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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 120
BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINALSOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS
By JULIAN H. STEWARD

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 120
BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINALSOCIOPOLITICAL GROUPS
By JULIAN H. STEWARD
UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON: 1938
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C Price 50 cent*

LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution,Bureau of American Ethnology,Washington^ D. G.^ January 28^ 1938.Sik: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled
"Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups," by Julian H.Steward, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of theBureau of American Ethnology.Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirling, Chief.Dr. C. G. Abbot,Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. in

CONTENTS
Pag*Preface ixIntroduction 1Objectives of the study 1History of the Basin-Plateau area 3Geographical environment and subsistence 10The physical landscape 10Plant foods 14Animal foods 33The economic pattern 44Population density 46Sociopolitical groups of different areas 60Western localized Northern Paiute bands: Owens Valley 60Western independent Northern Paiute villages . 67Deep Springs Valley 57Fish Lake Valley 61Winnemucca 68Western independent Shoshoni villages 68Lida and vicinity 68Eastern California 70Saline Valley... 76Little Lake and Koso Mountains 80Panamint Valley 84Northern Death Valley 85Central and southern Death Valley 91Beatty and Belted Mountains 93lone Valley, Reese River, and Smith Creek Valley 100Great (Big) Smoky Valley and Monitor Valley 109Kawich Mountains 110Little Smoky Valley and vicinity_? 113Railroad Valley __ 117Steptoe VaUey 121Spring, Snake, and Antelope Valleys 123Cave Valley.. 131Gosiute Shoshoni 132Pine Creek and Diamond Valley 141Ruby Valley and vicinity 144Humboldt River 152Battle Mountain and vicinity 161Snake River 165Boise River and vicinity 172Grouse Creek 173Promontory Point (Hukundiika) 177Western independent Southern Paiute villages 180Pahrump and Las Vegas 182V
VI CONTENTS
Sociopolitical groups of different areas?Continued. P?eeNorthern Shoshoni bands 186Lemhi and central Idaho 186Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshoni 198Bannock Creek (Kamudiika) Shoshoni 216Cache Valley (Paqgwidiika) 218Salt Lake Valley 219Western Ute bands 222Analysis of data 230Ecological determinants 230Social determinants 237Social and political patterns 239The family 239Marriage 241Political organization and chieftainship 246Property 253Summary 266Some general implications of the present study 258Sociopolitical groups among hunters and gatherers 258Ecology in cultural studies 260Appendices:A. Tribal distributions 263B. Vocabularies . 272C. Kinship terms 284D. Native names of plants 306E. Miscellaneous uses of plants 310Medicinal plants 310Unidentified medicinal plants 311Plants used in manufacturing 312Plants used in smoking 313Names of some plants not used 313F. MH's biography 314G. Status terms 315Bibliography 317Index 331
ILLUSTRATIONS
Plates Page1. a, Owens Valley and the Sierra Nevada Mountains. 6, Pinyon andjuniper trees, White Mountains, c, Death "Valley 162. a, Joshua trees, Fish Lake Valley. 6, Screw-bean trees. Ash Meadows.c, Sand bunch grass and sagebrush 173. o, Spring Valley and the Snake Range. 6, Deep Springs Valley andalkaline lake, c, Colorado River Canyon, Utah 17Text Figubes
1. Map of the Basin-Plateau area ix2. Map of key to locations x3. Map of rainfall distribution 124. Map of life zones 155. Map of the distribution of the horse and bison 376. Map of population density 477. Villages and subsistence areas of the Death Valley and Owens Valleyregions 588. Villages and subsistence areas of central Nevada 1019. Villages and subsistence areas of eastern Nevada 12510. Villages and subsistence areas of Idaho 13611. Villages and subsistence areas of the upper Humboldt River region 14112. Villages and subsistence areas of northern Utah 17813. Map of distributions of marriage forms and kinship terminologies 285vn
EXPLANATION OF PLATES
1. a, Owens Valley and the Sierra Nevada Mountains. The valley, elevation4,000 feet, lies in the arid artemisia belt but is well watered by streams issuingfrom the mountains. These summits exceed 14,000 feet and extend into thearctic zone. &, A typical formation of scattered pinyons (Pinus monophylla)and Junipers in the White Mountains east of Owens Valley, elevation 7,200feet. Winter camps were often made near pine-nut caches in such localities,snow perhaps being used for water, c. Death Valley. This gravel-covered andalkaline valley lies below sea level and supports little vegetation.2. o, Joshua trees in the lower portion of the Silver Peak Range, Fish LakeValley. Buds of these trees could be eaten before any seeds had ripened,6, An unusually dense grove of screw-bean trees at Ash Meadows. Screwbeans, like Joshua trees, occur only in the southern portion of the area, c, Thelight, fluffy plants are sand bunch grass (Oryzopsis hymenoides) near WalkerLake, one of the most important seed plants in Nevada and eastern California.Although this was an unusually good crop caused by an abnormally wet year,it will be noted that the individual plants are widely spaced.3. a, Spring Valley and the eastern face of the Snake Range. The valley isentirely arid except where a few dots running out from the base of the moun-tains indicate the course of streams which flow but a short distance beforesinking into the sands. Winter villages were located on such streams. Thelower portion of the mountains is speckled with juniper and pinyon trees, theupper portion with larger pines. Wheeler Peak, l.S,058 feet elevation, may beseen rising above timber line into the arctic zone. Valleys like this had a fewantelope and jack rabbits while the mountains sheltered deer and mountainsheep. 6, Deep Springs Valley, elevation .5,000 feet, with its alkaline lake atthe base of the mountains. The mountains, rising to 7,000 and 8,000 feet eleva-tion, are speckled with pinyon and juniper trees, c, The canyon of the Colo-rado River in southeastern Utah, near the Escalante River. This ruggedtopography of sandstone mesas and deep canyons afforded few natural re-sources or habitable sites and was a barrier to communication through thisregion.Tin

LINGU/STIC BOUNDARYAPPROX/MATB 1/N6UIST/CBOUND/lRy
' APPROX/MATf SOUNOARY OFSUBS/STSNCE ARFy^AlOOefiN TOWNk NATIVE V/LLA6B SJTE
PREFACE
This paper is based largely upon data collected during 6 monthsin 1935 on a field trip financed by the University of California anda grant-in-aid from the Social Science Research Council, and duringa trip of 4 months in 1936 for the Bureau of American Ethnology.Other trips to the Great Basin area (fig. 1) had been made from timeto time during the previous 9 years.The research had several objectives. The first was to make anethnographic reconnaissance of the Western Shoshoni and some oftheir Northern Paiute, Utc, and Southern Paiute neighbors. Mostof the Shoshoni had not, to my knowledge, been previously studiedand many had not even been visited by an ethnologist. The recon-naissance was made by means of element lists, of which 25 were pro-cured from as many localities?3 from Northern Paiute, 1 fromBannock, 1 from Southern Paiute, 18 from Western Shoshoni ofIdaho, Nevada, and Utah (2 of these being from Gosiute in Utah),and 2 from Northern Shoshoni of Idaho and Utah.The second objective was to analyze the functional relationshipof the different parts of the culture to one another and to the localenvironment. This analysis will be published with the element listselsewhere.The third aim was to ascertain the types of Shoshonean socio-political groups and to discover their ecological and social determi-nants. This is the subject of this paper.Orthography used for native words will be found on page 273.Initials in parentheses are informants.English words in parentheses are translations of the native nameswhich they follow.A list of informants is given with the element lists elsewhere. Theknowledge of each informant was, of course, greatest for his ownvillage. It decreased for neighboring villages more or less in pro-portion to their remoteness from his own. These villages or the val-leys in which they are located are shown on map (fig. 2). They areabbreviated as follows, those at which element lists were taken beingstarred
:
NP-FSp,* Northern Paiute of Fish Springs in Owens Valley.NP-FLk,* Northern Paiute of Fish Lake Valley, eastern Cal-ifornia.
60288?38 (Face p. u) FiODsa 1.?Map of the Basin-Plateau area.

PREFACE
S-Lemhi
S-SnRv NP-BanS-FtHI
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NP-LiiPn, Northern Paiute of Lone Pine, Owens Valley.NP-GeoCr, Northern Paiute of Georges Creek, Owens Valley,NP-MC,* Northern Paiute of Mill City, near Winnemucca,Nevada. NP-B a n,* Bannockof Fort Hall, Idaho.SP-Ash,* SouthernPaiute of Ash Mead-ows, Nevada.SP-LV, SouthernPaiute of Las Vegas,Nevada.S-LtLk, Shoshoni ofLittle Lake, easternCalifornia.S-DthV,* Shoshoniof Death Valley, east-ern California.S-Bty.* Shoshoni ofBeatty, Nevada.S-Lida,* Shoshoni ofLida, Nevada.S-GSmV,* Shoshoniof Great (Big) SmokyValley, Nevada.S-RsRi,* Shoshoni ofReese River Valley, Ne-vada.S-SmCr,* Shoshoniof Smith Creek Valley,Nevada.S-Tonopah, Shoshoni near Tonopah, Nevada.S-Belm, Shoshoni of Belmont, Nevada.S-Kawich, Shoshoni of the Kawich Mountains, Nevada.S-Mor,* Shoshoni of Morey, Nevada.S-Hmlt,* Shoshoni of Hamilton, in Railroad Valley, Nevada.S-Ely,* Shoshoni of Ely in Steptoe Valley, Nevada.S-SprV,* Shoshoni of Spring Valley, eastern Nevada and westernUtah ; sometimes called Gosiute.S-Egan,* Shoshoni of Egan Canyon, near Steptoe Valley, easternNevada.GS-DpCr,* Gosiute (i. e., Shoshoni) of Deep Creek, Utah.GS-SklV,* Gosiute (i. e., Shoshoni) of Skull Valley, Utah.S-DiaV, Shoshoni of Diamond Valley, Nevada.
s S-8elm
"^ 5-TonopahNP-FLk S-KawichS-LidaNP-FSp ^sNP-6eoCr 5-BtyUB-i?P? S-OthVSP-Ash }'^^SP-LasY-/NP-LnPiiS-LfLk
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FiGDBO 2.?Map of key to locations.
PREFACE XIS-RubV,* Shoslioni of Kuby Valley, Nevada.S-Elko,* Shoshoni of Elko on the Humboldt River, Nevada.S-BtlM,* Shoshoni of Battle Mountain on the Humboldt River,Nevada.S-NthFk, Shoshoni of North Fork of the Humboldt River, southof Owyhee, in Nevada.S-SnRv,* Shoshoni of the vicinity of Bruneau on the Snake River,Idaho.S-GrsCr,* Shoshoni of Grouse Creek, northwest of Great SaltLake, Utah and Nevada.S-Prom,* Slioshoni of Promontory Point and vicinity, northernshore of Great Salt Lake, Utah.S-FtHl,* Shoshoni of Fort Hall on the Snake River, Idaho.S-Lemhi,* Shoshoni of the Lemhi River and adjoining mountains,Idaho.Nomenclature for this area and the groups in it involves consider-able difficulty. Linguistic terms are not satisfactory. Most often,all of the inhabitants except the Washo have been classed together asShoshone or Shoshonean. But Kroeber (1907, 1909, and 1925) classedthe languages with those of southern California as Shoshonean.More recently Whorf (1935) has suggested that each division of
"Shoshonean," such as Shoshoni-Comanche and Ute-Chemehuevi, isreally a separate branch of Uto-Aztecan. Thus, Kroeber's classifica-tion would make "Shoshonean" too inclusive; Whorf's would elimi-nate it. Moi-eover, Ute-Chemehuevi speaking peoples occur outsidethe area in southern California, Shoshoni-Comanche occur outside itin the Plains, while the Washo, with a different language, occupy acorner of Nevada. Linguistic terms would therefore seem to be elim-inated.Cultural terms have rarely been satisfactory unless some outstand-ing culture pattern is limited to an area, for example, "Pueblo." Inthis area a term descriptive of culture would be too long andunwieldy.A geogi'aphical term would appear more satisfactory. The impor-tant feature of the entire area is its semiarid or stef>pe character. But
"steppe" seems too vague and too unlikely to be understood. Thearea embraces all of the Great Basin but also includes portions of theColumbia Plateau to the north and the Colorado Plateau to the south.On both plateaus are other peoples with cultures unlike those treatedhere.Apparently a somewhat arbitrary choice is necessary. I shall useBasin-Plateau peoples for the Mono-Bannock, Shoshoni-Comanche,and Ute-Chemehuevi speaking inhabitants of the two plateaus andthe Great Basin.
Xn PREFACEThe question of designating subdivisions of these groups is equallydiflScult. Inhabitants of portions of the areas of each linguistic grouphave been named according to culture (e. g., Digger, Walker), geo-graphical location (e. g., Owens Valley Paiute, Surprise ValleyPaiute), or some assumed political grouping (e. g., White Knives,Tiimok's band, Southern Paiute bands). I shall not attempt here tosettle the question for the Mono-Bannock or Ute-Chemehuevi. TheShoshoni-Comanche, though having very slight linguistic variation,divide into several distinct cultural groups. One is the Comanchewith whom we are not concerned. Another is the Shoshoni occupy-ing eastern Idaho, northeastern Utah, and Wyoming. Though di-vided into several bands, they had in common the horse, bison hunt-ing, and a large number of Plains traits. Following Lowie, I shallcall these Northern Shoshoni. The third group is the Shoshoni whooccupied western Idaho and Utah and a large portion of Nevada.They lacked horses, had no bands, and possessed a remarkably simpleculture which was relatively uniform throughout the area. I shallcall these Western Shoshoni, a term previously used especially forthe Shoshoni on the Western Shoshone Reservation at Owyhee,northern Nevada.
BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL SOCIOPOLITICALGROUPS
By Julian H. StewardINTRODUCTIONObjectives op the StudyAnalysis of the factors or determinants which, in complex inter-play, have produced any society is ordinarily forbidding. Most so-cieties are manifestly the end result of a long history of internal de-velopment, borrowing, and adaptation to a particular environment.Greatest success should attend analyses of societies which evince aless complicated history, whose structure is simpler in content andform, and whose institutions were most extensively patterned bysubsistence activities. Such societies usually exist among the simplehunters and gatherers in areas of low population density. All of theinstitutions of these peoples are not, of course, either primordial orthe product of the environment, but they are ordinarily structurallysimple and show minimal borrowing and conspicuous environmentalconditioning.A previous review of hunters and gatherers in low populationareas?Bushmen, Australians, Tasmanians, Negritos, Fuegians, Atha-bascans, Algonkians, certain Shoshoneans, and others?indicated thatdespite the occasional presence of clans, moieties, and marriageclasses, certain essentially simple sociopolitical patterns occurred re-peatedly and were largely explainable in terms of human ecology(Steward, 1936 c).The Basin-Plateau peoples were also simple hunters and gathererswith a sparse and scattered population, but data permitting eithera description of their sociopolitical forms or an analysis of the fac-tors producing them were not available. The present survey aimedto supply and interpret such data.Most of the Basin-Plateau people lived at a bare subsistence level.Their culture was meager in content and simple in structure. Pur-suits concerned with the problems of daily existence dominated theiractivities to an extraordinary degree and limited and conditioned
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bolu 120their institutions. It was inevitable, therefore, that considerablestudy should be given to subsistence activities in the different naturalareas. This, however, must not be construed as "environmental de-terminism," which is generally understood to postulate some kindof automatic and inevitable effect of environment upon culture. Itis human ecology or the modes of behavior by which human beingsadapt themselves to their environment. Any adaptation necessarilyinvolves an interaction of two elements : The natural environment andthe particular cultural devices, invented and borrowed, by which theenvironment is exploited. The kinds of activities entailed in thisexploitation affect the different phases of the culture to varying de-grees. The present problem, therefore, is partly to ascertain theeffect of ecology upon the sociopolitical institutions.Many modes of behavior were, of course, partly or entirely non-economic, but the latitude permitted them was often partly estab-lished by the framework of ecology. S.ome noneconomic behavior,moreover, overlapped or somewhat merged with economic behavior.The problem, then, is also to ascertain the role of purely socialfactors.Analysis of human ecology in the Basin-Plateau area requires con-sideration first of certain features of the natural landscape or en-vironment ; second, of cultural devices by which the environment wasexploited ; and third, of resulting adaptations of human behavior andinstitutions. The important features of the natural environmentwere topography, climate, distribution and nature of plant andanimal species, and, as the area is very arid, occurrence of water.These are described in the first part of the paper. The devices forexploiting the environment were certain hunting and gatheringtechniques and transportational facilities, which are also describedin the first section. The adaptation of certain behavior patternsto the general ecology requires consideration of the density anddistribution of the population, of the role of the sexes, the familyand communal groups in hunting, fishing, and seed gathering, of theterritory covered and the time required for different economic pur-suits, and of the size, composition, distribution, and degree of per-manency of villages. As the ecology varied with both natural re-gions and local cultural devices, each region was visited when itwas possible to do so and food areas, village sites, sources of water,topography, natural barriers, and other features relevant to the localsubsistence problems were noted.It is found that some ecological factors made the biological orbilateral family the most stable sociopolitical group. Sexual divi-sion of labor prevented the economic unit from being smaller thanthe family, wliile the expediency of families working alone in seed
STKWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 3gathering, which was the most important activity, prevented it fromexceeding the family during much of the year. Other factors, how-ever, brought families into association in larger groups: location ofwinter residences with reference to food resources, water, and othernatural advantages; communal hunting and fishing enterprises andsome communal irrigation; unusually dense population; possessionof the horse; and abnormal abundance of certain foods in smalllocalities.Within the limits imposed by ecology, social features?some bor-rowed, some developed locally?contributed to the sociopoliticalgroups. Some of these were integrative and gave cohesion to small,usually village groups. These include marriage and extended kin-ship bonds, dances, gambling, death and burial ceremonies, shaman-istic activities, and occasional warfare. Factors tending to unitelarger groups were intervillage marriage, festivals, annual mourningceremonies, communal sweat lodges, and large-scale warfare. On theother hand, group solidarity was disrupted by frequent shifts of resi-dence, wife abduction, witchcraft, and crime.The combined effect of these ecological and social factors pro-duced the observed sociopolitical types, with their varying size, com-position, structure, unity, and political controls. But not all ofthe factors are universal in the Basin-Plateau area and some varyin strength. The second and largest portion of the paper is devotedto a description of these sociopolitical types.In order to segregate fact and theory as far as possible, a synthesisand interpretation of the data are relegated to a third section of thepaper. A concluding part suggests the broader and more theoreticalimplications of the findings.The data pertinent to the problems of this investigation are ad-mittedly unequal in completeness and reliability. The essential factsare, however, repeated with such monotonous similarity in localityafter locality that there can be no question of their correctness.As certain interpretations of culture process in this study involveacculturation both in the late prehistoric and historic periods, a briefhistory of the area follows.History of the Basin-Plateau AreaAt present there is little historical depth in the picture of Basin-Plateau cultures. Archeological evidence of ancient cultures is almostnegligible. Gypsum Cave in present Southern Paiute territory insouthern Nevada (Harrington, 1933), Lovelock Cave in northernPaiute territory in western Nevada (Loud and Harrington, 1929),and caves at Black Rock and Promontory Point in Shoshoni terri-tory around Great Salt Lake (Steward, 1937) have yielded evidence
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boluisoto show that the area was occupied probably for a very long periodby simple hunting and gathering peoples. The old cultures cannot,however, be adequately characterized until more research has beencarried on.Of pure classical Basket Maker culture there is no certain evidenceoutside the Colorado Plateau and perhaps southern Nevada. Con-temporary with Pueblo I or Pueblo II of the San Juan area, ablended Basket Maker-Pueblo culture spread, probably with somerapidity, northward throughout all of Utah and most of the easternhalf of Nevada. It was not uniform in this area, but showed manylocal adaptations and inventions. Nor was horticulture uniformlyimportant. Sites in the northern portion are small and containabundant evidence indicating great reliance upon hunting and pre-sumably also upon gathering. Southern sites?those in central andsouthern Utah and southern Nevada?are larger and were evidentlymore permanent, and more dependent upon cultivation.None of the Northern Periphery sites, however, contain positiveevidence of San Juan Pueblo III elements, with the possible excep-tion of some in southern Nevada and along the lower ColoradoPlateau. Occupation of them must have ceased with the collapse ofPueblo III in the south, if not before. The most probable explana-tion of their abandonment is inroads by hostile tribes. Adaptation ofhorticulture to local conditions, while apparently not precisely likethat of the modern Pueblo, seems to have been reasonably successfulin at least central and southern Utah, where it probably involvedirrigation with perennial mountain streams. There is no obviousreason to postulate economic failure (Steward, 1936 b).There is at present no means of identifying either the pre-Puebloanor Puebloan inhabitants of the Northern Periphery. Perhaps somespoke Hopi, but as neither the modern Hopi cultures nor cultures ofprehistoric sites in the Hopi area correspond in any important waywith either Northern Peripheral Puebloan or modern Paiute orShoshoni culture, there is no reason to postulate a specific connectionbetween them. That the Ute-Chemehuevi, Shoshoni-Comanche, orMono-Paviotso had more than contact with the Northern PeripheryPuebloan peoples is doubtful. There are important specific culturalresemblances between the modern and ancient people, but these do notnecessarily prove genetic relationship, for there are equally importantdissimilarities.*Sometime in the post-Puebloan period there was probably a rapidexpansion of the recent peoples. Evidence which must be interpreted
1 The question of the relationship of modern Shoshoneans to Basket Makers and Pueb-loans Is too complex and insufficiently relevant to this study to be taken up here. It willbe developed In a future paper, based on the writer's archeological and ethnological studiesin Utah. Idaho, and Nevada.
sTEWAfiD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 5in this way is their modern distribution and language. They are nowdistributed where the cultures of Pueblo sites, Lovelock Cave, andprobably other peoples once existed. But they must have been new-comers to these places, because their culture is too unlike that of theprevious occupants to postulate radical alteration in a feAv centuries.The Shoshonean dialects, though perhaps inherently slow to change,are similar over an enormous area. Shoshoni of Death Valley, Cali-fornia, of Nevada, Idaho, and Wyoming, and Comanche can under-stand one another with no great trouble.But at sometime in the post-Puebloan period a culture unlikethat of the Shoshoneans, the Promontory Cave culture, existed inthe Great Salt Lake area. This was based upon hunting and gather-ing, with particular reliance upon the bison and other large gamewhich must have been very abundant in the region at that time(Steward, 1937 b). The correspondence of this culture with that ofthe modern Shoshoni is slight and insufficient to link the two. ThePromontory pottery is neither Shoshonean nor Puebloan. It is pos-sible that the Promontory people were temporary residents in thearea ; they may even have been Athapascans then on their way south.Shoshonean archeology so far has been unrevealing. Ejiown campsites have only assorted flints and occasional pottery scattered thinlyover large areas. House remains are extremely rare. Cave sites aremore promising than open-air sites but have not yet been studiedto any great extent. The most profitable archeological research inthe area will be the excavation of caves and the systematic studyof flints.When the white man arrived in the West the Basin-Plateau peo-ples seem to have had very nearly their present location. (See Ap-pendix A, Tribal Distributions.)For the purpose of this study, the Indian's contact with the whiteman may be divided into four periods: (1) Exploration and pene-tration of the territory by trappers, approximately 1776 to 1840; (2)immigration which usually passed on through the country to morefertile lands on the coast, but settled Utah and the Humboldt Valley,1840 to 1860; (3) settlement by miners and agi'iculturists and theclimax of strife between whites and Indians, 1860 to 1870; (4) re-moval of many Indians to reservations where they still remain.Although several major expeditions were made into the Shosho-nean area by early explorers, their records contain little of ethno-graphic interest. The first traveler was Escalante, who, in 1776,journeyed northward through western Colorado and eastern Utahto Utah Lake, thence southward through western Utah (Harris,1909), but left scant record of tribes visited. Lewis and Clark de-scribed the Shoshoni on the Lemhi River, Idaho, visited by them60285?38 2
Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bolui2oin 1806, with their usual completeness. But from the Lemhi Riverthey turned northward and saw little more of the Basin-Plateaupeoples in question. The Astoria party went down the Snake Riverin 1811, making records which Irving compiled (1897). Observa-tions by Ross (1849, 1855) in this region during the next 15 yearsare of doubtful accuracy. Wyeth, who founded Fort Hall in 1834,made valuable observations in Schoolcraft (1851, vol. I, pp. 205-228).Most other accounts are uninformative or inaccurate.By 1825 trappers were fairly numerous in western Wyoming andsouthern Idaho. They extended their activities into northern Utahand somewhat into Nevada, though accounts of these trips are ex-tremely rare. Peter Skene Ogden made several journeys into east-ern Oregon and probably visited the Humboldt River in northernNevada between 1826 and 1828, but said little about the natives.Journeys across Nevada were made in 1825 by Jedediah Smith, per-haps even earlier by Old Greenwood (Kelly, 1936), in 1833 byWalker, and subsequently by a large number of parties. The jour-nals of these trips, however, manifest a striking lack of interest inthe Indians. Some dubious information may be gleaned only fromthe narrative of Zenas Leonard (1904) who accompanied Walkerand from Russell (1921) who traveled from 1834 to 1843. The mostimportant contemporary account of southern Idaho is that of Bonne-ville, 1832-34 (Irving, 1898).This early period of contact seems to have had little culturalor economic effect on the Indians, except in the East where theytraded with the whites. There was slight strife but it did not reachserious proportions for many years. Even the obstreperous Bannockmaintained peace with the white man much of the time.The period of immigration which began about 1840 initiatedchanges that were to have an important effect on the Indians. Ex-cept in Utali, where the Mormons settled in 1847, however, the streamof immigrants poured down the Humboldt River across Nevada oralong the Oregon trail to more fertile lands on the coast. Clashes ofincreasing seriousness occurred along the line of travel but the manyIndians in remote valleys were untouched by the first real impact ofthe white man.Despite the large number of travelers, which included many am-bitious chroniclers, records of the Indians continue to be disappoint-ing. The natives between the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Ne-vada Mountains were generally dismissed with the remark that theywere only miserable "Diggers." The only important sources forNevada and Utah are Remy and Brenchley (1861). Fremont whotraveled from 1843 to 1854 (1887), Simpson (1876), Stansbury(1852), and Egan (1917). There is more information about the
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 7
?"Snake" to the north, but as this name was applied indiscriminatelyto Shoshoni of Wyoming, Idaho, and Utah, sometimes to NevadaShoshoni, and even to Oregon Paiute, most of it is worthless.The decade following 1860 brought the crisis for most of theBasin-Plateau peoples. In 1857 the great Comstock lode at Vir-ginia City had been discovered in western Nevada. Within 10 yearsprospectors penetrated the remotest parts of the territory and boomtowns sprang up in the midst of sheer desert. Shoshoni, who hadpreviously had little contact with the white man, congregated at manyof these towns. Meanwhile, immigrants had begun to settle at oasesin the desert and soon live stock grazed the hills, decimating nativefood plants, and white men cut down pinyon trees for fuel.^*Friction which had first developed along the immigration trailsnow became open and widespread warfare. Indians by this time hadhorses, which so increased their mobility that formerly independentgroups could unite under new war leaders and traverse a wide ter-ritory in large groups. They had, moreover, guns with which tofight. The first serious clashes were between the white men andNorthern Paiute in about 1860, but by 1865 Shoshoni of BattleMountain and Austin were involved. Meanwhile, south of the GreatSalt Lake Desert in Utah and in eastern California, Shoshoni,especially those known as Gosiute, were committing depredationsagainst immigrants, raiding the pony express and attacking the stageline which ran through this territory. Pahvant Ute had some handin this (Egan, pp. 256-265). For protection. Fort Ruby in RubyValley was built in 1862. This was the only fort in eastern Nevada,whereas there were several in western Nevada at this time. An armyunit massacred a large number of Shoshoni in Steptoe Valley in1862, but by 1865 the strife was ended. In 1869 the railroad across thecontinent was completed and the native period was at an end.Shoshoni of central Nevada and of the more remote valleys seemto have kept pretty well out of the conflict. The treaty of 1863 in-cluded all the Shoshoni of northern Nevada. They were given theWestern Shoshone or Duck Valley Reservation in 1877, but by nomeans all Shoshoni went to it. A few of the more westerly Sho-shoni joined Paiute on reservations in western Nevada, but mostShoshoni remained near their native haunts, gradually abandoningtheir native economy and attaching themselves to ranches or miningtowns.Conflict had reached Owens Valley Paiute about the same time.The loss of lands and food resources brought amalgamation of thenative bands and wars in the early sixties.
See, for example, Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs, 1864, pp. 145, 148.
