter's plane was made of wood (birch) with an inserted steel blade. The rectangular body of the plane was 26 cm in length and 6 cm in width. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This lattice plane was used by carpenters to make lattice for papered windows and as decor for a sliding door. It was purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. Villagers believed that this tool originated in Korea. In 1981, carpenter's planes were most often made of birch. The lattice plane was among the carpenter's tools in 1981, despite the increasing use of power equipment. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. Material Culture No. 244 FIGURE 170 NAME.?(English) Plane (Korean) Taep'ae Mengganna Taipae Local term Local term adopted from Japanese Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This carpenter's plane consisted of a rectan? gular wooden (often oak) block with an adjustable steel blade. The plane was 27 cm in length, 12 cm in width, and 3 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?There were three sizes of this plane. This plane was useful to level wooden surfaces and to shape wooden comers. It was purchased in Pusan. Villagers said that such planes were introduced by the Japanese. This plane was still used in 1981, although power tools were also available. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Needham, 1982:53. Material Culture No. 245 NAME.?(English) Smoothing plane (two-handle) (Korean) Taep'ae Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This plane had a steel blade inserted downward into and below an aperture of its wooden (oak or FIGURE 170.?Japanese carpenter's plane of steel and elm. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. birch) rectangular body. Straight handlebars were attached crosswise on the front and rear upper surface of the plane so that the plane could be held by two persons, one pushing and the other pulling the plane simultaneously. The width of the plane was 8 cm and its length was 20 cm. Each cross handlebar was 17 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This two-person plane was often used on wood with a tough grain, especially Korean pine, which was more difficult to work than Cryptomeria or cypress. Villagers believed that this tool had a Korean prototype. In 1971, this plane was no longer seen among carpenter's tools. Material Culture No. 246 NAME.?(English) Rabbet plane (Korean) Saguri Sagure Local term adopted from Japanese Standard term DESCRIPTION.?The rectangular body of this grooving plane, used for the construction of sliding doors, was made of wood (oak or birch) with a steel blade. Blade widths varied from 0.2 to 2.2 cm. There were ten different grooving planes of this type seen in a carpenter's tool kit, one of which was 20 cm in length and 5 cm in height. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Villagers believed that this plane had a Japanese prototype. In 1960, local carpenters NUMBER 39 145 bought ready-made lattice for doors from shops in downtown Kimhae or in Pusan, but they still made the door frames themselves and prepared the grooving for the doors. In 1981, grooving planes were in continued use, but there was an increasing dependence upon power tools. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. Material Culture No. 247 NAME.?(English) Rounding plane (Korean) Tungmiri DESCRIPTION.?This plane had a rectangular body of wood (chestnut, often birch) and a steel blade. The plane was 19 cm in length. The width of the steel blade was 3.5 cm. An older form of this plane had an iron blade and a handle that extended 22 cm across the body. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This hand tool was seen in the community in 1951 and in 1971. It was used almost exclusively by carpenters to round beams and frames above double windows in traditional homes. It was disappearing in 1971, as traditional homes were seldom built and only occasionally repaired. Villagers attributed this tool to a Korean prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982, Vol. 5:494. Material Culture No. 248 FIGURE 171 NAME.?(English) Saw, frame or bow saw (with toggle stick) (Korean) T'op DESCRIPTION.?This saw consisted of an iron or steel blade with teeth, a rectangular wood and rope frame, and a wooden toggle to adjust the tension upon the blade. The length of the frame was usually between 60 and 70 cm and the width (height) was 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The frame saw was used either by one person or by two persons facing each other, one pushing and the other pulling the tool. Most often it was used by wood cutters and carpenters. Villagers regarded it as a traditional Korean tool. In 1981, it was seldom seen in the community. The increased use of briquettes, instead of illegal firewood, undoubtedly was a causal factor for its disappearance. Material Culture No. 249 NAME.?(English) Saw (Korean) T'op DESCRIPTION.?This saw had crosscut teeth along one edge of the steel blade and ripping teeth on the other edge for cutting across or with the grain of the wood. The straight wooden (pawlonia) handle extended behind the blade. There were five varieties of this one- or two-hand saw, which had blade lengths from 24 to 36 cm. The lengths of the handles ranged from 30 to 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These saws were purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. Villagers regarded such saws as Japanese tools. In 1960 through 1981, they were extensively used in carpentry. Carpenters were also using power saws in 1981. Material Culture No. 250 NAME.?(English) Handsaw (Korean) T'op DESCRIPTION.?This handsaw had a steel blade with one cutting edge for crosscutting. The wooden (pawlonia) handle for one-hand use was approximately at a 40 degree downward angle. The handle was often 11.5 cm in length, and the blade was 30 cm in length. Several sizes of this handsaw were seen. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This handsaw was mostly used to cut firewood. In 1960, one was owned by every household in the community. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. Villagers said it had a Japanese origin. It was manufactured in Korea. In 1981, it was rarely seen as firewood was no longer used for cooking and heating. The briquette was introduced around 1970, and it had replaced firewood almost completely. Material Culture No. 251 NAME.?(English) Earth sieve (Korean) Hugolgimi Ch'e Local term Standard term FIGURE 171.?Bow saw with a steel blade and toggle stick. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. DESCRIPTION.?This sieve was made of wire screen within a rectangular wooden (pine) frame. Two parallel handles protruded from one side of the frame. The sieve was often 50 cm in width and 80 cm in length. The sieve was suspended horizontally by rope from a tripod of poles. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1970, this sieve was most often used by carpenters, plasterers, and concrete block (and brick) makers to remove pebbles and other foreign matter from sand. It was usually made by the person who needed it. In 1981, 146 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY it was seen most often at construction sites involving cement work. One retired carpenter said that traditional sieves had bamboo strips instead of wire screening. Material Culture No. 252 NAME.?(English) Ladder (Korean) Saedari Sadaktari Sadari Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?Ladders were constructed with finished or unfinished wood. A ladder was often made by the villager who needed one. The length varied but it was usually long enough to reach the roof of the one-story home, about 280 cm in length, with a maximum width of 48 cm. In 1960, such ladders were owned by many households. In 1981, similar ladders were in use. Material Culture No. 253 NAME.?(English) Crowbar (Korean) Motppaenun kot Local term Pparu Local term Norubal changdori Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This carpenter's tool was made of iron and was used as a lever in construction work and also to remove nails. The shaft sometimes had a faceted surface. It was often 42 cm in length, with a curved claw end that was 7 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1968, it was in a few homes. It was purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. It was a western tool, according to one villager, who once worked with U.S. Army engineers. Another villager, a retired carpenter, thought the crowbar was a traditional Korean tool. Material Culture No. 254 NAME.?(English) Carpenter's hammer (Korean) Mangch'i DESCRIPTION.?The Korean term was applicable to three types of hammers, each with an iron head and a wooden (oak) handle. One had two identical striking surfaces 9 cm apart on its iron head. Another hammer had a head with two striking surfaces, one wider than the other. The striking surfaces were 14 cm apart. The third hammer had a striking surface and a claw on the ends of its iron head. All hammers had handles that were about 30 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These hammers were used by carpenters and other villagers to drive or extract nails. The first two hammers mentioned above were thought to have Japanese prototypes. The third hammer, with a striking surface and a claw, was said to combine an early Korean hammer with a western-derived claw. They were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. In 1981, the first two hammers mentioned above were still in use. III Jisi JJlM' J^M i I'/W '7 'jjXjl FIGURE 172.?Japanese chisel with a steel blade and wooden handle. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. Material Culture No. 255 FIGURE 172 NAME.?(English) Chisel (Korean) Kkul DESCRIPTION.?Two types of chisels were seen that had steel blades and wooden (birch) handles. The handle of the mortise chisel, which was used for heavier work, was reinforced with two iron bands, one adjacent to the striking platform and the other below, near the blade. The length of chisels and the width of the cutting edges varied. One chisel was 23 cm in length and the blade width was 1.5 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?These chisels, said to be Japanese, were the butt and the mortise types. The butt chisel was often pushed by hand, and the mortise chisel was strucked with a hammer. In 1971, these chisels were seen almost exclusively in carpentry tool kits. A retired carpenter estimated that there were about fourteen different Japanese-derived chisels used by Korean carpenters. They were purchased either in Kimhae or Pusan shops. A Korean iron chisel also was used for woodwork, but it did not have a wooden handle. In 1981, chisels with wooden handles were still in use by the carpenters. NUMBER 39 147 Material Culture No. 256 NAME.?(English) Plasterer's trowel (Korean) Hulk'al Wangdaek'al Hukpaji Local term Local term Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This trowel consisted of a rectangular steel plate tapered at one end, with a horizontal wooden handle over the plate. Several shapes and sizes of trowels existed. The length of one trowel was 28 cm, and the width was 9.5 cm. Another metal trowel had a triangular shape. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Trowels were used to apply cement or mud to surfaces. Metal trowels were purchased in local shops. Wooden trowels were made by the villager who needed them. Several trowels were thought to have been introduced by the Japanese, but villagers believed that the Koreans had similar trowels before the Japanese ones appeared. Trowels continued to be widely used in 1981. Material Culture No. 257 NAME.?(English) (a) Wood drill (b) Awl (c) Clamp (Korean) (a) Halbibi (b) Songgot (c) Kkoksoe DESCRIPTION.?Among the tools of a carpenter were drills, awls, and clamps. Both the longer and the shorter drills, and the awls, were made of steel. The awls had wooden handles. The iron clamps were rigid (nonadjustable). Each consisted of a bar with two lateral extensions (hooks) that were driven into wood. One such clamp was 20 cm in length. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The steel drills were bought in Pusan. The awls, crowbars, and clamps were purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. All were Korean made. These carpenter's tools continued to be used in 1981. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Hong, 1982:493. Material Culture No. 258 NAME.?(English) Bamboo handicraft tools (a) Knife (b) Chisel (c) Gimlet (d) Shears (e) Saw (f) Pliers (Korean) Taenamu kongjaktogu (a) Taek'al (b) Kkul (c) Sasikkomi From Japanese term, sashikomi (d) Senttei (e) Sait'op (f) Tchikke DESCRIPTION.?The principal steel tools for working bam? boo were a knife, chisel, gimlet, shears, saw, and pliers. The knife, chisel, saw, and gimlet all had straight wooden (pine) handles into which their tangs were inserted. The U-shaped metal frame of the saw had a detachable blade. Although tool sizes varied, the length of the knife often was 30 cm, the chisel 23 cm, the gimlet 23 cm, the shears 18 cm, the pliers 19 cm, and the saw 45 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Bamboo working was a tradi? tional craft in the community. However, the tools that were being used closely resembled either contemporary Japanese or western versions. Such tools were considered to be modem. All were being made in Korea. The only craftsman who made bamboo items did so until 1975. He continued to live in the community in 1981. General Utility Material Culture No. 259 FIGURE 173 NAME.?(English) (a) Packboard, A-frame backpack (b) Packboard basket (Korean) (a) Chige Local term Chigae Standard term (b) Pagige DESCRIPTION.?This packboard, or A-frame, to carry a load upon a villager's back was usually made of two saplings (oak), each with a branch extending backward, and a midsection of woven rice straw. Occasionally the extended backward support was provided by two pieces of wood inserted into the saplings. Two woven (braided) rice-straw shoulder straps were attached. At times, a salvaged machine belt was used for the shoulder straps of the backpack. There were at least three sizes of packboards. One was 120 cm in length and 80 cm in maximum width. A cane, with a forked head, was used to prop up the pack board on the ground when it was loaded and unloaded. The cane was usually about 100 cm in length. Often a flexible basket made with twigs (bush clover, Lespedeza) was placed upon the packboard. A straw mat occasionally provided a lining within the basket. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The packboard was used to transport a wide variety of objects, from firewood to a pig, a manure barrel, or a plow. Frequently it was also utilized to carry grain, soil, compost, and other loose material. During the Korean War, the packboard was employed to carry ammunition to the front lines. It was made by craftsmen elsewhere in the Kimhae area. Villagers believed that the packboard had a Korean prototype. In 1971, the packboard was found in 59 percent of the homes. During a survey in 1981, it was rarely seen. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:224-228, 245-249. 148 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 173.?Packboard (A-frame) of wood (pine) and rice straw, with a pine prop cane and a collapsible basket made of bush clover twigs. From a color photograph, 1971. Material Culture No. 260 NAME.?(English) Water carrier (Korean) Mulchige DESCRIPTION.?This water carrier was a modification of the packboard. A carrying pole was lashed across a packboard. Suspended from the ends of the pole were hemp or nylon ropes with hooks to attach water buckets, manure buckets, or fertilizer baskets. The length of the carrying pole was 135 to 140 cm, the buckets were often 35 cm high and 27 cm in diameter. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This water carrier was usually made by the homeowner who needed it. It was used almost exclusively by men. Women usually carried water in a galvanized iron vessel on their heads. The water carrier had almost disappeared by 1961. About 1973, a piped water supply was provided for many homes. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Yi, 1970:35. Material Culture No. 261 FIGURE 174 NAME.?(English) Well bucket (Korean) Turebak DESCRIPTION.?This round galvanized iron bucket often was reinforced with a steel hoop around the base. The measure? ments of the bucket often were 18 cm high, with a top diameter of 21 cm and bottom diameter of 16 cm. The bail of the bucket was attached to the end of a bamboo pole with two wire links. At other times, the bucket was simply tied to a hemp, rubber, or nylon rope. Other well buckets included a plastic version of the above, a rubber one, a yellow-colored aluminum one, another made from an American Army helmet liner, and a rectangular bucket with a wedge-shaped bottom made of galvanized iron sheet over a wooden frame. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Water levels in a well were occasionally high enough to permit one to scoop up water with a dried gourd dipper. Other newer wells, however, were often concrete tubes with lower water levels. Most of these new wells were installed during the nationally sponsored New Commu? nity Movement to improve village life. The bamboo pole with an attached bucket was frequently used, but when the water level was low, a bucket tied to a rope was preferred. The round and rectangular galvanized iron buckets were widely used, but the U.S. Army helmet liner or a plastic version of it were rarely seen. In 1981, galvanized iron buckets were seldom seen, the yellow aluminum bucket was occasionally in use, and the plastic bucket appeared almost everywhere. Buckets and rope were purchased in downtown Kimhae shops. The round galvanized iron bucket was thought to have been introduced by FIGURE 174.?Well buckets of plastic, galvanized iron, and aluminum. From a color photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. NUMBER 39 149 the Japanese. Square wells were about 100 cm in width, and circular ones were about 80 cm in diameter. Both wells often had flat wooden covers. In 1981, electrical pumps in many homes were in use to draw water from existing wells. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:122-123. Vehicles Material Culture No. 262 NAME.?(English) Cart-wheel cover (Korean) Kuruma palt'ongdai Kuruma is Japanese term for cart DESCRIPTION.?The slatted wheel cover for an ox-cart was constructed with wood (pine) planks. The cover extended laterally from the top of one wheel to the other wheel, over the forward end of the bed of the cart. The size of wheel cover varied, but it often had a width of 122 cm and a height of 40 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A wheel cover provided a wider bed for loads. Such a wheel cover, which villagers said was introduced by the Japanese, could be seen after the liberation of Korea (1945) but has since disappeared. Subsequently, the ox-cart had iron rods over the wheels and railing along the sides of the cart, so that both an extended bed and the sides of the cart were available for loading. The iron rod used was the same as that seen in modem ferroconcrete construction, e.g., Kimhae International Airport. Material Culture No. 263 NAME.?(English) Cargo enclosure (box) (Korean) Hakko Local term, from Japanese term Hako Kwetchak Standard term DESCRIPTION.?A four-sided wooden (pine) enclosure, open at the top, was occasionally placed upon the bed of an ox-cart. The dimensions of the box varied but were often 100 x 200 cm with a height of 150 cm. There were two movable rear panels to facilitate unloading. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This cargo enclosure for the ox-cart was useful to transport light but bulky loads, such as chaff. A similarly shaped enclosure with less height facilitated carrying dirt, fertilizer, and compost. In 1960, both the high and the low enclosures were often made by a village carpenter. Some villagers believed that such adaptations for a cart were introduced by Japanese, but others disagreed and spoke of a probable Korean origin. The higher enclosure disappeared from community life about 1971. Material Culture No. 264 NAME.?(English) Cart support (stand) (Korean) Konggum Local term Uch' a pach' imdae Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This cart support was made from the base of a small (pine) tree trunk usually with three or four of its attached roots. The height of the cart support was approxi? mately 50 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The trunk of a small tree was sawed-off approximately 23 cm above the ground. The base of the trunk, with the attached roots, was then excavated from the soil and trimmed so that it stood evenly and firmly. The purpose of the cart support was to hold the loaded ox-cart level when it was stationary and not hitched to an ox. At other times the cart support served as a stool. It was bought at a downtown Kimhae shop. Villagers believed that it originated in Korea. Although often seen prior to 1960, it had disappeared after 1970. Material Culture No. 265 NAME.?(English) Hand cart (Korean) Son'guruma Sonsure Local term, from Japanese Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This two wheel cart was made of wood (pine), with iron rims on the spoked wheels. Later the wooden wheels were replaced with salvaged steel wheels and rubber tires from an old automobile. The bed of the cart consisted of two parallel beams with cross pieces between them. The width of the bed was 122 cm. The cart was 270 cm in length. The diameter of each wheel was 92 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This hand cart, with iron- rimmed wheels, was said to have been introduced by the Japanese. Although it existed prior to and during 1951, it had disappeared by 1968. Once owned by twenty households, such carts were used to transport various kinds of goods. The cart was pulled, usually by one man, at times assisted by someone pushing behind the cart. Such carts were made in the Kimhae area. Material Culture No. 266 NAME.?(English) Hand truck (Korean) Son'gumma Sonsure Local term, derived from Korean and Japanese words Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This wooden hand tmck consisted of a wooden (oak) frame with a bed of crosspieces. The two proximal ends of the frame were curved handles and the distal ends were extended upward at a 45 degree angle to retain the load, e.g., firewood, rice sacks, or wine kegs, on the bed of the truck. Below the distal ends were two small iron wheels and, at the proximal ends, under the handles, were a pair of iron supports for the tmck when it was placed upon the ground for loading and unloading. The length of the truck was 180 cm, and the width was 40 cm. The diameter of the wheels was 28 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?During a 1951 village survey, only one hand tmck was seen in the community. It had been obtained from a brewing company in downtown Kimhae. During the 1960s it disappeared. A somewhat larger, also two-wheeled, hand cart was seen in 1968. It was completely 150 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY made of iron. The wheels were on the distal end of the bed. A pair of pistol grip handles extended beyond the proximal end. This cart, which was thought to be Japanese, also has since disappeared. A vehicle for similar work, the western wheelbar? row, was not seen in the community. Material Culture No. 267 NAME.?(English) Liberation cart (Korean) Haebangguruma Haebangch'a Local terms, derived from Korean and Japanese words DESCRIPTION.?This wooden cart had a low bed of boards or slats, an iron axle, and a pair of small iron wheels. Attached to the bed were two upright parallel shafts with a cross handlebar. The length of the cart was 160 cm, the width was 50 cm, and the diameter of the wheels was 30 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?Such carts were owned by numerous households just after 1945. Often the pairs of small wheels were salvaged during the Korean War (1950-1953) from a nearby American military airfield (in 1981, Kimhae International Airport). This small cart became known as the liberation cart. The cart was sometimes associated with illegal timber and underbrush cutting. The cart was mainly used by women and children for transporting loads, e.g., firewood and rice, for short distances. It has since disappeared from the community (1960). Material Culture No. 268 FIGURE 175 NAME.?(English) Ox-cart (Korean) Soguruma Uch'a Local term, derived from Korean and Japanese words Standard term DESCRIPTION.?This two-wheeled wooden (pine) cart was pulled by a single ox. Sturdy wooden wheels with metal rims that were in use in the 1950s had disappeared by 1971 and were replaced with salvaged metal wheels and pneumatic tires taken from a truck or jeep. The bed of the cart had two side rails. In 1951, the ox-cart was often 450 cm in length and 80 cm in width. The wheel diameter was 99 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The cart was used to transport various materials, e.g., sacks of grain (rice or barley) and lumber. In 1965, it was disappearing from community life, and was being replaced by the multifunctional motorized cultivator with its rear cart (Figure 176). Carts were owned by farmers who had oxen. The cart was made by craftsmen in downtown Kimhae. Villagers believed that it had a Korean origin. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?K. Kim, 1969:232-233, 253. Material Culture No. 269 NAME.?(English) Horse carriage (bus) (Korean) Mach'a DESCRIPTION.?The one horse carriage seen in the commu? nity was constructed of wood with a galvanized iron sheet roof. The steel wheels, with pneumatic tires, were salvaged from American military vehicles. The two front wheels were approximately half the size of the rear tires. The seating capacity was eight persons, with the driver. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?This horse-drawn carriage appeared after the Korean liberation (1945) when no public transportation existed. This bus provided transportation be? tween the community and downtown Kimhae. It was built by Koreans in Pusan who had lived in Japan. The bus was purchased in Pusan. It disappeared from the Kimhae area about 1955-1956. FIGURE 175.?Ox with cart, note nose ring, traction saddle, traction sandals, and the use of salvaged truck wheels and tires. Black and white photograph, 1971. NUMBER 39 151 FIGURE 176.?Motorized cultivator with a rear cart. This motorized cultivator was used in the 1970s and continued to play an important role in village life in 1981. From a color photograph, 1981. Material Culture No. 270 FIGURE 177 NAME.?(English) Bicycle (Korean) Chajon'go DESCRIPTION.?This sturdy iron bicycle was equipped with pneumatic rubber tires, an adjustable stand attached to the rear wheel to support the vehicle at rest, and a rack for loads above the rear wheel. Both the iron stand and the rack occasionally were reinforced with an iron rod for greater strength. The rack also could be enlarged to accommodate larger loads. The two wheels of the bicycle had diameters of 65 cm. The width of the cross handlebar was 65 cm. The length of the bicycle was approximately 195 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1971, some 40 percent of the households in the community owned one of these bicycles, which enabled villagers to transport heavy loads, e.g., a fully grown pig, briquettes for heating and cooking, or sacks of rice. This bicycle was said to be introduced by the Japanese. This and two other types of bicycles were seen. One of these two FIGURE 177.?Steel bicycle with an iron rack and stand for heavy-duty use. Black and white photograph, 1971. 152 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY was lighter and was built to carry one person, although it was often seen carrying a passenger as well. The third type was used by children. Motor bikes also were owned by several villagers in 1975. They were purchased in a downtown Kimhae store. In 1981, pedaled bicycles were still in use but not as frequently as in previous years probably because of available motor transport. A lighter bicycle was frequently seen. Motor scooters, mopeds, and motorcycles were also popular (1981) in the community. Material Culture No. 271 FIGURE 178 NAME.?(English) Rear cart (Korean) Riyak'a Standard term, adopted from Japanese DESCRIPTION.?This wooden (pine or plywood) rear cart with a hollow iron pipe frame and two wheels with pneumatic rubber tires had a rectangular wooden bed with a low iron railing on its sides and front. An extended U-shaped handlebar facilitated pulling or, after turning the cart around, pushing the cart. The bed of the cart was about 120 cm in length, and the width was 90 cm. The diameter of the wheels was 50 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The iron railing of the Korean version of the cart (1968) was higher and extended over the top of each wheel. The railing (a type of iron rod often seen in ferroconcrete construction) was bent and soldered into place. This cart was frequently pulled behind a bicycle and accommodated many types of loads. During a 1971 survey, 32 percent of the households owned one. It was usually purchased in a downtown Kimhae shop. It was said to be introduced by the Japanese. In 1981, it was still seen but was being replaced by tractor-trailers10 and small trucks. Toilet Material Culture No. 272 FIGURE 179 NAME.?(English) Chamber pot (Korean) Yogang DESCRIPTION.?The round chamber pot was a glazed white porcelain vessel with a blue and green floral design, usually a peony. Other chamber pots, with a similar shape and in several sizes, were made of aluminum, stainless steel, brass, and plastic. The pot often had a rim diameter of 12.5 cm and a height of 17 cm. The lid had a central knob on the upper surface. The lid had a diameter of 15 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?The porcelain chamber pot was widely used. Poorer villagers used an aluminum version, which was cheaper yet durable. The stainless steel type was the most expensive in 1970. Although the chamber pots were made with lids, a lid was seldom seen in the community, perhaps because of breakage. In most homes, after the use of a chamber pot, the FIGURE 178.?Cart with an iron pipe frame, two steel wheels with spokes, and pneumatic tires. Made before 1945. Black and white photograph, 1952. top of the pot was temporarily covered with a piece of wood or cardboard. In 1981, the chamber pot was still in use in some homes, mostly by the elderly and children of preschool age. Villagers said that these chamber pots had a Korean origin. Communications Material Culture No. 273 FIGURE 180 NAME.?(English) Radio (Korean) Rajio Najio Local term, Japanese rendition of English word Local term DESCRIPTION.?The cabinet of the radio was either wood or plastic, and the size varied greatly. Table models predominated. One rectangular model was 39 x 20 x 17 cm. Antennas on the roofs of village homes were often seen. In 1981, the portable transistor radio had also become popular. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?In 1951, only 15 homes owned radios, but by 1971, 265 homes, or 76 percent, had radios. FIGURE 179.?Chamber pots of plastic and white porcelain with peony designs. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. NUMBER 39 153 FIGURE 180.?Radio with a plastic case. Black and white photograph, 1969, Victor Krantz. About 1971, villagers began to acquire television sets with black and white screens. By 1981, 71 percent of the homes had television sets. Radios and television sets were bought in downtown Kimhae or in Pusan. The radio is said to have been introduced during the Japanese occupation (1910-1945). In 1981, the radios and television sets seen in many homes were mostly made by Korean electronic's companies (Gold Star, Daewoo, Samsung). Electronic communication also was facilitated with the telephone. In 1951 and 1971, there were none, but in 1981, 41 percent of the homes had telephones. Material Culture No. 274 FIGURE 181 NAME.?