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120^Events in Utah had followed a similar course. The climax camein 1860, the Army in 1862, several overwhelming defeats andslaughter of Indians with subsequent treaties in 1863. The UintahUte Reservation was founded in 1865, but no lasting provision wasmade for Shoshoni.In Idaho there had been intermittent strife since the period of thetrappers, but it became most serious about 1860. Though Fort HaUwas set aside as a reservation in 1868, the prosperous and well-organized Bannock and Shoshoni did not cease all struggle until1878.2Since 1870, then, the Shoshoneans have been rapidly dislodgedfrom their native habitat, though Douglas (1870, p. 95) reported thatonly 10 percent of Nevada Shoshoni and 12 percent of westernNevada Paiute were then working for white people, the remainderliving off the country as previousl3^ Many of them went to reserva-tions within the next few decades to attempt a new life based oncattle raising and farming. Others remained near home but weregradually forced off the native economy. Left largely to their owndevices, small groups and colonies of them have attached themselvesto ranches and towns, where, on a very low standard of living, theymaintain a kind of symbiotic relationship with the white man.The following quotations from early observers, though oftengross exaggerations, are representative of the impression created bythe aborigines of tliis area.Fremont (1887, vol. 1, pp. 391-392) said that the Great Basin Is "peo-pled . . . but miserably and sparsely. From all that I heard and saw,I should say that humanity here appeared in its lowest form and in its mostelementary state. Dispersed in single families; without firearms; eating seedsand insects; digging roots (and hence their name)?such is the conditionof the greater part. Others are of a higher degree, and live in communitiesupon some lake or river that supplies fish, and from which they repulse themiserable Digger. The rabbit is the largest animal known in this desert [notliterally true] ; its flesh affords a little meat ; and their baglike covering is madeof its skins. The wild sage is their only wood [in valleys only], and . . .serves for fuel, for building material, for shelter to the rabbits, and for somesort of covering for the feet and legs in cold weather," and (p. 438) "In theGreat Basin, where nearly naked he traveled on foot and lived in the sage-brush, I found him in the most elementary form; the men living alone, thewomen living alone, but all after food. Sometimes one man cooking by hissolitary fire in the sagebrush which was his home, his bows and arrows andbunch of squirrels by his side ; sometimes on the shore of a lake or river wherefood was more abundant a little baud of men might be found occupied in fish-ing ; miles away a few women would be met gathering seeds and insects, orhuddled up in a shelter of sagebrush to keep off the snow."
? For summaries of these Indian wars, see Bancroft, vol. 25, pp. 205-223 ; vol. 31, pp.410-41.S, 514-526 ; Mack, pp. 301-334.
8TBWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 9Leonard, 1831-36 (1904, p. 127), said the "Diggers or Root eaters" Shoshonior Snake "keep in the most retired recesses of the mountains and streams,subsisting on the most unwholesome food, and living the most like animals ofany race of beings."Parker, 1835 (1842, p. 83) : "These are probably the most destitute of thenecessities of life of any Indians west of the mountains . . . They are oftencalled Snakes and Root Diggers, from being driven to these resorts to sustainlife ; and parts of the year they suffer greatly from hunger and cold. They aremore squalid than any Indians I have seen . . ."Farnham (1843, pp. 248-249), speaking of "Paiute" and "Land Pitches" whomhe erroneously placed on the Sevier River, said, "They wear no clothing of anydescription?build no shelters. They eat roots, lizards, and snails . . . Theyprovide nothing for future wants. And when the lizard and snail and wild rootsare buried in the snows of winter, they are said to retire to the vicinity of tim-ber, dig holes in the form of ovens in the steep sides of the sand hills, and havingheated them to a certain degree, deposit themselves in them, and sleep and fasttill the weather permits them to go abroad again for food. Persons who havevisited their haunts after a severe winter have found the ground around thesefamily ovens strewn with the unburied bodies of the dead, and others crawlingamong them, who have various degrees of strength, from a bare sufficiency togasp in death, to those that crawl upon their hands and feet, eating grass likecattle. It is said that they have no weapons of defense except the club, and thatin the use of that they are very unskilled. These poor creatures are hunted inthe spring of the year, when weak and helpless . . . and when taken, are fat-tened, carried to Santa Fe and sold as slaves . . ." The last reference is to slavetrade, carried on by the Ute of western Utah.Ogden, the first visitor to write of the northern portion of this country,traveled the Humboldt River in 1827-28 and wrote that the Indians werenumerous, wretched, and wild (vol. 11, p. 383). Near Malheur Lake, Oregon,he met Indians (probably Northern Paiute) who were leading a wandering life,and were wild and starving (vol. 11, p. 208), and on the plains somewherebetween the Raft River and Owyhee River he met Indians moving on foot,loaded with baggage (vol. 11, p. 362),Campbell (1866, p. 120) says of Nevada Shoshoni and other desert tribes that
"suffering and scarcity at times forms a part of their history from timeimmemorial."Domenech said, "The Indians who inhabit [the Great Basin] live solitarily,either in families or in little societies. According to the season, they emigratefrom one place to another to seek miserable roots, which form their only nourish-ment; even animals are seldom to be found there" (1860, vol. 1, p. 242). The
"Digger" Shoshoni are "compelled to spend two-thirds of the year among themountains, with no other resource than a little fish and roots. When boththese provisions fail, or become scarce, it is impossible to picture the wretchedstate of these pariahs of the wilderness . . . The Snakes are less unhappythan the Shoshonees, properly so called. They are rather cleanly in theirpersons and never eat horse or dog flesh. They have good horses, and areadmirable riders and skillful hunters . . . The Shoshonees who possess horsessometimes join the Flatheads in making incursions into their ancient territory
. . .," i. e., east of the Rocky Mountains, for buffalo (vol. 2, p. 61). "TheIndians of Utah are the most miserable, if not the most degraded, beings of allthe vast American wilderness. They belong to the Shoshonees, properly socalled, to the Snakes and Utahs, or Pan-Utahs. called Payuches by the Spaniards.
IQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120They live almost always on roots, seeds of indigenous plants, lizards, and fieldcrickets ; at certain seasons they have fish in abundance ; this period of plentyonce past, they remain in dreadful destitution" (vol. 2, p. 64).GEOGRAPHICAL ENVIRONMENT AND SUBSISTENCEBasin-Plateau activities were related in certain ways to the floraand fauna, topogi-aphy, climate, and distribution of sources of water.As hunting and gathering was the basis of subsistence, certain mate-rial devices, seasonal movements of families, population density, andthe location and nature of cooperative enterprises were adjusted to thekind and distribution of plant and animal species. The last, in turn,are intimately related to topography and precipitation. Topographyalso directly affected the population where mountain ranges offeredslight barriers to population movements and gave a partial predisposi-tion to group affiliation. As the area is generally extremely arid, thelocation of springs and streams which made habitation possible wasof paramount importance. Water supply, in turn, depended uponaltitude, topography, and mountain structure.These salient features of the natural landscape are so interrelatedwith one another and with the cultural landscape that great altitude,heavy rainfall, relative abundance of edible foods, sources of water,and consequently population concentration largely coincide.The Physical LandscapeA large portion of the Shoshoni area lies in the Great Basin.This extends from the Wasatch Mountains on the east to the SierraNevada Mountains on the v,'est, from southeastern Oregon and theuplands of southern Idaho on the north to all but the southern por-tion of Nevada and southwestern Utah. This area is high through-out, the valleys and lesser basins ranging from 4,000 to 6,000 feetaltitude, the mountains from 6,000 to 11,000 and even to 12,000 feet.None of the streams find egress to the sea; instead, they drain intovast aggraded valley plains, either to be absorbed by the hot sandsor to empty into shallow alkaline lakes, where they evaporate. Analkaline lake with marshy borders or an alkaline playa or dry lake,the relic of a true lake of a former moister period, occurs in nearlyevery valley.Extreme noithern Nevada and the adjoining portion of southernIdaho falls within the Columbia drainage. Streams originating inthe highlands of northern Nevada and southern Idaho traverse theColumbia lava plateau to feed the Snalce River, part of which isdeeply entrenched in the lava. The Snake River plains slope gradu-ally from 2,125 feet at Weiser on the west to 5,000 feet near Yellow-
STEWARol BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS H
stone on the east and are punctuated only by occasional buttes whichrise up conspicuousl3^ Kanges of the Rocky Mountains, especiallythe Bitterroot Mountains, form a massive boundary to the plateauin eastern and central Idaho. In central Idaho these ranges aredissected by the Salmon River and are exceptionally rugged, attain-ing altitudes of 6,000 to 12,000 feet.Extreme southern Nevada, adjoining portions of Arizona, south-western Utah, and eastern Utah, are drained by tributaries of theColorado River. Northern Arizona and eastern Utah form part ofthe Colorado Plateau, an area of horizontally bedded sandstoneselaborately and deeply dissected by canyons. Southern Nevada, likethe Great Basin, is an area of broad valleys separated by mountainranges which run north and south. But it is lower than the GreatBasin, the valleys lying generally below 3,000 feet.Topography determined the flora, fauna, and location of encamp-ments, largely through its effect upon precipitation and temperature,which are closely correlated. Altitude is more important in thisresi>ect than latitude.The lofty Sierra Nevada Range of California, which continuesnorthward as the Cascade Range of Oregon, intercepts moisture fromthe west, leaving the interior basins and plateaus with low precipita-tion and extremely dry air. The valleys rarely enjoy more than 5or 10 inches of annual rainfall, some of which falls in thunder-storms. In the low altitudes of southern Nevada, the lake basinsof western Nevada (Carson, Pyramid, and Walker Lakes), the SaltDesert south and west of Great Salt Lake, the Sevier Lake desert,and the Snake River plains, the annual rainfall is less than 5 inches.The air, moreover, is so extremely dry that annual evaporation is inexcess of precipitation. The annual evaporation is, for example, 141inches at Clay City, Nevada, 60 at Fallon, 40 near Elko, and 80 atPahi-ump and in the Great Salt Desert, as compared with 22 overLake Michigan.^Precipitation increases rapidly with altitude, however. The west-ern portion of the Snake River plains receive 5 to 10 inches, theextreme eastern portion over 15 inches, and some of the higherranges to the north over 30 inches. Most of Nevada receives 5 to10 inches, but the high central area receives over 10 and mountainranges over 20 inches. In Utah, Wendover, on the western edge ofthe Salt Desert, receives 4.2, the Wasatch piedmont 15 to 20, andsome mountain stations even 50 to 70, the maximum recorded being83.80 at 8,750 feet, though 20 to 30 inches is more common. The low
a These data from Summary of the Climatological Data for the United States by Sec-tions, U. S. Department of Agriculture, Weather Bureau.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULU 120deserts of the Colorado drainage in southern Nevada receive under5 inches (4.51 at Las Vegas). (See map, fig. 3.)Mountain ranges not only capture but retain greater precipitation.As more than half of the annual precipitation generally falls in win-ter throughout most of the area, it is retained as snow on high moun-tain summits until well into summer (the Sierra of California evenhave small glaciers) and is released gradually in springs and streams.The run-off ofmm^^W^$: 5;.-.t=tv:S;;-.y.:;V,.j???'^=* ,:?/.; :y!7-: moisture, how-ever, dependsupon mountainstructure. A rangewhich is a bal-anced anticlinehasequal run-off onopposite sides.Many ranges,however, are mon-oclines, having onesteep escarpment,one gradual dip.On the escarpmentthe drainage areais small and themoisture flowsdown the steeprock face, much ofit sinking underthe thick alluvialdeposits whichform valley floorswithout emergingas springs. Theopposite side notonly has a gentler slope and hence greater drainage area, but themoisture runs along the surface of the strata to emerge here andthere as springs. Consequently, one side of these long axial rangesin Nevada may be favored with many sources of water, while theopposite side is comparatively arid. As water is essential for loca-tion of camps, the population tends to cluster predominantly alongone side of a range. Thus, the Toyabe Range drains predominantlyinto Reese River Valley, where the population was relatively dense,while Great Smoky Valle)^ was arid, with few villages. Valleyswhich are bounded on both sides by escarpments may have a verysparse population.
FiQDRB 3.?Map of rainfaU distribution.
8TEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 13Despite the great number of mountain ranges, there are few whoseheight and greater rainfall give important streams to the valleys.Most streams flow but a few miles to sink in the alkaline sands. Theonly localities in the area under consideration where flow maintainedperennial rivers of any size are the Owens River in California fedby the Sierra, Reese River, the Humboldt River, and a few largetributaries of the latter, made possible by the great general elevationand several high ranges of northern Nevada, the Salmon and SnakeRivers in Idaho originating largely in the Rocky Mountains, andthe Sevier, Weber, and Bear Rivers in Utah fed by the WasatchMountains. These were generally areas of abnormally dense popu-lation. There are, of course, other rivers in the Great Basin lyingoutside our area.Temperature also has some effect upon population. The entirearea has a large number of days of bright sunshine and extremediurnal temperature range. Summer heats reach 100? and moreeverywhere except in the high mountains. It well surpasses 100?in certain of the lower valleys in the south, especially in DeathValley where, reaching 135? to 140?, it made summer habitation im-possible. In most of the region, however, maximum temperaturesare not too great for human beings, and nights are cool.Winter temperatures are mild in the lower valleys, especially thosein the south, and on the lower Snake River. Above 4,000 feet, how-ever, zero or subzero weather is not uncommon, and high mountainranges are often impossibly cold. Despite the fact, therefore, thatthe principal foods occurred in mountains, often at some altitude,winter villages were preferably located at the foot of ranges. 4,000to 6,000 feet was the choice elevation, for juniper and pinyon treesprovided ample timber for houses and for fuel.In summary, interrelated physical features of the landscape af-fected the population as follows. Water was essential. Its absenceprevented permanent occupation of vast areas, for example, the SaltDesert, much of the Snake River plains, and many valleys of theGreat Basin and Colorado Plateau. Furthermore, except where afew perennial streams flowed out from unusually high mountains,settlements were forced back to springs and small streams againstthe mountain sides. But altitude and consequently temperature re-stricted the inhabitable portions of mountains. High summits weretoo cold. The southern Idaho uplands, the bulk of the Wasatch, andthe Sierra harbored no winter encampments. Consequently, wherethere were no rivers, permanent winter settlements were restrictedto a comparatively narrow zone near the foot of mountain ranges.Excursions into arid valleys were temporary and for special pur-poses. Occupation of higher altitudes was possible only during
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, nosummer. And finally, to a minor extent, ranges served as barriersto travel and therefore slightly demarked natural areas. The last,however, could easily be overestimated except in the case of trulymassive and high ranges like the Sierra Nevada, Wasatch, or RubyMountains. Plant FoodsThe physical landscape further affected the human populationthrough its influence on flora and fauna. The area has a large rangeof life zones (see map, fig. 4) , each of which contributed to humanexistence in a very different way and consequently predetennined toa large degree not only population distribution but seasonal move-ments. The flora was most important, for the Shoshonean economywas essentially based on gathering. Moreover, distribution of foodanimals also depended somewhat upon flora. The native flora, how-ever, was quickly altered by the introduction of cattle and sheep,Hamblin (1881, pp. 87-89) observed that by 1862, only 15 years afterthe Mormons entered Utah, grazing had so reduced native seeds thatthe Indians were starving.The floristic zones are correlated primarily with altitude, second-arily with latitude. Any zone is 1,000 to 1,500 feet lower in the norththan in the south.The floristic zones and belts below are adapted from data by Tide-strom, Shantz, and Sampson (in Tidestrom, pp. 7-31) and Wooton(1932) . The floral content of the zones above the pinyon-juniper belt,having apparently been established mainly for the Wasatch Moun-tains of Utah, are only partially applicable to the Nevada zones, butapproximate their types.Arctic-alpine: above timberline, usually above 11,000 feet. Florarestricted; mainly grass; unimportant to man except as it supportsanimal species.Canadian: spnice-flr belt. Usually 9,000 to 11,000 feet, and there--fore including only small areas in Nevada. Trees are fir {Ahieslasiocarpa), Engelmann spruce {Picea engelmanni) , whitebark pino{Pinfus alhicaulis) in northern Utah and perhaps elswhere, and sev-eral willows {Salix).Characteristic herbaceous plants include 16 species of grass, theseeds of most of which probably served as food. Food grasses col-lected by the writer and others came from lower altitudes and thoughthey belong to genera found in this belt (wheat grass, Agropyron,which has 4 species here; redtop grass, Agrostis. which has 1; bluegrass, Poa^ which has 3; needlegrass, Stlpa^ which has 2; Trisetum^which has 1), they are, excepting Poa nevadensis^ of different species.
STKWAEDl BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 15
FiQUBK 4.?Map of life zonos.
IQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BOtuizoOf 9 other characteristic plants of this belt, 3 probably served asfood : Wine gooseberry, Grossularia inermis (none of this genus col-lected) ; wax currant, Rihes cereum, {R. aureum was collected in loweraltitudes) ; and elderberry, Sambu^us microgotr'ys (same species ascollected).The abundant grasses which today make this an important grazingzone formerly supported many deer and mountain sheep.Canadian zone: aspen-fir belt. In Utah, 7,400 to 9,500 feet. Treesare Douglas fir {Pseudotsuga mucronata), aspen {Populus aurea),some limber pine {Pinus flexilis) and yellow pine {P. ponderosa).Characteristic herbaceous plants include 23 species. Of these, 11may have served as food: 2 species of Agropyron^ 1 of Agrostis, 2of Poa, 1 of Stipa, and possibly the strawberry, Fragaria. The spe-cies in these zones, however, though belonging to the same genera,differ from those collected in the lower zones. Of 8 shrubs, thoseproviding food were: Service berry (Amelanchier alnifolia), choko-cherry {Prunus melanocarpa) , rose {Rosa fenleri), elder {Samhucusmelancarpa and S. microhotrys)
.
Transitional zone: mahogany belt in Nevada (elsewhere, yellowpine belt). Intermediate between pinyon-juniper and aspen-fir belts.Characteristic tree, mountain mahogany {Cercocarpus ledifolius).On the eastern and western fringes of Great Basin some oak brushenters this belt {Quercus gambelii in the east).Of 24 species listed as characteristic and most abundant in this belt,only 11 probably served as food: Amelanchier, Rosa, 3 species ofAgropyron, 2 of Poa, perhaps junegrass {Koeleria cristata), 2 ofStipa, and possibly raspberry {Rubus parvifiorus)
.
Upper Sonoran zone : pinyon-juniper belt. Roughly, 5,000 to 7,000feet, occupying the greater part of most mountain ranges, but rarelydescending into valleys which are too low (pi. 1, b). Trees are:Pinyon (Pinus nwnophylla in Nevada; P. edulis in Utah) ; juniperor "cedar" (Juniperus utahensis and /. scopulorum). Junipers havea greater range, sometimes straggling into high valleys. Practicallyall mountainsides above 6,000 feet in the south and 5,000 feet in thenorth are speckled with pinyons and junipers. The former occasion-ally form fairly dense and extensive groves, supplying the chiefsource of food of the area.Many other edible plants occur in this area, most of them, how-ever, being those of higher zones which range downward underfavorable moisture conditions. Species characteristic of the lowerbelts which range upward into this zone supply little food.In many localities the lower part of this zone was favored forwinter villages.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 120 PLATE 1
a, Owens Valley and Sierra Nevada Mountains
ft, Pinyon and juniper trees, White Mountains, Calif.
c, Death Valley, Calif.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 120 PLATE 2
((. Ju^illl:l tiVLvs, I-i^h Lake \allev. L'alll.
/), Screw-bean trees, Ash Meadows.
c, Sand bunch grass and sagebrush.

BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 120 PLATE 3
a, Spring Valley and the Snake Range, Nev.
h. Deep Springs Valley and alkaline lake, Calif.
r. Colorado Hiver Canyon, Itali.
BTEWABo] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 17Ufper Sonoran zone: artemisia belt. Occupies most of the valleysand many foothills and consequently the bulk of the area north ofthe thirty-seventh parallel (pis. 2, c; 3, a, h). Flora is xerophytic,adapted to aridity and generally excludes gi-asses and herbaceousforms. It is subdivided into two formations, which are adapted tosoil conditions : Northern desert shrubs and salt desert shrubs. Dom-inant species of different formations of the first are: Sagebrush{Artemism tridentata), small sagebrush {Artemisia nova), littlerabbitbrush {Chrysothamnus puberulus), shadscale {Atriplex con-fertifolia), winter-fat {Eurotia lanata), hop-sage and coleogynw{Grayia spinosa and Coleogyne- ramosissima) , bud sagebrush {Arte-misia spinescens), malt saltbrush {Atriplex corrugata), gray molly{Kochia vestita). Probably none of these were of real importancefor food. Artemisia tridentata and A. nova served only in a minordegree at times of food shortage. Occurrence of grasses and otherfood plants listed below in this area was either limited to the narrowmoist border of streams or was sporadic in moist years, growing inrestricted parts of the valleys and hills. The greater part is with-out any food plants. However, Indian testimony indicates that manyareas now occupied especially by rabbitbrush had much grass beforethe introduction of cattle and sheep.Over vast areas, especially in and near salt lakes and playas, wherethe soil has been left alkaline by evaporation, the salt desert shrubor greasewood formation flourishes. Practically all of its generaand species are worthless for food: Greasewood {Sarcohatus ver-micalatus), shadscale {Atriplex confertifolia) , seepweed {Dondiatorreyana), pickleweed {Allenrolfea occidentalis) , samphire {Sali-comia utahensis and S. ruhra), saltgrass {Distichlis spicata), alkalisacaton {Sporoholus airoides), rabbitbrush {Chrysotkammis grave-olens).Winter villages often were located in the upper portion of thisbelt, against mountain ranges where streams and springs emerged,or along rivers, for example, Owens, Humboldt, and Snake Eivers,which flowed through it (pi. 3, a).Lower Sonoran zone: creosote-hush or Covillea helt; southerndesert shrub. This comprises warm, low valleys, mainly south of thethirty-seventh parallel. "It differs from the northern desert shrublargely in that there are within its borders a larger number ofyucca and cactus forms" (pi. 2, a). Principal plants dominatingformations are: Desert saltbrush {Atriplex polycarpa), creosote-bush {Covillea tridentata), bur-sage {Franseria dwnosa), joshua-tree {Clistoyucca brevifolia), hop-sage {Grayia spirvosa), and cole-ogyne {Coleogyne ram^sissima) . Of these, only the joshua-tree
l^ BUREAU OF AIMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
aflforded food. However, mesquite {Prosopis glandulosa), screwbean {Strombocarpa odarata)^ growing in moist places, and severalcacti and yucca growing scattered in hills and somewhat in valleys,supplied food.The areas of Nevada comprised by these different zones, however,varied somewhat inversely in proportion to their importance to theIndian. According to Wooton (1932, p. 11), the area of the forestassociation (the mahogany, aspen-fir, and probably spruce-fir beltsabove) covers only 0.8 percent of the State, yet these belts yieldedmany of the important foods. The pinyon-juniper belt covers 12percent. The artemisia belt, with large areas devoid of food plants,covers 75.9 percent. The creosote-bush belt covers 5.8 percent, beinglimited to the southern part of the area.North of the Snake River plains the flora rapidly becomes lessxerophytic.^ It contains a greater number of tubers, roots, grasses,and berries, many of which were important food plants. The grasseswere also of great importance in affording grazing for buffalo andother game and in making it possible for the Indians to keep horses.The plateau along the Snake River is largely dominated, like thevalleys farther south, by Artemisia^ Atriplex^ and other xerophyticplants. Along the upper reaches of the river, however, and on someof its tributaries are flood plains supporting grasslands and a fewtrees, especially willow {Salix) and Cottonwood (Populus).Increased precipitation at greater altitudes produced many "prai-ries" which abounded in food plants, especially Quamasia quamash(Pui-sh) Gov. (camass), Valeriana edulis Nutt. (tobacco root or bitterroot) , and species of Agropyron (wheat grass) . Several such prairieslie along the northern edge of the Snake River plains, the most im-portant being Camas Prairie. Others occur in the mountains to thenorth. In early historic times the distribution of horses among theShoshoni was restricted to the region of grasslands and prairies nortliof the Snake River and along the upper course of the Snake River.Passing upward toward the coniferous forest zone in Idaho, thepinyon tree {Pinus monophylla) is found to be absent, but such edibleberries as service berry (Amelanchisr) and wild cherry (Prunvs)grow in considerable abundance associated with other shrubby plants.The coniferous forests include yellow pine {Pinus ponderosa),Douglas fir (PscudoUuga)^ white fir {Abies grandis)^ and larch{Larix occidentali^)
.
Not only were many of the species of food plants different in thenorthern and southern parts of our area, but the relative proportion
* No detailed study of the flora of southern Idaho is available. Weaver, 1917, however,made a compreliennive study of the vegetation of southeastern Washington and adjacentIdaho.
STEWAHD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 19
of roots or tubers and berries is greater in the north. This was ofsome advantage in food gathering as roots permit a longer harvestingperiod. The following tabulation, though not based upon a completelist of all edible plants, is a fair sampling of the relative numbers ofdifferent kinds of plants.