(English) Book (stitched) (Korean) Ch'aek DESCRIPTION.?This traditional paper-back book was made of mulberry paper. The stitched binding was hand-sewn with cotton thread usually inserted into four holes. The size of these books varied but often they were 30 x 20 cm. ADDITIONAL FIELD DATA.?A few of these publications were seen in 1960 and 1970 in the community as genealogical records as well as texts for Confucian rituals and other classics. In contrast with these hand-stitched books, many contemporary publications were also present in 1970 and 1981, e.g., books, magazines, and pamphlets. Novels and textbooks frequently appeared. Comic books were sold in several village shops and were very popular among children and were often exchanged or resold. For several years, a small lending library had existed in the community. Village elders attributed the origin of the traditional book to a Chinese prototype. COMPARATIVE LITERATURE.?Carter, 1955:53, 61, 63; Schaefer, 1983. FIGURE 181.?Korean stitched books have cotton thread through four holes. Black and white photograph, 1971. 154 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Notes 'The circumstances of the Korean War (1950-1953) necessitated that the initial plan be abandoned to do the field study in a remote community where presumably "traditional life and material culture" were more in evidence. The author became concerned that a field investigation in the Perimeter Defense area would produce skewed results. Fortunately, the three villages in the study had not been overrun by military units or subjected to guerrilla raids as were many others. The "traditional material culture" there was soon determined to be noteworthy and continued to be present, to some degree, throughout the duration of the study. "Traditional artifacts" are those that were in evidence in 1951. In the evolutional sequence, a "traditional baseline" is useful for comparative purposes. 2Opinion expressed by Dr. Kim W6n-Y6ng, a visiting archaeologist. 3Dr. Kim Won-Yong said that this type of spoon, with a straight handle, had been used in Korea since the early Yi dynasty (14-15th century A.D.), prior to that, the handle was S-shaped. 4 Dr. Kim Won-Yong told the author that during the Korean Silla Period (57 B.C-935 A.D.) similar-shaped basins were in use. 5Dr. Kim Won-Yong told the author that such steamers had been used in Korea for over 2000 years. 6For a more detailed description and manufacture of Korean utility ware, see Sayers, with Rinzler, 1987. 7These sandal making tools are available for study in the Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 8The reference here is to the standard shovel and not to the traditional shovel that was used by a team of men, one person to guide the shovel and two or more persons, with rope attachments, to pull it. This traditional shovel was not seen in the community. 9Dr. Kim Won-Yong thought the tilt hammer mill was introduced from Han China (206 B.C-220 A.D.). "Tractor-trailers were motorized multifunctional cultivators or tractors that often pulled a heavier metal (iron) trailer. Part 3. The Village House: Its Recent Development in the Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 In 1951, nearly all houses in the consolidated community of Three Ministers were representative of the traditional southern Korean dwelling: one story, rectangular in shape, of post and lintel construction with heated floors, and a roof of thatch or tile (Figure 182). In each home there were at least one, often two, living/bedrooms with heated floors, and a kitchen with a lower clay floor. Room sizes varied, but they were often 3 or 4 square meters (Table 15). The kitchen had a rectangular shape. Their sizes differed, but most were approximately 4.5 by 2.5 m. A house was usually within a walled yard with several comple? mentary buildings, including one with a heated floor, which could be used as a guest room, and an open storage room, which was used for agricultural equipment and tools or as an ox stable; an outhouse (toilet); a chicken roost, with an attached pen; and occasionally a pigsty. Each yard had an open work area and frequently a small vegetable garden (Figures 183, 184). Pine logs and poles, stones, mud, river reeds, paper, cement, lime powder, and rice straw for thatch or tile for roofing were essential materials used in traditional home construction. Prior to construction, the house site was leveled, pounded, and covered with pebbles. The bottom layer of the wall for the yard was often made of stone. Usually twelve upright pine posts were required for the frame of the house. Each post was mounted on a roughly worked square-shaped stone. Outer walls were built with mud and stone, in superimposed alternating layers. Inner walls of homes were constructed with a wattle and daub technique using mud mixed with straw over river reeds tied to bamboo or pine twigs. The inner surface of walls and doors were covered with paper. At the two ends of the house a TABLE 15.?Average size of a traditional house, with a living/bedroom and kitchen in the Three Ministers community in 1951 (meters, average sizes). The living/bedroom walls and ceilings were papered. The living/bedrooms had flat ceilings, but the kitchen was open to the rafters. House Living/bedroom Kitchen Length Width Height 8.0 3.5 4.5 6.5 2.5 2.5 4.5 2.1 3.2 FIGURE 182.?Traditional village house with thatch roof, post and lintel construction, and heated floor. In the yard of the old house can be seen a moveable wooden platform that, especially during the summers, was used in the shade for naps or sitting. This house was demolished in 1971 and was replaced with a concrete block and flat-roofed home. Black and white photograph, 1951. 155 156 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Date of construction unknown -Thatch roof. KEY 1 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 2 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 3 - Kitchen 4 - Open room (wooden floor) 5 - Dishware cabinet 6 - Chimney 7 - Chicken roost 8 - Storage room 9 - Stable 10-Toilet 11 - Guest room 12 - Storage jars TRADITIONAL KOREAN HOUSE FIRST VILLAGE, THREE MINISTERS, KIMHAE meters FIGURE 183.?Groundplan for a traditional Korean house. post was superimposed upon the frame of the house to hold the horizontal ridge pole, on which was written in black ink the date it was put in place. Approximately seventy pine poles, each about five centime? ters in diameter, were used in construction of the roof. Slender sticks were tied over these poles with rice-straw rope upon which was applied a layer of mud. On this layer was placed a layer of reeds before the mud had dried. Rice-straw thatch was then placed on top and lashed down with rice-straw rope to weather winds of typhoon strength. When ceramic elongated semi-circular tile was used, it was placed on the roof in two layers. The tiles were set so the bottom layer had its concave surface turned up and the upper layer with its concave surface turned down to cover the junction of the lower tiles. The visual effect was of parallel tubes extending from the ridgeline to the eaves. The clay floor of the kitchen was at ground level. In the kitchen there were at least two fireplaces built into a clay and stone bank (counter) running along the side of the kitchen that was adjacent to the next room. Flues for heating the floor of this adjacent room extended from the kitchen's fireplaces. Heated rooms often had both main and secondary flues in their floors. Fireplaces existed in the kitchen and under the outer wall of the house. A detached chimney was on the other side of the building. When the fireplaces were in use, food was cooked and the adjacent room heated simultaneously. The flues in a heated floor were constructed upon an earthen slope from the fireplace downward to the base of the chimney. Round stones from the hillside (not from a stream bed) were aligned in rows, with the larger near the fireplace. Above these supporting stones were placed roughly worked flat stones. Over the flat stones a layer of mud mixed with straw was spread and this was covered with a fine, smooth mud layer. White mulberry paper was laid on the dried floor and rubbed with vegetable oil. Sometimes a cheaper paper cover for the floor was used. Chimneys were made of curved roof tiles placed together, round concrete pipe, or wooden boards. An itinerant chimney sweep occasionally was employed to clean the chimneys. Housewives would remove NUMBER 39 157 HOUSE COMBINING KOREAN AND JAPANESE TRAITS SECOND VILLAGE, THREE MINISTERS, KIMHAE J ^ Al 1/ \>>?K I SUV \*1^ I \vj s ^ < ; \W 32 ? 3 2 * 3 2 * Bg W - J m^iHsi H - U ^ I M E g 27 ? ? U ^ M L ' ^ W M ^ S ^ W M L . ^ ^ J L - f c n W M L ^ W - l ^ W V L S 1 ^ >^Mk S^ ^ ^ k t l . ^ V k s a . iwvk ^4 j.w ^K ra -> '^ g - . ~-> Built in 1946 for his family of five by the best carpenter in the village. The wall surrounding the house was constructed of alternating layers of stone and mud. Roof is thatch. Underlined words indicates Japanese influences. KEY: 1 - Kitchen (concrete floor) 18 2,4 - Living-bedroom (heated floor) 19 3 - Summertime guest room (wooden floor) 20 5 - Dining room (heated floor) 21 6 - Room (wooden floor) 22 7 - Study room (mat floor) 23,24 8,10 - Room with bay windows 9 - Stoop (concrete step) 25 11 - Room, glass panel doors (wooden floor) 26 12 - Fireplace (for room 4) 13 - Back corridor (wooden floor, glass panel doors) 27 14- Bathroom 28 15- Well 29 16 - Storage platform, sauce jars 30 17- Storage room (wooden floor) 31 32 Storage room (concrete floor), cereals Family toilet (thatch roof) Guest toilet (thatch roof) Storage room (formerly ox stable) Fireplace with kettle to cook meal for oxen Guest rooms (heated floor, clay and oilpaper surface) M-**- Open room (wooden floor) Gateway (galvanized iron roof), door with lattice panal Chicken roost Rabbit hutch Shed for farm implements Pig pen 0 1 2 3 A S Storage room Chimneys I l I I l l meters FIGURE 184.?Groundplan for a house combining Korean and Japanese traits. The house is shown in Figure 185. 158 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY the accumulated ash and soot from the flues beneath the floors. In kitchen fireplaces, firewood and chaff were burnt in 1951; starting about 1972, briquettes were widely used as fuel1. The front of the traditional house had a narrow stoop made of wooden planks about 55 centimeters above ground level. Before the stoop on the ground were at least two stones that served as a step to enter the home, after footwear was removed. In the Three Ministers community there were four types of doors: (1) outside hinged wooden doors with paper-covered lattice, (2) sliding outer wooden doors with paper-covered lattice, (3) sliding inside wooden doors with paper-covered frames, and (4) Japanese-type sliding doors with glass panels (Figure 185). In former Japanese homes, outside sliding wooden shutters were also used for severe inclement weather. The three basic lattice designs that were most popular were a recurrent wooden square pattern, a wooden interlocking "A" (Korean character), and a diamond pattern made with bamboo strips. Thatch roofs were seen on most homes (85 percent) in 1971 and on auxiliary buildings in the household yards, e.g., a building with a guest room and an adjoining storage room, outhouses, and occasionally on top of mud fences to reduce erosion. Most thatch roofs of homes were replaced after 1972 during local projects of the New Community Movement (Figure 186). Traditional ceramic tile roofs, however, were retained. Other types of newly available roofing materials that were installed included composition material, galvanized iron sheet, and "slate" (cement and asbestos). It was about 1978 when thatch roofs on homes completely disappeared from the Three Ministers community. One carpenter2, a plasterer, and two laborers could build a traditional home in approximately three weeks. In 1970, an electrician, plumber, bricklayer, and a cement finisher were also employed to build a modern home, and more time was required to complete the construction. Existing traditional homes continued to be used during the period of 1961-1981, often with repairs and modifications, e.g., new roofing, but few were built. New homes were constructed, but these incorporated Korean, Japanese, and western features (Figure 187). Instead of a ceramic tile roof, sometimes a concrete "tile" was used, often painted dark red, green, or blue. The post and lintel frame for the house was retained, but the walls were made of perforated concrete blocks and smaller solid concrete bricks. The surface of the exterior walls was covered with plaster. Sliding wooden frame windows held glass panels covered with a wooden lattice. Sliding wood and glass panel doors, with overhead sliding glass and latticed transoms, were installed in the main entrance way. To enter a home, the sliding doors were pushed aside to step inside a small foyer with a concrete or terrazzo floor and footwear was removed while seated on the wooden stoop. The living/ bedrooms had heated floors. The kitchen had a concrete floor with the traditional but modified fireplaces for burning briquettes. Between 1972 and 1981, a westernized home began to appear in the Three Ministers community (Figure 188). It was FIGURE 185.?Village house with combined Korean and Japanese traits. It was built by the best carpenter in the community for his family of five about 1950. When he and his family moved away, it was replaced by a concrete block house in 1968. Note the suspended nests for hens under the windows. Black and white photograph, 1952. NUMBER 39 159 FIGURE 186.?Traditional village house with a tile roof. From a color photograph, 1952. FIGURE 187.?A modern house combining old and new features, made with concrete blocks. It was owned by a well-to-do family in the South Post village. From a color photograph, 1971. built with concrete blocks and bricks, and wooden beams and doors. The windows were made of glass, wood, and aluminum. The house had two stories with an outside stairway and a flat roof. The second story was set back providing a walkway with a parapet. This new type of home contained three or four living/bedrooms with heated floors, a western-style kit? chen3 and a western-style bathroom with a flush toilet, tub, and wash basin. About 1980, the heated floors were integrated within a boiler system of vinyl hot water pipes and a briquette, oil, or kerosene burning furnace. The boiler equipment was often manufactured in Pusan. The concrete blocks and bricks were made in the first or neighboring villages as a cottage industry. The walls and the floors of the bathrooms were often covered with glazed tile. To summarize, from 1951 to 1981, housing in the Three Ministers community underwent a significant change: 1. In 1951, only traditional houses were built. 2. The number of traditional/modified houses increased greatly between the years 1951 and 1971: in village 1 from 6 to 69 percent, in village 2 from 6 to 69 percent, and in village 3 from 5 to 82 percent (Table 16). 160 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY FIGURE 188.?Modern village house. From a color photograph, 1991. TABLE 16.?Changes in house styles in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981. 1951 Village 1 Village 2 Village 3 Totals: 1971 Village 1 Village 2 Village 3 Totals: 1981 Village 1 Village 2 Village 3 Totals: Traditional number 75 61 18 154 60 39 17 116 0 0 0 0 percent (93.7) (93.8) (94.7) (93.9) (54.5) (45.9) (85.0) (54.0) (0.0) (0.0) (0.0) (0.0) Traditional/ Modified number 5 4 1 10 45 43 3 91 102 94 23 219 percent (6.2) (6.1) (5.3) (6.1) (40.9) (50.6) (15.0) (42.3) (69.4) (69.1) (82.1) (70.4) New (western) number 0 0 0 0 5 3 0 8 45 42 5 92 percent (0.0) (0.0) (0.0) (0.0) (4.5) (3.5) (0.0) (3.7) (30.6) (30.9) (17.9) (29.6) Totals 80 65 19 164 110 85 20 215 147 136 28 311 3. A small percentage (3 percent) of the houses were of the new westernized two-story, concrete block, flat roof style in 1971, but by 1981, the number had risen to 29 percent. 4. By 1981, no traditional houses were under construc? tion, and the traditional house was no longer a part of the village landscape. Notes ?Almost two-thirds of so-called "forest land" in South Korea was practically denuded of trees during the years 1950 to 1960 due to the demand for fuel (Handbook of Korea, 5th ed., Korea Overseas Information Service, September 1983). Wood fuel was used extensively in villages and in the cities. The solution to the serious ecological problem was the use of domestically produced substitutes for firewood. Forest reforestation and management in the NUMBER 39 161 meanwhile brought about a dramatic change. The hills and mountains of Korea Such an honorific title, or any similar designation, was not given to other were green again. village craftsmen. One such village carpenter constructed shrines and temples A briquette, composed of compressed coal, charcoal, and oil, was introduced as well as houses. He and his family have since moved to Pusan. See the to South Korea about 1960 and was widely used in urban households for photograph and ground plan of his village home, combining Korean and cooking as well as heating. Rural families began using the briquette after the Japanese features, Figures 184 and 185. New Community Movement was initiated in 1970. 3About 1984, liquidified petroleum gas (LPG) in a portable cylindrical 2A skillful Korean carpenter might be called "great carpenter" (Taemok). container replaced briquettes as the cooking fuel in the kitchen. Part 4. Summary and Interpretation The purpose of this study is to provide an ethnohistorical perspective based upon the material culture of three South Korean villages. Field surveys revealed existing artifacts, their physical features, their number, and their use. Most artifacts recorded were seen either within villager's homes or in their yards. After field work in 1951, the data obtained by the author provided an integrated time-level of material culture that became a convenient baseline for a study of change. During a 1958 field trip, a household inventory was conducted in one of the three villages of the Three Ministers community. Some 268 artifacts were subsequently selected as "representative" for study. Each object was assigned by villagers to one of eleven categories according to its use, and to what was believed to be its place of origin (Table 17). Villagers, usually without hesitation, expressed an opinion of prototypes, with the exception of those artifacts with a possible Chinese origin. Items believed to be derived from Korean prototypes numbered 178; those from Japan, 82; and those from China, 8. This initial survey indicated that the villagers, although receptive to innovation, continued to rely upon a dominance of artifacts said to be of Korean origin. This situation was to change significantly by 1981. Prior to the end of World War II (1945), several Japanese immigrant families also lived in the three villages. After they left for Japan their homes were soon occupied by Koreans. A number of the Japanese homes gradually underwent Koreaniza- tion, usually as repairs were needed, with the exception of the TABLE 17.?Origins of the material culture examined in one of the villages of the Three Ministers community in 1958. heated floors, which were installed as soon as the new occupants could afford to do so (Table 18). In 1971, after selecting artifacts in the home and yard of a prosperous village elder, a check-list of 95 objects was compiled. This pilot checklist was attached to a questionnaire to obtain a material culture inventory of the three villages (Table 19). The "total" number of households in the three villages was 346. A sizeable gap was soon disclosed between the number of artifacts previously found in the home of the elder, and the number found in the average village household. However, only a modest difference existed among most homes in the three villages; the averages were 35.71, 33.22, and 37.73 for artifacts seen respectively. An estimate of conservatism in the three villages was determined by combining the numbers of Traditional and Traditional/Modified artifacts and comparing the total with the number of New artifacts. The ratios for villages 1 and 3 were 5.16 : 1 and 5.08 : 1; village 2, was slightly less TABLE 18.?Number of houses with persisting Japanese features in Koreanized Japanese homes in each of the villages in the Three Ministers community in 1958. Japanese feature Roof tile, Japanese style Interior bathroom/toilet Interior sliding paper doors Mat (tatami) floor Exterior sliding glass doors Lattice (Japanese style) Totals Village 1 15 8 3 3 1 1 31 Village 2 15 10 6 3 8 6 48 Village 3 22 - - 3 - 25 Artifacts Agriculture Livestock Household Tools Vehicles Religion Music Clothing Men's accessories Women's accessories Toys Totals: Korean 25 10 79 15 3 4 7 27 1 2 5 178 Japanese* 18 3 31 18 9 0 0 2 0 1 0 82 Chinese 1 0 5 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 8 *A number of the objects said to have a Japanese origin appeared to the ethnographer to have come from the West. They perhaps were acquired indirectly through Japan, possibly during the Japanese occupation from 1910 to 1945. TABLE 19.?Traditional, Traditional/Modified, and New artifacts recorded in the Three Ministers community in 1971 (95 items). Included is a breakdown of average artifacts seen per household, and the ratio of Traditional and Traditional/Modified artifacts to New artifacts. The number of households in each village was 202 in village 1, 95 in village 2, and 49 in village 3. Type of artifact Traditional Traditional/Modified New Totals Artifacts seen per household T + T/M = T + T/M:N Village 3969 2405 1170 7544 37.35 6374 5.45:1 1 Village 2 1527 1059 570 3156 Village 3 967 578 304 1849 Breakdown of artifacts 33.22 2586 4.54:1 37.73 1545 5.08:1 162 NUMBER 39 163 conservative as its ratio was 4.53 : 1. Conservatism and innovation were also revealed in the socio-economic aspects of village life, e.g., grain versus cash crops, open-field cultivation versus vinyl greenhouses, and home (agriculture) versus factory employment. Village 3, because of the influence of a Kim extended family, came closer to the "classic one-clan village" of Korea's past; nevertheless, it had kept abreast of available technology and truck fanning opportunities. Another estimate with eight selected artifacts was made in 1971 to disclose existing differences between the three villages (Table 20). These "representative" artifacts revealed that although the villages were now within the city limits of Kimhae, they retained in varying degrees aspects of a rural character. Village 1 had assigned the paddy harrow to the less-used level and the dry-field plow to least used. This was partially due to the fact that several farmers depended upon contracts with plowing teams to till their land. Village 1 had four most-used items: the folding screen, bicycle, gourd dipper, and paduk game. The decorative folding screen continued to be used as a backdrop for rituals and for guests, as well as to avoid drafts of air. Bicycles, despite the growing number of motorized vehicles, were seen in most households. Preference for the gourd dipper seemed to be mostly a sentimental symbol of an idealized past and pure water. The use of the paduk game was related to the unemployment of many younger men as well as to the leisure time of retired elders. Village 3 had the most use of four objects: the rear cart, paddy harrow, dry-field plow, and sewing machine. Village 1 clearly lost some of its earlier economic self-sufficiency, because the dry-field plow and the rear cart were least used. Village 3 had the plow and harrow on the most-used level along with the rear cart, which was often needed for farm transport. The sewing machine in village 3 was also among the most-used artifacts. Yet, interestingly, it was least used in village 1 and less used in village 2, both of which had more diversified economies and were closer to the highway. In 1971, a study of "representative" artifacts disclosed an ongoing change or trend toward urbanization and moderniza? tion. This is shown in Table 21, which was derived from Appendix 1. The artifacts were classified into 19 categories, with the majority falling into 3 categories: household utensils (112), agriculture (87), and clothing (41). The compilation of the "representative" artifacts contained 413 items that were seen in village homes and yards. Each object was assigned by villagers to an estimated age: Traditional, Traditional/ Modified, New, or New/Modified. Villagers were also asked if an artifact was locally invented. The loss (not used) of items among "representative" Traditional artifacts by 1981 was significant (Table 22). Items for animal husbandry and vehicles both dropped by 100 percent. Agriculture, clothing, carpentry/blacksmithing, and adornment fell over 50 percent, with household furniture falling less than 50 percent, and household utensils and religion falling to 30.2 percent and 36.3 percent, respectively. There was no loss among toys and games and musical instruments. (See "Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Surveys," for a listing of the specific artifacts that were selected). When selected traditional and traditional/modified artifacts were considered together, the loss (not used) of items during the time period of 1951-1981 was substantial (Table 23). All artifact categories had a reduction in number, except for toys and games and musical instruments. This reduction was often greater than 30 percent, and in six of the categories it was more than 50 percent. In Table 24, the percentage of selected Traditional items still in use from the village inventory dropped from 99.2 percent in 1951 to 80.7 percent in 1971 and then to 48.3 percent in 1981. In contrast with Traditional objects, Traditional/Modified artifacts began at 100 percent in 1951, dropped to 96.8 percent in 1971, and then to only 71.6 percent in 1981. New items, with usage at 100 percent in 1951, dropping to 86.9 percent in 1971, and to 72.5 percent in 1981, revealed a willingness to adopt a new or newer artifact. The use of a New artifact was occasionally of only a short duration. In village kitchens, it was immediately apparent that a change had occurred in the materials used to produce utensils. Manufacturing firms of utensils in South Korea were employ? ing steel, aluminum, and plastics. With the use of new materials, often traditional forms and colors were retained. Although in 1951, there was little evidence of an extensive TABLE 20.?Comparison of the number of households using selected objects in the villages of the Three Ministers community in 1971 (8 artifacts). Total number of households given in parentheses after village number. Selected artifact Rear Cart Bicycle Folding screen Paddy harrow Dry-field plow Sewing machine Gourd scoop (dipper) Paduk game Village houses 57 174 67 19 20 83 47 26 1 (202) (%) (28.2) (86.1) (33.2) (9.4) (9.9) (41.0) (23.3) (12.9) Village 2 (95) houses 31 39 18 3 10 44 22 12 (%) (32.6) (41.1) (18.9) (3.2) (10.5) (46.3) (23.2) (12.6) Village 3 (49) houses 25 28 7 8 11 24 8 3 (%) (51.0) (57.1) (14.3) (16.3) (22.4) (49.0) (16.3) (6.1) 164 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY TABLE 21.?Classification of the material culture studied from the Three Ministers community in 1971. Category Household utensiles Toys and games Musical instruments Weights and measures Hunting and fishing Clothing1 Adornment Agriculture Personal accessories Religion Smoking2 Animal husbandry Confections Household furniture and accessories Carpentry and blacksmithing General utility3 Vehicles Toilet4 Communications5 Totals Traditional 54 4 9 2 5 30 9 49 3 11 1 15 1 18 14 3 6 2 1 235 Traditional/ Modified 40 1 1 2 2 5 3 17 2 5 0 8 0 0 5 0 1 3 0 95 New 14 5 0 1 0 6 2 18 0 1 0 0 1 4 11 1 4 0 1 69 New/ Modified 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 9 Invented 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 5 Total 112 12 10 5 5 41 14 87 5 17 1 23 2 23 31 6 11 6 2 413 'Traditional clothes and items to make clothing were included in the artifacts selected. Daily attire generally underwent a change toward increased use of western garments, especially ready-made wear. Traditional clothes, which became more expensive to make, were seen mostly on holidays and ceremonial occasions. 2A traditional pipe (long bamboo stem with metal mouthpiece and bowl) existed but was seldom used. Cigarettes were preferred. included under this category were traditional backpacks ("A-frame"), with twig baskets, and well buckets. Backpacks remained unchanged. The shape and the material used for well buckets varied. 4Tiolet items included traditional chamber pots and outdoor urinals. Indoor toilets appeared in new homes; outhouses were seen with most homes. traditional books with hand-stitched binding were scarce. The number of radios continued to increase. A growing number of newspapers, television sets, telephones, and modem publications were seen but were not included in the selection of artifacts. TABLE 23.?Combined loss of selected Traditional and Traditional/Modified artifacts from the Three Ministers community in 1981. TABLE 22.?Loss of selected Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers community in 1981. Category Household utensils Toys and games Musical instruments Clothing Adornment Agriculture Religion Animal husbandry Household furniture Carpentry and blacksmithing Vehicles Number 54 4 10 31 9 49 11 15 18 14 6 Not used 16 0 0 18 7 31 4 15 8 8 6 % not used 29.6 0.0 0.0 60.0 77.8 63.3 36.3 100.0 44.4 57.1 100.0 Category Household utensils Toys and games Musical instruments Clothing Adornment Agriculture Religion Animal husbandry Household furniture Carpentry and blacksmithing Vehicles Traditional and Traditional/ Modified items 94 5 10 35 12 66 16 23 18 19 7 Not used 20 0 0 19 10 41 4 22 8 10 7 % not used 21.3 0.0 0.0 54.3 83.3 60.3 25.0 95.6 44.4 52.6 100.0 NUMBER 39 165 TABLE 24.?Persistence of selected artifacts in the Three Ministers community, 1951-1981 (number/sample size). Artifact Traditional Traditional/Modified New 1951 233/235 54/54 67/67 (%) (99.1) (100) (100) 1971 194/235 90/95 63/69 (%) (82.5) (94.7) (91.3) 1981 114/235 68/95 52/69 (%) (48.5) (71.6) (75.3) change, by 1971 and 1981, the shift to new materials was substantial. Traditional brassware became increasingly rare between 1971 and 1981. The number of wooden items was reduced. The use of bamboo dropped significantly. The use of stainless steel, aluminum items, and plastics continued to expand. Plastics made inroads where ceramic utility had previously been dominant.1 Plastic versions of both traditional and traditional/modified artifacts, as well as new items, occurred in ever increasing numbers. These plastic items were durable, lightweight, colorful, and inexpensive. Although the field study emphasized the more durable objects, the perishables were also examined. Food and clothing have previously been mentioned. Among the types of fuel, briquettes were most frequently used in villages 1 and 2 in 1971, whereas in village 3, rice and barley straw was burned. This difference between the villages was undoubtedly due to the greater grain cultivation in village 3 (Table 25). This study of the material culture in three Kimhae villages has disclosed alterations of the material culture that existed there during the study period. Although the three villages were being suburbanized, evidence of their earlier rural character could still be seen in their material culture. The particular aspects that supported survival strategies, e.g., agriculture, revealed a receptivity to innovation with the acceptance of the new and a modification of the old. Foreign influences in their material culture were also identified by the villagers with the Koreanization of Japanese homes in the villages