Locality
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [?olu 120By early fall pine nuts began to ripen. But the crops were ex-tremely erratic. Some years there are virtually none in the entirearea; in other years they are abundant in some places but not inothers. As a good crop provided far more than could be harvestedthere was no competition for pine-nut lands except in the west wheresome idea of group rights to food areas generally prevailed. Fami-lies went in the fall to the nearest locality which offered an abundantcrop. They usually stored the nuts in the mountains and winterednearby. If the crop had failed, however, winter fare was extremelypoor. And if, in addition, a drought had restricted other crops, win-ter usually brought great suffering, starvation, and even cannibalism.Gathering, therefore, entailed erratic movements of the Indians.Individual families wandered from spring to fall as the promiseof foods was greater in one locality or another. Though membersof a winter village tended to go to the same localities, they oftenseparated when foods were too scarce or foregathered, perhaps withpeople from other villages, at places of plenty. If foods near homewere abundant they cached them in accessible locations in the moun-tains and returned home for winter. But often winter found themin distant ranges, associated with people from various localities.Although the actual quantity of wild plant foods was probablyoften sufficient to have supported many times the population, severalfactors limited its availability. First, plants usually grew scattered,seldom occurring in dense patches, so that Shoshonean gatheringtechniques, which seem reasonably efficient, did not afford greatquantities. Second, the seeds usually ripened and fell before manycould be gathered. Third, they were unreliable, as seeds bear a closerelationship to rainfall. One year might provide enough food, espe-cially pine nuts, to support thousands, but the next 3 years havefew seeds and no pine nuts. In poor years crops grew only in smallquantities in limited areas and scarcely sufficed to support the sparsepopulation.Finally, all seed-gathering activities were carried on by familyunits. There was no feature whatever of the techniques that favoredcooperation. A woman gathered as much, perhaps a little more,alone than she could in company with others; and once gathered,all seeds were the exclusive property of the gatherer and her family.Details of food plant occurrence and of group and family seasonalmovements are given under each district discussed subsequently.The following list of food plants is not a complete ethnobotany.It is based upon plants collected by the writer and identified byIndians when opportunity presented itself and upon certain pub-lished works, especially Chamberlin's splendid ethnobotanical studyof the Gosiute (1911) and the writer's previous work in Owens
sTEWAKo] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 21Valley (1933). Attention should also be called to Chamberlin'slist of Ute plant names and uses (1909). I am indebted to Dr.Walter P. Cottam, of the University of Utah, for identification ofthese plants. Data on their occurrence are taken from Tidestrom.A more detailed study of the Great Basin and especially of Idahoand Utah would greatly enlarge the list of edible plants. Presentdata on the known edible species, however, is a fair sampling andgives considerable insight into the relation of the flora to humanactivities.Agrostis, redtop grass. Several species appear to have been utilized, thoughnone was collected. It was probably a species of Agrostis that was called:sihu, S-DiaV, S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-SprV, S-Elko ; simu, S-RubV. Seeds eaten.NP-MC ate seeds of 2 species called paui'a and paso'pi.Agropyron, blue joint or wheat grass. Species eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin,1911: 49, and Owens Valley Paiute, Steward, 1933: 243-244. Possibly hu : gwi,S-Bty, S-Eureka, S-GSmV and hugi, described as "wheat grass" but not col-lected, are species of Agropyron.Allium acuminatum Hook., wild onion. Wet places artomisia to yellow pinebelt. Called : gunk :, S-Elko, S-RiibV ; kunk, S-Lemhi ; gur) ga, S-DiaV, S-Ely.S-RsRi ; giiqga, S-SprV; possibly koxi', NP-MC. Eaten as greens, or S-Lemhi,bulb sometimes roasted in hot ashes. Never preserved. Gosiute used A. hiscep-trum Watson and A. acuminatvm, Chamberlin, 1911 : 49.Several other unidentified species of Allium which were eaten were called:Smu, S-Ely, S-Hmlt; amu, S-SprV; amu" or muh, S-Elko, S-RubV. Anotherlarger species; badusi, S-Ely, S-SprV, S-Elko, S-RubV, S-Hmlt, but unknown,S-Lemhi. NP-MC called two species sii and padii'nz.Amaranthus hydridtts L., weed, recently introduced to waste and cultivatedground around settlements. A : dzin, S-Elko ; seeds probably eaten. Unknown,S-RubV.Amelanchier alnifolia Nutt., service berry. Also, in some localities, A. glabraand probably other species. At considerable altitudes except in north ; mountainsides and canyons, especially yellow pine and aspen-fir belt. Called : diihavi,S-Elko; diiam, S-RsRi; duambi, S-RubV; duamb:, S-SprV, S-Elko; tiiemb:,S-Lemhi, S-SnRv. Also, Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 49 ; Idaho, Lewis and Clark,3: 12, and Townsend (p. 249). Berry eaten. Seeds ma.^'hed and made intosmall cakes for drying and storing.Amsinckia tcssellata A. Gray. Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 50, called kuhwa.But Nevada Shoshoni called Mentzclia kuhwa.Anisocoma acaulis Torr. & Gray, desert portions of Covillea and artemisiabelts. Tci'wi, S-LtLk : greens covered with hot rocks in small hole and cookedall day. Miigii'bump, SP-Ash ; eat as greens. Unknown Lida and northward.Aphyllon fasciculaton T. & G., cancer root. Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 50.Aplopappus. Ak: S-Lida. Perhaps ak:, is usually sunflower, wrongly appliedhere. Seeds eaten.Artemisia biennis Willd., seeds; Chamberlin, 1911: 51.Artemisia discolor Dougl. Gosiute ate seeds, Chamberlin, 1911 : 52.Artemisia dracnnciiloides Pursh. Gosiute ate seeds, Chamberlin, 1911 : 52.Artemisia nova A. Nels., "small sage brush". Pinyon, yellow pine, aspen andspruce belts. Kanapohovi, S-RubV ; seeds eaten. Kanambi, "mountain sage",S-Elko ; not used.602S5?38 3
22 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Artemisia tridentata Nutt., common sage. Dominates sage belt most places,ranging up to spruce belt. Called : sawava, etc., by Northern Paiute ( Steward,1933: 243) ; sawavu'hya, NP-LnPn; bohovi, etc., by Shoshoni; poo'vi, S-LtLk;pohovi or pagwinump, the plant, and bohombi, the seed, S-Lida. S-Elko, S-RubV,S-Ely, S-SprV, and elsewhere; bombi, seed, S-RS Ri; pagwin p:, the plant,S-Lemhi ; sawa'bii, Sp-Ash. Seed eaten most places when other foods arescarce, but is bitter. Use of seeds denied only S-LtLk and S. Lemhi. S-RS Ri,parched in winnowing basket but not leached.The wood was used for fire apparatus ; bark for bags, clothing, etc.Asclepiadora decumbens Gray. Used for chewing gum by Gosiute ; Cham-berlin, 1911: 52.Asclepias speciosa Torr. and A. mexicana Cav., milkweed. Seeds eaten inOwens Valley ; Steward, 1933 : 242, 244.Aster canescens, was called pawa'ziba, NP-LnPn, and used only medicinally.NP-FLk, however, said seeds of pawatsiva, perhaps the same or a relatedspecies, were eaten.Atriplex. Remy and Brenchley (p. 129) state that northern Nevada Shoshonigathered the seeds of an Atriplex and Burton (1862, p. 472) that they wereimportant in Ruby Valley.Atriplex argentea Nutt., salt brush. Alkaline plains and valleys. Lackingin south ; it was probably this species that was frequently sown broadcast innorth central Nevada. Sii'nu'", S-SmCr ; sunu, S-Elko, S-SprV, S-RubV (BM) ;su:na, S-RubV (RVJ). (Sunu, S-Ely, called "tickle grass.") Similar nameselsewhere. A root also called sunu, S-Elko. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley,Steward, 1933: 243-4.Atriplex canescens (Pursh) Nutt, fourwing saltbrush. Plains and foothillsof the Covillea, artemisia and pinyon belts. Called : kosbadiip, S-SprV ; seedseaten. Not recognized S-Lida (PF). Not used S-RubV. Probably little usedanywhere. Gosiute; Chamberlin, 1911: 52; Owens Valley, Steward, 1933: 244.A. confertifolia Watson and A. truncata Torr., seeds important to Gosiute;Chamberlin, 1911: 52, 53.Balsamorhiza Jiookeri Nutt. Seeds eaten by Gosiute; Chamberlin, 1911: 53.B. sagittata Nutt., arrowroot, seeds and greens eaten by Gosiute; Chamberlin,1911 : 53 ; called kusiak, but this name given by Shoshoni to HeUanthus.Bidens levis, burr marigold. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933:244.Bigelovia douglasii Gray., rabbitbrush. Used for chewing gum by Gosiute
;
Chamberlin, 1911: 53.Brodiaea capitata Bent., ground nut. Probably the irrigated plant, tiipiisi'',NP-Owens Valley; diibiis', NP-LnPn ; Sego (?), S-Lida (JS).Bromus breviaristatus Thurb., broom grass. Seeds eaten by Gosiute ; Cham-berlin, 1911 : 54.Cactus. Species of cactus, probably of different genera, used as foods were:a small, spherical cactus, called tasum, S-Ely; dasimb: S-SprV, S-Hmlt; tsin:(tsin:, however, is more probably a thistle; see Cirsium), S-RubV; a large,spherical cactus, eaten raw, called miita', S-Ely, S-Hmlt ; miits, S-Elko ; absent,S-RubV. Miits, S-Lemhi, roots used, but cannot be stored. Tsin:, S-Lemhi,however, was said to be a thistle. Gosiute mutsa is cactus, possibly Mammil-laria. Chamberlin. 1911: 85.Calochortus gunnisonii Wats., gunnison mariposa lily. Called: sigo, S-Lida,S-RubV, S-Elko ; bulb eaten except at S-Lida. C. Jcennediji Porter, mariposalily, growing in desert areas, canyons, and mountain sides of the Covillea belt,southern portion of area. Called : kogwi, S-LtLk, abundant in Koso Mountains
;
BTEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 23kogi'ha, NP-FLk; bulb eaten. Probably C. nuttalUi Torr. & Gray, in thenorthern part of the area is si: go, S-Ely, S-Elko, S-RubV, S-Hmlt ; slgo,S-Lemhi ; bulb eaten but not suitable for storage. See also its use by Gosiute,Chamberlin, 1911 : 54.Carum gairdneri Benth. & Hook., yampa, yamp. Mountain sides and canyonsof the artemisia, pinyon, and yellow pine belts; important quantities for foodoccur only in northern portion of the area, especially at Camas Prairie, Idaho -^some grows on Lemhi and Salmon Rivers. Fremont (1887, vol. 1, pp. 192-193)said of yamp (Anethitm gravcolcns) , "among the Indians along the Rocky Moun-tains, and more particularly among the Shoshonee or Snake Indians, in whoseterritory it is very abundant, this is considered the best among the roots usedfor food." It was encountered south to Reese River and Spring Valley. Called
:
yomba, S-DiaV ; yiimba, S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-SprV, and S-RsRi ; yiimb :, S-Elko,S-RubV; yamba, NP-MC ; yamp, NP-Ban, S-Lemhi. Roots used everywhere^Including Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911: 55. Fremont (1887, p. 220) says thiswas abundant along the Snake River. Hoffman (1878, p. 465) states that it wasan important food among Nevada Shoshoni, calling it "yarabi'-tsi," "yam-pa
"
or "yani'-pah." Large quantities were stored for winter use.Caulanthus pilostis S. Wats., eaten as greens, S-DthV, Coville, 1892.Chaetochloa, foxtail grass. Introduced; waste land around settlements. A.species, probably of Chaetochloa, was called panodop, NP-MC ; seeds eaten,Chenopodium. Seeds of different species were important to Nevada Shoshonf.,Remy and Brenchley mention this (p. 129), and Burton (1862, p. 472), speakingof Ruby Valley. C. album L., goosefoot or lambs quarters ; introduced. Prob-ably names given this species were natively applied to other species, which weresown broadcast by various central Nevada Shoshoni. Chenopodium called:flap:, S-RsRi, S-GSmV, S-Elko, S-Mor, S-Ely, S-SprV, S-RubV, S-Hmlt,NP-MC, S-Lemhi ; iiapi, S-Diav, S-SmCr. Probably iiyiip ; S-Lida, is same.Seeds eaten and young plants eaten as greens. Rare on Salmon River ; moreabundant on Snake River. Chamberlin says Gosiute utilized C. capitatum Wat-son, C. rubrum L. and C. leptophyllum Nutt., 1911: 55. Owens Valley Paiut&used C. fremonti, Steward, 1933 : 243-244.Chrysothamnus, rabbitbrush. One or more species of rabbitbrush, probablyincluding C. stenophyllus (Gray) Greene, were used widely for chewing gum.The bark of the lower stem and roots was chewed until gum formed. C. steno-phyllus was called: tosa' mbi, S-LtLk, su:wap:, S-Hmlt (seeds said to formwhen pine nuts are ripe) ; siwap:, S-Elko, dubiciwap:, S-RubV (BM) ; pasawi' rjab% NP-FLk.Cinna arundinacea var. pendtila Gray., wood reed grass. Seeds eaten byGosiute ; Chamberlin, 1911 : 56.Cirsium, thistle. A species, perhaps C. neomexicanum Gray., was called
:
paziiuQ, S-Elko ; roots and stem eaten ; aiwabok : ?, S-RubV, not used. Fremontsays the large, carrot-like roots of C. tnrginianum were eaten by Shoshoninorth of Great Salt Lake (1887, p. 256). Remy and Brenchley (p. 129) listC. acaule (probably same as C. drummondii acaulescense (Gray) Macbr. asimportant in Nevada ; it was eaten raw or cooked. S-Lemhi called some thistletsin: roots baked over night to prepare for drying and storing. Chamberlinrecords Gosiute dzina as Claytonia caroliniana var. sessUifoUa, spring beauty,and also as potato (1911: 81) but Gosiute tsina, tsiqgabogop, tslqga, tlntsiggaiis Cirsium drummondii Torr. & Gray or Cnicus drummondl Gray and Cirsiumundulatum (Nutt.) or Cnicus undulatus Gray., plumed thistle (1911: 56). The-latter also called pabogo. Probably the thistle called tir)gambogo', S-Ely,.
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120S-Hmlt, S-SprV; bambibogo, S-RubV, S Elko; tsinambogo, S-Lemhi, is alsoCirsium. Cirslum eatoni (Gray) or Cnictis eatoni (Gray) was called by Gosiute,pogwo, pogo, aiwabogop, aigwabogop, Chamberlin, 1911 : 56. A purple floweredspecies, tsin' was not eaten, S-GSmV, but young leaves of another species, tsiiq',were eaten.Claytonla caroliniana var. sessilifoUa Torr. spring beauty. Gosiute ate bulb;Chamberlin, 1911: 56.Claytonia lanceolata. Roots eaten by Shoshoni, Lewis and Clark (vol. 5,pp. 159-160).Clistoyucca drevifolia (Englm.) or Yttcca brevifolia or Yucca arbarescens,Joshua tree (pi. 2, a). Upper Covillea belt, scattered or forming thin forests;ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 feet altitude; none north of Lida. Flower budseaten in spring.Cogsioellia ambigua (Nutt.) Jones or Eiiloplms ambiguus Nutt, tuber. Usedin Idaho (Townsend, p. 248), "dried, pulverized with stones, and after beingmoistened with water, is made into cakes and baked in the sun. Thwaites(Townsend, note 62), however, thinks this plant is Psoralea esculenta, or"pomme blanche" or "swan-apple."Crepis glauca Torr. & Frem. Gosiute ate leaves, Chamberlin, 1911 : 57.Cymopterus longipes Watson leaves and C. montanus Torr. & Gray seeds androots eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 57.Deschampsia caespitosa Beauv., hairgrass. Gosiute ate seeds, Chamberlin,1911: 57.Dondia crecfa, seepweed. Called: wadzovi'', S-SmCr and probably S-RsRi
;
seeds eaten. Wadzovi, S-DiaV, S-Hmlt; use denied. Not recognized, S-RubV,S-Lida, S-Elko, and S-RubV.Dracorephaliim parviflonim Nutt., dragon head. Gosiute ate seeds; Cham-berlin, 1911:58.Echinoeactus polyceplialus, devil's pin cushion. S-DthV pried out and ateseeds, Coville, 1892.Echinochloa crusgalli L., water grass. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley, Steward,1933: 243.Eleagnus argentea. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933: 244.Eleocharis, spike rush. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 245.Shoshoni plant called mahavit may be same.Elymus condensatus Presl., wild-rye. Plains, mountain sides, and canyons upto 10,000 feet. Called: waiya^% NP-FLK (Steward, 1933: 244) ; waya, NP-MC.The plant was called: pa (water) sonip (grass), S-Elko; bai (big) sonip, S-ElkoS-RubV; wadnnzip, S-RsRi, S-Lemhi. The seeds were called: wavi, S-Elko;waavi, S-SmCr ; wahavi, S-Lemhi ; wa : vi, S-Hmlt, S-RubV, S-Ely, S-SprV,S-DiaV, S-RsRi; wayabim :, S-Lida (PF), Wayiabi, S-Lida (JS). Wada,S-RubV and wadnzip, S-SnRv, probably same ; people of S-RubV sometimescalled wada diika (eaters) because of abundance of this seed. Seed everywhereeaten.Probably other species of Elymus were similarly named and eaten, but nospecimens were collected. See also Owens Valley, Steward, 1933: 244. E.canadensis L. and E. sihi7-ictis L., seeds eaten by Gosiute; Chamberlain, 1911: 58.Ephedra. Two species of this were used for tea. E. viridis Cov., occurringin the pinyon belt up to 8,000 feet, was most commonly employed. This wascalled: tut8mb; or tutambi, S-Lida (PF), S-Ely, S-Elko, S-RubV, S-Mor. E.nevadensis Wats., occurring in the artemisia and lower pinyon belts, was some-times used. It was called tutum'bip, S-LtLk ; tutump : ', SP-Ash. This species
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 25
was also used at S-Lida. Owens Valley also used E. californica Wats., Steward,1933: 245. S-DthV also roasted seeds of E. nevadensis, Coville, 1892.Eragrostis secundiflora Presl., love grass. Owens Valley Paiute ate seeds.Steward, 1933: 243. Called: mono, NP-FLk.Festuca tenella Willd. Gosiute ate seeds ; Chamberlin, 1911 : 60.Festuca ovina var. brevifoUa Watson, fescue grass. Gosiute ate seeds; Cham-berlin, 1911:60.Fritillaria pudica Spreng., buttercup. Gosiute ate bulb ; Chamberlin, 1911 ; 61,called winago. S-Lemhi, winigo, may be same.Gilia micromeria Gray. Valleys and mountains sides of the artemisia andyellow pine belts. Called: ovii'ha, NP-FSp and NP-FLk; seeds eaten. Notrecognized SP-Ash and S-Lida.Olyceria aeroides Thurber, manna grass, G. aquatic Smith, reed meadowgrass, and O. nervata Trin. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 61.Grossularia, gooseberry. Some species eaten S-RsRi and probably elsewhere.Helianthus, sunflower. Seeds of several species, distinguished in nativeterminology but generically called ak:, were eaten. Species collected were not,however, consistently named everywhere. H. annuus L. and H. aridus Rydb.,both common, especially in the moist parts of the artemisia, pinyon, and yellowpine belts, were the most important. The first was called akii'u, S-SmCr;kusiak, S-Elko ; ba : k or hiomb:, S-RubV ; akii', NP-MC ; woakii, S-Lida (PF) ;pak: (pa, water), S-Owyhee (TP). The second was called akii, S-SmCr;woakii, S-Lida (PF), S-Elko distinguished two species, usiakii and biakvi(Map:, big) ; S-RubV, also two, kusiak: and biakii ; NP-Ban, five pak:, ak:,kosi'ak :, yuhu'ak : biihii'ak : ; S-Lemhi, also five, ak :, biihak :, biak, pa'ak ;,kusiak ;, all occurring on the Salmon River ; S-SnRv, four, biak :, kusiak :, pii""*(hairy) ak :, pa:k:; Owens Valley and NP-FLk, 3, akii', pak:, and p&k.SP-Ash cultivated a species of wild sunflower called ak^. See also Chamberlin,1911 : 62, for Gosiute use of sunflowers ; Steward, 1933 : 243, for Owens Valleyuse. including H. lolandcri Gray,Eilaria jamesii (Torr.), galleta grass. Dry deserts, canyons, and hillsides;lacking in northern portion of area. Sonip: (grass), S-RubV, not eaten.Absent, S-Elko. Sobi', NP-MC, seeds eaten. Eaten also S-Lida. S-RubVsaid a larger species was eaten,Eolodiscus dumosa, S-Elko, bauwurigop: (?), tea made from roots. S-RubV,kwiitciani, not used.Eookera sp., in most places in southern portion of the area. This may beBroadiaea capitata, grass nut or blue dicks (Steward, 1933: 245). Abundantin Koso Mountains and 1 mile east of Big Springs in Ash Meadows and OwensValley, Called: sigo (same name applied to Calochortus), S-LtLk; a:nzi (?),NP-FSp. Eaten also S-Lida.Humulus lupulus L., hop. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 63.Juncits parous Rydb., rush. Meadows of the pinyon belt. Called : Saip :,S-GSmV ; seeds eaten. S-SmCr said saip : applied to some other plant, prob-ably tule, Scirpus. Owens Valley Paiute ate seeds of Juncus balticus Willd,,wire rush. Steward, 1933 : 243, 246.Lactuca ludoviciana DC. Leaves eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911: 64.Lappula occidentalis (Wats.), stickseed. Plains, canyons, and mountain sidesof artemisia and pinyon belts. Called sohna, S-Elko, S-Lemhi ; suna, S-RubV
;
seeds eaten, S-Lemhi, root probably also eaten. Siinu"', S-RsRi, and sunu',S-Eureka is either this or Atriplex.Lepargyrea, buffalo berry. See Shepherdia.
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdlu 120Lepiditim texaniim Buckl., peppergrass. Plains and dry hillsides of theCovillea and artemisia belts. Called Ko : ga, S-SmCr, S-Ely, S-DiaV ; ko : g',S-Hmlt ; koga, S-Elko. Absent or not recognized, S-Lida, S-RubV.Lillium parvum Kell., tiger lily. Bulbs eaten in Owens Valley, Steward,1933: 244.Lithospermutn pilosum Nutt. and L. multiflorum Torr. Seeds eaten byCosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 65.LophantJius urticifolius Benth. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 66.Lycium andersonii Gray., a small, red berry. One of the few berries growingin desert areas and hillsides of the Covillea and artemisia belts ; northern limitis Cloverdale near Tonopah and Hot Creek, north of the Kawich Mountains.Called hu'^i^ya, NP-LnPn; hup:i, S-LtLk; hu:pi, S-DthV, S-Bty, S-Lida,S-RsRi, S-GSmV; Hu'u'piva, SP-Ash ; hupuhya, NP-FLk. Beaten into abasket by means of a stick ; dried and stored.Mammillaria (?), cactus. Eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911: 66.Mentha, mint. Wet places, probably throughout area. Called baugona,5-Elko; bagwana, S-RubV. Boiled to make tea. Probably used everywhere.M. arvensis L., tule mint, used in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 245. M. cana-densis L., used by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911: 66.Mentzelia dispersa Wats. Covillea belt upward to the yellow pine belt.Seed was sometimes sown broadcast by central Nevada Shoshoni. CalledIcuha, NP-LnPn, NP-FLk; ku:'", ko', SP-Ash; kuha or kuhwa, S-LtLk andNevada Shoshoni; kuha, S-RsRi.Monolepis chcnopodoidea. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911: 67.Nasturtium palustre DC, watercress. Plant eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin,1911 : 67 and Shoshoneans elsewhere.Oenothera biennis L., evening primrose. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamber-lin; 1911: 67. 0. hookeri T. & G., seeds eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933:243. S-DthV ate seeds of 0. "brevipes A. Gray and other species, Coville,1892.Opuntia tasilaris Engelm. & Bigel., pricklypear. Desert areas and hillsidesof the Covillea and artemisia belts in south. S-DthV, called nava (Coville,1S92).Opuntia. Various species seem to have been used in different places, thestems and sometimes fruit being eaten. A species at S-Hmlt called huvi.Other names of pricklypear are a : govi, S-Ely ; agovi, wogavi, S-Elko, S-Lemhi ; wo : gavi, S-SprV, S-Elko, S-Diav, S-RubV. Gosiute also used it,Chamberlin, 1911 : 67. S-Lemhi, needles burned off, then baked in hot ashesin a h?le, covered with earth and ashes ; handled with sticks ; not stored.Orobanche, broomrape. Remy and Brenchley (pp. 129, 13G) say that the en-larged root of a species of Orobanche was an important food to NevadaShoshoni. This may be the Aphyllon fasciculatum T. & G. listed by Cham-i)erlin ; see above.Oryzopsis hymetioides (Roem. & Schult.) Ricker, sand bunch grass or Indianmountain rice (pi. 2, c). Desert areas, plains, canyons, and mountain sides ofthe Covillea belt upward to about 9,000 feet. Scarce on the Snake River,unknown to the Salmon River, S-Lemhi. An important seed in the southernportion of the area, occurring in considerable quantities which were gathered inlate spring or early summer for storage. But the harvest period was limitedto only a few weeks, which restricted quantities which could be gathered.Called by Shoshoni and Northern Paiute everywhere wai, except S-Lida,where PF called it hugwi, and S-DthV, where BD called it huvi or wai. Used
STEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 27
also by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 68 and in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 244.0. miliacae (L.) B. & H., also eaten in Owens Valley.Parosela. Eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1923 : 243.Phragmites communis Trin., reed. Used througout the area for sugar. Seealso, Chamberlain, 1911 : 69 ; Steward, 1933 : 245 ; Colville, 1892 : 355.Pimis edulis Engelm., pinyon or pine nut. Occurs in eastern portion of area,extending but little west of Ute territory and only slightly overlapping P.monophylla. See Chamberlain, 1911 : 69, on Gosiute use. Gathered by PahvantUte in a manner similar to Shoshoni gathering. Ute, however, preferred P.monophylla, requiring travel to west of Sevier Lake.Pinus monophylla Torr. & Frem., pinyon or pine nut pine (pi. 1, a). Occursthroughout most of the Nevada Shoshoni area in important quantities to theHumboldt River and in western Utah to Grouse Creek near the Idaho border(fig. 4). In the south, it ranges from about 6,000 to 8,000 feet; in the north,about 5,000 to 7,000 ; grows scattered on mountain sides, usually associated withjuniper, but has a more restricted range than the latter.The nut called tuba everywhere ; the tree, wakai, S-RsRi.It is the most important single food species where it occurs, but harvests areunpredictable. Each tree yields but once in 3 or 4 years. In some yearsthere is a good crop throughout the area, in some years virtually none. Inother years, some localities yield nuts but others do not. When a good cropoccurs, it is far more abundant than the local population can harvest. Thecones begin to open in early fall, the nuts first being knocked from the coneswith a pole or the cones knocked to the ground then opened by pounding orroasting. Within a few days nuts begin to drop from the cones. The periodduring which they can be harvested is consequently 2 to 3 weeks, rarely longer
;
Ruby Valley, it was only 10 day.s. Had crops been reliable each year, and per-mitted a longer harvesting period, the harvest would have supported many timesthe population. Actually, a family sometimes procured enough for 1 year, rarelyfor 2, and frequently passed two or three winters without pine nuts, living onscanty supplies of other seeds. Cooked nuts might keep 2 years, but usuallyspoiled after a year. When burned from the cones, nuts were thereby cooked.Those picked up from the ground were stored green, according to OD, becausecoyotes would eat cooked nuts.The daily harvest per person varied considerably with the annual yield.Dutcher said 10 or 12 Shoshoni women gathering in the Panamint Mountainsgot 1 or 2 bushels a day. This would be about 100 to 150 pounds. Ruby Valleyinformants said a person could pick 200 pounds in 10 days. BG, S-Elko,thought a person could pick not over 50 pounds of pine nuts a day. (From thewriter's experience this figure is substantially correct.) Four persons, in-cluding BG, once picked 300 pounds in a week, a rate of about 12^2 poundsper person per day. At this rate, a family which included four pickers couldgather not over 1,200 pounds in the probable maximum of 4 weeks during whichthey could be harvested. Even this figure is probably excessive. The quan-tity consumed during the winter depended upon use of other foods. If pinenuts were virtually the only food, a person could easily eat 2 pounds a day,or about 10 pounds for a family of five. In this case 1,200 pounds would lastbut 4 months. And 1,200 pounds is probably the maximum crop possible.Consequently, it is not diflScult to see why starvation by early spring was verycommon.Another feature of pine nut gathering is that the impossibility of harvestingthe entire crop provided no motive for ownership of pinyon areas. Personslacking crops in their own country were welcomed, even invited, to harvestelsewhere. Each family ordinarily traveled to a locality with a good crop,
23 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120
even if it were 50 miles away. This naturally threw different people intoassociation in successive years. Once the crop was harvested, it was mani-festly too heavy to carry any great distance. Consequently, people winterednear the pine nut caches, usually in the mountains where there was timber forhouses and for fuel. If, however, they had gathered near their habitual wintervillage, they returned home and packed down nuts from the caches as needed.For details of pine nut gathering, see Dutcher; Coville, 1892; Chamberlin,1911 : 69 ; Steward, 1933 : 241-242.Pinus. Seeds of another, unidentified species, occurring in the northern por-tion of the area were eaten. This was probably either P. flexilis James or P.albicaulis Engelm., the tree called worjgovi, the nut called woqgoduba, S-Eiko,S-Lemhi, referred to as "white pine" (white bark pine?). This occurred onthe higher altitudes in small quantities in the Ruby Mountains, and abun-dantly in the mountains around Jarbridge, which are consequently calledworjgogadudoyavi (worigo, pine+gada, sitting+toyavi, mountain). BG thoughtthey were too small and "too greasy" and the trees too difficult to climbto make them profitable. S-Lemhi procured seeds iu September, fellingor climbing the tree, burning nuts from the cone in a large fire, cooking themat the same time, then storing them.Poa nevadensis Vasey, bluegrass. In yellow pine, aspens, and spruce belts.Called nadii'nib:*, S-LtLk ; siup:, S-Lida (JS) ; nadii'mp:a, SP-Ash
;
kwasina'b : * NP-FLk ; seeds eaten everywhere except NP-FLk. Gosiute ateseeds of P. californica Munro and P. tenuifolia Nutt., Chamberlin, 1911 : 69-70.Polyyonum, knotweed. Eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 244.Popvlus angustifolia James, Cottonwood tree. Gosiute procured sugar fromit; Chamberlin, 1911: 70. Suqgavi, S-Mor, probably this species.Prosopis glandulosa Torr., mesquite. Plains, desert areas, and dry canyonsof the Covillea and lower artemisia belts ; none north of Death "Valley. Im-portant food where occurs. Young beans gathered in April and eaten likestring beans; mature beans gathered and cached in July. Young pods eatenwhole; dry pods ground to eliminate seeds. Called ovi, S-DthV. (See Coville,1892.)Prunus, chokecherry or wild cherry. In moist canyons and mountains, pinyonto aspen belts ; more abundant and in lower altitudes in northern part of area.Probably different species eaten. Called to'ocawi, NP-MC ; dor)gwicap ordonambi, S-RsRi; donombi, S-Ely, S-SprV, S-Elko, S-DiaV, S-Hmlt;do'nambi, S-GSmV; tonumbi, S-RubV; tonump:, S-Lemhi; do:nambe, S-SnRv.Gosiute used P. demissa Welpers, Chamberlin, 1911: 71. S-Lemhi and else-where pounded cherries on a metate to mash the seeds, squeezed out the juice,dried and stored the pulp, including the seeds.Quamasia qiiamash (Pursh) Gov., common camas. Plains, meadows, andhillsides up to 8,000 feet. In important quantities especially in Idaho; raresouth of Idaho, but used by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 54 ; Remy and Brench-ley, p. 135, mention its use in Nevada. Townsend (p. 247) says Idaho Indiansplace it in a pit with hot stones for several days, and "when removed it is of adark brown color about the consistency of softened glue, and sweet likemolasses. It is made into large cakes, by being mashed, and pressed together,and slightly baked in the sun."Qucrcus, oaks. Acorns were eaten in the vicinity of the Sierra NevadaMountains of California (Steward, 19.33: 246) and of the Wasatch Mountainsof Utah (Chamberlin, 1911: 71) but not in most of the Nevada and Idahoarea. Acorns called wiya, S-LtLk. Q. kelloggii Newb. called tcakicavii'u,Q. palmeri ( ?) called wiya, Owens Valley. Wiya, NP-FLk, unidentified, is
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 29probably the same. This did not occur in important quantities if at all in FishLake Valley. Central Nevada was largely if not entirely devoid of oaks.Radicula cnrvisiliqua Hook., veestern yellovp cress. Seeds eaten in OwensValley, Steward, 1933: 242.Ranunculus aquatilis L. Greens eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 71.Rhamnus califomica Esch., coffee berry. Eaten in Owens Valley, Steward,1933: 245.Rhus trilohata Nutt., sumac, squaw berry. Plains and mountain sides ofCovillea, artemisia and pinyon belts. Called iitciip, S-Ely ; berry eaten.Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 72, ate berries of R. glahra L.Rites aureum Pursh., golden or black currant. Hillsides and along creeks,artemisia to aspen belts. The plant called bagon p, S-Elko, E-RubV. Theberry called bogombi, S-RsRi, S-Elko, S-GSmV, S-SprV, S-RubV, S-DiaV,S-Hmlt ; bo : giimbi, S-Ely. Berries eaten. Owens Valley called paqwavu'hia(Steward, 1933: 245); NP-FLk, panwabuih", dried and stored. Gosiute alsoate R. divaricatum Dougl., R. lacustre and leptanthum Gray var. irachyanthum,and R. oxycanthoidcs L., Chamberlin, 1911: 72.Rosa iiltramontana (Wats.) Heller and perhaps other species, wild rose.Canyons and water courses in the pinyon to aspen belts. Called tsiavi, S-Elko;tsiabi, S-RubV ; tsiamb, S-Lemhi ; seed sometimes eaten. Also eaten by Gosiute,Chamberlin, 1911 : 72. R. pisocarpa Grey, eaten in Owens Valley, Steward,1933: 244.Rubus leucodermis Dougl., raspberry. Eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911:73, and no doubt elsewhere.Rumex crispus L., dock, sorrel. Introduced from Europe; occurs aroxindsettlements. Called pauwiya, S-SmCr, S-Elko, D-DiaV, NP-MC ; bauwiya ortiimii, S-Elko, S-RubV (RVJ), S-RsRi. Seeds eaten. S-Lida, leached seedsin cold water ; this is among the few instances of leaching plants other thanacorns. Also called niiwunoko, S-Elko; and S-RubV. The latter did noteat it. See also "Medicinal plants," appendix E. Unknown to S-SprV. Per-haps some of these names were formerly applied to native species of Rumex.SaUcornia heriacea L., glasswort. Gosiute ate seeds, Chamberlin, 1911 : 73.Salvia columhariae Benth., chia. Southern portion of area. Called pasida,Owens Valley, NP-FLk, S-LtLk, S-DthV, S-Bty, S-Lida. Seeds eaten. OwensValley, Steward, 1933: 243.Sambucus microbotrys Rydb., elderberry. Aspen to subalpine belts. Probablyother species, which grew in moist canyons down to the artemisia belt, werealso eaten. Called kunugi' (probably the plant), S-Ely, S-Hmlt; kunugip,S-Elko, S-RubV, S-Hmlt, S-Lemhi; duhiyumbu' (probably the berry), S-DiaV;tu : uyiimba, S-RubV ; gunu'vip (the plant) and tuhiumbi (tu, black -fhiumbi,berry), S-RsRi. Berries ordinarily dried and stored, though S-Lemhi saidthey would not keep. Owens Valley used S. mexicana, Steward, 1933 : 245.Gosiute used Sf. glauca Nutt. and S. racemosa L., Chamberlin, 1911 : 74.Scirpus lacustris L., tule. Occvirs in swampy areas of valleys which arerot too alkaline. Lower stems and roots eaten. Gosiute ate S. maritimus,Chamberlin, 1911 : 74. In the Humboldt sink, Indians gathered a "honeydew"exuded by tule, making balls of it for preservation (Bidwell, p. 52).Sitcphcrdia argentea Nutt., buffalo berry. Artemisia and pinyon belts, north-ern portion of the area. Called biawiyumbi, S-Elko ; berry eaten. Absent,S-Ely, S-RubV. Gosiute also ate it, Chamberlin, 1911: 75.Probably wi : yum"', S-DiaV ; wi'yumb, S-GSmV ; wiyumbi, S-RsRi, S-SprVand Star Valley; wiyup'' NP-MC ("bu?k berry") is a smaller variety or species
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
of bia (big) wiyumbi. This was lacking S-EIy, S-Hmlt, S-Elko, S-RubV,according to informants' knowledge.Sisymbrium canescens Nutt, hedge mustard. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Cham-berlin, 1911: 75.Sitanion hystrix (Nutt.) Smith. Called wiiciup, S-Lida (PF), S-RubV(BM). Wusiiip, S-DiaV; wu:sia, S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-Elko, S-RubV (RVJ)S-LtLk ; waciiip :, S-Lida ; kwasinab :, NP-FLk are probably the same. Allexcept S-RubV (BM), S-LtLk and NPFLk ate the seeds. S-Lemhi did notknow of it.SoUdago, golden rod. Seeds of various species eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin,1911: 76.Sophia, tansymustard. Two species of this seem to have been similarlynamed. S. parviflora (Lam.) Standi., introduced and growing around settle-ments, was called poina, S-Tonopah (LJB). 8. sonnei (Robins.) Greene, nativeand growing in the aspen and spruce belts, but collected in many lower altitudesin the artemisia belt, was called atsa, NP-FLk, NP-LnPn ; ak, akS, vii, SP-Ash
;
poTa, S-LtLk; poiua, po a or poina, S-Lida (JS) ; boina, most Nevada Shoshoni;boi', S-Lemhi. Seeds were eaten.Spiranthes. Root eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933: 244.Stachys palustris L., woundwort. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin,1911: 76.Stanleya elata Jones, squaw cabbage, and 8. pinnata (Pursh.) were eaten asgreens, S-DthV, Coville, 1892. These are among the few plants leached toremove bitter.Stipa speciosa Trin. & Rupr., porcupine grass. Seeds eaten in Owens Valley,Steward, 1933 : 243 ; called huki. Probably NP-FLk huki is same.Stromiocarpa odorata (Torr. & Frem.), screwbean (pi. 2, 6). Plains andvalleys, Covillea belt. None north of Ash Meads, Death Valley region.TrifoUum tridentatttm Lindl., tomcat clover, and T. involiicratum Ort, seedsand greens eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 243-244.Trifflochin maritimtim L., arrowgrass. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin,1911: 77.Trisetum subspicatum Beam. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 77,Troximon aurantiacum Hook. Leaves eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 77.Typha, cattail (or Juncus, rush). Grows in water. Called doi, S-DiaV,S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-EIko, S-RubV (RVJ); toi, NP-MC; to'i, S-Lemhi. Brownseed head burned to procure seeds; roots dried, ground, and stored, S-Lemhi.Another plant, tahonats', NP-MC, was described as similar to toi but smaller.Typha latlfoJia L., eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 77.Vaccinium, blueberry. Remy & Brenchley (p. 1929) state that Nevada Sho-shoni ate a vaccinium berry.Valeriana ediclis Nutt., tobacco root or bitterroot. Roots eaten by Gosiute,Chamberlin, 1911 : 78. Fremont says this was abundant along the Bear River(1856, p. 237), in the country north of Great Salt Lake (1856, p. 256), and inUtah County, Utah (1856, p. 464) ; he called it "kooyah." Remy and Brenchleycalled this by the Shoshoni name, "kuia" (p. 135). This is probably the im-portant root called kuiyii', NP-Ban ; kuiyu, S-Lemhi; goiyu, S-Ely, S-Mor,S-DiaV; koiya, kuia, S-SprV; kuiyu, S-Elko, S-RubV (RVJ), S-Lemhi; kiiyu,NP-MC; goiyu' u, S-RsRi ; goyu' u, S-GSmV. S-Lemhi, dried and stored.According to early travelers, this was poisonous unless roasted. Fremont (1887,vol. 1, p. 206) says 2 days' roasting is necessary.Weyethia amplexicaulis Nutt. Seeds eaten by Gosiute, Chamberlin, 1911 : 78.W. ovata T. & G., eaten in Owens Valley, Steward, 1933 : 242.
8TBWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 3JUnidentified Food PlantsBavo, S-RubV (RVJ) ; bavogo, S-Elko; bavogo' S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-SprV;bahmii, S-Lemhi. A plant with a white flower, resembling wild parsnip.Eaten as greens.Dili, S-RubV (RVJ). S-DiaV; du:, S-Sly, S-Hmlt; duhu, S-SprV; tul,S-SnRv ; du'u, S-GSmV, S-RsRi. A root resembling a small sweetpotato. Un-known S-Lemhi. Another plant, resembling Chenopodium, the seed of whichwas eaten, was called dui, S-RsRi ; dii : i, S-GSmV, S-Eureka. Possibly neitherof these is the plant called tui by Gosiute, a species of Urtica, nettle, Chamberlin,1911: 77.Dagu, S-Ely; dagtt, S-Elko, S-Lemhi, tagii, S-Hmlt. Edible root. Thiscould not be preserved, S-Lemhi.Duna, S-SprV, S-EIko ; tuna, S-Hmlt. Edible rootDo'gohi, S-GSmV, a large edible root.Dubwi', S-Ely, S-Hmlt ; tiibuwi, S-Elko, S-RubV. Greens. It is not certainwhether these localities used this word for a certain species or for greensgenerally.Ha : pi, S-Elko, ha : p^, S-Lemhi ; hape, S-SuRv. An edible root up to 12Inches long, procured by Idaho Shoshoni at Camas Prairie. Roots preserved.Hugi, S-Ely, S-Lida, S-Hmlt, S-DiaV, S-SprV, S-RubV; hu:gi, S-GSmV;edible seed ( ?) ; unknown, S-Lemhi. See Agropyron, above.Huhwi, S-LtLk, unidentified seed of "bunch grass," which grows in moun-tains, ripens in July.Hukumbi, S-SprV, S-DiaV, unknown S-Ely, S-RubV ;, S-Lemhi ; edible berry(?). Huktimbi, S-RsRi, seed; plant has "small white flowers in a bunch onthe top."Hunib, S-DiaV, ; hunib :, S-Elko, S-RsRi ; hu : nib :, S-RubV, S-Lemhi ; huniv",S-Ely; punib:, S-SprV ; hunibui, NP-MC; a low-growing plant, with a long,edible root, growing in the hills.Hiiii, S-DiaV, S-Hmlt. Edible seed ( ?) ; unknown, S-RubV, S-Ely, S-LemhLHii^, S-RsRi, plant with a white flower and edible bulb.Kan", S-Lemhi, unidentified root. Gosiute, kana is Lewisia rediviva, bitter-root, Chamberlin, 1911 : 82.Kanikc, NP-MC. An edible root, possibly camas, Quamasia quamash.Komuta, S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-RubV; unknown, S-Lemhi.Koya, NP-FLk. Seed plant.Kutzu NP-MC. Plant with red seeds, growing along the Humboldt River.Mahavit :, S-Hmlt, S-SprV, S-RubV ; rare at S-Elko ; absent, S-Ely, S-DiaV.S-RsRi, described as like grass, with many small roots, each little larger than apea. Possibly Brodiaea or Eleocharis. Roots eaten.Mutcki', S-Ely, S-Hmlt; mutcuki, S-Elko, S-RubV. Any plant greens, eaten,somewhat like lettuce. Gosiute called any greens mutcigip, Chamberlin, 1911
1
85.Nevirjgu'nu, S-DthV. Seed plant.Nap:, S-DiaV, S-RsRi, S-Ely, S-Hmlt, S-Elko, S-RubV, S-Lemhi. A root?dried and stored.Pasi, S-Lemhi. Edible nuts of a "spruce."Pasigo, S-Lemhi. Root, possibly same as sigo. Gosiute called Osmorhissanuda, sweet cicely and possibly Ghjcosma occidentalis both pasigo or pasigwipbut used neither for food, Chamberlin, 1911 : 89.Pa'wa, S-Lemhi. Edible root, possibly of Rumex or Juncus. Pawa'^*, NP-FLk, seed, possibly of Rumex.
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120Payai, NP-FLk. Seed plant.Payump, S-Lemhi. Edible root similar to yamp, Cartim gairdneri, but growsalong streams.Pit : sogo, S-Lemhi. A root dug at Camas Prairie.Soiga, S-Lemhi; sowik (?), S-NthFk, S-SnRv. Root.Takii, NP-MC. Root.Tonopuda, S-LtLk, a seed plant of considerable importance growing in themountains.Tcipoi, R-RsRi. Plant with yellow flower and edible root.To: tomb:, S-Ely, S-Hmlt. Unknown or differently named, S-Elko, S-RubV.A large shrub with a berry like a raspberry.Tsogodzidzina, S-Lemhi (tsogo, earth -fdzidzina, any root). Like small pota-toes ; not suitable for storage.Tsowiga, S-DiaV, S-Hmlt, S-RubV, S-Elko, S-Lemhi; tsuga, NP-MC. RootWada, S?Lemhi. Seed. Gosiute wada, however, is Suaeda depressa Watson,eeablite, Chamberlin, 1911 : 97.Wa : gova, S-Lemhi, a plant resembling cactus with yellow flowers, growingin mountains. Probably same as wo : gavi, Opuntia. Did not occur on SalmonRiver. Procured by S-Lemhi near Snake River. Root eaten.Winiinu, S-Lida. "Wild cabbage." Tall flower stalk with spike of yellowflowers. Greens eaten.Yutavo'", S-Lemhi. Root procured at Camas Prairie.Yuvikui, S-Kawich. Seed eaten. May be same as yuvikua, S-Tonopah, whichis Chylismia and was not eaten.In the Great Basin and Plateau subsistence problems were essen-tially uniform, though local fertility was somewhat variable. Seedsand roots were the most important foods. Seeds were gathered andprepared largely with twined baskets which were well adapted to thetasks and fairly similar among all groups. Some seeds were knockedinto conical carrying baskets with basketry seed beaters, then win-nowed and perhaps parched in a basketry tray and ground on metates,or among Shoshoni and a few Paiute boiled in pots. The heads ofother seeds were cut with a knife, the seeds threshed, then winnowed.Berries were picked into conical baskets and some dried and stored.Koots were dug with a simple digging stick, and some were driedand stored. Stored seeds and berries were always cached in pits inthe earth, located as near as possible to the winter village. For longtreks into arid regions, water was carried in basketry ollas.Whether this highly specialized basketry-gathering complex waswidespread because it was ancient (much of it was possessed by Bas-ket Makers) or spread rapidly because of great utility cannot beknown at present. But a great functional eiSciency of the complexis evident.There are only three exceptions to the general pattern of wild-seed gathering. First, Owens Valley Northern Paiute sometimes irri-gated certain wild-seed patches. Irrigation was communal, but gath-ering was by individual families. Second, horticulture was prac-ticed by Southern Paiute and, in early post-Caucasian times, by
BTEWARn] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 33Death Valley, Lida, Spring Valley, and Ely Slioshoni. It was alwaysa family affair. Third, certain groups in east central Nevada sowedbroadcast certain wild seeds, especially Chenopodium and Mentzelia,It was usually a village activity, though women gathered for theirown families. Localities practicing this were: S-SmCr, S-RsRi,S-Mor, S-Hmlt, S-Ely, S-SprV, GS-DpCr, S-Egan. Its southernlimit is not known. It was lacking among S-RubV, GS-SklV, andShoshoni of the Humboldt River, Idaho and northern Utah.Animal FoodsGame was less important than plant foods in Shoshonean subsist-ence. The general aridity of the region restricted the numbers ofall species of large game and the limited grasslands largely precludedspecies which occur in great herds. The infrequency of taking largegame is attested by the great premium upon skins. Persons fullyclad in shirts and leggings or dresses were rare. Because of the sec-ondary importance of game, the annual migration for foods was di-rected with reference to plant rather than animal species. Deer andmountain sheep, occurring alone or in small bands, were taken throughthe wiles and perseverance of single hunters or small groups of menwhenever they happened to be in a locality favorable for hunting.Only bison, limited to the northeast, and antelope, occurring through-out the area, were the objects of important hunts. Antelope, forming^small herds, lent themselves to communal hunts, but such slaughter soreduced their number that years might be required to restore the herd.Bison never were numerous west of the Rocky Mountains and wereevidently not hunted on a large scale until post-horse days when bandstraveled east.Small game was of relatively great importance. Reptiles, rodents,fish, and insects all supplied foods. Rodents and other small mam-mals had several advantages over large game. They remained inrestricted localities and did not require a long chase. Some species,forming large colonies, could be taken in considerable numbers, evenwarranting construction of ditches for flooding them from theirburrows. All of them reproduced rapidly, so that destruction didnot diminish their numbers for long periods. Many made large storesof seeds that could be robbed. On the other hand, most of them hibej--nated during the winter and so were not available when food shortagewas most serious.The country is so generally devoid of water that fish were impor-tant only in the Salmon, Snake, Humboldt, Owens, and Bear Riversand in Utah Lake and its tributaries and in some of the tributaries ofGreat Salt Lake. In Idaho the seasonal salmon runs had an impor-tant effect upon the entire subsistence routine. Elsewhere fish were
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bolu 120somewhat less ixaportant than in Idaho, but had the advantage ofsupplying some food throughout the winter and thus providing amotive for the location of winter villages near streams and rivers.Even insects were sometimes of great importance. In some yearsgrasshoppers and "Mormon crickets" were extremely abundant andcould be taken in quantities that would last for months.The several species of carnivorous animals were not greatly valuedin Shoshonean economy. Wolves, coyotes, mountain lions, and wild-cats were taken with great difficulty and were rarely eaten. Theirfurs, excepting that of the wildcat, which was valued for quivers,had no important uses.Most of the observations on the following species are from Seton(1929) and Barnes (1927). For native names of most of these species,see Appendix B.Antilocapra americana Ord., pronghorn antelope. Occurrence:Throughout the area, except southern Nevada, in open country, i. e.,valleys and hills, migration limited. Herds of perhaps 100, though aherd of 300 was reported in 1911 in Juab County, Utah. Living inthe open and being the fleetest American mammal prevented effectivechases on foot. But the herding tendency coupled with excessivecuriosity made them easy to take by wiles, such as disguises, and todrive into corrals. Their poor jumping ability made moderately highcorral fences adequate to impound them. Their tendency to run ina circle facilitated driving by horse relays in the north, where largedrives were not undertaken. Weight, about 100 pounds.Communal antelope drives were among the few economic activitiesnot restricted to family groups. As the animals are wary and fleetof foot, they were taken with considerable difficulty by lone hunters.Large groups of Indians on foot, however, could manage to drivethem into a corral. Throughout most of the Shoslioni area thesedrives were managed by a shaman who had received special super-natural power in a vision to charm antelope. During one to severalnights of singing and shamanizing prior to the drive this man wasbelieved to capture the antelopes' souls, rendering them docile andstupid. The next day a large number of men spread out over milesof country and slowly drove the animals toward the corral. A goodaccount of the activity involved has been set down by Egan (pp. 238-241) for the Deep Creek Gosiute, but omits a description of theshamanism
:
"For a few days before I came the squaws and bucks were busy repairingand extending the flanlving arms of the old corral, or trap pen, which waslocated near the north end of Antelope Valley and about 20 miles northwest ofDeep Creek. It was pretty cold weather, but no snow on the ground. TheJndians thought it a good time and expected a good catch.
BTEWAEol BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 35
"After they had all come in from their work a great deal of talking andplanning was on and each knew just what part and place he or she was to take.By daylight all were ready for the start, and, in fact, a number of the youngmen had left early in the evening before to go to the extreme south end of theground to be covered and about 20 miles from the pen. They were to spread apartacross the valley, travel in open order back to the north, being careful thatnot one of the antelope jumped would run, except in a northerly direction . . ."An antelope, when started up, will always run directly for one of these[knolls], that lay opposite from where he gets his scare from, and they runfrom hill to hill. They see no one ahead of them but the party behind beingconstantly increased, and if they undertake to pass around the drivers a buckor squaw is sure to raise to his feet, and that sends them off to the center again."Thus it goes till they come to the line between the outer ends of the arms,which, there, are about 4 miles apart, but gradually closing in as they getnearer the pen. The arms or leads are started at the extreme ends by simplyprying or pulling up a large sagebrush and standing it roots up on the top ofanother brush, thus making a tall, black object visible for miles. The standingof these brush were at first some 10 to 20 feet apart, but were placed moreand more near together the nearer towards the pen, and when the two linescame to about lOO yards apart, they were built so the butts of the brush wereas close as the tops would allow them to be joined and by this time both wingshad swung to the east side of the valley, where there were many ravines tocross and plenty of cedar and pine to use for fencing.
"There were many turns to the lane thus formed, but [it] was getting nar-rower and stronger till finally, around a sharp turn through a large, thickbunch of cedars, the game were in the corral, which was about 200 feet indiameter and built strong enough and high enough to withstand a herd ofbuffalo. The pine and cedar trees had not been removed from the inside of thepen and not many from the runway, for a mile back . . .
"The drivers . ? . were all on a fast run, yelling like a pack of coyotes. Thedrive came to an end with a rush and everyone working desperately closing upthe entrance . . .Then began the killing of as many as were wanted that day, the killing wasdone with arrow and seldom missed piercing the heart. The catch was about25, mostly all bucks or does . . . There were five or six bucks killed that day . . .to give the squaws time to cut up in thin strips the flesh and dry it on a rackbuilt over a small fire, thus curing it so it would keep for a long time if keptdry . . .
"Three or four young men [had been left] to guard the place." By the nextmorning the antelope had run themselves down and were huddled in the centerof the enclosure . . . The Indians picked out five or six of the largest, whichwere kUled. . .
"The Indians told me that the last drive, before this one at this place, wasnearly 12 years ago and the old men never expected to see another at thisplace, for it would take many years for the animals to increase in sufiicientnumbers to make it pay to drive. These drives are mostly in the desert valleys,where the poor horseless natives live."Other antelope drives mentioned tlirouglioiit this paper are similarto this, though less trouble was taken in many localities in corral con-struction. It was frequently believed that the shaman's charm wouldprevent their escape even though the corral were not a continuousfence.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bcll. 120Another method of hunting antelopes was used by Indians possess-ing horses. It was a true surround. Egan has also described thiskind (pp. 240-241)
:
Near the locality of the hunt previously described, he saw "10 [men] onhorses and 5 or 6 foot men. When they arrived at the edge of the huntingground, they divided into parties, one going to the right and the other to theleft and occasionally leaving a man, and so spacing them apart that when thetwo ends of the line swving around they formed a very large circle."We could see vphere the antelope were running and the plan was to keep themin the circle and on the run all the time and not allow them to rest. When anyof them attempted to pass out they were headed off and turned back or aroundthe circle. We could not see an antelope half way across the circle, but couldsee the dust they raised and the direction they were traveling."When, after they had been kept running back and forth till they were verytired, a man would chase one on a fast run and as he neared another manwould stop to rest his horse and watch for another run. The second man couldrun his horse alongside the antelope easily, which I did . . . [and] shot him ata distance of about 8 or 10 feet. There were only three killed and Jack; wasin high glee."A lone hunter usually stalked antelope when wearing an antelopehead and skin disguise.Odocoileus hemionus (Rafinesque), mule or blacktail deer. This isthe most important species of deer throughout the area, although O.virginianus (Rafinesque), the Virginia or whitetail deer, occurs inthe northern and eastern portions. Weight, 200 pounds or more.Occurrence: "lower hills or broken ground that is partly wooded''(Seton, 1929, vol. 3, pp. 325-365), ordinarily avoiding open country,dense woods, and high mountains. Occurring thus in the lower alti-tudes of mountains and limited to small bands, deer were taken bylone hunters or small groups of men. As the country is less heavilycovered with brush than the west coast, snares and ambushes on deertrails were of minor importance. Most hunting was by individualmen who stalked and pursued the animals, shooting them with poi-soned arrows.Cooperative hunting was much less important for deer than forantelope and rarely warranted special trips for that purpose. Suchhunting was most feasible in the fall when deer descended from themountains by fairly well marked trails into a warmer region or inthe spring when they returned to the mountains. At such timespeople in the northern part of the area sometimes constructed V-wings between which was a hurdle with a pit beyond. The deer'spropensity to jump carried him over the hurdle into the concealedpit. In a few localities a shaman charmed deer for these drives. Atother times small groups of men who happened to be in the samelocality attempted to surround deer in the mountains or, if they couldfind a deer trail, to drive the animals along it past concealed hunters.
STEWARn] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 37Ovis canadensis Shaw, mountain sheep. Weight, up to 300 pounds.Occurrence: throughout the area, formerly in "grassy foothills andbluffs not far from the crags," but in more recent times in less acces-sible, high mountains. Though formerly fairly abundant, sheep weretaken with great difficulty. Pursued by hunters, often using dogs,rhey fled to precipices if possible, where the hazard of climbing wasoften prohibitive. In December, however, when rams were duelingduring the mating period, concealed hunters attracted them bythumping logs.OreaTYinos americanus (Blainville), mountain goat. This occurredonly in the Bitterroot Mountains and was of minor importance.Bison bison (Linnaeus), bison or buffalo. The comparative valueof this species is indicated by its weight, about 1,800 pounds, whichis 18 times that of the antelope, 9 times that of the deer, and 6 timesthat of the moun-tain sheep. In ad-dition, its largeand heavy hideserved many pur-poses, includinghouse covers, andw^as a primary ob-ject of trade withboth Indians andwhite men.The formerrange of the bison,according to Se-ton, extended inabout 1500through northernNevada and south-e r n Oregon t onortheastern Cali-fornia andthrough a largeportion of Utah(fig. 5). Certaina n t h r opologicaldata corroborate aa somewhat simi-lar pre-Caucasian distribution. Petroglyphs in Nine Mile Canyon,south of the Uintah Basin, and in the Paria Eiver district in south-ern Utah are unquestionably bison. Caves on the northern shore of60285?38 i
Figure 5.?Map of the distribution of the horse and bison.
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Great Salt Lake contain extraordinarily abundant bison remains asso-ciated with a pre-Caucasian culture (Steward, 1937 b). Shoshoniinformants said that several generations ago bison were known innorthwestern Utah, along the Humboldt liiver in Nevada, and in theregion of Steptoe Valley, eastern Nevada.Most of this territory west of the Rocky Mountains, however, lacksgrasslands and is not the optimum bison environment. A narrowingof the bison's range appears to have begun in pre-Caucasian times.By 1832 it was extinct in northern Utah and by 1840 in Idaho. Thefinal extinction was probably brought about by more efficient huntingmade possible by the horse and the arrival of great numbers of trap-pers.Cervus canadensis Erxleben, elk or wapiti. This occurred only inIdaho and extreme northeastern Utah. It seems to have played onlya minor role in Shoshonean subsistence.Lepus californicus Gray, blacktail jack rabbit. Weight, 51/^pounds. This species was very important throughout its range, whichincluded the entire area except parts of Idaho and northeasternUtah. The whitetail jack rabbit, L. townsendii Bachman, had a morerestricted range within the area. The jack rabbit now occurs in enor-mous herds, having increased both in numbers and range in recentyears. Natively, however, it seems to have been sufficiently numer-ous to have been of major importance. It not only afforded consider-able meat when taken in communal hunts, but provided skins whichwere utilized for the all-important Shoshonean garment, the rabbit-skin blanket or robe.Its habitat was open, sage-covered valleys. Its speed and abilityto hide made it difficult to hunt with the bow and arrow, but thelarge and rapidly multiplying herds rewarded communal hunts.Drives were held throughout most of the area and were the most im-portant communal activity. The usual plan was to place a numberof long, low nets end to end in a vast semicircle many hundred yardsin diameter. A large crowd, often including women and children,then beat the brush, driving the animals into the nets where theywere dispatched. Egan's account of a Gosiute drive (1917, pp. 235-237) is exceptionally good
:
In the vicinity of Deep Creek, the chief took Egan to the site of the drive,3 or 4 miles from the village. They used "grass native cord nets about 2^^ feethigh and 2 inches and even smaller mesh. A sharp pointed stick a tew incheslonger than the width of the net was fastened across 6 or 8 feet apart, to actas fence posts, when the sharp end was pressed into the earth. One buckcould easily carry a roll of 150 to 200 yards of the small twisted grass twinenets. Each large family usually have such a roll and at times, when livingapart from other families, can use them either as traps or to drive; but then,these are only small catches.
STEWABo] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 39
?'The drive I witnessed was when there was six or eight of these nets together.When they had decided just where to run the nets, two of the Indians putthe end sticlis of their nets together and commenced to unroll their nets, goingin opposite directions, sticking each cross stick firmly in the ground as theyunrolled, making a rabbit-proof fence. When the first two had placed theirnets, two more of the Indians commenced where they ended and continued theline in the desired direction,
"I noticed that when they were through stringing their nets in a kind ofsemicircle form there was part of a roll of nets not unrolled at each end.These ends, when they were ready to drive, were strung out, but not in acircle, but flaring straight out from the opening, making a long -shapedmouth to the field. When the Indians swung across this mouth they begancoming in slowly. But every rabbit that was started went into the pen andkept running back and forth to find a place to get through . . . When themen had reached the opening of the circle the two ends of the net was broughtin and strung across the opening, this making a complete enclosure . . . All theIndians were inside with sticks, or bows and arrows, picking up the game . . .