as an example of the assimilation and modification of a foreign artifact. Villagers assigned 413 artifacts to four categories: Tradi? tional, Traditional/Modified, New, and New/Modified. An evolutionary trend was revealed with the number and distribu? tion of artifacts. Change was also seen with perishables, including the fuel for cooking and heating. A different fuel, the briquette, instead of wood, was used when ecological and economic conditions required it. During the same thirty-year (1951-1981) period, traditional food continued to be preferred, differing among households only in quality and variety (see Appendix 2). The attendance by villagers, mostly married women or widows dressed in traditional clothes, at the Buddhist temple on the hillside behind villages 1 and 2, the periodic offerings, often rice, the maintenance of the temple, and the observance of Buddha's birthday still attest to a retention of traditional Buddhist values throughout the period. Confucian traditions also were sustained with rites at home and at burial mounds that featured the use of food offerings, rice wine, and incense. Ritual funerals and methods of transportation for the deceased combined the old and new, e.g., instead of a palanquin bedecked with paper flowers, a converted bus with attached paper flowers carried both the coffin and the mourners to the burial site. Prescribed spacial arrangements were accorded ceremonial objects on an altar, whether in a room or before an outdoor shrine. Although a relatively recent import, Christian? ity, with its distinctive church buildings, rites, holidays, the Christmas tree and gift exchange, and outreach evangelist and charitable endeavors, had firmly established itself. The female shaman, who had resided in the community in 1951, was not there in 1981 (Lee K., 1984:89-109). Shamans were available in other nearby villages however, and it seemed likely to the author that one would be invited on needed occasions by village families to serve as a medium. This study has dealt specifically with the three villages comprising the Three Minsiters community, but similar changes in the material culture within other villages, particu? larly those in the vicinity of towns and cities, undoubtedly existed. Although this presentation of the material culture emphasized detailed descriptions of the artifacts, it is ultimately concerned with the broader subject of cultural evolution, and, in particular, the modernization taking place in rural South Korea. It should be of interest to social scientists generally, and particularly to archeologists who do future work on recent historical sites in South Korea. Whereas most of the artifacts were well known to village informants, a few generations from now this undoubtedly will not be true. With few exceptions, traditional and traditional/modified artifacts will disappear and will be replaced with the new, as modernization continues to transform the village life in South Korea. TABLE 25.?Number of households using various fuels in the Three Ministers community in 1971. (About 1985, Three Ministers villagers began using LPG (Liquefied Petroleum Gas) in portable steel containers for cooking.) Fuel type Briquette1 Firewood2 Rice and barley straw Kerosene3 Other Village 1 160 51 3 8 8 Village 2 64 26 1 3 - Village 3 18 - 29 1 'Briquettes were used in most homes for cooking and heating. They were introduced about 1965. 2Firewood had become expensive and may have involved illegal use of forest resources. 3Use of kerosene was encouraged by the government as it was being refined in South Korea. 166 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Usage Trends in Village Artifacts in the Three Ministers Community, 1951-1981 To summarize, each artifact is examined on its rate of usage and assigned to one of five classes: everyone used, widely used, moderately used, rarely used, and not used. Assume a standard usage of artifacts of 95 percent for everyone used; 70 percent for widely used; 30 percent for moderately used; 5 percent for rarely used; and 0 percent for not used. Then for a type of artifact, if the number of everyone used is E, of widely used is W, of moderately used is M, of rarely used is R, and of not used is X, then the weighted average usage for this type of artifact can be computed by 0.95 x E + 0.70 x W + 0.30 x M + 0.05 xR + 0.00 xN E + W + M + R + N x 100 percent. Below this formula is used to compute the average usage percent for the artifacts. Table 26 presents the usage change of Traditional artifacts from 1951 to 1981. Applying the above formula to this data the usage change for Traditional artifacts was 53.5 percent for 1951; 23.8 percent for 1971; and 13.1 percent for 1981. The exponential decay function* = a + be0' is used to predict the usage change in the future. Here the variable t represents the year starting from 1900, variable JC represents the usage percentage in year t, e = 2.71828... is a constant indicating the TABLE 26.?Traditional artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 28 112 64 29 2 1971 9 32 69 84 41 Total number = 235 1981 7 16 34 57 121 base of the logarithmic function, and parameters a, b, and c are determined by the test data. With the IMSL optimization library procedure and the test data from Table 26 the result is a = -0.0196, b = 11.4633, and c = -0.05357. The graph of this function is presented in Figure 189. In order to predict the year t for a certain percentage x, x is solved in terms of t from the decay function x = a + be01. First, subtract a and then divide b from both sides to obtain Next, take the natural logarithm to both sides to obtain ln(x - a) - \nb = ct. Finally, divide both sides by c results in the inverse function of the decay function: In(x-a)- Inb t - So, with the usage of x = 1 percent, the result is ln(jc - a) - \nb t = ln(0.01 - (-0.0196)) - In 11.4633 -0.05357 = 112.24. This means that less than 1 percent of the Traditional artifacts will be in use after the year 2012. If JC = 0 percent, f = 119; Traditional artifacts will be absent by the year 2019. Using the same method, the usage change of Traditional/ Modified artifacts can be evaluated. From Table 27 the usage change for 1951 was 29.3 percent; 1971, 35.2 percent; and for 1981, 32.3 percent. Traditional/Modified artifacts have a slightly increased usage and will persist in use for some time. From Table 28 the usage change of New artifacts for 1951 was 51.1 percent; 1971, 46.0 percent; 1981, 30.1 percent. The 60% - CT < c/> ) II O UJ a < H ^ UJ o 50% 40% 30% 20% O- 10%- 1951 1961 I I? 2001 2011 2021 FIGURE 189.?Plot of the usage change for Traditional artifacts in the Three Ministers community for 1951-1981. NUMBER 39 167 TABLE 27.?Traditional/Modified artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 3 28 17 6 41 1971 2 27 38 24 4 Total number = 95 1981 3 32 15 18 27 TABLE 28.?New artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 5 36 16 10 2 1971 0 37 18 9 5 Total number = 69 1981 0 21 18 13 17 graphic representation of this change is presented in Figure 190. The usage change decrease for New artifacts from 1951- 1971 was 5 percent; from 1971-1981, 16 percent. Perhaps this is indicative that New artifacts were being replaced at a faster rate of speed. As the sample of New/Modified and Invented artifacts was small, statements on their usage must be tentative. The extent of their usage tends to decrease in more recent times. From Table 29 the usage change of New/Modified artifacts for 1951 was 6.7 percent; 1971, 43.3 percent; 1981, 32.8 percent. From Table 30 the usage change of Invented artifacts for 1951 was 40.0 percent; 1971, 15.0 percent; 1981, 14.0 percent. From Table 31 the usage change of Traditional household artifacts (utensils and appliances) for 1951 was 60.0 percent; 1971, 39.7 percent; 1981, 22.3 percent. The more recent the usage, the more more rapid was the loss of usage. The graphic representation of changes in Traditional household artifacts is presented in Figure 191. From Table 32 the usage change of Traditional/Modified household artifacts (utensils and appliances) for 1951 was 20.4 percent; 1971, 46.5 percent; 1981, 46.3 percent. The usage of Traditional/Modified household artifacts was increased. TABLE 29.?New/Modified artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 0 0 2 0 7 1971 0 3 6 0 0 Total number = 9 1981 0 4 0 3 2 TABLE 30.?Invented artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 0 2 2 0 1 1971 0 1 0 1 3 Total number = 5 1981 0 1 0 0 4 60% - HI O 50% - < CO ^ 4 0 % - O UJ O 3 0 % - < H Z g 20% - rr UJ o- 1 0 % - n% i ?r T 1991 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 FIGURE 190.?Plot of the usage change for New artifacts in the Three Ministers community for 1951-1981. 168 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY TABLE 31.?Traditional household artifact usage (utensils and appliances). TABLE 33.?Traditional agricultural artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 17 21 3 13 0 1971 6 15 15 15 3 Total number = 54 1981 5 6 7 20 16 Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 6 29 14 0 0 1971 0 5 23 11 10 Total number = 49 1981 0 1 5 12 31 TABLE 32.?Traditional/Modified household artifact usage (utensils and appliances). TABLE 34.?Traditional/Modified agricultural artifact usage. Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 2 7 4 3 24 1971 2 17 15 6 0 Total number = 40 1981 2 21 5 8 4 Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 0 6 8 1 2 1971 0 1 6 7 3 Total number = 17 1981 0 1 2 4 10 TABLE 35.?New agricultural artifact usage. From Table 33 the usage change of Traditional agricultural artifacts for 1951 was 61.6 percent; 1971, 22.3 percent; 1981, 5.7 percent. The usage change here has been remarkable. In 1951, the six selected Traditional agricultural artifacts were used by all households, and after 1971, none of these items were used. In 1951, none of these artifacts were classified as rarely used or not used. But in 1981, most agricultural artifacts were considered to be rarely used or not used. Using the decay function x = a + be0' to study the usage change of Traditional agriculturial artifacts with the data from Table 33, the result is a = -0.2192, b = 12.9640, c = -0.04752. If x = 0 percent, the result is t = 86. The prediction therefore is made that Traditional agricultural artifacts will not be in use in or about 1986. From Table 34 the usage change of Traditional/Modified agricultural artifacts for 1951 was 39.1 percent; 1971, 16.8 percent; 1981, 8.8 percent. From Table 35 the usage change of New agricultural artifacts for 1951 was 52.2 percent; 1971, 38.1 percent; 1981, 14.7 percent. Both Traditional/Modified and New agricultural artifacts rapidly decreased in use. This would indicate that the community was no longer relying upon their traditional agricultural methods. When the five classes (E, W, M, R, X) Extent of usage Everyone used Widely used Moderately used Rarely used X, Not used 1951 1 9 7 1 0 1971 0 7 6 3 2 Total number = 18 1981 0 1 6 3 8 were combined, the combined usage change was as follows: 1951,44.4 percent; 1971,25.6 percent; 1981, 7.9 percent. With the same function as used above to estimate the change, the following results were obtained: a = -0.2208, b = 12.8497, c = -0.0464. If x = 0 percent, the result was t = 87.6, indicating that the Three Ministers community would cease to be traditional in its material culture on or about 1988 and would become essentially a modem suburb of Kimhae city. Notes 'In 1989, many housewives modified their preference for plastic items and believed that ceramic food containers were superior to plastic ones. The reason given was that the food tasted better when ceramic containers were used. NUMBER 39 169 60% - UJ O 50% ? < CO 2 40% O UJ O 30% ? s UJ 2 0 % ? cr UJ 0- 10%- 0% 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 FIGURE 191.?Plot of the usage change in Traditional household artifacts (utensiles and appliances) in the Three Ministers community for 1951-1981. Appendix 1. An Index of Change: Household Inventories AGE T = Traditional TM = Traditional/Modified N = New NM = New/Modified I = Invented EXTENT OF USAGE E = Everyone used (~90%-100%) W = Widely used (~51%-89%) M = Moderately used (~10%-50%) R = Rarely used (~ less than 10%) X = Not used Item number Material culture number Artifact Age Extent of usage 1951 1971 1981 HOUSEHOLD UTENSILES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 2 3 3 3 4 4 5 5 6 6 6 7 7 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 9 9 9 9 10 10 10 11 11 12 12 Cleaver, Japanese, iron Knife, kitchen, semi-lunar, iron Knife, kitchen, stainless steel Cleaver, Chinese, iron Knife, kitchen, iron Chopping board, wood Scoop, rice, brass Scoop, rice, stainless steel Scoop, rice, wood Scoop, gourd Scoop, plastic Scoop, with hom handle, wood Scoop, with hom handle, plastic Spoon, brass Spoon, silver Spoon, stainless steel Chopstick, brass Chopstick, aluminum Chopstick, wood Chopstick, stainless steel Dipper, gourd Dipper, brass Dipper, stainless steel Dipper, aluminum Bowl, rice, stainless steel Bowl, rice, aluminum Bowl, rice, with cover, brass Bowl, rice, with cover, ceramic Bowl, rice, white-porcelain Bowl, soup, white-porcelain Bowl, soup, stainless steel Bowl, soup, brass Bowl, condiment, brass Bowl, condiment, earthenware Bowl, condiment, white-porcelain Bowl, condiment, stainless steel TM T TM TM T T T TM T T TM T TM T T TM T TM T TM T T TM TM TM TM T T T T TM T T T T TM M R X R E E R X W w X w X w R X M M W X w R X R X M R R E E X R R W E X R R M R E E R W W M W M W R R W R W w R R R M W M M R M M W W R R M W W X R W R R E X w w R W X W X R W X W w w X X w w w R X M M M W X R R W M 170 NUMBER 39 171 Item number Material culture number Artifact Age N N N TM T T N N TM T TM T T T TM TM TM N NM TM TM T T T TM TM TM TM TM T TM T TM TM TM N T T T T T T TM T T T TM N NM Extent of usage 1951 M R M W W E W W E R X R R E W X w E X R X R E W X X E X w w X w X X X w w w E E E E w W w w X M M 1971 W M W W W E M W E X R X X w E M W W M W W R W M W M M W M M M R R R M M M M E E W E M W W M W M M 1981 W M M M M E X W E X M X X R E W R R W M W X R X W w X w X R w X R R W R M R E E W E R R W R W R R 37 13 Bowl, aluminum 38 14 Plate, porcelain 39 14 Plate, aluminum 40 14 Plate, white-porcelain 41 15 Dish, white-porcelain 42 16 Pan, soup, aluminum 43 17 Pan, frying, iron 44 17 Pan, frying, aluminum 45 18 Teakettle, aluminum 46 18 Teakettle, ceramic 47 18 Teakettle, stainless steel 48 18 Teakettle, brass 49 18 Teakettle, iron 50 19 Kettle, rice, iron, heavy 51 20 Kettle, rice, with wood lid, aluminum 52 - Kettle, rice, iron, light 53 21 Bucket, water, galvanized iron 54 22 Bucket, galvanized iron 55 22 Bucket, plastic 56 23 Basin, wash, aluminum 57 23 Basin, wash, plastic 58 23 Basin, wash, brass 59 24 Basin, wash, ceramic 60 25 Tub, kitchen, wood and bamboo 61 25 Tub, kitchen, plastic 62 25 Tub, kitchen, rubber (synthetic) 63 26 Tub, wash, tin 64 26 Tub, wash, plastic 65 26 Tub, wash, galvanized iron 66 26 Tub, wash, ceramic 67 26 Tub, wash, rubber (synthetic) 68 27 Tub, laundry, wood and bamboo 69 27 Tub, laundry, stainless steel 70 27 Tub, laundry, aluminum 71 27 Tub, laundry, rubber (synthetic) 72 27 Tub, laundry, galvanized iron 73 28 Medicine boiler, ceramic 74 29 Steamer, ceramic 75 30 Jar, sauce, ceramic 76 31 Jar, storage, ceramic 77 31 Lid, storage, ceramic 78 - Jar, storage, ceramic, small 79 32 Jar, liquor, ceramic 80 35 Tray, food, rectangular, wood 81 35 Tray, food, octagonal, wood 82 36 Tray, wood, large 83 36 Tray, plastic, large 84 37 Watering can, with one handle, galvanized iron 85 37 Watering can, with two handles, galvanized iron 172 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Item number Material culture number Extent of usage Artifact Age T TM N N T T TM N NM T T TM T TM T T TM TM T T T T N NM T N N 1951 E W W E R W M R M M W w E X E E X X w E W M W X W E M 1971 M M W W R M W w M M W M W M M W W M W W M R W M R W R 1981 R R M W R X X w R R M R R W R W W M M R R R R R X M X 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 38 38 39 40 40 41 41 42 42 42 43 43 44 44 45 46 46 46 47 48 49 49 50 50 51 51 52 Vessel, water, with wood cover, ceramic Vessel, water, tin Pot, flower, ceramic Bottle, wine, glass Bottle, wine, ceramic Pad, head, straw Pad, head, nylon Brush, with hemp, bamboo Brush, with pig hair, wood Brush, with pine root, wood Broom, bamboo Broom, wood and wire Broom, reed Broom, plastic and nylon Broom, millet Ladle, bamboo Ladle, plastic Ladle, iron with wire Basket, bamboo, large Basket for cooked rice, bamboo Press, "cake design," wood Press, "cake design," ceramic Shovel, ash, with wood handle, iron Shovel, ash, with plastic handle, iron Tong, fire, with holding rings, iron Tong, fire, steel Fireplace blower, iron TOYS AND GAMES 113 53 Chessboard, wood with chess pieces 114 54 Chessboard, wood with chess pieces, incised 115 55 Yut (game), wood 116 56 Kite, paper, with spool 117 57 Roller, toy 118 58 Ball, rubber 119 59 Wagon, toy, wood with iron 120 59 Wagon, plastic 121 60 Gun, toy, wood 122 60 Gun, mock, wood 123 61 Playing cards, nylon 124 62 Wheel-toy, thick wire T T T T I TM I N N N N N M M W w w w M X W w w w M W w M X w X M X X w R M W W M X W X M X X W X MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS 125 126 127 128 129 64 64 64 64 65 Gong, brass, small Gong beater, disk, wood Gong, brass, large Gong beater, straw Drum, hourglass T T T T T M M M M M M M M M M M M M M M NUMBER 39 173 Item number Material culture number Extent of usage Artifact Age T T TM T T T N T TM TM T TM T TM T T T T T T T T T T T T T T T T T T TM N T TM N T T TM TM T 1951 M M X M M W W w w w M X M X w R M M M R M M M M M M M M M M M X W E E X M M M X E E 1971 M M M M M W W R M M X M R M M R X R R X R R R R X R R X X X R X W W E M R M M M W W 1981 M M M M M R W X M M X R X R R R X X X X R R X R X R R X X X R X W w E E R M M M W W 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 66 67 67 68 - 69 70 70 71 72 - 73 73 74 75 76 77 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 85 86 87 88 89 92 93 93 94 94 94 95 96 96 96 97 97 Drum, wood, with ox-hide Drum, hand, wood with ox-hide Drum, hand, iron and nylon Hat, flower, paper Musician's double sash, nylon WEIGHTS AND MEASURES Abacus, wood and bamboo Platform scale, iron and wood Platform scale, medicine, brass Measure, square, wood Measure, cylinder, wood and iron HUNTING AND FISHING Hunting-bag, vine and straw Hunting-bag, nylon rope with wire Fish-trap, bamboo Fish-trap, wire Trap, mudfish, bamboo CLOTHING Sandal, woven straw1 Raincoat, zebra-grass Case, traveling, willow Bag, traveling, willow Cap, winter, man's Under-hat, horse-tail Hat, horsetail, man's Hat, bamboo Hat, with horsetail net, bamboo, bridegroom's Head cover, silk, woman's Belt, bridal, silk Boots, wedding, silk cloth with ox-hide Case, clothing, bridegroom's Case, clothing, bride's Bridal pendant, silk Dress, bridal, silk Needle, iron Needle, stainless steel Spool, wood Spool, flat, rectangular, wood Spool, plastic Sewing machine2 Sewing-box, colored-paper, wood Sewing-box, bamboo Sewing-box, plastic Scissors, steel Scissors, Korean 174 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Item number 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 Material culture number 98 99 99 100 100 100 100 101 101 - 102 - 104 105 106 106 107 107 107 107 107 107 108 109 109 109 110 111 113 113 113 114 115 116 117 117 118 119 119 120 120 121 122 123 Artifact Sandal-rack, wood, and straw rope Washboard, wood Washboard, plastic Smoothing iron Cloth-smoother, wood Iron, charcoal-heated Iron, electric Ironing-stick, wood Ironing-block, stone Paddle, laundry, wood Spinning wheel, wood and iron Hat-mold, straw Clothes-chest, with mirror, wood Clothes-chest, wood ADORNMENTS Ring, gold Ring, silver Hairpin, glass Hairpin, silver Hairpin, porcelain Hairpin, wood Hairpin, platinum Hairpin, aluminum Comb, bamboo Comb, plastic Comb, wood Comb, steel Mirror-stand Box, makeup, with mirror AGRICULTURE Tray, drying, bamboo Tray, drying, willow Tray, drying, bush-clover Basket, winnowing, willow and bamboo Basket, grain, straw Lid, reed Bag, machine-made, straw Bag, machine-made, synthetic fiber Bag, hand-made, straw Mat, drying, straw-rope Mat, drying, nylon Loom, straw-bag, electrical Loom, straw-bag, foot-powered Weaving-rack, straw-bag, wood Machine, straw-rope, foot-powered Flail, bamboo and twig Age T N N T T TM N T T T T T N T T T T T T T TM TM T N T TM N T T T TM T T T TM TM T T TM NM T T N T Extent of usage 1951 R W X w M W R W W W R R R M W W M R M W X R W R W M R R W W M W W E W X w w X X w w M w 1971 X w M M X M W R R R X X M M W W R R R M R R R W R R W R R M M M M M M M R M M W R M W M 1981 X M W X X X w X X X X X X R w w X X X X X X X w X X w X R R R R X R R W X R M X X X X R NUMBER 39 175 Item number Material culture number Artifact Age T TM N TM TM NM TM T N N T N T T TM T TM T TM T N N N T T N N T N T N N T TM T N N T N T T T N T T T TM T T Extent of usage 1951 M W M M M X M M M W M W W W w M M M M W M W M W W W W W w M W E E W W W w w M W E M R W W M M M M 1971 X R M R R M R X X M R M M R R R R X X M M M W w w w w M W R R R W W w w w M M M R X X M M X R X X 1981 X X X X X X X X X R X X R X X X X X X M M M W w M M M R R X X X M M M M M R R R X X X X R X X X X 216 124 Hackle-tool, bamboo 217 124 Thresher, comb, wood and iron 218 125 Threshing-machine, mechanical3 219 126 Fan, hand-powered, mechanical 220 126 Fan, foot-powered, mechanical 221 126 Fan, motor-powered, mechanical 222 127 Winnower, wood 223 128 Waterwheel, wood, heavy 224 128 Waterwheel, wood, light 225 129 Sprayer, chemical 226 130 Watchtower, farm 227 131 Plow, paddy 228 132 Plow, dry field 229 133 Harrow, paddy, wood-spiked 230 133 Harrow, paddy, iron-spiked 231 134 Harrow, dry-field, wood-knived 232 134 Harrow, dry-field, iron and wood 233 135 Water-lift, gourd 234 135 Water-lift, petroleum can 235 136 Pick, iron, Korean 236 136 Pick, iron, American 237 136 Pick, iron, Japanese 238 137 Shovel, iron 239 137 Shovel, wood with iron reinforcement 240 138 Sickle, curved, iron 241 138 Sickle, iron 242 138 Sickle, long-necked, iron 243 139 Fork, farm, two-pronged, iron 244 140 Fork, compost, iron 245 141 Leveler, mud, rectangular, wood 246 141 Leveler, mud, triangular, wood 247 142 Weeder, mechanical, iron and wood 248 143 Trowel, weeder, triangular, iron 249 143 Trowel, weeder, short tang, iron 250 144 Hoe, 90-degree-angled, iron 251 144 Hoe, 45-degree-angled, iron 252 144 Hoe, broad-headed, iron 253 145 Axe, with pointed head, iron 254 145 Axe, with flat head, iron 255 146 Mallet, wood 256 147 Clod, breaker, wood 257 148 Straw pounder, wood 258 149 Hatchet, iron 259 150 Sledge hammer, wood 260 151 Whetstone, with wood base 261 152 Spade, wood 262 152 Spade, steel 263 153 Mill, stone 264 154 Mill, hammer, tilt, foot-powered 176 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Item number 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 Material culmre number 155 156 157 158 158 159 159 159 161 161 161 162 162 163 164 164 165 166 167 168 169 169 170 170 171 171 171 176 176 176 177 177 177 178 178 178 179 179 179 180 180 180 181 182 Artifact Quern, hand, stone Pestle-mallet, wood Pestle-mallet, straight Mortar, wood Mortar, stone Sieve, horsehair Sieve, vine-net Sieve, wire-net Scoop, compost, wood Scoop, compost, bamboo Scoop, compost, twig Dipper, manure, gourd Dipper, manure, plastic Bucket, manure, wood with bamboo hoops Barrel, manure, wood and bamboo Barrel, manure, plastic Whip, noise-maker Rope spinner, wood and stone Roller, straw rope, wood Grain spreader, wood Rake, bamboo Rake, wire PERSONAL ACCESSORIES Eyeglasses, rimmed, tortoise-shell Eyeglasses, rimmed, plastic/steel Cane, wood Cane, bamboo Cane, hooked RELIGION Container, incense, brass Container, incense, stainless steel Container, incense, bronze Burner, incense, bronze Burner, incense, stainless steel Burner, incense, brass Cup and stand, wine, brass Cup and stand, wine, stainless steel Cup and stand, wine, bronze Stand food, ritual, wood Stand food, ritual, ceramic Stand food, ritual, stainless steel Holder, candlestick, brass Holder, candlestick, stainless steel Holder, candlestick, bronze Duck, wedding, wood Rosary, Buddhist Age T T T T T T T TM T T T T TM T T TM I T N T T TM T TM T T TM T TM T T TM T T TM T T T TM T TM T T N Extent of usage 1951 E W W W M M W M W W w w w M E R W M M W E W R M W M M M X R R X W w X R W R X w X R M R 1971 R M M M M R M M M M M X X R X X R X R M W M X w R R R R R X X W W W W X M R M W W X R R 1981 X X X X X X X R X X X X X X X X X X X M R R X W R R R R R X X W W W W X M R W w w X R R NUMBER 39 177 Item number Material culture number Artifact Age Extent of usage 1951 1971 1981 309 183 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 185 185 185 186 187 188 189 189 190 191 192 192 193 193 193 193 194 195 197 197 198 198 199 200 201 202 203 203 204 205 206 207 208 208 210 211 214 216 217 SMOKING Pipe, tobacco, long-stemmed, bamboo ANIMAL HUSBANDRY Coop, chicken, bamboo Coop, chicken, wire Coop, chicken, wood Nest, hen, straw Feeder, chicken, wood Pot, ox, iron Tub, ox-meal, wood and bamboo Tub, ox-meal, cement Manger, wood Hook, ox-meal, wood Fodder cutter, foot-powered Fodder cutter, hand-powered Yoke, with wire, wood Yoke, with nylon cordage, wood Yoke, with straw cordage, wood Yoke, with hemp cordage, wood Saddle, traction Saddle, pack Bridle, ox, hemp-rope Bridle, ox, nylon Nose ring, willow twig with vine Nose ring, plastic Sandal, ox, straw CONFECTIONS Noise-maker, "candy shears' Machine, shaved ice HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE AND ACCESSORIES Screen, wood with paper and cloth Cushion, seat, straw Cushion, seat, cotton Mat, reed Mat, reed (fine quality) Quilt and mattress Pillow, with rice hull, cotton Desk, writing, with drawers, wood Desk, writing, without drawers, wood Table, dining, shell-inlaid Table, round, wood Chest, rice, wood Bench-bed, bamboo Lamp, with glass case, white-porcelain W R X T TM T T TM T T TM T T T TM TM TM T T T T T TM T TM T T N T T N T T T T N T T T T T T W W W W M W W X W w w w w w w w w w w X w X R w M M M w w W E E M M R W W M M R M R X M R M M R R R M R R R R R R R R R R R R M M M W X M E E M M R M M M X X R X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X R M R M X R E W M M R M R R X 178 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Item number 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 Material culmre number 217 220 221 223 224 224 224 225 225 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 - 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 255 256 259 259 261 261 Artifact Age T I N N T T T T T T TM TM T TM N T T N N T T N NM T T TM T N T N T N N T T N N N T TM T T T N Extent of usage 1951 M X R W X M W M M W W w w w w E W W w w w w X w w w M W W w w w w w w w w w w w w w w w 1971 X w R W X X R R R W X R R M W R R W W X X M W M M W R W R W R W M M W W W W M W R R X M 1981 X w X R X X X X X M X R X M W X X w w X X R W M R W X M X W X W M R M M W W R W R R X R Lamp, with glass case, wood Stove, tin-can Stove, charcoal, ceramic Stove, iron Brazier, three-legged, bronze Brazier, three-legged, brass Brazier, "flower-pot," clay Tripod, short Tripod, long CARPENTRY AND BLACKSMITHING Hammer, blacksmith's (engineer) Piston-bellow, wood Anvil, with wood base, iron Vat, "cooling water," wood Pliers, iron File, iron Bark-stripper, wood and iron Adze, iron and wood Ruler, carpenter's, steel Square, carpenter's, wood Marker, oblique, wood Marker, ink, bamboo Marker, ink-box, wood Marker, ink-box, plastic Marker, line, wood Plane, lattice, steel, wood Plane, comer, steel, wood Plane, steel, wood/double handles Plane, groove, steel, wood Plane, groove, steel with handle Plane, smoothing, steel, wood Frame saw, one or two manned Handsaw, double-edged, one or two handed Handsaw, single-edged Earth-sieve, wire Ladder, wood Crow bar, iron Hammer Chisel, iron and wood Chisel, iron Trowel, plasterers GENERAL UTILITY Packboard, A-frame, wood Basket, for A-frame, twig Water-carrier, buckets with packboard Bucket, well, with bamboo pole, galvanized iron NUMBER 39 179 Material Item culture number number Extent of usage Artifact Age NM NM T N T T T T N T TM N N I T TM TM TM T N T 1951 X X W W W W W W W W W M M M W R M X M R R 1971 W M R R R R R X X R R W W X w M M M M w X 1981 W W X X X X X X X X X W M X M M M M M W X 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 261 261 262 262 263 264 265 265 268 268 270 271 272 272 272 272 272 273 274 Bucket, well, plastic Bucket, well, rubber (synthetic) VEHICLES Bell, ox Wheel-cover, cart, wood/slats Bed siding, cart, wood/pole Cargo box, wagon, wood Cart support, wood Hand cart, wood, with iron rimmed wheels Hand cart, wood, with iron wheels Ox cart, wood, with iron rimmed wheels Ox cart, wood, with rubber wheels Bicycle Rear cart TOILET Urinal, wood Chamber pot, white-porcelain Chamber pot, aluminum Chamber pot, blue-glass Chamber pot, plastic Chamber pot, brass COMMUNICATIONS Radio Book, wood-block print, mulberry paper 'In 1951, only a few old men wore the woven straw sandals in daily life. Sandals were worn by family mourners for funeral ceremonies in 1981. 2In 197o' the sewing machine was no longer as useful because ready-made clothing was available. 3Threshing machines were foot operated until 1971; since then the motor-driven machine has been used. Appendix 2. Food Preparations, 1951-1981 Many of the food preparations noted for a rural community in central Korea in 1947 (Osgood, 1951:80-82) were also known to housewives in the Three Ministers community in 1971. Other items have been added to complete the list for the Kimhae area. A. Rice dishes 1. Plain boiled rice 2. Boiled rice with barley 3. Boiled rice with beans 4. Boiled rice with white potatoes 5. Boiled rice with sorghum 6. Boiled rice with millet 7. Boiled rice with barley and white potatoes 8. Boiled rice with red beans 9. Boiled glutinous rice with sorghum B. Kimch'i (spiced vegetable mixtures) 1. White radish kimch'i a. "Large cut" b. "Small cut" c. "Salty" d. "Very salty" e. "Pickled" f. "Summer" 2. Cabbage kimch'i 3. Cucumber kimch'i a. Cucumber b. "Salty" C. Sung Yung (boiled water with burnt rice; burnt barley, millet, or red beans may also be used). D. Soups 1. With soy sauce a. Chicken b. Fish (especially loach, yellow corvina, pollock, cod, and "horsetail"). c. Fish eggs d. White potato e. Soybean sprouts f. Mugwort g. Shellfish (clams) h. Vegetables i. Squash leaf j . Squash k. Sea cucumber 1. Taro m. Radish leaf n. Leeks 2. With soybean mash a. Squash with vegetable tops b. "Very salty" white radish kimch'i c. "Salty" cucumber kimch'i 3. With hot bean mash a. Soy bean curd b. Fish c. "Very salty" white radish kimch'i d. "Salty" cucumber kimch'i 4. With kimch'i a. "Large cut" white radish kimch'i b. Cabbage kimch'i E. Rice Gruel 1. Red bean 2. Squash 3. Green bean 4. Soybean 5. Soybean sprouts 6. Egg F. Stews 1. Fish 2. Eel 3. Shark 4. Oyster 5. Pork 6. Bean and pork 7. Soybean 8. Chicken G. Boiled 1. Burdock 2. Dried sardine 3. Crab 4. Fish 5. Korean cabbage 6. White radish 7. Leaves of red pepper plant H. Fried (with vegetable oil) 1. Fish 2. Vegetables 3. Lettuce 4. Onions 5. Leeks 6. Eggplant 180 NUMBER 39 181 7. Red pepper 8. Squid 9. Sweet potato 10. Beef liver 11. Grasshopper 12. Cricket Special and Ceremonial Dishes 1. White rice 2. Beef soup 3. Pork soup 4. Seaweed soup 5. Hot pepper mash 6. Hot pepper powder with spices 7. Grilled pork 8. Grilled beef 9. Fried bean curd 10. Fried eggs with squash or dried fish 11. Boiled soy or small green bean sprouts 12. Cabbage kimch'i or squash dipped in flour, water, and fried 13. Grilled fish 14. Rice cake soup with beef and noodles 15. Glutinous rice cake 16. Steamed rice cake with bean powder 17. Rice candy . Miscellaneous dishes 1. Hot pepper mash 2. Soy sauce 3. Grilled fish 4. Grilled dried fish 5. Scrambled eggs 6. Mountain vegetables 7. Lotus root 8. Carrot 9. Dried seaweed 10. Wheat vermicelli 11. Knife-cut noodles 12. Soybean noodles 13. Steamed squash leaves 14. Honey