"It took the Indians half a day to get as many as they wanted."Although rabbit surrounds with fire were not often used becausedesert shrubs are usually too widely spaced for a fire to spread,Egan also observed this method
:
Hunters with torches spread out in a circle about a mile in diameter."Working all around the circle and towards the center was a continuous ringof fire and smoke, which was gradually closing in, and the rabbits were beingcrowded together thicker and thicker. Each Indian, squaw, and papoose hada stick about four feet long, the only weapon they carried . . . [They made]as much noise as possible. The rabbits got so dazed by the fire, smoke, andtumult that they simply could not run ... I saw dozens of them stop withinreach of the sticks, and many of them were picked up that had not been hit.When a rabbit was seen to pass out of the human ring, someone would followhim in the smoke and put his body in one of the piles of rabbits they had madeas they proceeded towards the center . . . When the drive was over, thefield was a black, fire-swept, but still smoking, patch of ground . . ."The Indians do not like to use fire for a drive, as it takes years for the brushto grow up again."Lepus ameHcanus Erxleben, snowshoe rabbit. This species prob-ably occurs throughout the area in high altitudes, but it was com-paratively scarce and inaccessible.Sylvilagus -floridmms (Allen), cottontail rabbit; two varieties,nuttallii in the north and audubonii in the south (Seton, 1929, vol. 4,pp. 781-815). Weight, 2 to 21/2 pounds. Cottontails are smaller andmore limited in numbers than jack rabbits. Occurring in brushycountry, especially in the hills, however, they could more readily betaken with snares and with the bow and arrow. Consequently,though never the object of drives, they frequently served to supple-ment the food supply of families at their winter villages or whentraveling in the foothills.Marmota flaviventris (Audubon and Bachman), rock-chuck oryellow marmot. This species occurs only in a portion of the area,
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
where, however, it was important. Weighing 10 to 15 pounds, itsflesh was vakied for food and its fur for robes. Living in burrowsor rock crannies, it was easily killed, the favorite time being in thefall when it became fat previous to hibernating.Taxidea taxus (Schreber), badger. This powerful burrowing ani- Imal occurs throughout the area. It was used for food only during:times of scarcity but its tough hide was valued for moccasins.Several kinds of small burrowing rodents occur in considerablecolonies in valley flats, especially in comparatively fertile localitieswhere they could feed on roots. Considerable effort was made totake these as other animal foods were often not to be had. Theywere either dug with a digging stick, pulled from their burrows bymeans of a rodent skewer, smoked out, flooded out, or killed withdeadfall traps. If encountered away from their burrows, they couldbe run down and killed with sticks and stones. Usually weighingbut a fraction of a pound, however, large numbers had to be taken.Among these rodents were various species of the family Geomyidaeypocket gophers, the genus Citellus^ ground squirrels, and GynomySyprairie dogs, in the eastern part of the area.Other rodents, living among the rocks in the hills and mountains,though taken when possible, were too small to have contributedgreatly to the food supply. Among these were chipmunks {Callo-spermophilus and Eutamias) and packrats {Neotoma cinerea (Ord)).Those living in the water, the beaver. Castor canadensis Kuhl, andthe muskrat. Ondatra zibethica (Linnaeus), were too restricted inoccurrence and number to have had great importance.Reptiles were eaten when they were large enough to warrant thetrouble of catching and preparing them. The chuckwalla, Sauroma-lus ohesus (Baird), weighing several pounds, was eagerly soughtthroughout its range in the southern part of the area. Other lizardsand horned toads were too small. Most snakes, with the occasionalexception of the rattlesnake, were also eaten.The role of fish in native economy varied with the locality andthe species. Owens River, the Humboldt River, and the rivers of theBonneville Basin had several species in some abundance. The Snakeand Salmon Rivers were not only favored with large runs of salmonbut had many other species.Owens River had two important native species. Gatostomusarenarius Snyder, sand-bar sucker, was up to 7 inches long and oc-curred in schools (Snyder, 1919). This was probably what thePaiute called huwa, adapii", or atava. Siphateles ohesus (Girard),lake chub, was up to 5 inches long (Snyder, 1919). This may havebeen the Paiute potcigi or puitcigi. In addition, there were twominnows, Agosia rdhusta Rutter, black minnow, and Gyprinodonmaculanus Baird and Girard, spotted pursy minnow, both of which
STEWAR.)] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 41
were probably called tsoni'ta. Fish were taken by means of divert-ing streams and stranding, stupefying, shooting, spears, hooks,baskets, and nets (Steward, 1933, pp. 251-252).Humboldt Riv^r.?Of many species occurring throughout theLahontan Basin of western Nevada, eight were found in the Hum-boldt River and in some of its tributaries. These were (Snyder, 1917,pp. 42-83) : Catostomus tahoensis Gill and Jordan, red sucker, up to24 inches long; Catostomus arenarius Snyder, sand-bar sucker, up to20 inches long; Pantosteus lahontan Rutter, Lahontan sucker, up to6 inches long, which migrated up the river in July ; Siphateles ohesus(Girard), lake chub, up to 14 inches long and very abundant;Richardsonius egregius (Girard), red-striped shiner, up to 51^ incheslong ; Agosia rohusta Rutter, black minnow ; Cottus heldingi Eigen-mann, desert rifflefish; and Salmo herishawi Gill and Jordan, tahoetrout. The suckers and chubs were important in native economy, butit was probably the tahoe trout which was called agai and was pre-ferred. In addition to devices used in Owens Valley, HumboldtRiver Shoshoni employed such northern fishing methods as harpoonsand complicated dams and weirs. -Although Humboldt River fish were very important because theycould be taken in winter, they were, like game and vegetable foods,affected in some measure by dry years. Burche (1864, p. 148) wroteof the Nevada Indians
:
Fish, which, with them, is a large item in the sustainment of life, and whichthey caught in copious quantities in the lakes and rivers of the country, willalso almost entirely fail them this season, owing to the extremely low stageof water in all rivers and lakes, caused by the unusually small amount ofsnow that fell the past winter. The watercourses and lakes being thus re-duced in volume, and the alkali properties greatly predominating in the water,great quantities of the fish have died and drifted on the margin of the streams,thereby almost entirely cutting off this, one of their chief articles of supply . . .In recent years irrigation has almost dried up the Humboldt River.Several important species of fish occurred in Utah and Bear Lakesand in the streams tributary to these lakes and to Great Salt Lakeand Sevier Lake?the Bonneville Basin. Great Salt Lake and SevierLake were too salty for fish. The species were : Salmo utah Suckley,Utah Lake trout, weighing about II/2 pounds, in Utah Lake andBear Lake and Bear River; an important species, perhaps the Sho-shoni tsapankwi (good fish). Pantosteus platyrhynchus (Cope),mountain sucker, in Utah Lake, in rivers flowing into Utah Lake, andin the Sevier River. Catostomus fecundus Cope and Yarrow, UtahLake sucker, in Bear River, rivers of Utah Lake, Sevier River, andSnake River; perhaps the Shoshoni auwok. Siboma atraria Girard,Utah Lake chub, in the streams of the Bonneville Basin. Leucichthysgemmifer Snyder, whitefish or "peaknose" in Bear Lake and Bear
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120River. Phosopium williamsoni (Girard), a whitefisli in the streamsflowing into Salt Lake, Utah Lake, and Sevier Lake. Prosopiumspilonotus (Snyder), Bonneville vrhitefish, and Prosopmin dbyssicola(Snyder), Bear Lake whitefish, in Bear Lake. The former occurs6 to 8 inches long, the latter 12 to 14 inches long. Cottus semiscdber(Cope), Rocky Mountain bullhead, in Bear, Utah, Fish, andPanguitch Lakes and their streams. Rhinichthys dulcis (Girard),dace, in streams of Great Salt Lake and Snake River. Richardsoniushydrophlox (Cope), silverside minnow, and Richardsonius copei(Jordan and Gilbert), leather-side minnow, in streams of Utah andGreat Salt Lakes. Apocope carringtonii (Cope), a very small fishoccurring in the streams of Great Salt Lake and in widely scatteredsprings of the Bonneville deserts. Apocope abode (Jordan and Ever-mann), Sevier system only. (These identifications are from Tanner,1936.)It is unfortunate that more information is not available concern-ing the native names of these species and methods of taking each.It is known only that in the Bear River they were an important andconstant supplement to other foods and that Utah Lake was thecenter of fishing operations of Ute from neighboring territories.In lesser degree they were taken in all streams and even the tinyspecies of Apocope in desert springs were sought when other foodsfailed.Fish were more important in the Snake and Salmon Rivers thanin other parts of the area. Salmon were taken in such quantitiesas to warrant preserving and storing. But salmon and several otherspecies were blocked by the falls of the Snake River in southwesternIdaho. Evermann (1896, p. 257) states that Shoshone Falls, height210 feet, is the absolute upstream limit of salmon, while Auger Fallsand Upper and Lower Salmon Falls, below Shoshone Falls, seriouslyimpeded their migration. Some species entered the Payette Riverbut did not pass far beyond in the Snake River. (See map, fig. 4.)Idaho Shoshoni distinguished several runs of fish, all of whichwere called agai, salmon. Some of these, however, were not truesalmon, for only the Chinook salmon reaches this region in im-portant quantities.The first run, tahma agai (spring salmon), coming in March orApril, was probably Salmo gairdneri Richardson, the steelhead troutor salmon trout (Evermann, 1896, p. 282-284; 1897, p. 199), weigh-ing about 15 pounds. Locke (1929, p. 186) says these reach "Idahowaters from the sea from December to early spring, spawning in theheadwaters from late winter to spring."Oncorhynchus tschawytscha (Walbaum), the Chinook salmon, wasprobably the taza agai (summer salmon) of the Snake River andthe agai of the Lemhi and Salmon Rivers. Locke (1929, pp. 181-
BTEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 43;182) states that it ascends from the ocean to spawn in the headwatersin July, August, and September. Losing weight in their ascent,in Idaho they weigh from 8 to 20 pounds and rarely reach 50pounds. Spawning activities leave them emaciated and coveredwith sores. By September most of them are dead or gone. In thesmall streams these are probably the wo:vi (board or log) agai.In the upper Salmon River these seldom passed Alturas Creek(Evermann, 1897, pp. 180-186). Locally these are called "dog sal-mon." The true dog salmon is Oncorhynchus keta^ a species notascending these rivers.Probably a few Oncorhynchus nerha^ sockeye or red salmon or red-fish, probably the Lemhi a ga agai (ar)ga, red), reached Payetteand Redfish Lakes (Evermann, 1897, pp. 187-198; Locke, 1929, pp.182-183).Entosphenus tridentatus (Gairdner), 3-tooth lamprey, occurredin the Salmon River and_in the Snake River, probably only belowthe falls. It was called pado oa (pa, water +toga, snake).Acipenser transmontanus (Gairdner), Columbia River sturgeon,could be taken below the falls of the Snake River in the spring whenthe water was muddy. These reached 8 to 9 feet in length (Ever-mann, 1897, pp. 171-172).The cut-throat or black-spotted trout, SaJmo myhiss (Walbaum),and perhaps other species, is the main native trout throughout theserivers. It is probably the Shoshoni tsa: pank'"' (Evermann, 1897,pp. 198-199 ; Locke, 1929, p. 187)
.
Goregonus williamsoni Girard, Rocky Mountain whitefish or
"mountain herring," is probably the Shoshoni mu rdziwiliii' (muvi,nose+dziwihii', pointed), occurring throughout the rivers andstreams.Other native species were Pantosteus jordani Evermann, blacksucker or blue sucker, occurring throughout the Snake River ; Gato-stomus macTOcheilus Girard, Columbia River or yellow sucker;Acrocheilus alutaceus Agassiz and Pickering, chisel-mouth, square-mouth, or hard-mouth, occurring throughout the Snake River;Mylocheilus caurinus Richardson, Columbia chub, occurring in largeschools in the Snake River; Ptychocheilus oregonensis Richardson,squawfish, occurring below the falls of the Snake River (Evermann,1897, pp. 171-175). Several small species were Leuciscus halteatus(Richardson), shiner, below Shoshone Falls, and L. hydrophloxabove the falls. Rhinichthys cataractae didcis (Girard) occurredthroughout the Snake River. A species, Uranidea hendirei (Bean),was limited to Goose Creek and Gottus leioporrms Gilbert and Ever-mann, blob, to Little Wood River. The native names of none ofthese species is known.
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Methods of taking the more important fishes are described belowin appropriate sections.The Economic PatternThe Western Shoshoni economic system was organized on simplelines. The basic division of labor was sexual, so that each familywas, in all but a few activities, a self-sufficient economic unit. Asthis pattern varied but little throughout the entire area a few illus-trations will suffice. Fish Lake Valley North Paiute women didviriually all seed gathering, though men helped somewhat in col-lecting pine nuts. They prepared foods, did all the cooking andhousekeeping, and manufactured pottery, basketry, and most cloth-ing. Men did all large-game hunting, manufactured chipped flintimplements, digging sticks and rabbit-skin blankets, built houses,and assisted women in such tasks as hunting rodents, carrying woodand water, transporting seeds, and even gathering some materialsfor making pots, baskets, and metates. In Owens Valley the divi-sion of labor was essentially the same. But men also had the taskof irrigating, while women helped make rabbit-skin blankets. Bothsexes fished. California and Nevada Shoshoni differed from the>Paiute only in that Shoshoni men helped prepare skins and did someseAving, especially of moccasins.This sexual division of labor covered all essential pursuits. Therewas no important specialization. For all but a small portion of theyear each family was self-sufficient economically and manufacturedits own implements. Each sex made implements used by it. Bothsexes usually made things used by both?houses, rabbit-skin blankets,and clothing. In a few instances certain men may have been skilledflint chippers and bow makers or women skilled potters who tradedtheir wares, but such specialization was not sufficient for self-support.Trade, as a vital factor of any economy, requires that some membersof the society be able to acquire such a surplus of essential goodsthat they can support other individuals who devote a large propor-tion of their time if not all their time to certain activities which,alone, would not support them. In this area, surpluses of any kindwere infrequent and fortuitous. Commerce of any note was carriedon only in the western and northern peripheries.In Owens Valley and vicinity, where foods were sufficientlyabundant to support an unusually dense population and stable enoughto leave some margin against starvation, people seem occasionallyto have had sufficient surplus of time or goods to indulge in a littlecommerce. Owens Valley trade has been previously described. Itinvolved direct barter and exchange for bead money. It was prin-cipally trans-Sierran, with Western Mono.
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 45Some trade by Death Valley people is indicated, but Slioslioni inNevada practiced little or none. Probably some salt, procured nearSurveyor's Well, was traded, though BD denied that when he wasyoung his family even went as far as Owens Lake. The Death Valleymeasure of bead money was around the hand as in Owens Valley.At Sigai, BD said, they sold 6 measures for 50 cents ; at Lida, 12 for60 cents, which suggests that beads introduced by the white manmay have inflated the currency. He vaguely estimated the following^prices : 5 gallons of pine nuts, 10 strings ; a sinew-backed bow, about24 strings; moccasins, 10 to 40 strings; a wife, 100 strings. At theannual mourning ceremony 200 strings might be burned along withother goods for someone who died during the past year. Money wasalso used here, at Beatty, and by neighboring groups to pay "exhibi-tion dancers." Its main use, however, was probably as ornaments.TSt described some trade between Beatty Shoshoni and OwensValley Paiute. Traveling a trail via Death Valley and Saline Valley,Beatty men carried rabbit-skin blankets to exchange for buckskinswhich were almost impossible to procure locally. No doubt Beattytrade also involved some bead money, for strings of glass beads seemto have reached this district in pre-Caucasian times, from Indians tothe south. Beads were red, white, and blue. Four strings, each thelength of the circumference of the hand, were worth 25 cents. Smallshell beads were somewhat more valuable.Lida had some shell- and glass-bead money. To the north, moneyhad not been introduced east of Reese River or Great Smoky Valley,where there was probably a little shell-bead money. In the lattervalley, ropes of twisted rabbit skins were standards of value, beingsold in lengths of twice around the hand. Twenty such lengths wereworth $5 and were used to purchase buckskins, etc.Snake River traded deer hides or roots. Thus three hides pur-chased a horse from Nez Perce. About one-half bushel of yams orcamass purchased a colt.Ritual was everywhere exceedingly limited and practically noneattached to economic activities. There were no group ceremonials,except as the round dance was thought incidentally to bring rain,crop fertility, or general well-being. The main ritual was at birth,,girl's puberty (boys had no puberty rites), and death. These wereentirely individual affairs involving only the family, except where theannual mourning ceremony was introduced to the Death Valley andOwens Valley regions and the Sun Dance to the Northern Shoshoni.The rites were most like those of California, except that many ele-ments were extremely variable.Dances were performed only at festivals which were held annuallyor at most two or three times a year when a large crowd foregatheredfor a brief period. These were arranged when and where food sup-
46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120plies were sufficient to support an abnormally large number of per-sons for a week or so. The purpose was dancing (natively, the rounddance was probably the only one known in most of the area; certainothers spread rapidly within the historic period), gambling, andvisiting. These were also occasions for philandering, courting, andfor many persons to acquire spouses.It is important to an understanding of the entire Shoshonean cul-ture that it was stamped with a remarkable practicality. So far asits basic orientation is definable, it was "gastric." Starvation was socommon that all activities had to be organized toward the food quest,which was carried on mostly by independent families. Whetherother fundamental drives could have been implanted is not known.They had not been except among the eastern groups, Shoshoni andUte, who attached some importance to warfare. Others carried onactivities which were largely devoid of ritual, and of prestige value.In certain practices the Northern Shoshoni departed radically fromtheir western kin. There is some evidence that at one time they weremuch like the Western Shoshoni, but the horse wrought fundamentalchanges in certain, though not all, activities. Economically, theywere not primarily seed gatherers, but hunters, and when the bisonbecame extinct in Idaho they ranged on horseback across the RockyMountains to hunt in the Plains. The basketry complex had largelygiven place to skin articles, made on Plains and northern lines?par-fleches, skin bags, and the like. Through contact with the Plainsthey had adopted other traits made possible by the horse?the skintipi, travois, horse packing, warfare with shields, lances, honors, andsome ritual dances, including the Sun Dance. In other respects,however, they resembled their western neighbors except in those traitsthat were variable among all Shoshoneans?^games, dances, anddetails of crisis rites.POPULATION DENSITYPopulation estimates are derived from three sources of informa-tion : Informants' censuses, informants' estimates (which are usuallyguesses of varying worth), and estimates of early writers, includ-ing several rough censuses by the Indian Office. The first is prob-ably most accurate, but is for about 1870 to 1880, a time when thepopulation had been reduced by war and disease and, in some areas,seriously dislocated from its former habitat. Any revision of theestimates derived from this source should be upward. The secondis less reliable and sometimes clearly tends to gross exaggeration.The estimates given by early writers are, as the tabulation belowshows, extremely variable. Many are mere guesses and, in mostinstances, the group estimated is neither properly identified nor
STEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 47
adequately bounded. The Gosiute estimates, for example, appearoften to include Shoshoni of Steptoe Valley, Egan Canyon, andother localities in addition to the people herein called Gosiute.
c/)i/^ofi/^y/iFiGDRE 6.?Map of population density. Numerals indicate number of square miles perperson for the period of about 1870-1880 within areas bounded by light lines. Heavydotted lines are linguistic boundaries.Figure 6 and the following tabulation summarize population esti-mates. Because territories exploited by different groups interlock,boundaries were chosen somewhat arbitrarily in each case to include
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120the territory most often traversed by a group of villages and toexclude that habitually traversed by the next group. This permitsa reasonably accurate statement of the relative density of the dif-ferent localities in the western portion of the area. In the east thisdifficulty is more serious because territories overlapped to a muchgreater degree and bands even traveled on horseback into countryutilized by other tribes. Several hundred square miles of territoryis involved and it is extremely difficult arbitrarily to allot certainportions of it to the different groups in order to determine popula-tion density. An additional difficulty in this region is that populationfigures are generally from early writers who rarely gave precisestatements of what peoples were included in their estimates.The average density for the entire area was probably nearKroeber's estimate of one person to 15.6 square miles (1934, p. 3).There was, however, a striking local variation which correlated withthe fertility of the natural environment. Extremely arid regionswith large deserts had the lowest density, for example, Gosiuteterritory which was one person to 30 or 40 square miles. Wlierehigh elevation produced increased rainfall or the presence of largemountains made rivers possible, the population was much denser,for example, Owens Valley with one person to 2.1 square miles, theHumboldt River with one to 3.3 to 5.2 square miles, and the Wasatchpiedmont with one to 4 to 6 square miles.It is significant that the density in the area of mounted bandsof Bannock and Shoshoni in Idaho and Utah was not exceptionallygreat?one person to 13 square miles in Utah, one to 34 square milesin eastern Idaho. These bands, as pointed out below, were madepossible, not by great density, but by mobility provided by the horse.The impression of a large population is created merely becauselarge numbers of Indians were seen together in early times.In figure 6 the areas which are bounded and in the followingtabulation the areas given in square miles are not always bands,districts, or subsistence areas. They are merely regions which wereconvenient for making estimates.Summary of Popxjlation Estimates
Location
8TEWAB0] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPSSummary of Population Estimates?Continued 49
Location Popula-tioa Area,squaremiles Squaremilesperperson Ap-proxi-matedate Reference
Las Vegas and vicinity.. -.Eeese River ValleyDo -.Do -- -Kawich Mountains ?Little Smoky Valley ?Do...Railroad ValleyAntelope ValleySpring and Snake ValleysOosiuteDoDoDoDoDo.Diamond ValleyRuby ValleyHuntington Valley... ,Several valleys east of Ruby Val-ley.Humboldt River:Palisade, Carlin, and Elko.,HalleckHalleck to WellsBattle Mountain to IronPoint.Snake and Salmon Rivers
"Bruneau"DoDoDoDo
"Bruneau" average
'Boise"DoDoDo
"Boise" averageGrouse CreekLemhi and central Idaho
Fort Hall:ShoshoniBannockDoBannock (2,000)...Shoshoni (3.000)BannockDoBannock (400-500)Shoshoni '(1,100)..BannockDoBannock (1,000)Shoshoni (1.500)...BannockDoDoFort Hall averageBands east of Great Salt Lake...Utah Lake UteSevier Lake UteSampits Ute..Uintah Ute
3325302501,00090-1209686250783788001,000800256200-300400400420246180
228100?26450036,0001254003008501003552002S3300200
t2001,200
1,5006506005,000400-5005001, 50n-1,600400600?2,600800600800
9,4509009009002,0251,700(?)2,2509002.41010, 00010. 00010, 00010, 00010, 00010, 0001,5501,2009002,000
7704001,3751,280150, 000
4, 800?4. 800?4, 800?4, 800'4, 800?
4, 800?3, 600?3, 600?3, 600?3, 600?3, 600?4,70027, 000
25, 00025, 00025, 00025, 00025, 00025, OuO25, 00025, 00025, 00025, 00025, 00025, 00025, 0001,200 25, 0001,000300-800700-1, 500144-500500-3, 000
13, 0002,0004,0002, 0009, 000'
28.51.73.6
.917-22. 517.5(?)9116.312.61012.53933-50253.82.83.511
3.345.22.5
3012165.64813.5
14.6
-2322.5
16.63842
50-?25015-166242
31.24231.2
13
2. 5-6. 62. 6-5. 74-13.
8
3-18
18721872187518751875187518721875188518851865186618691872185918751870187518751875
1872187518751875185518661866186818691869
1866186818691869
18751865
182718321845
18581862186618661867
186818091870
Powell and Ingalls, 1874, pp,10-11.Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 12.Informant estimate.Do.Informant census.Informant estimate.Powell and Ingalls, 1874, p. 12.Informant estimate.Do.Do.Irish, 1866, p. 144.Head, 1866, pp. 122-123.Tourtellotte, 1869, p. 231.Powell and Ingalls, 1874, pp. 2,11, 17-18.Simpson, 1876, pp. 35-36.Wheeler, 1875, p. 36.Informant estimate.Do.Do.Do.
Powell and Ingalls. 1874, p. 12.Informant estimate.Do.Do.Ross, 1865, vol. 1, p. 251.Hough. 1866, p. 189.Ballard, 1866, p. 190.Powell. 1868, p. 201.Powell, 1809, p. 286.Danilson, 1870, pp. 287-288.Average of above estimates.Ballard, 1866, p. 190.Powell, 1868, p. 201.Powell, 1869, p. 286.Danilson, 1870, pp. 287-288.
.Average estimate of above.Informant estimate.Informant estimate and below,pp. 187-189.Ogden, vol. 11, p. 364.Irving, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 177-178Simpson, 1876, p. 478.Meek, 1848, p. 10.Forney, 1858, p. 213.Burton, 1S62, pp. 473-474.Hall, 1866, p. 200.Mann, 1866, p. 126.Mann, 1867, p. 189.Head, 1867, p. 188.Head, 1868, p. 157.Danilson. 1869, pp. 287-288.Mann, 1870, p. 274.Average of above estimates.Forney, 1859, p. 363, and Bur-ton, 1862, p. 474.Below, pp. 224.Below, pp. 224.Below, pp. 224.Below, pp. 225.
50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120SOCIOPOLITICAL GKOUPS OF DIFFEEENT AREASWestern Localized Northern Paiute Bands: Owens ValletThe Northern Paiute of Owens Valley were subdivided into truecomposite land-owning bands. Those in the northern part of thevalley have been previously described (Steward, 1933). In thesouthern part, bands were essentially the same, though many weresmaller.Although the general ecology of this area resembles that of theShoshoni area, certain local enviroiunental peculiarities affectedthe subsistence activities of the inhabitants. The valley is a deeptrough, more than 100 miles long and not over 20 miles wide. Itsfloor lies at about 4,000 feet. On the west it is sharply boundedby the lofty Sierra Nevada range (pi. 1, a) and on the east by theInyo and White Mountains. The crest of the former is nowhereunder 10,000 feet altitude, with many peaks surpassing 14,000 feet.Heavy rain and snowfall in these smnmits is preserved in lakes,springs, snow fields, and even glaciers, from which streams flowout into the otherwise arid valley at intervals of 2 to 15 miles andfinally seep out into swamps in the lowlands where they are drainedoff by Owens River. Deer and mountain sheep could be had inthe high mountains; various seeds in the foothills; seeds, roots,antelope, and rabbits in the valley. The arid Inyo and WliiteMountains on the east give rise to no streams, but support exten-sive pine-nut groves and formerly had many mountain sheep anddeer.This extraordinarily varied environment afforded all essential foodresources within 20 miles of the villages, which were situated on thevarious streams. Although people sometimes remained away fromhome several days, it was usually possible to return within a dayor two. By way of contrast, the Shoshoni area, which was less fer-tile, often required travel of many days from the winter villages.The band territories of Owens Valley were related primarily tothe streams emanating from the Sierra Nevada. Wliere streams areclustered, as in the northern part of the valley, groups of neighbor-ing villages comprised single bands, e. g., those at Bishop (Pitana-patii). Hot Springs (Utii'iitiiwitii), Big Pine (Tovowohamatii) andFish Springs (Panatii). South of the last, streams are more widelyspaced, some having only a single independent village.Each village or cluster of villages was a band whose unity andindependence was expressed in the habitual cooperation of all mem-bers in its own communal antelope, rabbit, and deer drives, in localfestivals and mourning ceremonies, in the ownership of more or less
STEWART.] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 51
exactly defined seed territories (and from Big Pine to Bishop, atleast, of hunting territories), including irrigated areas, and in thepossession of a chief, a common name, and a community sweat house.Occasional cooperation of several independent villages or bands inhunts, dances, or mourning ceremonies united these independentgroups only temporarily.The functional basis of band organization, then, was the habitualcooperation of its members in joint enterprises and its objectiveexpression was the common name, chieftainship, and ownership ofterritory.Villages and hands.?Villages and bands in northern Owens Val-ley have been previously mapped. In the southern part of the valleya village was situated on each stream near the lower edge of thealluvial fan which spread out from the mouth of each canyon, some2 to 4 miles from Owens River. Such sites afforded an abundanceof excellent water and a central location with reference to foodareas. Archeological evidence shows some villages to have beenlocated along Owens River, though much of this portion of thevalley was swampy.The following list gives the principal villages on the main streams.It is probably incomplete and omits sites on the river. Exact infor-mation to indicate chieftainship and participation in various activi-ties is not available for all. Most of the villages were independent,that is, constituted land-owning, political units. Some, however,especially those which lay in close proximity to one another, wereapparently sufficiently allied to constitute larger bands like those atBig Pine and Bishop.The villages as numbered on the map (fig. 6) were as follows:1. Goodale Creek, Padohahu: pa (creek?) or padahuhu: matii, a large, inde-pendent village with its own cliief.2. Division Creek, Axagiiwa (edge of black rocks) matii (place).3. Sawmill Creek, Tuinu'hu (door?) witii (place).4. Thibaut Creek, Totsitupi (a whitish rock, perhaps marble or limestone)witii. Perhaps 25 people here. Chiefs of the last three are uncertain. It ispossible that they were somewhat allied.5. Fort Independence, Tsak :'ca (oak?there are many acorns on this creek,now called Oak Creek) witii. Possibly 200 people. Pine-nut lands lay nearPaiute Monument and Waucoba Mountain in the Inyo Mountains. Irrigationwas practiced with Oak Creek.6. Independence, Nataka : (a plant locally abundant) matii. Perhaps 200people. Irrigation with Independence Creek.7. Symmes Creek, To"owiawatii (to'owiawii ridge-f-watii place). (This nameresembles that of the native village at Big Pine, Tobowahamatii.