and ginseng 15. Maize 16. Boiled silk worm 17. Dog (special breed) K. Beverages 1. Water 2. Mineral water 3. T'akju (makkolli): thick rice wine 4. Yakju: clear rice wine 5. Chong-chong: comparable to Japanese rice wine, sake 6. Soju: yam liquor 7. Grape wine 8. Strawberry wine 9. Apple/Ginger wine 10. Beer Appendix 3. Domesticated and Useful Wild Plants and Domesticated Animals, 1970 "Domesticated plants and animals are artifacts in the sense that they are natural materials modified by man for his own purposes They have the additional value that they avoid confusion concerning independent invention: plants and animals cannot be [rejinvented" (Carter, 1974:201). Evidence of change in domesticated plants and animals appeared in Kimhae villages, as well as elsewhere in Korea. Plants and animals were selectively introduced, and many were improved with applied research. Governmental agencies gave close attention and assistance to increase agricultural productivity. In Kyongsang Namdo Province, in which Kimhae is located, these agencies included research stations, e.g., fruit and livestock, as well as agricultural guidance specialists. There was also the Chinju Agricultural College, with its educational programs, which sponsored varied research projects. Perhaps the most famous of the Korean agricultural scientists was Prof. Woo Jang-chun* who worked at the Tongnae Horticultural Experiment Station near Kimhae. American economic aid programs, especially the activities of the Agency for International Development (AID), contributed to Korean agriculture. Domesticated Plants COMMON NAME Angelica (Ch 'amdanggwi) Angelica (Ch 'on 'gung) Apricot (Salgu) Bamboo (Taenamu) Barley (Pori) Barley, naked (Ssalbori) Bean, Azuki (P 'at) Bean, mung (Noktu) Bean, soy (Taeduk'ong) Bean, white (Tongbu) Black rush (Wanggol) Buckwheat (Momil) Cabbage, Korean (Chosonbaech 'u) Cabbage, western (Yangbaech 'u) Carrot (Tanggun) Castor bean (Ajukkari) Celery Cherry (Aengdu) Chestnut (Pam) Chive (Puch 'u) Chrysanthemum (Kukhwa) Com (Oksusu) BOTANICAL NAME Angelica gigas Nakai Angelica polymorpha Maximowicz Prunus ansu Komarov Phyllostachys reticulata C. Koch Hordeum vulgare L. emend. Lamarck Hordeum sativum Jess. var. vulgare Makino Phaseolus angularis WF. Wight Phaseolus radiatus L. var. typicus Prain. Glycine max (L.) Merrill Vigna sinensis Hasskarl Cyperus exaltatus Retzius Fagopyrum esculentum Moench. Brassica campestris subsp. napus var. pekinensis Makino Brassica oleracea L. Daucus carota L. Ricinus communis L. Apium graveolens L. var. dulce DC. Prunus tomentosa Thunberg var. insularis Koehne Castena crenata Sieb. et Zucc. var. dulcis Nakai Allium odorum L. Chrysanthemum sinensi Sabin var. hortense Makino Zea mays L. *In April 1992, to honor his memory, he was proclaimed a "Hero of Culture" by the Ministry of Culture, ROK (Seo Seungwon, 1992, pers. comm.). 182 NUMBER 39 183 COMMON NAME Cotton (Mokwha) Cucumber (Oi) Dandelion (Mindulle) Eggplant (Kaji) False acacia (Ak'asia) Foxglove (Chihwang) Garden pea (Wandu) Garlic (Manul) Gourd (Pak) Gourd, sponge (dishcloth) (Susemi) Grape (P'odo) Green onion, Japanese (Waep'a) Green onion, Korean (Silp 'a) Hemp (Sam) Jujube (Taech 'u) Lettuce (Sangch 7) Lotus (Yonkkot) Mallow (Auk) Melon (Ch 'amoe) Milk vetch (Chaunyong) Millet, glutinous German (Ch 'ajo) Millet, Italian (Cho) Onion (Yangp 'a) Peach (Poksunga) Pear (Pae) Pepper, hot (Koch 'u) Perilla (Ch 'ija) Persimmon (Kam) Pine, black (Haesong) Pine, red (Yuksong) Pomegranate (Songnyu) Potato, sweet (Koguma) Potato, white (Kamja) Pumpkin, Japanese (Waehobak) White radish, Japanese (Waemuu) White radish, Korean (Chosonmuu) Ramie (Mosi) Reed (Kai) Rice (Ssal) Rice, glutinous (Ch 'apssal) Sesame (Ch 'amkkae) Sorghum (Susu) Spinach (Sigumch 7) Squash (Hobak) Strawberry (Ttalgi) Tomato (Tornado) Watermelon (Subak) Water cress (Minari) Wheat (Mil) Willow (Podul) Yam BOTANICAL NAME Gossypium nanking Meyer Cucumis sativus L. Taraxacum platycarpum H. Dahlstaedt Solanum melongena L. Robinia pseudoacacia L. Rehmannia glutinosa (Gaertn.) Liboschitz et Fischer & Meyer Pisum sativum L. Allium scorodoperasum L. var. viviparum Regel Lagenaria vulgaris Seringe Luffa cylindrica Roemer Vitis vinifera L. Allium fistulosum L. Alliumfistulosum L. Cannabis sativa L. Zizypus sativa Gaert. var. inermis Schneider Lactuca sativa L. Nelumbo nucifera Gaertner Malva olitoria Nakai Cucumis melo L. Astragalus sinicus L. Setaria italica Beauver var. longiseta Doell Allium cepa L. Prunus persica Stokes Pyras serotina Rehder Capsicum annuum L. Perilla frutescens var.japonica Hara Diospyros kaki L.f. Pz'/iws thunbergii Parlatore PMHS densiflora Sieb. et Zucc. Punica granatum L. Ipomoea batatas Lamarck var. edulis Makino Solanum tuberosum L. Cucurbita pepo L. Raphanus sativas L. Raphanus sativas L. Boehmeria nivea Hooker et Arnott Phragmites communis Trinius Oryza sativa L. CVyza sarz'va L. var. glutinosa L. Sesamum indicum L. Sorghum nervosum Bess, et Schult. Spinacia oleracea L. Cucurbita moschata Duch. var. toonas Makino Fragria vesca L. Lycopersicon esculentum Mill. Citrullus vulgaris Schrader Oenanthe stolonifera De Candolle Triticum aestivum L. Sa/ix koreensis Andersen Discorea batatas Decaisne 184 COMMON NAME SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY BOTANICAL NAME HERBS: Ailanthus (Kajuknamu) Arrowroot (Ch 'ik) Aster, Tartarian (Kaemich 'wi) Balsam (Pongsonhwa) Bellflower (Toraji) Bellflower, gland (Todok) Brake, fem (Kosari) Bush clover (Ssari) Ginseng (Insam) Honeysuckle, Japanese (Indong) Juniper, Chinese (Hyangnamu) Lily (Malchari) Motherwort (Ingmoch 'o) Pasque flower (Nogoch 'o or Halmikkot) Plantain lily (Pibich 'u) ?(Sapchu) ? (Myongbakch 'o) ? (Ongdukku) ? (Onggenamu) OTHERS: Fungi, clustered coral (Ssaribosot) Mushroom (Songibosot) Ailanthus altissima Swingle Pueraria hirsuta Matsumura Aster tataricus L. Impatiens balsamina L. Platycodon glaucus Nakai Codonopsis lanceolata Benth. et Hook. Pteridium aquilinum var. latiusculum (Desv.) Underw. Lespedeza bicolor Turcz. Aralia chinensis L. Lonicera japonica Thunb. Juniperus chinensis L. Lilium disotichum Nakai Leonurus sibiricus L. Pursatilla koreana Nakai Hosta longpes Nakai Atractylis japonica Koidz Clavaria botrytis Agaricus bisporus Domesticated Animals COMMON NAME Cat (Koyangi) Cow (So) Dog (Kae) Chicken (Tak) Goat (Ydmso) Pig (Twaeji) Rabbit (T'okki) Sheep (Yang) OTHERS: Carp (Ingo) Eel (Paemjango) Loach (Mikkuraji) Trout (Songo) Clam (Chogae) Mud snail (Non 'godong) Grasshopper (Mettugi) Locust (Yoch 7) ZOOLOGICAL NAME Felis catus Bos indicus: Korean native variety and variety Holstein Canis familiaris Gallus gallus Capus sp. Sus scrofa: Korean native variety variety Berkshire \ These two breeds were introduced during variety Yorkshire / the Japanese occupation. Orictolagus cuniculus Ovis aries: This domesticated breed was introduced during the Japanese occupation Carassius carassius Anquilla japonica Misgurnus mizolepis Salmo gairdneri Locust locusta Appendix 4. Factories within the Three Ministers Community and the Nearby Kimhae Industrial Park in 1980 Factories within Three Ministers Name Product Kimhae Hap Dong Brewery Window Frame Company Kimhae Foundry Mr. Bae's Mill To Wang Industrial Company Makkolli* (alcoholic beverage) (closed October 1980) Cast-iron valves Mostly polished rice Concrete bricks Factories in the Kimhae Industral Park Name Han II Synthetic Fiber Co. Dong Yang Industrial Co. Han Kuk Spindle Co. Han Young Ceramics Co. Han Kuk Food Co. Sin Dong Paper Co. Sin Jin Rope Co. Ban Do Food Co. Sung Sang Textile Co. Dong Hwa Oil & Fat Co. Dae Won Co. Kum Sung Co. Chun Jin Co. Dong Seo Co. Sam Jung Co. Dong Kyung Textile Co. Hung A Tire Co. Kimhae Food Co. Han Kuk Transportation Machine Co. Kum Sung Ice Candy Co. Chang Sung Textile Co. Sin Hang Industrial Co. Dong Sung Veneer Board Co. Han II Agricultural Co. Mi Kwang Industrial Co. Dong Sang Valve Co. Tae Kwang Industrial Co. Ka Kok Veneer Board Co. Ho Hoi Commercial Co. Se Rim Veneer Board Co. Product Acrylic fibers Motorized cultivators Spindles Ceramic tiles Gluten fluid Paper "Manila" rope Processed dried fish Synthetic textiles Candy Boxes Electric motors ? Concrete tile Synthetic textiles Synthetic textiles Rubber tires (under construction) Bean curd Conveyor belts Ice candy Synthetic textiles Water pumps Veneer board Onion storage Vinyl sheet for agricultural use Steel valves Sports shoes Veneer board Frozen fish Veneer board (closed September 1980) ?Traditionally made from rice, it is now also made from maize. 185 186 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Name Product Pusan Electric Co. Dong Chan Lumber Mill Munkyo Sae Maul Factory Pusan Food Co. Cho II Industrial Co. Duk Sung Industrial Co. Uh Bang Brick Co. Heaters Lumber mill Blackboard chalk Fried fish Processed dried fish Pheasant feather bags Concrete bricks Appendix 5. Restaurants, Shops, and Other Commercial Outlets Present in or nearby* the Three Ministers Community during 1980 Type of store Korean restaurant Chinese restaurant Grocery stores (including temporary booths) "So Ju" (alcohol beverage) bar "Tak Ju" [makkolli] (alcohol beverage) bar Butcher shop Hot red pepper shop Rice and grain shop Briquette fuel shop Oil fuel shop Kitchen utensils shop Dress shop Tailor shop Knit wear and T-shirt shop Motor bike repair shop Drug store Number 1 5 45 1 5 3 2 4 3 3 1 1 1 2 2 2 Type of store Hardware store Stationery shop Agricultural machine repair shop Galvanized iron products shop Laundry Cigarette shop TV repair shop Photographer Barber shop Piano teacher Carpenter Real estate agent Second-hand dealer Car wash Bath house Beauty parlor Number 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 9 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 *"Nearby'' refers to two other villages in the immediate vicinity of the Three Ministers community. 187 Appendix 6. English-Korean Character List The following list is derived from Part 2: The Material Culture. The most commonly used Korean term is listed first (often this is the local term) followed by the standard Korean term for the same object. There are some entries with multiple Korean terms: please refer to the specific material culture number (MC#) in Part 2 for that item, where the various words are distinguished. Korean alphabet (han'gul) characters are displayed to the right of the romanized Korean terms. English Korean MC# Kitchen knife Chongjik'al Puokk'al Chopping board Tomae Toma Rice scoops (a) Brass (b) Wood (c) Rice (a) Notchugu (b) Papchugu (c) Chugu (d) Chugok ^HrS2- ^ Gourd scoop (ladle) Pagaji *r7}* l Scoop, wood (ladle) Namubagaji i+?*m*i Spoon Sutkkal Sukkarak Chopsticks Cho Chokkarak *1 Dipper (ladle) Chokcha Kukcha Rice bowl Bowl Papsabal Sabal Soup or water bowl Taejop ? 10 Bowl (small) Chongj i **1 11 188 NUMBER 39 English Bowl, condiment (small) Bowl, aluminum Plate Serving dish Soup pan Frying pan Teakettle Kettle, iron (cauldron) Kettle, aluminum (cauldron) Water bucket (water can) Bucket Washbasin Wash basin Waste water tub Korean Chongbari Chongbal Yangjaegi Chopsi Chopsi Chaengban Naembi Nambi Huraip'an Chujonja Sot Sot Mult'ong Ppakkessu Pagech'u Pakkessu Mult'ong Sesuttae Sesudaeya Pojigi KkujoVigmul t' ong Kujunmult'ong WW 3*1 ??1 ^ W ^ ^Z*} ^ 91^ ufBltil cfelnl W ^ M AflSfcii-g- tlz]u ufe)y| ^7 lC r E|n] c } c | n l ? t r # ? # * O V D < H *oVn] 71 *4*1 195 Lid, reed Bag, rice straw Bag, rice straw Tungt'aegi Tunggumi Ch'aep'an Ch'aesang Kamanittaegi Kamani Som ^V) 7-n "ST MM 7MM^7l 7fnful MC# 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 196 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY English Korean Drying mat Straw-bag loom Straw-bag rack Straw-rope machine Flail (beater) Comb thresher Threshing machine Winnowing fan Winnower Waterwheel Chemical sprayer (hand-operated) Farmer's watchtower Paddy plow Dry-field plow Paddy harrow Dry-field harrow Water-lift, (water "gourd, " water scoop) Pick TSksSk Mongsok Kamanit'ul Somt'ul Charit'ul Saekkit'ul Torikkae Holk'ae Holch'i Kuhe T'algokki P'allanggaebi Paramgaebi P'unggu Such'a Punmugi Wondumak Ttaba Chaenggi Hulch'aengi HuIttabu Kukchengi Mussori Ssore Kwaengissori Marun ssffre Mulbagaji Panggye Yongdure Kokkwaengi 7>n>t|# 4ell- *M* S.*M *M ZLMl OT*1 IHM?1 J?SL ^ 4 * M Q^u} trfaf ^ofl7l **J?1 ^H*?l **U1 *)M ?^Hel #?r7r4 M3 *tM?) 43*1 Ms. MM +M M&&*\ TO Vs. Wine cup Wine stand Ritual food stand Candlestick holder Duck (goose) Rosary Tobacco pipe Ashtray T'akchan Chandae Chegi Ch'ottae Ch'oktae Ori WSnang Yomjul Tambaettae Chaet'oVi M7] *M Ael MM a s M*M MW 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 200 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY English Korean MC# Chicken coop Chicken nest Chicken feeder (trough) Cooking pot and lid Ox-meal tub Manger (trough) Ox-meal hook Fodder cutter Yoke Ikkari Talgadugi Taguri Pudong Tunguri Talmosit'ong Tangmoit'ong Tangbu Tanggu Kamasot Sojukt'ong Kusi Kuyu Sojuk kkakkuri Sojuk kalk'uri Chakto Chaktu Somonge ?14el ^7f^-7l - * -e l MS*]* &S?]* M+ M* 7\u\] 44? M Til 4 Til 4 4 Tti # 4 Tfl *MM -T^n} M*t\o] 422 M^ tt 4-4 MMM 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 NUMBER 39 Engli sh Hand cart Hand truck Liberation cart Ox cart Horse carriage (bus) Bicycle Rear cart Chamber pot Radio Book, stitched Korean Son' gumma Sonsure Son' gumma Sonsure Haebangguruma Haebangch'a Soguruma Uch'a Mach'a Chaj oV go Riyak'a Yogang Rajio Najio Ch'aek ?^ 31 ?^f4 ?^ 31 ^3^4 MMM -f4 44 MMT\ el?>7} *M QMS. 44^. M 205 MC# 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 Bibliography Aqua, Ronald 1974. Local Institutions and Rural Development in South Korea. 69 pages. Ithaca, New York: Rural Development Committee, Cornell Univer? sity, Center for International Studies. Bartz, Patricia M. 1972. South Korea. 203 pages. London: Ely House, Oxford University Press. Befu, Harumi 1971. Japan: An Anthropological Introduction. 210 pages. New York: Harper and Row. Chandler Publications in Anthropology and Sociology. Brandt, Vincent S.R. 1980. 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Index Abacus, 85 (no. 69), 172, 192 Adornment, 98-100, 174 Adulthood, 11, 16-18 Adze, 142 (no. 236), 203 A-frame backpack, 50, 147-148 (no. 259), 204 Agricultural history, 5, 55 Agricultural innovator, 35, 42, 43, 54, 55 Agriculture, 55, 101-121, 174-176 Agriculture in transition, 31, 44, 45, 54 American Embassy, ix American military government, ix, 7 Ancestor worship, 3-4, 10, 19, 24, 25, 28, 52, 55 Ancestor worship altar, 25, 26, 44 Ancestor worship ritual, 4, 24, 25, 52, 55 Ancestor worship, funeral services, 21-23, 52, 55 Angle rule (metric), 142-143 (no. 237), 178, 203 Animal Husbandry, 126-130, 177 Annual calendar of events, 24 (lunar calendar), 26-28 Annual traditional ancestor worship rites, 24-27 Annual village meeting, 8, 28 Anvil, 141 (no. 231), 202 Aqua, Ronald, 55 Arimitsu Kyoichi, ix Ash shovel, 75 (no. 50), 191 Ashtray, 126 (no. 184), 199 Asia Foundation, The, xi Athletic program of Three Ministers primary school, 42 Attempt to Japanize Koreans, 5, 7 Average cost of ancestor worship (1970), 25 Awl, 147 (no. 257), 204 Axe, 115 (no. 145), 197 Babcock (Leghorn) and New Hampshire breeds, 41-42 Backpack, A-frame, 50 Bag, rice straw, 102-103 (no. 117), 103 (no. 118), 195 Bag, woven, 40 Ball, 79-80 (no. 58), 192 Bamboo handicraft tools, 147 (no. 258), 204 Band, village, 26, 27 Barley planting, 37 Barley polishing, 37 Barley production unprofitable, 37 Bartz, Patricia M., 1,3 Barrel, manure, 120 (no. 164), 198 Basin, 171 Basket, compost, 119 (no. 161), 198 Basket, grain, 101 (no. 115), 172 Bass drum, 83-84 (no. 66), 192 Bass drum beater, 82 (no. 64), 83-84 (no. 66), 192 Bear, black, 3 Befu, Harumi, 4, 54 Behavior, predictable, 26 Bellows, 141 (no. 230), 202; 76 (no. 52), 191 Belt, bride's, 90 (no. 85), 193 Belt, bridegroom's, 90 (no. 84), 193 Bench-bed, 136-137 (no. 216), 201 Beverages, alcoholic, 46, 52 Bicycle, 151-152 (no. 270), 205 Birds, 3, 54 Birth control, 12 Blacksmith and carpentry artifacts, 44 Blacksmith shop, 44 Blacksmith's hammer, 141 (no. 229), 178, 202 Block chief, 8, 9 Book (stitched), 153 (no. 274), 205 Boots, bridegroom's, 90 (no. 86), 193 Bottle, 172 Bow saw, 145 (no. 248), 203 Bowl (small), 60-61 (no. 11), 188 Bowl, aluminum, 61 (no. 13), 170-171, 189 Bowl, condiment, 61 (no. 12), 170, 189 Bowl, rice, 59 (no. 9), 170, 188 Bowl, soup or water, 60 (no. 10), 170, 188 Bowles, Gordon T, ix Boxes, 40 Brandt, Vincent S. R. 1980, x, 29 Brazier, 139 (no. 224), 202 Breakfast, 52 Breastfeeding, 12 Bridal chest, 91 (no. 88), 193 Bride and groom's clothing, 19 Bride's belt, 90 (no. 85), 193 Bride's coronet, 92 (no. 90), 194 Bride's dress, 19, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 Bride's pendant, 91 (no. 89), 193 Bridegroom case, 90-91 (no. 87), 193 Bridegroom's belt, 90 (no. 84), 193 Bridegroom's boots, 90 (no. 89), 193 Bridegroom's gown, 92 (no. 91), 194 Bridegroom's hat, 90 (no. 92), 193 Broom, bamboo, 72 (no. 43), 172, 191 Broom, millet, 73-74 (no. 45), 191 Broom, push, 140-141 (no. 227), 202 Broom, reed, 72-73 (no. 44), 191 Brush, 141 (no. 228), 172,202 Bucket, 65 (no. 22), 148-149 (no. 261), 171, 178-179, 189,204 Buddhism, 4, 9, 18, 44 Buddhist priest, 23, 43, 44 Buddhist shrine, 29-30 Buddhist temple, 5, 9, 28, 30, 54, 55 Buddhists, 4, 44, 55 Burial site, 22, 23, 24 Burial society, 21 Burner, incense (brazier), 123-124 (no. 177), 199 Candlestick holder, 124-125 (no. 180), 199 Candy, 40, 50 Candy scissors, shears, 130 (no. 200), 200 Cane, walking stick, 122 (no. 171), 199 Card game, 80-81 (no. 61), 192 Cargo enclosure (box), 149 (no. 263), 204 Carpenter's hammer, 146 (no. 254), 178, 204 Carpenter's two-surface file (sharpen saws), 142 (no. 234), 203 Carpentry and Blacksmithing, 140-147,178 Carriage, horse (bus), 150 (no. 269), 205 Cart support (stand), 149 (no. 264), 204 Cart wheel cover, 149 (no. 262), 204 Cart, hand, 149 (no. 264), 205 Cart, liberation, 150 (no. 267), 205 Cart, ox, 150 (no. 268), 205 Cart, rear, 152 (no. 271), 205 Cash crop, strawberries, 44 Ceramic clay, 3 Chamberpot, 152 (no. 272), 179, 205 Charcoal stove, brazier, 139 (no. 221), 202 Checkerboard, stone pieces, 76 (no. 53), 191 Cheju Island temporary assignment, ix Chemical fertilizer, 8, 35, 44 Chemical fertilizers and insecticides, 8, 9, 35, 36 Chemical fertilizers for strawberries, 44 Chemical sprayer (hand-operated), 108 (no. 129), 196 Chessboard, chess pieces, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 Chest, bridal, 91 (no. 88), 193 Chest, clothing, 98 (no. 103), 98 (no. 105), 195 Chest, rice, 135-136 (no. 214), 201 Chest, storage, 136 (no. 215), 201 Chest, wardrobe, 98 (no. 104), 195 Cheung Chang-Hi, x Chicken coop, 126 (no. 185), 200 Chicken feeder (trough), 40, 127 (no. 187), 200 Chicken manure fertilizer, 36 Chicken nest, 126 (no. 186), 200 Chicken raising, 41-42 Chicken raising experiment, 41-42 Chief ritualist, eldest son, 17, 21-23, 25 Child birthday ceremonies, 12 Child care, 11-12 Child care by adults, 11-12 Child development, 11-12 Childhood, 11-12 Child learning to speak, 11-12 China, ally, 5 Chinhan, 3 Chisel, 146 (no. 255), 147 (no. 158), 204 Choi Hyup, x Choi Jiae, xi Choi Kyung-Ho, entrepreneur, 42-43 Choi Min Shik, xi Chon Myong-Che, x Chopping board, 57 (no. 2), 170, 188 Chopsticks, 59 (no. 7), 170, 188 Choson (Yi) dynasty, 4, 5, 55 Christian, 9; church, 10, 20-21, 55; fundamental? ist, 10 Chyun Kwan-Woo, x Cigarettes, 53 Citizens' Bank, 49 Clamp, 147 (no. 257), 204 Clan village (lineage village), 55 Clay, ceramic, 3 Clod breaker, earth hammer, 115 (no. 147), 197 Clothing, 87-97, 173-174 Clothing chest (three sections), 98 (no. 103), 195 Clothing chest, 98 (no. 105), 195 Clur, Paul D., xi 208 NUMBER 39 209 College preparation, 14-16 Comb thresher, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 Comb, bamboo, 99 (no. 108), 195 Comb, wood, 99 (no. 109), 195 Compost basket, 119 (no. 161), 198 Compost scoop, 119 (no. 161), 198 Commercial outlets, 187 Communications, 152 Communications gap between generations, 16 Concept of incest, 18 Confections, 130-131, 177 Confucian shrine, 5 Confucian values, 10-11, 21-23, 51-52 Construction of new schools, 43 Contractual plowing (annual village meeting), 36-37 Cooked-rice basket, 74-75 (no. 48), 172, 191 Cooking pot and lid, ox-meal, 127 (no. 188), 200 Cooperative for greenhouse farmers, 41 Coronet, bride's, 92 (no. 90), 194 Corvee labor, 5 Cosmetic "make-up" box, 100 (no. I l l) , 195 Cosmetic chest, "make-up table," 99-100 (no. Up), 195 Cow, Holstein, 42 Craftsmen, skilled, 44 Crowbar, 146 (no. 253), 204 Cultural evolution, viii, 4 Cup, wine, 124 (no. 178), 199 Currency, 3 Cushion (floor), 131-132 (no. 203), 201 Cushion, silk and NUMBER 39 211 Marriage, 11,17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 52 Marriage proposal, 19 Marker, ink (stylus), 143 (no. 240), 203 Marker, line, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 Marker, oblique, 143 (no. 239), 203 Marker, square, 143 (no. 238), 203 Mason, Edward, 9, 55 Mason, Lt. Russel G., ix Mat, drying, 40, 103 (no. 119), 196 Mat, reed, 132 (no. 204), 132 (no. 205), 201 Mat, rice straw (floor), 41, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 Mat, vinyl, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 Material culture, origins of, 162 Mattress, 132-133 (no. 206), 201 Maturity by age, 11 Maxwell Museum of Anthropology, ix Meals, variety and costs, 52, 180-181 Medical care: licensed doctor, an unlicensed practitioner, or herbalist, 12, 43 Medicine pot (boiler), 67 (no. 28), 171, 189 Membership of village committees, 8, 9 Middle schools, 13-14 Military service, 5 Mill, electric, 37-38, 55 Milestone, 116 (no. 153), 198 Mimana, 4 Mining: gold, iron, amethyst, 3 Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, 29 Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, 29 Ministry of Culture and Information, ROK, 4 Minn Pyong-do, x Mock gun, 80 (no. 60), 192 Modernization, viii, 5-7, 9, 17, 29, 39, 43, 170-180 Mongol, 4 Monsoon rainfall, 3 "Moon houses," 28 Mortar, wood, 37-38, 118 (no. 158), 198 Motorized cultivators (rototillers), 36-37, 43, 45 Mourning clothes, 23 Mourning period, 23 Mud leveler, 113 (no. 141), 197 Mud wall additive, 40 Multiple uses of the rice plant, 44, 102-103 (no. 117), 103 (no. 118) Musical Instruments, 82-85, 172-173 Musicians' hats (two types), 84 (no. 68), 192 Mutual aid societies: for jewelry or stainless steel ware, 50; for farms, 45-50; others, 43, 50-51 Nahm, Andrew C. 1988, 5,1, 55 Naktong Basin, 1 Naktong estuary, 54 Naktong River delta, 1, 31-33, 53 Naktong valley, 3 Names, personal, 11 Name tablets, 5 National Agricultural Cooperative Federation (NAFC) services, 9, 35, 37, 44, 49 National Museum of Anthropology, ix National Museum of Korea, ix National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, xi Natural fertilizers, 35-36 Natural villages, 8, 54 Needle, 93 (no. 93), 194 Nest, chicken, 126 (no. 186), 200 New Community Movement (NCM), 9, 29, 43, 55 New consolidation for Three Ministers, 2-3, 5, 6-7 New Hampshire, chicken, 41 New members of the community, 7-8 New residents, 7-8 New Year, 26 Nicknames, 11 Noise-making "whip," 120 (no. 165), 198 Nuclear family, 9-11 Number of college students, 14, 15-16, 55 Nylon rice sacks, 102 (no. 117), 103 (no. 118) Oblique marker, 143 (no. 239), 203 Occupational diversification, 43-44 Occupations of Three Ministers villagers: (1951), 43; (1970), 43; (1981), 44 Office of Rural Development, 9, 29, 33, 35 Old age, 11 One lineage village, 10-11 Organizations, village, 9, 11 Ox bridle, 129 (no. 197), 200 Oxcart, 150 (no. 268), 205 Ox nose ring, 129 (no. 197), 129 (no. 198), 200 Ox sandal, 129-130 (no. 199), 200 Ox-drawn plows, 36 Ox-meal cooking pot and lid, 127 (no. 188), 200 Ox-meal hook, 128 (no. 191), 200 Ox-meal tub, 127-128 (no. 189), 200 Ox-operated mill, 37-38 Oxen food, 36 Pacific Rim, 3 Packboard basket, 147-148 (no. 259), 204 Packboard, A-frame, backpack, 50, 147-148 (no. 259), 204 Packrack, 129 (no. 196), 200 Packsaddle, 129 (no. 195), 200 Paddies requiring more labor and investments, 35, 36 Paddy harrow, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 Paddy plow, 109 (no. 131), 196 Pak, Ki-Hyun and Sidney D. Gamble, 8, 55 Palace harmony, 19 Pan, 171 Park Hye-Soo, entrepreneur, 42-43 Park, Jin-Hwan, 54 Part-time laborers, 43 Paste brush, 141 (no. 228), 202 Peddlers and itinerant repairmen, Three Ministers (1970), 43,45-50 Peddlers of vegetables and fish, 45,48 Pendant, bride's, 91-92 (no. 89) Persistence of selected artifacts, 165 Personal Accessories, 121-123, 176 Personal names, 11 Pestle-mallet, pounder, 37-38, 117 (no. 156), 198 Pestles (straight), 117-118 (no. 157), 198 Physicians, 44 Physiography of southeastern Korea, 1, 3 Pick, 111-112 (no. 136), 196 Pillow, 133 (no. 207), 201 Pioneer in use of greenhouses, 42, 44 Pipe, tobacco, 125 (no. 183), 199 Piston bellows, 141 (no. 230), 202 Pitchfork, 113 (no. 139) Pit dwellings, 3 Pitts, Forrest R, x, 55 Planes, 144 (no. 243), 144 (no. 244), 144 (no. 245), 144-145 (no. 246), 145, (no. 247), 203 Plants, introduced, 3 Plasterer's trowel, 147 (no. 256), 204 Plate, 61 (no. 14), 171, 189 Platform scale, 85 (no. 70), 192 Play cart, 80 (no. 59), 192 Pliers, 142 (no. 233), 147 (no. 258), 202, 204 Plow, dry-field, 109 (no. 132), 196 Plow, paddy, 109 (no. 131), 196 Plowing methods, 36-37 Political parties, 9 Pon Kaya, 3, 5 Population of the Three Ministers community (1981), 7-8 Portable stove, 139 (no. 222), 202 Pot, Romanized Korean Index An'gyong, 121-122 (no. 170), 199 Anjunbaengi choul, 85 (no. 70), 192 Aptaji, 136 (no. 215), 201 Ch'ae, 118 (no. 158), 198 Ch'aei, 101 (no. 114), 195 Ch'aek, 153 (no. 274), 205 Ch'aeksang, 133-134 (no. 208), 201 Ch'aembit, 99 (no. 108), 195 Ch'aep'an, 101-102 (no. 116), 195 Ch'aesang, 101-102 (no. 116), 195 Ch'ambit, 99 (no. 108), 195 Ch'e, 145-146 (no. 251), 204 Ch'oktae, 124 (no. 180), 199 Ch'onui, 90 (no. 83), 193 Ch'osigi, 132 (no. 205), 201 Ch'osok, 132 (no. 205), 201 Ch'ottae, 124 (no. 180), 199 Cha, 142-143 (no. 237), 203 Chaebongt'ul 93 (no. 95), 194 Chaengban, 61 (no. 15), 189 Chaenggi, 109 (no. 131), 196 Chaet'ori, 126 (no. 184), 199 Chagaebapsang, 134-135 (no. 210), 201 Chagwi, 142 (no. 236), 203 Chajon'go, 151-152 (no. 270), 205 Chakto, 128 (no. 192), 200 Chaktu, 128 (no. 192), 200 Chandae, 124 (no. 178), 199 Chang, 98 (no. 103), 98 (no. 104), 98 (no. 105), 195 Changdo, 122 (no. 172), 199 Changgial, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 Changgip'an, 76-77 (no. 54), 191 Changgu, 82-83 (no. 65), 192 Changgun, 120 (no. 164), 198 Changot, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 Charit'ul, 104 (no. 121), 196 Chech'ogi, 113 (no. 142), 197 Chegi, 124 (no. 179), 199 Chigae, 147 (no. 259) Chige, 147 (no. 259), 204 Chikkakcha, 143 (no. 238), 203 Chikson'gi, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 Chilma, 129 (no. 194), 200 Chilmae, 129 (no. 195), 200 Ching, 82 (no. 64), 192 Chingch'ae, 82 (no. 64), 192 Chip'aengi, 122 (no. 171), 199 Chip'angi, 122 (no. 171), 199 Chipke, 142 (no. 233), 202 Chippangmangi, 115 (no. 148), 197 Chippangsok, 131-132 (no. 203), 201 Chipsin, 87 (no. 75), 193 Chiptudurinun pangmaengi, 115 (no. 148), 197 Cho, 59 (no. 7), 188 Chokcha, 59 (no. 8), 188 Chokkarak, 59 (no. 7), 188 Chokturi, 92 (no. 90), 194 Cholgugongi, 117-118 (no. 157), 198 Chon'gidarimi, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 Chongbal, 61 (no. 12), 189 Chongbari, 61 (no. 12), 189 Chongji, 60-61 (no. 11), 188 Chongjik'al, 56-57 (no. 1), 188 Chooro, 71 (no. 37), 190 Chopsi, 61 (no. 14), 61 (no. 15), 189 Chorae, 74 (no. 46), 191 Chori, 74 (no. 46), 191 Choson'gwaengi, 114 (no. 144), 197 Choul, 85 (no. 70), 192 Chugok, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 Chugu, 57-58 (no. 3), 188 Chujonja, 63 (no. 18), 189 Chukch'angmun, 140 (no. 226), 202 Chul, 142 (no. 234), 203 Chungjul, 142 (no. 234), 203 Chup'an, 85 (no. 69), 192 Haebangch'a, 150 (no. 267), 205 Haebangguruma, 150 (no. 267), 205 Hakko, 149 (no. 263), 204 Halbibi, 147 (no. 257), 204 Hamjibak, 71 (no. 36), 190 Hamt'ingi, 71 (no. 35), 190 Handoebyong, 72 (no. 40), 190 Hojokpan, 135 (no. 211), 201 Hok'u, 113 (no. 140), 197 Hokku, 113 (no. 140), 197 Holch'i, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 Holk'ae, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 Homaeng'i, 113 (no. 143), 197 Homangnat, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 Homi, 113 (no. 143), 197 Hongdukkae, 96-97 (no. 101), 194 Horongbul, 137-138 (no. 218) Hoya, 138 (no. 219), 202 Hugolgimi, 145-146 (no. 251), 204 Huiyang, 88 (no. 78), 193 Hukpaji, 147 (no. 256), 204 Hulch'aengi, 109 (no. 132), 196 Hulk'al, 147 (no. 256), 204 Hulttabu, 109 (no. 132), 196 Huraip'an, 62 (no. 17), 189 Hwabun, 72 (no. 39), 190 Hwagwan, 92 (no. 90), 194 Hwajangdae, 99-100 (no. 110), 195 Hwarot, 92-93 (no. 92), 194 Hwaru, 140 (no. 224), 202 Hwasap, 75 (no. 50), 191 Hwat'u, 80-81 (no. 61), 192 Hwiyang, 88 (no. 78), 193 Hyanghap, 123 (no. 176), 199 Hyangno, 123-124 (no. 177), 199 Ibul, 132 (no. 206), 201 Ilbon'gwaengi, 114 (no. 144), 197 Ich'ungjang, 98 (no. 105), 195 Ikkari, 126 (no. 185), 200 Ilch'ung yangbokchang, 98 (no. 104), 195 Indu, 95-96 (no. 100), 194 K'al, 122 (no. 172) K'i, 101 (no. 114), 195 K'un ch'aeksang, 134 (no. 209), 201 K'unjul, 142 (no. 234), 203 Kalk'wi, 121 (no. 169), 199 Kamani, 102 (no. 117), 195 Kamanit'ul, 103-104 (no. 120), 196 Kamanittaegi, 102 (no. 117), 195 Kamasot, 127 (no. 188), 200 Karae, 86 (no. 73), 192 Karakchi, 98-99 (no. 106), 195 Kari,86(no. 73), 192 Kasige, 94 (no. 97), 194 Kat, 88-89 (no. 80), 193 Kawi, 94 (no. 97), 194 Kebik'i, 143-144 (no. 242), 203 Kilma, 129 (no. 195), 200 Kkakkuri, 121 (no. 169), 199 Kkokkal, 84 (no. 68), 192 Kkoksoe, 147 (no. 257), 204 Kkujongmult'ong, 66 (no. 25), 189 Kkul, 146 (no. 255), 147 (no. 258), 204 Kokkal, 84 (no. 68), 192 Kokkwaengi, 111-112 (no. 136), 196 Kolbagimi, 74-75 (no. 48), 191 Kolch'ae, 129 (no. 196), 200 Kollat, 112-113 (no. 138), 197 Kollo, 139 (no. 221), 202 Kollot'ong, 138-139 (no. 220), 202 Kombangme, 115 (no. 147), 197 Kombe, 115 (no. 147), 197 Komurae, 121 (no. 168), 199 Kong, 79-80 (no. 58), 192 Konggum, 149 (no. 264), 204 Koppi, 129 (no. 198), 200 Koritchak, 88 (no. 77), 193 Korumbaji, 119 (no. 161), 198 Korumsok'uri, 119 (no. 161), 198 Kujunmult'ong, 66 (no. 25), 189 Kukcha, 59 (no. 8), 188 Kukchengi, 109 (no. 132), 196 Kullongsoe, 81 (no. 62), 192 Kune, 105-106 (no. 124), 196 Kuruma, 80 (no. 59), 192 Kuruma palt'ongdai, 149 (no. 262), 204 Kusi, 128 (no. 190), 142 (no. 232), 200, 202 Kuyu, 128 (no. 190), 142 (no. 232), 200, 202 Kwaenggwari, 82 (no. 64), 192 Kwaengissori, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 Kwaengsa, 82 (no. 64), 192 Kwaengsach'ae, 82 (no. 64), 192 Kwanbo, 92 (no. 91), 194 Kwanbokham, 90-91 (no. 87), 193 Kwandae, 92 (no. 91), 194 Kwangjiri, 101 (no. 113), 195 Kwangjuri, 101 (no. 113), 195 214 NUMBER 39 215 Kwetchak, 149 (no. 263), 204 Kyojasang, 135 (no. 212), 201 Kyongdae, 99-100(no. 110), 100 (no. I l l) , 195 Mach'a, 150 (no. 269), 205 Mae, 115 (no. 146), 197 Maettol, 117 (no. 155), 198 Mal, 85-86 (no. 72), 192 Mangch'i, 141 (no. 229), 146 (no. 254), 202, 204 Marun ssore, 110-111 (no. 134), 196 Me, 115 (no. 146), 197 Mengganna, 144 (no. 244), 203 Mesin, 87 (no. 75), 193 Met'uri, 87 (no. 75), 193 Moich'ong, 80 (no. 60), 192 Mojarik'al, 113 (no. 141), 197 Mojariyong milk'al, 113 (no. 141), 197 Mokch'ong, 80 (no. 60), 192 Mokk'al, 143 (no. 240), 203 Mokt'ong, 143 (no. 241), 203 Mongsok, 103 (no. 119), 196 Moru, 141 (no. 231), 202 Moruding, 141 (no. 231), 202 Motppaenun kot, 146 (no. 253), 204 Mulbagaji, 111 (no. 135), 196 Mulchige, 148 (no. 260), 204 Mulle, 97-98 (no. 102), 121 (no. 166), 195, 198 Mulppurige, 71 (no. 37), 190 Mult'omu, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 Mult'ong, 65 (no. 21), 65 (no. 22), 189 Multomu, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 Multongi, 71-72 (no. 38), 190 Mussori, 109-110 (no. 133), 196 Naembi, 61-62 (no. 16), 189 Najio, 152-153 (no. 273), 205 Nallo, 13 216 SMITHSONIAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO ANTHROPOLOGY Suiji, 90 (no. 86), 193 Suk'weo, 143 (no. 238), 203 Sukkarak, 59 (no. 6), 188 Sulturimi,