)
8. Shepherd Creek, Tsagapu (willow) witii. This village may have beenallied through communal activities and chieftainship with George's Creek.9. George's Creek, Tiipiizi (diibiisi, probably Brodiaea capitata) witii. Thisand the last probably included some 200 people. Band-owned pine-nut lands
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, m
were south of Paiute Momiment and north of the Cerro Gordo Mine in theInyo Mountains.10. Hogback Creek, Mogahu' pina (moga, granite+hu, hills ?pinar). behind).A village, previously recorded (Steward, 1933, p. 325), scattered along Hogback,Lone Pine, Tuttle, and Diez Creeks, west of the Alabama Hills.11. Lone Pine Creek, Waucova (yellow pine) witii. The village probablyeast of the Alabama Hills. 200 inhabitants.12. Tuttle Creek, Pahago watii.13. Richter Creek, Mogohopiuar) (high ?) watii.14. Carrol Creek, Suhu'budu mutii (suhuvi, willow+?).15. Cottonwood Creek, Hudu (running water ?) matu.16. Olancha, Pakwazi'(pa, water+kwazi, end) natii.17. For Fish Springs Creek, i. e., the creeks flowing by Fish Springs, GR gaveSuhubadopa. Archeological remains show that an extensive village site existedhere.Suhsistence activities.?Food getting was carried on within theband's own territory, except when people were invited to participatein hunts elsewhere. Each territory was roughly a long, narrowrectangle, extending across Owens Valley from the summit of theSierra Nevada Mountains to the summit of the White and InyoMountains, It embraced the various life zones, thus providing allpossible local varieties of essential foods.Seeds were the most important foods. Location, ownership, andmethods of gathering seeds in the northern part of the valley havebeen previously described. Throughout the valley seed areas wereband-owned. Testimony conflicted, however, as to whether thosein the valley were always subdivided into family plots. Discrep-ancies may represent local differences or informant error. This isa point for further study.Pine-nut areas were principally in the Inyo Mountains and WliiteMountains. Everywhere they were subdivided into family plots,each bounded by natural landmarks known in detail to all bandmembers. At George's Creek in the south, plots were owned bywomen and inherited matrilineally. Fish Springs and Big Pineplots were owned by men and inherited patrilineally, women pickingon their husbands' plots. Trespass on pine-nut areas by other fam-ilies, and especially by members of other bands, led to fights but notbloodshed. Fear of evil magic seems to have been a potent deter-rent to trespass. Owners, however, often invited persons even ofother bands, especially their relatives, to pick on their plots.The trip for pine nuts was made in the fall by the entire band.The chief, having noted the ripening of the nuts, announced the tripa few days in advance. Upon arriving in the mountains each familywent to its own plot. When the harvest was complete some nutswere carried back to the permanent village in the valley; otherswere cached and brought down subsequently when needed. If the
STKWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 53harvest were abnormally abundant people might remain in the moun-tains for a part of the winter.Most other seeds and roots grew in or near the valley and wereaccessible from the permanent village. Some, especially the rootsof Brodiaea^ Eleocharis^ and others, various greens, and the seeds ofHelianthus^ Cherwpodium^ and Juncus grew in the swampy low-lands or on irrigated land. In the northern part of the valley theirrigator was elected. Each family harvested where it liked onirrigated land. In the south the village chief was in charge of irri-gation, either performing the task himself or requesting young mento do so. Each woman owned a subdivision of the area.Although this irrigation was previously considered to be aboriginal(Steward, 1933, pp. 247-250) there is some possibility that it wasintroduced by Americans, who penetrated the valley after 1850, or bySpaniards who had settled at least the southern portion of it muchearlier. Wasson (1862, p. 22G) said;"These Indians have dug ditches and irrigated nearly all the arableland in that section of the country, and live by its products. Theyhave been repeatedly told by the officers of the Government that theyshould have the exclusive possession of these lands, and they are nowfighting to maintain that possession."More arid valley and foothill areas, also within convenient dis-tance of the villages, afforded seeds of Oryzopsis^ Salvia^ Sophia^Artemifiia, Menfselia, Stipa, and Agropyron^ various species of cac-tus, and berries of Lycium.Several species of animals were hunted collectively by each band,participants usually being limited to band members. Jack rabbitswere taken principally along the flat portion of the valley nearOwens River. Large crowds beat the brush, driving the rabbits intolong nets placed end to end to form a large semicircular fence.There were one to three nets, each supervised by its owner. In thenorth, either the band chief or some older, experienced rabbit hunter,who was perhaps appointed by the band chief, was in charge. Inthe south, the band chief was director. The kill was equally dividedamong participants. The largest drives were in connection withthe 6-day fall festival. These entailed considerable visiting. Forexample, Fort Independence people visited George's Creek and viceversa, some people even coming from Big Pine or Lone Pine.Antelope were hunted communally, especially in the valley flateast of Owens River. A corral but no shaman was used in this area.Deer were sometimes hunted communally in the mountains onboth sides of the valley. Hunts were under the direction of thevillage chief in the south. Older men hid by game trails to shootdeer driven by young men. Meat was shared by all. In fact, large60285?38 5
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibdll. 12?game killed by lone hunters at any time was necessarily shared withall village members. Some deer hunts involved the joint efforts ofseveral bands. TS's grandfather described a hunt in the SierraNevada Mountains west of Owens Lake in which several hundredmen from throughout the valley participated.Mountain sheep were also sometimes hunted communally, espe-cially in the Sierra Nevada Mountains, dogs being used to drivethem on to cliffs.Hunting territory was not band-owned in the south. Men werepermitted to hunt anywhere but naturally tended to restrict huntingto the mountains near their own villages. In the Fish Springsportion of the valley, individuals were permitted to hunt anywhere,but communal hunting groups remained within their own band ter-ritory unless adjoining bands cooperated. Thus, band ownership ofhunting territory seems to fade out gradually from northern tosouthern Owens Valley. It disappears entirely among neighboringShoshoni.Fishing places were embraced within hunting territories in thenorth, but were accessible to anyone in the south. Fish were rela-tively unimportant, however, and required little communal effort.Festivals.?Six-day festivals, involving dances, gambling, and rab-bit drives, were held by each band in the fall after the pine-nutharvest. These were planned, organized, and managed by the bandchief. Invitations were sent to neighboring villages. Large villages,for example those at Lone Pine, George's Creek, Fort Independence,and Big Pine, attracted people from distant places. Thus, FortIndependence drew visitors from Lone Pine, Olancha, and Big Pine.To avoid having festivals at the same time, large villages sometimesalternated each year, for example, George's Creek and Lone Pine.Sometimes villages held festivals at different times in the fall sothat people from elsewhere could attend after completing their ownfestival. The chief of the host village or band was always in charge.In post-Caucasian times, with a decreased but more concentratedpopulation and improved transportation, fewer villages gave fes-tivals. The last was at Fort Independence about 20 years ago.Visitors brought some of their own food but the hosts slaughteredbeef and presented some to each family. Visitors camped in oraround the large brush dance corral, but were placed in no specialarrangement.Sweat house.?Band unity was somewhat expressed in and height-ened by use of a communal sweat house (mu:sa). Throughout thevalley it was like that previously described for the north (Steward,1933, pp. 265-266). The chief directed its construction and it wasowned and used by the band or village. Men, especially old men,
TiwABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 55sweated without steam, meanwhile praying, then plunged into apool of water always located nearby. All men used it as a clubhouse,gambling place, and dormitory, and spent many hours lounging in it.The sweat house is particularly significant in indicating that thepopulation was sufficiently stable and clustered to be able to utilizea house centrally located. Nevada Shoshoni were too scattered andthe families too unsettled during much of the year to make a com-munity sweat house profitable. Instead, individuals built smallhouses for sweating only.Until recently there were sweat houses at Fort Independence,George's Creek, Lone Pine, Big Pine, and possibly Manzanar. Theyhave now fallen into disuse.
'Warfare.?Except for temporary conflict with the white man, war-fare was an uninportant factor in amalgamating the native popula-tion. AG thought all Indians had formerly been at peace with oneanother. GR had heard only of wars with Indians west of the Sierraand thought the battles had been fought by Paiute who crossed themountains. TS recounted only a single minor local engagementwith a small party of invaders from the south. Paiute bands didnot fight with one another or with Shoshoni. Conflicts over pine-nut areas were brief and never involved weapons more dangerousthan the sling, which did little damage.Mourning ceremony.?The annual mourning ceremony contributedsomewhat to cohesion of band members. It was usually held in thefall and served primarily to terminate the year of mourning duringwhich relatives of a deceased person were required to abstain frommeat and grease, to refrain from washing, and to avoid any festivi-ties. Mourners' grief was symbolically washed away and all thedead of the past year were commemorated by burning certain arti-cles which had been saved from the funerals, together with perhaps$50 worth of articles purchased for the occasion. Each ceremony wasled by the band chief. Visitors from neighboring bands and villagesfrequently attended.Chieftainship
.
?As the members of each well-defined sociopoliticalgroup or band of Owens Valley carried on a number of cooperativeactivities, the position of chief was of some importance. Each bandhad a chief, pogina'vi (cf. S-LtLk, pakw'navi), whose duties wereto direct: irrigation, either doing it himself or appointing a specialman (who was at liberty to refuse, however) ; rabbit, antelope, anddeer drives; fall festivals and mourning ceremonies; erection of thesweat house. He also kept informed about the ripening of pine nutsand instructed people to move into the mountains to harvest them;approved or vetoed witch killing ; invited other villages to cooperatein some enterprises and, as host, took charge of these activities. (Seealso Steward, 1933, pp. 304r-305.)
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 123The chief was succeeded by his son, provided he were intelligent,good, and persuasive. Otherwise, a brother or some other memberof his family, or even an unrelated person who was assured of pop-ular support, succeeded him.Chiefs had no assistants or speakers but called upon various peopleas they were needed.Chiefs had no concern with homicide (except of witches), prop-erty disputes, or other difficulties involving band members. Thesewere settled by disputants.During the wars against the white man, formerly independentbands united. The Big Pine chief took charge of those in the north-ern part of the valley, the George's Creek chief of those in the south.Marriage and the family.?Though the bilateral family was theirreducible unit of Owens Valley society, its relative importance wasless than among Shoshoni. The Shoshoni family was nearly inde-pendent politically and spent much of the year practically in isola-tion. The Paiute family not only yielded to higher political controlfor many activities, but, because of the larger, more permanent, andclosely spaced villages, was thrown into association with a greaternumber of related and unrelated families. In marriage, this pro-vided a greater number of potential spouses. In kinship affairs, itthrew relatives into more frequent daily contact and gave greaterpoint to observances.Throughout Owens Valley, marriage between any relatives wasforbidden, a fact borne out by genealogies covering several genera-tions (Steward, 1933). A few recent cases of cousin marriage havebeen strongly disapproved.The levirate and sororate were so strong that a payment was re-quired to avoid them. Widowed spouses observed mourning taboosand refrained from amorous adventures for a year, fearing witch-craft by their parents-in-law. Even a recent case of "running" withanother woman soon after the death of his wife brought a man muchcensure. In AG's family at Lone Pine his two older brothers mar-ried sisters. At the death of the younger brother, AG married thewidowed sister-in-law after she had observed the year's mourning.Later, his oldest brother died, then AG's wife died. At the end of ayear, after AG had paid $50 to his parents-in-law to purchase articlesfor burning in the annual mourning ceremony and they had washedhim to terminate his mourning period, they tried to force him tomarry his brother's widow. AG refused, considering her too old forhim, and has not married since.Though intensification of the levirate and sororate had, amongcertain Shoshoni, led to fraternal polyandry as well as sororalpolygyny, sometimes with concomitant changes in kinship termi-
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 57
nology reflecting both practices, Owens Valley Paiiite practicedsororal polygyny but not polyandry.The desire to ally families through marriage was shown in sometendency to infant betrothal and there were special terms designatingthe relationship to come between prospective parents-in-law, all ofwhom called one another mukuci" at Fish Springs and Fish LakeValley, and daiyump, child's mother-in-law, and mukuci, child'sfather-in-law, at George's Creek.The mother-in-law taboo, which was lacking among Shoshoni,was strong in northern Owens Valley. At George's Creek it in-volved a speech taboo and restrained behavior for about a year. AtLone Pine it was lacking.Although marriage was necessarily with an unrelated person, eachvillage usually had several unrelated families, so that local exogamywas ordinarily unnecessary. In the south, however, there was astrong preference for matrilocal residence, perhaps connected withfemale ownership of valley seed plots. This tended to convert smallvillages into female lineages, which approximated but failed actuallyto be exogamous matrilineal bands. Loss of food lands since thecoming of the white man has produced extremely variable residenceand much moving.Western Independent Northern Paiute Villagesdeep springs valleyThis valley (pi. 3, h) was occupied by a small group of NorthernPaiute which was partially independent. It shared with OwensValley Paiute those features producing group solidarity?local rab-bit drives, sweat house, death ceremonies, and perhaps festivals. Thevalley is, moreover, such an isolated topographical unit that its smallnumber of inhabitants inevitably cooperated with one another moreoften than with outsiders. Nevertheless, its unity was incomplete,being reduced by intermarriage with Owens Valley and Fish LakeValley, by frequent visits to each of these areas for dances and rabbitdrives, by lack of local band ownership of hunting and seed areas,and by a chieftainship which interlocked somewhat with that of FishLake Valley.The people called their valley Pato'sabaya (probably patsiat:*,lake+paya'*, water), the name of the village on the eastern side ofthe lake. They called themselves Pato'sabaya niinemua (people).Owens Valley Paiute called the valley Ozarj witli (ozai], salt + witii,place) , but MH, NP-FLk, called the lower part Ozaq witii, the upperpart Suhuvawazinatii (suhuvi, willow+ wazi, end+witii), after the
5g BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bullu?
village at the mouth of Wyman Canyon. TSt, S-Lida, called theentire valley Osamba (alkaline, i. e., the lake).Villages.?JA remembered only five families in the entire valley,which is undoubtedly somewhat less than the native population.Much interrelated, these families lived together and often traveledtogether. Archeological remains indicate that the largest and mostfrequented winter village was on the eastern side of Deep SpringsLake, where a number of excellent springs provide abundant water(village 18 on map, fig. 7). Habitations were generally in the open,though a cave or rock shelter in the vicinity was also used. Some-times these families wintered near a cave at the mouth of WymanCanyon at the northern end of the valley, site 19. For several milessouth of Wyman Canyon, on the western side of the valley and nearWyman Creek, there are many rock shelters formed by huge boulderswhere fragments of pottery and basketry and flints indicate en-campments, site 20. T\^ien pine nuts were plentiful peoplewintered in the lower portion of the juniper belt near the cachednuts, a favorite place being in the hills near Roberts Ranch inWyman Canyon, site 21. House remains have been found in theWhite Mountains near and above thnber line (about 10,000 feet)but it is not known whether these were winter or summer dwellings.It is scarcely conceivable that people could have withstood the intensecold or traveled through the deep snow that prevailed in winter atthis altitude.The population given by JA, probably as of about 50 years ormore ago, shows 5 families or camps, totaling 23 persons, as follows
:
Joe Bowers, the chief, his wife, their daughter, and her husband, all nativeto Deep Springs Valley. Four persons. The several grandchildren all diedbefore maturity. Joe's brother, Sam Bowers, married a Big Pine woman andmoved to Big Pine.Charlie, who was Joe Bowers' son-in-law's brother, his wife and daughter.Three persons. The daughter married and moved to Fish Lake Valley.Joe Bowers' brother, Sport, his wife from Big Pine, whom he had met ata Deep Springs fall festival, their two sous, one being Peter Sport, and adaughter. Five persons. The children all married after the family movedto Big Pine and have visited Deep Springs only occasionally since.Big Mouth Tom, who was chief of Fish Lake Valley and said to reside atOzaqwin:' or Tiinava (Pigeon Springs) but whom JA claimed to be the secondchief of Deep Springs and to reside there ; his wife who was a half Shoshoniand Captain Harry's sister from TiinSva in Fish Lake Valley ; and their two sonsand two daughters. Seven persons. One of these sons was JA who marrieda woman from Pau'uva (McNett range village) in Fish Lake Valley. BigMouth was the cousin of Joe and Sam Bowers and Sport, perhaps the paternalgrandmothers of each being sisters. It is not certain whether the spousesof JA's brothers and sisters should be counted in this.Joe Bowers' sister, her husband, their sou, Deep Springs Jim, Joe Bowers'second sister possibly should be counted in one of these camps. 3 or 4 persons.
? SIMGie FAMILY Pn P/IVe NUTSk UV/fJTBR V/LLA6E ^'^ SSEOSRf PoorsX rgMPOKARY CAMP Br BePRi?SMOD?PN TO>y? ^?f ANTSlOPer... MARSH at, K/iBB/rS
->> PLAYA ? --. BAND BOVHDARYif" SPRING '^? '^ Linei/isnc "
Figure 7>s Valley regions.60285?38 (Face p. 58)

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? S/MOie FAMILYk m?Tfs v/LLA6eX Te/APOItAPY CAMP Pn P/Ne NUTSPt ROOTSBr 8?f<f>i?SMOOePN TOUM fl?f ANTCLOPS;" - MAKSH Rt> RABBITS
^.- PLAYA ??. BAND BOUMDAKYd" spfnte -^ i iimuisnc ?
Figure 7.?Villages and subsistence areas of the Death Valley and Owens Valley regions.60285?38 (Face p. 58)

STBWARo] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 59Deep Springs Jim later married a Big Pine girl and moved to her home. Theirdaughter, Elsie, married George Collins of Fish Springs and had two daughters.Of the 9 comparatively old marriages recorded here, there wasvalley endogamy in 2, exogamy in 4, the others being uncertain. 4marriages were patrilocal, 2 matrilocal, 1 by parties from the samelocality, and 1 uncertain.Since 4 of these families were those of brothers and sisters, theonly marriage choice for the next generation, had the group con-tinued in the valley, would have been into the Big Mouth branch,which was probably no closer than second cousin and therefore mar-riageable. Lizzie Babock, JA's daughter, thought first cousin mar-riage, as now sometimes practiced in Owens Valley, shocking, butadmitted that second or third cousins might be proper.The population, however, was not settled and undoubtedly manypersons moved to adjoining valleys and vice versa. Hence, withlack of a consistent residence rule there would undoubtedly havebeen many persons eligible to marry each other in Deep SpringsValley in another generation.Subsistence activities.?D^^ Springs Valley, lying at 5,000 feet,and the surrounding mountains, especially the Wliite Mountains onthe west which culminate in a peak over 14,000 feet high, affordedfoods in considerable quantities and variety. The valley floor isarid except for a stream which flows down from Wyman Canyon atits northern end and for springs which feed a large salt lake at itssouthern end. The area usually exploited was about 250 square miles.Seed gathering was carried on like that previously described inOwens Valley but wild seeds were not irrigated. Pine nuts weregathered in the White Mountains, especially above Dead HorseMeadow on Crooked Creek, above the western side of the valley,and to some extent near Black Mountain and Marble Spring Canyonon Cedar Flat. Grass and other seeds were scattered through thevalley and on the foothills. Sometimes, however, trips were madeinto Eureka Valley to the east for wai {Oryzopsis) when it wasabundant. Eureka Valley is almost devoid of water and seems tohave had few if any permanent inhabitants, but abundant seeds at-tracted Paiute and Shoshoni from neighoring valleys. Deep Springspeople sometimes traveled to Fish Lake Valley when certain seedswere plentiful there.A woman gathered seeds only for her immediate family. If anolder woman, for example an aunt or grandmother, were attachedto a family, she gathered for herself if she were able. Relatives andvisitors, however, were freely fed and even presented small quanti-ties of seeds. Possibly pine nuts were more freely distributed thanother seeds.
gQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Deer were hunted mainly in the White Mountains, antelope in thesouthern end of the valley, either near Antelope Springs or east ofDeep Springs Lake, and mountain sheep near the springs or in themountains east of the lake. Antelope and deer were tracked by in-dividual hunters or taken by groups of 4 or 5 or more men who, aidedby fire and perhaps dogs, drove them past hidden archers. Sheepwere either stalked in the mountains or shot from stone blinds nearthe springs. Ducks were shot in the sloughs east of the lake.Rabbits were driven into nets during community hunts at the timeof the fall festival. Hunters, led by Big Mouth, went out for eachof 6 days, to drive them near Deep Springs Eanch and probably inother parts of the valley.Large game was divided equally among all residents in the village
;
the hunter kept only one hind quarter for himself. Rabbits killed indrives were kept by the persons who killed them, though hunterswho had none were given one or two.Migrations during the year depended upon local abundance ofseeds. Sometimes all families traveled together, sometimes eachtraveled alone. The whole valley seems to have been exploited.The foothills at the upper end of the valley yielded Mentzelia^ bunchgrass, Stipa, and other seeds, which could easily be reached fromcamps along Wyman Creek. A favorite camp seems to have been ma kind of small valley southeast of Deep Springs Ranch. Anothercamp was at "Deer Creek" (probably "Beer Creek" on the U. S. G. S.map), used especially for deer hunting. Antelope Springs was basecamp for antelope hunts.Property.?Ownership of chattels and houses was like that inOwens Valley. There was, however, no ownership of food areas. Infact, JA regarded such ownership in Owens Valley as strange andselfish. Wlien local pine nuts failed, Deep Springs people went intoFish Lake Valley or anywhere in the White Mountains, except whereOwens Valley pine-nut groves lay. Fish Lake Valley and OwensValley people were privileged to gather pine nuts and seeds in andaround Deep Springs Valley without seeking permission. Noquarrels resulted from competition for seeds.Sweat house.?One sweat house stood at the village at the mouthof Wyman Canyon, another at the village at Deep Springs Lake.Both were communally owned, like those in Owens Valley, andserved as club houses, dormitories, and general headquarters.Festivals.?These were held annually, usually in the fall, and lasted6 days, the people driving rabbits or gambling each day and feastingand dancing each night. The dance site was either the mouth ofWyman Canyon or Deep Springs Lake. Visitors from Fish LakeValley and Owens Valley often attended. The local festival leader
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS Qlwas Big Mouth Tom. (See, however, Fish Lake Valley festivals,where Big Mouth Tom was the main director.) It is probable, how-ever, that Deep Springs people more often attended the festivals inFish Lake Valley at Oasis, where Big Mouth and Captain Harrywere directors. And sometimes they went instead to Owens Valley.Chieftainship.?Chieftainship is complicated by a partial inter-locking of group activities with Fish Lake Valley. As politicalcontrol concerned only a few enterprises in which otherwise inde-pendent villages rather than a true band cooperated, its extent wasnot clearly defined. Joe Bowers was the main Deep Springs chief,but as he was away dealing with white men most of the time,especially during the Indian wars. Big Mouth Tom (JA's father)served in his place, organizing festivals and directing rabbit drives.But Big Mouth lived in Fish Lake Valley much of the time, wherehe was also the chief. Other Deep Springs people, moreover, spentconsiderable time visiting friends and relatives in Fish Lake Valley.To what extent this linkage with Fish Lake Valley resulted from thereduction of the native population after the arrival of the white manis impossible to say.Some place names:Crooked Creek, Suhugo'" (suhuva, willow-fgo'", or ko'", hollow). Cf. SalineValley, ko".Birch Creek, Hubijava (birch), possibly a recent name.Antelope Springs, Pazo'* (meadow).Cedar Flat, Pawahoguma (pawa, juniper-}-hoguma, flat), possibly also arecent name.Buckhorn Spring, Si'yabaya (si'ya, pile of rocks+paya'*, water).Camp site with tules on northern side of Deep Springs Lake, Tanagwinu'".The high mountains bordering Deep Springs Lake, Osanakam: (sitting ontop). FISH LAKE VALLEY ^The culture of the Fish Lake Valley Paiute differed only in minordetails from that of Owens Valley. The environment, however, ismuch less fertile. The White Mountains which separate it fromOwens Valley on the west are large and massive and rise above10,000 feet, Wliite Mountain Peak surpassing 14,000 feet. This greataltitude produced considerable rain (though much less than at similaraltitudes in the Sierra Nevada Mountains) and some abundanceof plant growth. But this range is so precipitous on the Fish LakeValley side that habitations were almost impossible and seed gather-ing was extremely difficult. Other sides of the valley are boundedby low, arid ranges except in the vicinity of Lida, where they are
* A somewhat dynamic picture of a Fish Lake Valley family is provided by the in-formant's thumbnail biography, Appendix P.
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull,mcovered for miles with junipers and pinyons, and part of the SilverPeak Range, which rises into the juniper belt. The valley floor isabout 5,000 feet, generally arid, for only a few streams enter it, andsupports largely xerophytic plants which are worthless for food.Although Fish Lake Valley is a fairly well-defined topographicunit, it is so large that the people scattered through it seem to havebeen able to cooperate only with diflBculty. A certain amount ofunity, however, was induced by the necessity for each family to foragenearly the entire area of about 990 square miles for foods and by thecustom of assembling annually for hunts and dances. It was nota true band, for chieftainship was tenuous and people in certainvillages seem to have cooperated with Lida or Deep Springs Valleypeople about as often as with Fish Lake Valley neighbors. Theyhad, moreover, no band name, no communal sweat house (the onlysweat house was at Oasis), and no ownership of food territories.Mourning observances were merely village affairs. MH explicitlyobserved that an individual's sense of allegiance was with the villagerather than the valley as a whole. And even this allegiance wasnot always permanent.Villages.?The population known to MH at about 1870 ? comprised100 individuals, distributed among 8 villages, each having 1 to 4camps or families. There was a total of 16 such camps, averaging6.2 persons each. Six of the villages were located on streams, notfar from where they issued from the White Mountains. Two wereat springs in the mountains at the eastern end of the valley. Thevillages were more or less permanent, being occupied throughout theyear, except when, during summer and fall, trips were made forseeds and pine nuts.The census of the villages, representing but a single point in time,conceals the actual fluidity of the population. Like Nevada Shoshoniand in contrast to Owens Valley Paiute, attachment even to a villagewas impermanent. Families changed residence so often and traveledso widely that relatives were scattered over several valleys while evensmall villages might embrace unrelated families. For example, MH'spaternal grandfather had lived at Hot Creek, Paqwihumadii (fishcreek place) in Long Valley, northwest of Owens Valley, and herpaternal grandmother somewhere north of the White Mountains.They had moved to North Bishop, Kuhavahi'natii, when her fatherwas born. Her maternal grandparents had lived at West Bishop,Paoka'matii (rock ridge place) where her mother was born. Herparents moved to a village in Hamil Valley, Tepo'siinatii, where MHwas born not long after white men began to enter the country. But
? Ranches were probably started in tbe Fish Lake Valley region about 1865, borax worksIn 1875. Mining began at Gold Mountain to the east in 1864 and near Columbus to thenorth in 1865. (Bancroft, vol. 28, p. 260.)
9TIWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS gg
after her maternal grandfather's death they moved to Tu : na'va inFish Lake Valley. After her marriage to Captain Harry, MH livedat Sohodiihatii.Names of individuals are generally omitted from the census becausethey have been dead and not mentioned for so many years that MHhad forgotten many of them. For our purpose the only loss is theknowledge which might have been obtained of the relationshipbetween members of different villages. This, however, is probablyunimportant, for it is clear that a good deal of relationship existedbetween members of all villages. Villages, moreover, did not neces-sarily comprise only relatives, for lack of a rule of post-maritalresidence split families in all ways. Village numbers correspondwith those on figure 7.22. Suhuyoi, at the Patterson ranch, 5,000 feet. One camp: a man and hiswife; his sister and her husband; his daughter and her husband, who wasprobably born in the same village. Five persons.23. Yorgamatii, several miles from the mountains at the present Chiatovichranch, 4,900 feet. Ten persons in two camps or families, as follows: in one,MH's mother's father's brother, his wife from Watiihad : *, and their two sonsand daughters; in the other, MH's great uncle's male cousin, his wife froman unknown locality, their daughter and two sons.24. Tu : nfiva, the present Geroux ranch, marked McFee on the U. S. G. S. map,4,825 feet. Fourteen persons in two camps, as follows: in one, MH's father'sfather, his wife, and their son, all from the North Bishop village; MH's step-mother from Watiihad:*, MH, her brother who died at the age of 7 or 8, andher two half-sisters ; MH's mother had died ; in the other, three male cousins.One married a woman from Big Pine and later moved to Big Pine. The othertwo married women from To:gamatiI, whose relationship to each other wasunknown. Six persons.25. Watiihad:*, Moline ranch on "Moline Creek" (probably Leidy Creek onthe U. S. G. S. map). One camp of four brothers, one of whom married awoman from Suhuyoi, the other a woman from Yo:gomatii. The other twowere unmarried. Six persons.26. Tii'nftva, at Pigeon Spring, several springs at 6,200 to 6,500 feet In themountains at the eastern end of Fish Lake Valley. This was advantageouslylocated in the midst of pine-nut country. Thirty-one persons in four camps.In one, the chief, his wife from Palmetto, a son and a daughter, both of whomdied before they were married, and a daughter whose husband came fromPaqwihumadii, Hot Creek, in Long Valley to Tii'nava. In the second, thechief's sister, her husband from Til : n^va, their daughter, her husband fromPaqwihumadii (Hot creek in Long Valley) or Benton, and their three children,who have subsequently married. The third, the chief's older brother, his wifefrom Sohoduhatii (Oasis), their daughter, their son, and his Shoshoni wifefrom Lida Valley or Tule Canyon. The fourth, the chief's younger brother,his Shoshoni wife from Lida Valley, their oldest daughter and her Shoshonihusband from Grapevine Springs Canyon, and their three children. A seconddaughter, her Shoshoni husband from Lida Valley, and their two children.And a third, unmarried daughter with her child.27. Sohodiihatii (sohodu, cottonwood? tree under -f hatii, place), at thepresent Oasis ranch, 5,031 feet. Twenty-four people, four camps. In one: So-hodiiviji; his wife probably from Big Pine; a daughter, her husband from
g4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Bishop, and their two daughters, Minnie Piper and Kate ; a son and his wifefrom Yo : gamatii ; a younger daughter, lier husband probably from Tii : nava
;
and their son. Kate, now dead, first married an Oasis man named GreyhairedJohnny and had a boy, Omi, now dead ; later she married a white man and hadanother boy, Lewis. Sohodiiviji's son died childless soon after his marriage.His youngest daughter's son Bill has since married and separated. Of thesepersons 11, who were living at Sohodiihatii at the time of the observation, arecounted. The second camp, a man related to Sohodiiviji; his wife also fromSohodiihatii ; two daughters who died unmarried ; an older son who broughthis wife to Sohodiihatii from Big Pine, but whose children all died ; and a sonwho died unmarried. The third camp, a man related to the other two in someway ; his wife, a Sohodiihatii woman ; two daughters who died unmarried.The fourth camp, a man, related to MH's family and also to the other three localhousehold heads; his wife, most of whose relatives were in Bishop; a daughterand son who died unmarried.The great number of deaths in this village MH thought due to gonorrhea.28. Ozaq'win:^ (oza, ozap, alkaline+?), probably at various springs at about7,000 feet on the eastern or southern slope of the Sylvania Mountains and nearTii : nava. This name, however, may be confused with Ozag 'win : ' in DeepSprings Valley. Five persons in one camp: A Shoshoni from Tule Canyon orLida Valley, nearby ; his local Paiute wife ; their son, Captain Harry, who movedto Oasis after marrying MH ; their daughter ; her local husband who was acousin of the main chief at Tii : nava and who served as a lesser chief.29. PaQ'iiva, a village in the vicinity of McNett ranch, 5,600 feet. One campof six persons, as follows: JA who was Captain Harry's sister's son and camefrom Ozari'win: '; his wife from Pau'iiva; her mother's brother (her parentshad both died) and his wife from Watiihad : ' ; the latter's son and daughter,both of whom died unmarried.Subsistence activities.?Food resources seem seldom to have beensufficient to permit laying up reserve stores against the future. Seedsmight last through the winter, but rarely longer. Meat, especiallythat from lesser animals such as fish, lizards, rodents, and caterpillars,was usually consumed at once, so that techniques for preserving andstoring it were unimportant. While there was probably little starva-tion, life entailed constant food seeking. Men seem to have huntedthroughout the year, including the months when their wives gathered.Men's share in gathering was relatively slight, except in pine nutting,when they gave women some assistance.Seed gathering required extensive wandering through the area,especially within the valley. MH described the seasonal activitiesof her family as follows : Their usual winter home was at Tu : na'vaon a creek on the western side of the valley. In early spring theyprocured Joshua tree buds from the low hills of the Silver PeakRange (pi. 2, a) and sand grass and Mentzelia seeds from the vicinityof Pau'iiva, 10 miles to the north. Then they went 5 miles northeastto Yo' ; gamatu, taking the seeds with them. The principal crop atYo' : gamatu was nahavita roots {Eleocharis ?) which grew on groundirrigated by her maternal grandmother's brother. He was the only
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS g5person in the valley who practiced irrigation. Although he seemsto have owned the irrigated plot, he freely assigned portions of itto families from the vicinity, even though they were not related tohim. He received no compensation for his trouble. In moist placesnear Yo'rgamatu they also dug tupusi {Brodiaea^) roots whichwere not, however, deliberately irrigated.In late June they traveled some 8 miles to Siiliiiyoi at the foot of theWliite Mountains to gather posida (chia) and mono. Here and othernearby places where the crops were good they gathered Helianthus^Sophia, Aster (?), payai. Salvia, Stipa, and Erogrostis. These anddried berries of Rihes and Lycium they carried back to Tu : na'va tostore for winter use.In the fall they ordinarily went for pine nuts to the Silver PeakRange to a place called Tohoyavi, some 10 miles directly east ofTu : na'va, and south of Piper Peak. Several unrelated families inTu: na'va had a kind of claim to this area. Visitors whose localcrops had not been good could not be denied access to the pine nuts,but they were assigned places to pick. Even where true ownershipof plots does not exist it is customary throughout the Shoshoneanarea for families to agree before harvesting begins to confine theirpicking to certain delimited tracts. Sometimes even Shoshoni fromthe east came to this region for pine nuts. On the other hand, whenthe Silver Peak crop was poor, MH's people went into the WhiteMountains or even to the Palmetto Mountains, some 25 miles distant,which were customarily frequented by Oasis and Pigeon Springspeople. Trips were usually made by all the members of a village.Harvested nuts, however, were family property. Most families car-ried as many nuts as possible down to the winter village and cachedthe remainder in brush-lined pits in the mountains. These werebrought down when needed, usually in the spring. Families occa-sionally remained in the mountains near their pine nuts. MH'sfamily did so only once when a heavy snow fell while they were gath-ering. They built a winter house. Sometimes in the spring whencached seeds ran short people suffered hunger, but MH denied thatthey ever starved.Before returning to the winter village after the pine-nut harvestpeople usually assembled for the fall festival. If the pine-nut har-vest were good it was held at Tiinava or Ozaq'win:'. If poor, itwas perhaps held at Sohodiihatii (Oasis Eanch) in connection withthe rabbit drive.After she had married Captain Harry and moved to Oasis MHusually crossed the low pass into the northern end of Deep SpringsValley, 10 miles away, each year to gather chia, Stipa, and pasidaseeds from the sunny slopes of the hills and Mentzelia and sand
QQ BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [eolu 120bunch grass seeds and hupuhya ("buckberry" Lyciuin f) from thevalley. They also ranged through Fish Lake Valley gathering seeds.Sometimes they gathered paqwibuhya berries on the eastern side ofthe White Mountains. For pine nuts they generally went to theSylvania Mountains near Oza 'win:*, where Harry's family gathered,or else to the Silver Peak Eange where MH gathered nuts on thetract' that had been frequented by her maternal grandmother beforeher death. This place was generally used by MH's brother, but heshared it with her. Sometimes they gathered nuts on the ruggedslopes of the White Mountains. Other Oasis families usually wentto the Palmetto Mountains and made their base camp at Indian Gar-den Spring, A : biiniiwi.Animal foods were of secondary importance. Deer were usuallyprocured in the White Mountains, antelope in the plains at the west-ern base of the Silver Peak Range, mountain sheep in the mountainseast and south of Deep Springs Valley, and rabbits within a fewmiles of the various streams in Fish Lake Valley. There was noownership of hunting areas.Deer hunting was both individual and commmial. Game procuredby individual hunters was divided among the members of the village,the hunter keeping only the hind quarter for himself and family.When hunts were communal, some men beat the brush, while others,usually older men, hid by game trails. The kill was shared equallyby all hunters. As a matter of convenience, men usually hunteddeer in the White Mountains near the headwaters of the streams onwhich their villages lay.Antelope and mountain sheep were also sometimes hunted bygroups of men. All communal hunts were informal, with no spe-cial director.In the fall people from throughout the valley assembled for rabbitdrives. Shoshoni from the east and Paiute from Sodaville, Mont-gomery Pass, and other places to the north (known collectively asKwinawatii, north place), and from Deep Springs Valley mightparticipate. Drives were directed by the lesser valley chief, livingat Ozarj'win:' or by some experienced hunter. Net owners remainedby their nets; others beat the brush. Drives usually started fromOasis, especially when the fall festival was to be held there, andmight last for several days, the hunters moving through the valley inthe vicinity of various villages.Chieftaiiiship.?Need for centralized authority in this valley wasslight compared with that in Owens Valley. The rabbit drive andfall festival, niiga siiwiiduwa'dii (dance gathering), which wereusually held at the same time, were the main activities requiringsupervision. Palmetto Dick had been director of these. He was
BTBWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 67
succeeded by Big Mouth Tom, JA's father, who lived at Oasis andGeroux's ranch in Fish Lake Valley as well as in Deep SpringsValley. Big Mouth's qualifications were ability to manage theseactivities, popularity, and oratorical ability. He would have beensucceeded by his son or other male relative if any of them had beensuitable. Instead he was succeeded by Captain Harry, who was partShoshoni and bore no relationship to him. Captain Harry diedin 1919.There was no formal office of chief's messenger, but when the chiefhad planned a dance he sent a man to the different villages to an-nounce it. The same person served each year if he were available.Marriage.?Marriage was regulated only by blood relationship,first cousins, at least, being prohibited from marriage. There wereno social or local exogamous groups.The census as MH remembered it in her girlhood, about 1870, has32 marriages. Although the birthplace of all older persons was notknown, 19 of these seem to have followed valley endogamy, 13 valleyexogamy. Of the first, 15 were exogamous by village, 4 endogamous.This degree of village exogamy is not remarkable as villages aver-aged but 2 families, or 13.5 persons, each. Marriages outside thevalley were with Northern Paiute of Owens Valley, Round Valley,and Benton, and with neighboring Shoshoni to the east. Five ofthese marriages were with Shoshoni, of which four were contractedby inhabitants of Pigeon Spring and one by an Ozan'win :' person.Both villages are but a few miles from the Shoshoni villages of LidaValley. In three cases the women were Shoshoni, in two cases men.Thus 5 persons in a total of 36 at these two villages were full-bloodShoshoni. No doubt an equal number of Paiute had gone to livewith Shoshoni, though persons who had married and moved awaywould be less readily remembered by MH.These figures suggest that proximity was an important factor inchoice of mates. With a taboo on marriage between blood relatives,however, some small villages were necessarily exogamous. Frequentchange of residence, even to other valleys, and wide acquaintanceengendered through visiting at festivals and communal hunts broughtmarriages with interrelated neighboring valleys to a high degree.MH asserted that residence after marriage was matrilocal untilthe birth of a child, when the couple set up an independent household.The census provides no reliable data on this, but it is not difficultto see that the type of house built in Fish Lake Valley would notreadily accommodate more than the average household of 6.3 personsper family. In spite of the theory of residence with respect tovillage, actually 10 of the instances of village exogamy were patri-local, 5 matrilocal. To these should be added the 13 cases of vallev
gg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdli.. 120exogamy, of which 6 were patrilocal, 7 matrilocal. A total of 16patrilocal, 12 matrilocal. In addition, four marriages were betweenmembers of the same village. In one or two cases the married couplemoved to a new locality.Whether or not matrilocal residence was theoretically preferred,it is certain that practical considerations predominated and that suchconsiderations favored residence at the home of either spouse aboutequally. Thus, couples might move to a more sparsely settled area.In the camp at Siihiiyoi a brother and sister married a sister andbrother and lived together as a single household. In one camp atTu:na'va there were three male cousins with their wives, while atWatohad:* were four brothers, two of whom had brought wives.The presence of the chief at Tii'nava may have influenced his sisterand two brothers to remain there after marrying.WINNEMUCCANorthern Paiute occupied Nevada west of the Sonoma and HotSprings Mountains. Scraps of information indicate that, like theShoshoni, they lived aboriginally in independent villages, but thatthe wars with the white man had caused a rapid consolidation intotemporary bands.CTh's family, living at Mill City, south of Winnemucca, seems tohave foraged the local region, but claimed no ownership of foodterritory. They had local festivals under Boinobi, dancing at MillCity or nearby at pine-nut camps. Lovelock, to the south, also hadfestivals. Communal shamanistic deer and antelope hunts were heldunder CTh's grandfather, who charmed both species.CTli denied pseudo parallel-cousin marriage, polyandry, and mar-riage by abduction. His reliability, however, is not unquestioned.Western Independent Shoshoni Villageslida and vicinitySeparate treatment of the Lida region is somewhat arbitrary. Itspopulation, though predominantly Shoshoni, was linked with FishLake Valley Paiute and the Gold Mountain, Stonewall Valley, andClayton Valley Shoshoni through extensive intermarriage and co-operation in various activities. In short, it was not a distinct socio-political group and did not occupy a natural geographical area. Itwas but a link in the network of interrelated villages that extendthroughout the entire Nevada Shoshoni area.The present town of Lida lies at the eastern end of the Silver PeakRange at 6,037 feet at the base of Palmetto and Magruder Mountains,the latter called Ko : wa (cut with a knive), and is less than 10 miles
8TEWAB01 BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS gQfrom the Northern Paiute village at Pigeon Springs. In the vicinityof Lida the country is fertile and the mountains are clad with pinyonand juniper trees, but broad, arid valleys broken by a few low rangeswhich seldom reached the pinyon belt stretch away to the north, east,and west. These deserts have little water and in native times sup-ported but a few small encampments at favored spots. The popula-tion was so sparse that there are few informants today who knowanything about it.Villages.?Data on these are incomplete. The numbers correspondwith those in figure 7
:
29. Lida, Pauwaha", five families, predominantly Shoshoni, but some speak-ing Northern Paiiite.30. Tule Canyon, Saiyogadii (tule place), 6,500 feet. At least one familyformerly: Old Paty and his sister. Palmetto Fred was born here, but therelation of his family to the last is unknown.31. Stonewall Mountain, camp called Tumbasai'uwi (tumbi, rock-fpa,water-fsai'uwi, fall down) probably at Stonewall Spring, 5,900 feet, on thenorthern side of Stonewall Mountain. Palmetto Fred's family, totaling sevenpersons, had lived here. These people gathered seeds mostly in the vicinity ofCorral Spring.Clayton Valley, 4,300 feet, perhaps had a few residents, though it wasvisited only temporarily for seeds and Lycium berries by people in neighboringregions. Cow Camp: called Tsaiyiyugwi (tsaiyi or tsaip: ?, tule-(-yugwi,sitting).32. Old Camp, a former village on the north side (?) of Gold Mountain(Tumbiikai), at 7,500 feet (?). One family: Tciwanuitcuga'""" (tciwanui, astick vertical in the ground+old man), his wife, two sons, two daughters;total, six. The sons went to Beatty and there married sisters (see "BeattyShoshoni," below). The daughters married two brothers from the Belted Rangeand remained here part of the time. One brother was Gold Mountain Jack,Tundukwi^"' (brownish black) ; the other. Deaf Charlie, Niavi. These fourmarriages were all matrilocal. Niavi's daughter, Paiwuqgu'''' (sandy wash),married BD and moved to Death Valley.33. Montezuma. One family, that of LJB's maternal grandfather, livedat two springs near here, Kweva (kwe or kwina, north-fpa, water) andYudugiva (yudugi, sleet). The family consisted of his grandfather, grand-mother, their two sons and four daughters; total, eight. One son went toBig Pine and married a Northern Paiute. One daughter went to the KawichMountains and married LJB's father's cousin. Another married LJB's father.34. There were probably also a few people at three springs several mileseast of Goldfleld at about 5,S00 feet, called Kamuva (Kamu, jack rabbit),Hugapa (hugapi, cane) or Wildhorse, and "Wi:pa (wi:, knife) (LJB). Itis possibly these springs that were called Matsum, where Matsum Samlived (JS).Subsistence activities.?These were carried on by Lida people with-in a short distance of their village. Pine nuts were gathered incompany with Fish Lake Valley Paiute in the vicinity of PigeonSpring or wherever there was abundance in the local mountains.60285?38 6
7Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, uoSeveral families usually camped together but gathered independently.If the local crop failed people went westward in the Silver PeakRange or some 40 miles south to the Grapevine, or even fartherto the Kawich Mountains. These long journeys were facilitated bythe introduction of horses. There was no ownership of pine-nutgroves.Within a few miles of Lida, on Magruder Mountain, brush wasburned in the fall so that plants would grow better. These plantswere principally iiyiip : (Chenopodium'i), waiyabi (probably ElymuSywheat grass), waciiip: (unidentified), and a root, tiii (unidentified).A few miles farther south, in Tule Canyon, they got Mentzelia andpasida {Salvia) seeds. Sand-bunch-grass seeds occurred in Stone-wall Valley about 25 miles to the east. Lychim berries grew in greatquantities in Clayton Valley and near Gold Point. Near Lida couldbe had seeds of hu:gi (probably wheat grass), Sophia^ Salvia^ andArtemisia tridentata. Greens called wiwiinu, and roots, sego{Brodiaea ?), also grew locally.Except for pine nuts, Lida people did not go into the vicinity ofPigeon Springs or vice versa, because each had ample seeds locally.Deer, sheep, antelope, and small game could be hunted withinno great distance of Lida. There were few antelope, however,and no antelope shamans. Of communal hunts, little information wasobtainable. JS knew of communal rabbit hunts only in comparativelyrecent times, held near Oasis in Fish Lake Valley.Festivals.?Lida and neighboring camps seemed to have joinedFish Lake Valley people at Tiinava (Pigeon Springs) where Pal-metto Dick and later Big Mouth Tom were directors. Gold Moun-tain, Stonewall Mountain, Palmetto, and Pigeon Springs people alsoparticipated in these. Sometimes, however, festivals were held atOasis instead. That these were strictly native festival groupings,however,' is not certain.Political organisation.?The villages in this area are unusually smalland widely spaced. For all practical purposes, each family wasthe political unit, villages as such carrying on no important activities.If a family joined a festival it usually went to Pigeon Springsand submitted to the direction of Palmetto Dick and, later, BigMouth and Captain Harry.Kinship and marriage.?Information on these was scant. Mar-riage was, like that among Paiute, probably only with unrelatedpersons. The partial census shows the usual preference for multiplemarriages between two families.EASTERN CAUFORNIAThe Shoshoni of eastern California were slightly marginal withrespect to those of Nevada, showing slight influence of adjoining
STBWAaoI BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 71tribes. These Shoshoni occupied the northern halves of Death Val-ley and Panamint Valley, all of Saline Valley, the southern end ofEureka Valley, the southern shore of Owens Lake, the Koso Moun-tain region, the northern edge of the Mojave Desert, and the easternslope of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. Owens Valley Paiute calledthem Sivinaqwatu(sivi, east+ ?+ watii, place), AG, or Tavaduhiitc'^,GR. Fish Lake Valley Northern Paiute similarly called ShoshoniSivina'watii (eastern place), Tavai'niiw^ (sun people), or Tavai'-duhatii (sun place). Southern Paiute called them Koets.Southern Paiute lived east of Death Valley, being mixed withShoshoni at Ash Meadows. These Paiute called themselves Nu.Those at Ash Meadows were called Sivindii by Shoshoni (GG,TSp). Shoshoni at Ash Meadows were called Koyohuts" (GG) orKwoiaxo'tza (GH) by Shoshoni. Railroad Valley Shoshoni calledSouthern Paiute Tavinai (tavi, sun, i. e., east+nai, dwellers).The inhabitants of the southern end of Panamint Valley, theArgus Mountains, probably the region around Trona, and the terri-tory to the south and west to an undetermined extent were calledMugunuwu (GG, TSp, TS, SS, TSt). They were mixed with Sho-shoni in at least the central part of Panamint Valley and, perhaps,in the vicinity of Trona. The latter region was called Uwa'gatiiand its inhabitants Owa'dzi. The Muguniiwii were unquestionablyKawaiisii, as the vocabulary,^ (pp. 274-275) corresponds with Kroe-ber's Kawaiisii vocabulary from the region of Tejon and Tehachapi,though it shows slight affiliation also with his Chemehuevi (1907,pp. 68, 71-89). Kroeber's Shikaviyam, Sikauyam or Kosho vocabu-lary from Koso Mountains, southeast of Owens Lake, is clearlyShoshoni and is very similar to the present vocabularies from LittleLake, Panamint Valley, and Lida Shoshoni (pp. 280-281).The probable derivation of Muguniiwii is mugu, point+miiwii,people. This seems to have been taken either from Telescope Peakin the Panamint Mountains, which was called Mugudoya (mugu+doyavi, mountain) or Kaiguta, or from the Argus Mountains, calledMugu or Tinda'vu. AH and MHo, Southern Paiute at Ash Mead-ows, however, called these people Paniimiint and BD, Death ValleyShoshoni, called them Panamint, but were not able to translate thesewords.Probably Tiibatulabal adjoined the Shoshoni on the south, occupy-ing part of the Mojave Desert west of the Kawaiisii and extendingacross the Sierra Nevada Mountains. The division of this regionbetween Tiibatulabal and Kawaiisii, however, is not certain. LittleLake Shoshoni called the Tiibatulabal Nawavitc or Wavitc, trans-
' Given by TSp, who is one-half white, one-quarter Shoshoni, one-quarter Muguniiwiiand resides in Grapevine Canyon in the Sierra Nevada Mountains. There is said tobe only one other surviving Muguniiwii, Long Jim, living in Pahrump Valley, Nevada.
72 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120lated "tough" or "mean." Owens Valley Paiute called the people onthe western slope of the southern Sierra Nevada Mountains, who wereprobably Tiibatulabal, Wawa"* or Tubadiika (pine-nut eaters).The geographical variation of the Shoshoni habitat in eastern Cali-fornia probably exceeds that of any other area of equal size in NorthAmerica. Its life zones range from lower Sonoran in the valley bot-toms, including Death Valley, part of which lies below sea level (pi.1, c), to the Boreal zone in the Panamint and Sierra Nevada Moun-tains. So large a proportion of it consists of arid and infertile val-leys, however, that the simple Shoshoni hunting and gathering econ-omy supported only a very sparse population.The main foods were vegetable. GR rated pine nuts as most im-portant because in years of good harvest enough were gathered tolast through most of the winter, whereas other seeds were ordinarilyconsumed within a few weeks or, at most, 2 months. Next to pinenuts, he rated Mentselia^ tonopuda (unidentified species), and Salviain the order named. These occurred in the mountains. Also of im-portance were Oryzojysis (sand bunch grass) seeds, occurring in moun-tains and somewhat in valleys, acorns near the foot of the SierraNevada Mountains west of Olancha, Lycium berries in the valleyflats, especially near the Koso Mountains, and several unidentifiedspecies, mostly in the mountains. Mesquite {Prosopis glandulosaTorr.) grew in limited areas in low portions of Saline, Panamint^and Death Valley, where it was of some importance. In addition,foods listed by Coville for Death and Panamint Valleys include:Seeds of devil's pin cushion {Echinocacius) , reed {Phragmites) , budsof Joshua trees growing especially in the Mojave Desert, seeds ofevening primrose, and greens of large crucifers. Soon after the ar-rival of the white man a small amount of horticulture was intro-duced to Death Valley and Panamint Valley.Subsistence activities.?Economic life rested upon a particularismof the family, though several families might travel together, espe-cially when gathering pine nuts. Communal rabbit hunts and occa-sionally antelope hunts were the only activities involving extensivejoint effort; these usually involved several cooperating villages.For the greater part of the year each family pursued subsistenceactivities independently. It usually wintered in the same village,though various circumstances might take it elsewhere. In the courseof a normal year it ranged over a certain minimum food area, thelimits of which depended upon occurrence of essential foods, theirabundance that year, and the distance that it was possible to travel onfoot with one's entire family. Inhabitants of neighboring villagesnaturally tended to forage the same general terrain, though eachexploited most extensively the country nearest it. The limited sup-
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 73plies of food and poor transportation facilities prevented all in-habitants of a given area from living together in a single largevillage. Often villagers from different valleys foraged near oneanother in the same mountain seed area, though each family gatheredseeds independently. For rabbit drives, however, some of thesefamilies went elsewhere and might cooperate with people from theopposite side of their own valley. For pine nuts they might gomany miles away if the crop were promising.Apparently family ownership of pine-nut plots existed onlyamong Saline Valley Shoshoni, adjoining Owens Valley Paiute, fromwhom it may have been borrowed.After harvesting pine nuts, some nuts were carried down to thewinter villages, which were located on streams in the low, warmvalleys ; the remaining nuts were cached in the mountains.^ Robberyof cached nuts, even by brothers or sisters of the owners, led tofights with sticks and stones but no killing. Permission to opencaches, however, was sometimes extended to relatives.When stored seeds were exhausted in March or April, and hungerbecame acute, families left the winter villages. They procuredgreens, which were the first food plants to be available, and huntedantelope and rabbits. In May some people went to Owens Lakefor larvae. During the summer different seeds ripened in variousplaces, mostly in the mountains. This required considerable travelfrom place to place, as observation or information from other familiesinformed them of the whereabouts of good crops. Journeys intothe mountains were a w^elcome escape from the excessive heat of thelower valleys. Finally, in the fall, families which happened to bein certain areas assembled for communal rabbit drives, went for pinenuts, held a festival-mourning ceremony, then returned to the wintervillage.Property.?The linguistic boundary between the Owens ValleyPaiute and Shoshoni tended to divide areas of property concepts.The Paiute family and band ownership of food areas were largelyunknown to Slioshoni.GG, BD, GH, and TSt all denied any form of family, village, orband ownership of seed lands. Although people from certain locali-ties habitually exploited the same areas, anyone was privileged toutilize territory ordinarily visited by other people. There is someevidence that Saline Valley families, like those in Owens Valley,owned pine-nut lands and resented trespass. Other Shoshoni em-phatically denied such property rights.
* See descriptions of pine-nut gatliering in tliis region by Butcher, 1893, and Coville,1892.
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBDLi,. 120JN said his grandfather had described fights in Death Valleybecause of trespass on mesquite lands, the fights involving merelyshouting and stone throwing. This probably applied only to FurnaceCreek, for the Southern Paiute of Ash Meadows and Pahrump Valleyhad definite concepts of family ownership of certain seed lands andmay have introduced them to Death Valley.Hunting areas also were claimed by no one, even though menhabitually visited mountains near their villages.An explanation of the Shoshoni lack of ownership of food areaswill be offered in a concluding section on property.All other natural resources, including water, were also entirelyfree to anyone. No doubt the extensive seasonal travels of familiesand the constant shifting of residence, even from one valley to an-other, prevented habitual utilization and hence ownership of villagesites.Gathered seeds were private property. Women shared them onlywith their husbands, children, and sometimes parents whom theysupported. Brothers, sisters, and, upon occasion, other relativeswere presented gifts of food.Large game, on the other hand, was shared communally with aUvillage members, whether they were related or not. The hunter wasprivileged to keep only the skin and some special portion of theanimal.Houses were built by men, but in case of divorce usually kept bythe one who remained. At death, houses were burned or abandoned.Other goods belonged to their makers or users.There was no question of inheritance, for the meager number ofmaterial objects were burned at the owner's death, so that potentialheirs received nothing whatever.Festivals.?The fall festival, which included the circle dance, gam-bling, and annual mourning observances, was the only noneconomicmotive for large numbers of persons to assemble. There were no othergroup ceremonies. Small groups of people who happened to be inthe same vicinity might hold a minor circle dance during the sum-mer, dancing one to several nights. The fall festivals, however, wereannual events, enlisting people from a considerable territory. Thetemporarily increased food supply following the communal rabbithunt and pine-nut harvest supported these large aggregates for abrief time.The location of fall festivals depended partly upon the whereaboutsof large villages, which acted as hosts, partly upon the annual occur-rence of good seed crops, especially pine nuts. There seems to havebeen considerable reciprocity between certain villages which acted
?MWABDJ BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 75
as hosts in alternate years. It had somewhat crystallized in the insti-tution of the exhibition dance, performed by visitors who were paidby their hosts.The main gatherings recorded were at Koso Hot Springs, Olanchawhich drew many Northern Paiute as well as Shoshoni, Saline Valleyor Sigai (below), and northern Death Valley. People participatedin these with great enthusiasm as they afforded an opportunity to visitand revel with families seen only rarely or not at all in the courseof the year. As new factors introduced by the white man made itpossible to travel farther there were fewer but larger festivals. Theywere abandoned a few years ago.Direction of festivals was the most important task of the "chiefs."Political organization and chiefs.?Family particularism prevailedthroughout so great a part of the year and an individual's behaviorwas governed to so large an extent by kinsliip that political controlswere not extensive.Beyond the family, allegiance was primarily to the other inhabit-ants of the winter village. One most frequently cooperated withthem in games, dances, and hunting. He was designated by thename of his village. But he did not share with them exclusive rightsto any food areas. And his residence was always liable to changefor various reasons. Information was not obtainable on villageheadmen, but there is little doubt that, like the headmen in NevadaShoshoni villages, their functions did not extend beyond keepinginformed on the few matters of village interest, such as the ripeningof pine nuts.Intervillage alliances were too temporary and shifting to permitthem to form politically stable aggregates or bands. In spite of thefact that the valleys were definitely delimited by high mountainranges so as to give an apparent topographic predisposition to bandformation, villages did not always associate with their neighbors incooperative enterprises. Local crop failures or abundance of pinenuts elsewhere took families away from their customary haunts, sothat they drove rabbits or participated in festivals with very differentpeople from year to year.The occasions for cooperation, moreover, were limited to rabbitdrives, some antelope hunts, and fall festivals, which gave but briefunity to participants. And even festivals were impossible when aI)oor year afforded insufficient food to maintain them.In spite of disruptive factors, however, certain villages naturallyassociated more often with one another than with others. The areasembracing such villages are called districts. The unity within someof these approached true band organization and the people were even
7g BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBOLL. 120known by a collective name, for example, Sigai or Ko'onzi (seebelow)."Chiefs controlled intervillage activities, but it is clear that the scopeof their powers varied and even overlapped in some ways. A chiefwas called pakwi'navi (GG), pokwi'navi (BD), usually translatedas "big talker," though BD also gave naqgawin (talker) . There seemsto have been at least two in each district, either working jointly orperhaps specializing, one in hunting, the other in festivals.Saline Valley had two, Caesar and Tom Hunter, both of whom diedmany years ago. Tom Hunter probably succeeded his father. To-gether, they directed rabbit drives and fall festivals. Wlien thesewere held in Saline Valley people from Sigai and from near EurekaValley participated. When held in Sigai, Death Valley as well asSaline Valley people often attended.Little information was obtainable about chiefs in the Koso Moun-tain region, though there seems to have been one for communal rabbitand antelope hunts and another for festivals.In upper Death Valley, BD's grandfather and later BD's father,Dock, living at Grapevine Canyon, directed rabbit drives. He wasassisted by Pete Sam's father, who lived at Surveyor's Well. Thelatter directed festivals, assisted by Dock. When Beatty or Sigaipeople joined Death Valley people in these activities they were underDock and Pete Sam's father.Upper Panamint Valley seems to have held its own cooperativehunts and dances or to have joined Saline Valley or Death Valleypeople when convenient. No data are available on lower PanamintValley, occupied by Kawaiisii.Similarly, Death Valley south of Furnace Creek was occupied bymixed groups, especially Kawaiisii, and its political affiliations areundetermined. Furnace Creek was, from all accounts, independentof the villages in the upper part of the valley, though it no doubtassociated with them at times.Though the chief's power was limited, chietainship was regarded asa real office to be inherited patrilineally. Lacking an acceptableson, the chief was succeeded by a brother or other male relative.Saline Valley.?This district had an extraordinary range of lifezones.The deep valley floor, 1,100 feet, is in the Lower Sonoran zone. Itis mild in winter and almost unbearably hot in summer. It supportsa little mesquite but has few edible seed annuals, the majority of its
? For the people of Koso Mountains, Panamint Valley, and Death Valley, Kroeber, 1925 :589, gives Koso, Kosho, Panamint, Shikaviyam, Sikaium, Shlkaich, Kaich, Kwiits, Sosoni,and Shoshone. None of these except Shoshoni was known to informants in the area. Theycalled themselves nuwu, people. Shoshoni they could not explain. Koso is Northern Paiutefor fire.
STKWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 77
sparse flora being extremely xerophytic and unfit for human con-sumption. The bordering mountains, especially to the north andsouth, are in the Upper Sonoran and Transitional zones, where coolertemperatures make summer living possible and where greater precipi-tation supports many flowering annuals, which supply the greaterpart of plant foods. Pine nuts are also abundant in these mountains.The high and massive Inyo Range which bounds Saline Valley onthe west is too precipitous to be readily inhabitable but affords thegreatest range of life zones. Better watered than ranges to the east,it supports many square miles of pine-nut trees. Its crest, however,extends above 10,000 feet into the Canadian and even Hudsonian zones,thus capturing greater precipitation, supporting a variety of flora,and feeding the one stream that reaches the valley floor. The vastarea of the range and the greater vegetation maintained in turn manydeer, which are largely lacking in the ranges to the east, and largenumbers of mountain sheep.This remarkable variety of habitat zones and of species of bothplants and animals within a comparatively small area enabled theSaline Valley people to maintain existence securely if not abundantlywithout having to exploit an inconveniently large area.This district embraced about 1,080 square miles and, according tothe census, had about 65 persons, or 1 per 16.6 square miles. Theaboriginal population may have been denser.There were four main winter villages in three subdivisions of thedistrict. The subdivisions were : A, Saline Valley ; B, the mountainsbetween Saline Valley and Eureka Valley; and, C, the mountainsbetween Saline, Panamint, and Death Valleys. The inhabitants ofeach tended to forage within their own subdivision, though theysometimes ranged more widely. People from the entire district,however, assembled for rabbit drives and for fall festivals, and asso-ciated with one another at least more often than with people fromelsewhere. Two men, Caesar and Tom Hunter, who acted jointly,were chiefs for these communal undertakings. There was, however,no common name for the entire district.The villages as numbered on map, figure 7, were
:
A. 35, the main village and division of the district was Saline Val-ley, Ko'? (deep i)lace, descriptive of Saline Valley, which is verydeep), elevation 1,200 feet. The people were called Ko'onzi. The vil-lage lay in the midst of a barren, infertile expanse of valley at themouth of Hunter's Canyon, where the stream maintains some mesquiteand a few other edible plants.Its inhabitants exploited the surrounding mountains, especiallythe Inyo Range to the west, where deer and pine nuts could be had.SS claimed that pine-nut tracts lay on the Saline Valley side of theInyo Mountains and in the vicinity of Waucoba Mountain and that,
73 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, mlike those of the Owens Valley Paiute, they were family owned.Trespass led to argument but not to serious jSghts. Caesar was saidto extend permission to outsiders to gather on them without consult-ing their owners. The last point is doubtful. GG thought that therewas no ownership of pine-nut areas. It seems clear that, howeverformer ownership was conceived, families went to the same fairlywell-defined tracts each year and that, as SS asserted, the entire fam-ily "inherited" them. In years of good crops, however, any tractafforded far more nuts than the owners could possibly gather in thebrief period between the time when the nuts ripened and when theyfell from the trees and winter cold and snow drove people down tothe winter village. It is entirely understandable that, in such years,outsiders should be allowed freely to utilize the tracts. For this rea-son the Saline Valley people frequently gathered in the Pauwiiji orEureka Valley area to the north and in Sigai to the south. Nelsonobserved people from Hunter's Canyon in 1891 gathering at the latterplace. Occasionally they gathered in the Koso Mountain district.SS thought permission of the Koso chief was necessary; GG saidpeople went there as they pleased, without asking anyone.The Ko'? villagers obtained mesquite from the vicinity of theirwinter village. Other wild seeds, such as sand grass, grew in certainparts of the valley, but most seeds occurred in the surrounding moun-tains. Often they went into the Sigai country and other parts ofthe mountains separating Saline and Death Valleys.Game, distinctly of secondary importance in Shoshoni economy butrequiring considerable time of hunters, occurred largely to the northand west. Deer were procured in the Inyo Mountains and antelopein the lower ranges north of Saline Valley. There is no evidence ofownership of hunting territory, although certain accessible regionswere naturally utilized most often.Other foods were procured in various places but did not as a rulerequire extensive travel. Rats, mice, chuckwallas, rabbits, and birdscould be hunted in all parts of the territory. Occasionally, however,trips were made, probably by single families, to Owens Lake forlarvae or for duck hunting.Saline Valley yields great quantities of salt which was traded forgoods or shell money to Owens Valley Paiute, who in turn oftentraded it across the Sierra Nevada Mountains.Rabbit drives were held in connection with fall festivals. Usuallypeople from throughout the district assembled for them. Sometimes,however, individuals took part in drives in the Koso Mountain orDeath Valley districts.BD said the Ko'? village as he remembered it about 50 or 60 yearsago comprised five families or camps whose heads were as follows:(1) Caesar, the chief, (2) Caesar's father, who had been chief before
KTBWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 79him, (3) Wakin, (4) Tom Hunter, the other chief, (5) Patu'ku. If,as in Fish Lake Valley, the average family consisted of 6 persons,the total population was not over 30 individuals. BB thought thisvillage had had a communal sweat house, like those in Owens Valley.Some place names in Saline Valley territory are
:
Upper Warm Spring, Pabu'inii (water reservoir ?),Lower Warm Spring, Puiggt:" (green rock).Dodd's Spring, Bast:" (?).Willow Spring, Honovegwa'si (a yellowish gravel), little frequented exceptas temporary camp on route to Waucoba Mountain for pine nuts.Paiute Canyon Spring (?), Yadadiip (kind of rock), a camping place onpine-nut trips.Cerro Gordo Springs, Wiva'* (?), a pine-nut camp.Burro Spring, Yetum'ba (?), a pine-nut camp.Unnamed spring east of Burro Spring, Pakwii'tsi (?), a pine-nut camp.Quartz Spring, Pambu'iva (?), little frequented.Jackass Spring, Ica,"wumba (ica" coyote-fpa, water), a pine-nut and seedcamp.Inyo Mountains, Niinunop:?i (high), mythologically the only land remainingabove the waters of the flood.Ubehebe Peak, Tinguhu (tinguta, play+?) or toyavipiap:u (mountain?
?
big) has little of value.Dry Mountain, Siicndugai (?).Tin Mountain, Sia (gravel).Vicinity of Keeler on Owens Lake, Tono'musa (tonovi, greasewood+musa,sweat house ?) or Tonomddii, a spring, visited during trips for larvae andducks in the lake.Waucoba Mountain (waucova, pine tree, Paiute word), Wuqgo (juniper)doyavi (mountain).B. The second subdivision, PauwU'ji (BD) or Pauwii'jiji (GG),lay between Saline and Eureka Valleys, where low mountains weresuitable for winter dwellings. The principal and perhaps sole vil-lage was probably at Waucoba Spring, Icam'ba ("coyote water")(36), on the eastern slope of Waucoba Mountain at about 5,600 feet.There may have been another camp at Lead Canyon Spring, Pau'-onzi, from which the area was named. GG called the people Pau'on-jiijii. These people procured most foods locally. They gatheredpine nuts and hunted deer in the Inyo Mountains immediately to thewest. They procured seeds, antelope, and rabbits in the low hillsaround them and got some seeds also in Eureka Valley to the northand in Saline Valley.As Eureka Valley is practically waterless, it could support no per-manent residents, but it had important quantities of sand-grass seedand pagampi (unidentified). Water was obtained from a well nearthe sand dunes in the southern end of the valley. It is doubtful, how-ever, whether temporary visits by small parties could account for thevast archeological site which stretches for several miles along the
80 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
northern foot of the dunes on the edge of the playa. The site hasuntold quantities of flint and obsidian chips but relatively few arti-facts, except some spherical stone mortars of the type commonly usedby Shoshoni for grinding mesquite. But there is now no mesquite inthe valley. An extended search produced no pottery, which is usuallypresent at Shoshoni and Paiute sites in this region. The mortars,however, are more distinctive of Shoshoni than of Paiute.C. Sigai (flat, on the mountain top) or Sigai watii, the mountainsseparating Saline, Death, and Panamint Valleys. People called Si-gaitsi. Two villages. One at Goldbelt Spring, Tuhu (black ?) (37),at about 5,000 feet, the people called Tuhutsi ; the other at the springsin Cottonwood Canyon, which runs westward from Death Valley,called Navadii (big canyon) (38), at about 3,700 feet, the people calledNavadiinzi.Sigai people procured pine nuts, various seeds, rabbits, and moun-tain sheep in their own territory. When local seeds were unusuallyabundant visitors came from Saline Valley and sometimes fromSurveyor's Well to gather them near Navadii. SS thought rabbitdrives were held independent of Saline Valley ; BD, that Saline Valleypeople always came to Sigai for rabbit drives.For festivals Sigai people either went to Saline Valley or SalineValley people came to Sigai, but both places never held them simul-taneously. Caesar and Tom Hunter (and GG said George Button'swife's father's father whose identity is otherwise undetermined) di-rected festivals at both places. Chiefs' powers were definitely ex-tended and groups more closely associated in post-Caucasian days.The village census given by BD for perhaps 1890 showed
:
Navadii, 2 families totaling 14 persons, as follows : One camp, Pete Sam'sfather (who later went to Surveyor's Well, Ohyu, in Death Valley and becamedirector of the fall festival and mourning ceremony) ; his wife from Ohyu;their sons, Pete and Johnny, each of whom married a Saline Valley woman inthe levirate (the only levirate recorded in this district) and lived at her home;a daughter. May, who later married. The other camp: Jackass Sam (PeteSam's mother's brother from Ohyu) ; his wife, two sons, two daughters, hiswife's two sisters ; the husband of one of the sisters from Saline Valley. Thismakes the unusual total of nine persons in one house.Tuhu, one family as follows: Tuhudzugo (tuhu-j-tsugoputsi, old man; Cae-sar's paternal grandfather) ; his wife, probably from Sigai, four daughtersand one son.These data accord more or less with Nelson's observations in 1891when he found two or three families on Cottonwood Creek.These few Sigai marriages were probably all exogamous by villageand show a preference for matrilocal residence.Little Lake and Koso Mountains.?This district, known asKuhwiji, is a relatively large subsistence area, embracing about 1,000square miles and centering in the Koso Mountains, where the greater
8TKWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS glprecipitation in the Upper Sonoran and Transitional zones supportedmost of the important food plants, but including also the surroundingplains and the eastern escarpment of the Sierra Nevada. The in-habitants, who lived in three winter villages, exploited the entireterritory, but lacked sufficient intervillage cohesion to constitute atrue band.Villages.?The four main villages as numbered in figure 7 were
:
39. Pagunda (lake), Little Lake, at 2,948 feet; one of the largest, GGthought with 50 to 60 persons in 1870. People called Pagundiinzi.40. Miia'ta (boiling), Coso Hot Springs, at 3,635 feet; formerly 100 ormore people. Visited by Northern Paiute and Shoshone for medicinal water,which was used for bathing and drinking.41. i'lyuwum'ba (a black rock ?), springs about 5 miles south of Darwin,probably Cold Spring at about 6,200 feet.16. Pakwa'si (probably pa, water -fkwasi, end) at Alancha, at 3,700 feet;I)eople called Pakwasitc'. Paiute and Shoshoni intermarried here.Some place names
:
Sierra Nevada Mountains, Manov" putoyavi'" (long mountain).Owens Lake, Patsiata (any large lake) ; called by Paiute, Panowi.Upper Centennial Spring, Tcia'navadii (rose bush place).Lower Centennial Spring, Tcia'bugwai (tciabip:, many rose bushes).Black Spring, Tuwa'dambahwatii (tuwada, a bush-1-pa, water+watii, place).Crystal Spring, Tciviigund :ii (?).Springs near Millspaugh, Pa'* (water).Cold Springs, south of Darwin, Ogwedii, Ogwaidii (creek), a place visitedfrequently in summer, but no winter village.Springs by Maturango Peak
:
Paga'wagandii (paid:", watering place for animals).Tuhupa (from hupai'hya, shade ?, of the mountain -|-pa, water).Pag'o'i (?).Tuqwuvi (?).Spring in the canyon running into Panamint Valley, east of Darwin,Ogwedii (creek).Haiwee Springs, Hugwata (?).Springs near last, Icamba (coyote water).Rose Spring, Tunahada (?).Subsistence activities.?The following sketch of seasonal activitiesis largely from the point of view of the inhabitants of the Koso HotSprings village. In winter they dwelt in pit houses, eating storedseeds and hunting rabbits. In April some families moved to HaiweoSprings, Hugwata, about 12 miles away, where they spent 1 or 2months, finishing up any stored seeds and gathering greens. InJune they usually went to Cold Spring, where a few people some-times wintered and hunted rabbits. This hunting was done byindividual men using spring-pole traps. Meanwhile, a few familiessometimes joined together for a communal antelope hunt.Antelope were most numerous in Indian Wells Valley, near Brown,about 10 miles south of Little Lake. There were also some just south
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120
of Owens Lake and at the nortliern end of Saline Valley. Driyesnear Brown involved mostly Little Lake Shoshoni and some Nawa-vitc (probably Tiibatulabal), their neighbors to the south. A fewSaline Valley Shoshoni might participate, but the trip of nearly 75miles was generally too long.The antelope hunt director announced the hunt several days in ad-vance. Antelope were driven by 8 or 10 men, perhaps aided by fire,into a corral built of posts spaced about 20 feet apart and coveredwith brush. The corral had a wide opening but no wings. As theanimals milled around inside, archers stationed between the postsshot them. There was no shaman.In midsummer some families might go into Saline Valley and oc-casionally into Death Valley to gather mesquite. They removedthe seeds and ground the bean pulp into flour which could be readilytransported. But if they had gotten any considerable surplus it wascached to be procured on subsequent trips.Between July and September most families wandered in the KosoMountains, which, lying in the zone of greatest plant gi'owth, af-forded many different seeds. They remained as near their wintervillages as possible in order that trips during winter to seed cachesshould not be too long. But if certain species were sufficientlyabundant elsewhere, they went several days' travel from the wintervillage to get them.During September or October, if they were not already in theKoso Mountains, families ordinarily went there for pine nuts. Largecrowds preferred to travel together on these trips, under the direc-tion of the village chief. Sometimes the Koso Springs villagersjoined the people from Uyuwumba, the Cold Spring village, and ifthe crop in that vicinity were unusually heavy they might even winterthere. If the Koso Mountain yield were small, some families mightgo into the Panamint Mountains, M^here perhaps they kept companywith Death Valley Shoshoni who had come for the same reason.In the fall some families also went to Owens Lake to hunt ducks.Although a few minor rabbit drives were held during the summer,this was the season for large drives.For large rabbit drives, families who happened to be in the vicinityof places with numerous rabbits cooperated. The main drives wereat Kose Valley, Darwin Wash, the vicinity of Cold Spring, LittleLake, and Olancha. Visitors came from a convenient distance tojoin these. For example, people from Keeler came 25 miles andpeople from Saline Valley came perhaps 50 miles to Olancha, butPanamint Valley was too far away. Panamint people either hadlocal drives or joined one closer to home.In the drives they used one or two nets, each about 2 feet high and100 or more feet long, propped at intervals with sticks. Eight or
TBWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 83ten men beat the brush, driving the rabbits into the nets, while theownei-s remained behind their nets to dispatch the ensnared animalswith clubs. Tliere is some question about directors of these drives.BD thought district chiefs were in charge ; GG that net owners weredirectors and divided the kill.The annual round of food quest, which was scarcely sufficientlyfixed to be a routine, varied in different ways. Mountain sheep mightbe hunted by individuals in the Koso Mountains or the Sierra Nevadaand deer in the Sierra Nevada. Fish were taken in Rose Valley and,with poison, in Little Lake. Larvae were procured in Owens Lake.Caterpillars (piiiga) could be had on the ground around KosoSprings, Little Lake, and elsewhere. Other animals eaten were bear,badger, chuckv/alla, gopher, mice, rats, doves, eagles, hawks, crows,snakes, mountain lions, wildcats, but not coyotes, wolves, frogs, mag-pies, or grasshoppers. To vary the vegetable diet, acorns mightbe procured from the eastern foot of the Sierra Nevada.Relative scarcity of animals made meat a minor food. Dried rab-bits would not keep over 2 weeks. Large game meat, cut into thinslices and dried in trees, would keep longer but was usually consumedquickly. Huntmg was of relatively greater importance during seedshortage, but considerable reliance was placed on rodents. Even ingood years stored seeds rarely lasted more than a year. GG's grand-mother recalled a period of several months when a complete lackof seeds, rabbits, or other important foods caused several deaths.Warfare.?Although Kuhwiji adjoined several other tribal groups,GG thought they had warred with none. He recalled but one fight,when some people from far south invaded the country. The fightoccurred at Coso Hot Springs. The invaders were all killed.Mourning ceremony.?There was no large mourning ceremony tounite different villages. GG thought that each year property, savedfrom funerals, was burned simultaneously for several dead, but thatonly close neighbors participated.Sweat houses.?The sweat house probably served as a villagemeeting house, but information about it is lacking.Marriage.?^An extensive genealogy, covering several generations,beai-s out informant testimony that any relationship was a bar tomarriage. Village endogamy was permissible if persons were un-related. Of 21 recorded marriages, including some in neighboringdistricts, 10 were exogamous by district, 8 endogamous by district.Of the last, at least three were exogamous by village. People shiftedresidence so often that villages usually consisted of unrelatedfamilies.Parents arranged their children's marriages, the man's parentspaying shell money to the girl's parents, the latter reciprocatingwith buckskins and food.
g4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [b*^"-- 120Post-marital residence was theoretically matrilocal until the birthof the first child. After that, is was independent, though pref-erably patrilocal, because a man preferred his home territory forhunting. There was no strict rule about this, however, and manyfactors entered into the choice. Of recorded marriages, 3 werepatrilocal, 10 matrilocal, 3 in a new locality, 4 in the same localitywhere both had lived.Intertribal marriages were: Two with Muguniiwii (Kawaiisu),one with Wavitc (Tiibatulabal), one with Owens Valley Paiute,four with white men.The levirate and sororate were both practiced. In fact, to avoidfollowing them upon the death of a spouse, a payment to the parents-in-law was required. But only one case of the levirate is shownin the genealogies.Though kinship terms accord with marriage of a brother andsister to sister and brother and of several brothers to several sisters,no instance of these was shown in the genealogies.Panamint Valley.?Little information is available from thislocality. The valley proper was so low (1,000 to 1,500 feet) andso arid that the native population was extremely sparse. Thereis virtually no water within the valley where winter villages couldhave been located. The Panamint and Argus Ranges which boundit on the east and west respectively have many springs which werefrequented between spring and fall by people from neighboringvalleys but had few winter residents.North of Ballarat, Panamint Valley was predominantly Shoshoniwith some admixture of Kawaiisu.^* South of Ballarat it waslargely Kawaiisii. The principal and probably only village withinthe northern part of the valley was at Warm Springs, 1,100 feet,called Haruta (village 42 in fig. 7). This entire portion of thevalley was also called Ha:uta. The people were called Harutans'.Wildrose Springs, Su'^navadu (su:vi, willow +navadu, flat), atabout 4,500 feet in the Panamint Mountains about 8 miles north ofHaruta (43), also had a few winter residents, called Su'^navadunzi.Subsistence activities.?Subsistence activities could be carried onby these people largely within a short distance of their villages.Though the valley was devoid of important foods of any kind, exceptsome mesquite which grew at Ha:uta and at Indian Ranch (thelatter had no running water until a well was recently dug) , the Pana-mint Range surpasses 11,000 feet and provided many seeds, pine nuts,and mountain sheep. People went sometimes, however, near Matu-rango Peak in the Argus Mountains for chia or to the Koso Moun-
i? Nelson in 1891 observed about 100 Indians in upper Panamint Valley whose languagewas the same as that in Saline Valley, which is Shoshoni.
STEWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 85tains for sand bunch grass seed. Dutcher saw families from Pana-mint Valley in 1893 gathering pine nuts in the mountains betweenSaline and Panamint Valleys, that is, in Sigai.Political organisation.?It is improbable that any important com-munal activities were held within Panamint Valley, Saline andDeath Valleys were within convenient distance for festivals. Pana-mint Tom, however, seems, at least in post-Caucasian times, to havegained some prominence in connection with hostilities against thewhite man. Whether he was a Kawaiisli is uncertain. TSt thoughtthat he had been chief of the Death Valley Kawaiisii.Marriage.?^Parents of young men and women seem to have takenless hand here than among groups to the west in arranging marriages.A man desiring to marry a girl gave her perhaps 20 to 30 dollars,which she gave to her mother, who reciprocated with food to theman's mother.Marriage was matrilocal until the first child was born, thenindependent.To avoid the sororate a man paid money to his wife's parents, andthey in turn gave him seeds and food. If he failed to do so, hisdeceased wife's mother told his new wife he had not paid. A womansimilarly paid the mother of her deceased husband to avoid thelevirate.There was little polygyny, no mother-in-law avoidance.Some place names
:
Emigrant Springs, Tiqgali'ni (cave), probably a temporary seed-gatheringcamp of Ha : utans'.Springs near Modoc mine, Hunupa (hunupi, canyon-t-pa), seldom visited.Springs by Snow Canyon, Tahahunii (tahavi, snow-fcanyon ?), seldomvisited.Springs by Wood Canyon, Pipum'ba or Pibump' : (a plant), seldom visited.Spring in Revenue Canyon, Tusi'gaba or Tusi'gava (a canyon that narrowssharply), the most important camp on the rare trips made by Ha: utans' tothe Argus Mountains for seeds.Springs in Upper Shepherd Canyon, Nia'va (?), visited occasionally forMentzelia, chia, and sand-grass seeds.Springs in Lower Shepherd Canyon, Taka'goba (taka'go, valley quail), acamping place on trips.The five springs in upper Tuber Canyon were pine-nut camps.Northern Death Valley.?Death Valley, stretching more than100 miles north and south, lying partly below sea level, and boundedpartly on the west by the lofty Panamint Range, has an extraordinar-ily varied natural landscape.The valley floor, much of which is more than 250 feet below sealevel, is incredibly arid (pi. 1, c) and has summer temperaturesranging commonly up to 130?, with a record of close to 140?. It602S5?38 7
gQ BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120and the bounding foothills fall into the Lower Sonoran life zone,among whose limited plant population Jepson (p. 12) includes:Phyllogonum luteoluDx^ Boerhaavia annulata^ Oxystylis lutea^ Astra-galus atratus var. panamintensis^ Brickellia knappiana, Amphiachyrisfremontii^ Viguiera reticulata^ and Enceliopsis argophylla var.grandiflora^ most of which are endemic and none of use for food.Probably the only important food species on the valley floor is mes-quite, which grows in limited quantities at springs.Most of the bounding mountain ranges rise into the Upper Sonoranzone and provided a few species of edible seeds. But vast areas,especially of the Funeral and Black Ranges, which scarcely exceed6,000 feet, were practically worthless for gathering and were devoidof large game. The neighboring ranges extend upward into thetree zone at only three places. One of these was the Sigai regionin the Panamint Range north of Darwin. It was more accessibleto and was therefore utilized more habitually by the Sigai and SalineValley people. The Grapevine Mountains, reaching to nearly 9,000feet, form a massive block of pinyon-covered hills and were utilizedby all the villages north of Furnace Creek. These and the com-paratively treeless Tin and Dry Mountains to the west sheltered asmall number of mountain sheep but no deer. The third highmountain area is the Panamint Range which bounds lower Death
"Valley on the west and culminates in Telescope Peak, 11,045 feet,w^hich rises abruptly from below sea level to about timber line inthe Boreal life zone. Except during the short winter when the resi-dents of Furnace Creek and Lower Death Valley remained at waterholes in the valley, they were driven by heat and virtual absence offoods in the valley floor into the cool Panamint or GrapevineMountains. Here the various species of seeds and a limited amountof sheep hunting maintained them until pine nuts were ripe.The distribution of population within Death Valley was alsodetermined by water supply. Water is not only extremely scarce,but many springs are poisonous or undrinkably saline. At eachusable source of water there were, therefore, winter residents, thenumber depending upon the amount of water and quantity ofaccessible foods.North of Furnace Creek the three main villages were at MesquiteSprings, Grapevine Canyon, and Surveyor's Well. Their total popu-lation was 42, or 1 person to about 30 square miles. Though thecensus may be low, it is probably not much too low. These villageshad no collective name for themselves, but TSt of Beatty called themYo:gombi (flat, i. e., the valley floor). They were independent inmost activities; in fact, their component families were independentthroughout most of the year. Communal rabbit drives and fall festi-
sTBWAKDl BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 87
vals, however, united villages temporarily with one another and insome measure with Beatty on the east and Sigai on the west.Villages.?The following numbers correspond with those on fig-ure 7:44. Maliunu (from huuupi, canyon), springs in Grapevine Canyon and prob-ably Grapevine Springs, about 2,500 to 3,000 feet. The people called Mahunutsi.BD gave the following census as remembered from his boyhood, about 75 years,ago : 4 camps or families, totaling some 27 people, as follows
:
BD's grandfather, born at Mahunu, and his wife from Cottonwood Canyon*in Sigai.BD's father. Dock, a shaman; BD's mother from Surveyor's Well; hismother's brother; BD ; BD's brother and sister; also, BD's father's second orpolygyuous wife (BD's mother's sister), and her 2 children, both of whom diedyoung.BD's father's mother's sister (her husband from Lida had died) ; her daughterand daughter's husband from some other village ; her three sons. Bob, LonghairJohn, and Jack; Bob's wife from Lida and his son; Longhair John's wife fromLida (but not related to Bob's wife).Cold Mountain Jack and his family, which he moved back and forth betweenGrapevine Spring and Mesquite Spring, as he owned cultivated land at eachplace. His family consisted of his two polygynous wives who were sisters,Susy and Maggie from Grapevine Spring, and seven children. Susy had fourchildren : a son and a daughter who died when young ; Tule George who movedto Lida where he lived with his wife Tudi until she died, childless, then marriedLizzie from Surveyor's Well and lived with her at Tule Canyon, also childless;Kittle, who married a Beatty man and lived at Tule Canyon and had twochildren (one died; the other, a daughter, married an Italian and had sevenchildren). Maggie had two sons and a daughter, all of whom died young.This camp also included Susie's mother. The 10 individuals in this familyoccupied a single house.45. Ohyu (mesquite), at Surveyor's Well, 60 feet below sea level. Tlie peoplecalled Ohyutsi. BD's census gave 2 camps totaling 14 or 15 persons, as follows
:
Ike Shaw's father, from Grapevine Canyon where Ike had been born ; hiafather's second wife born at Ohyu ; three daughters, all of whom died beforemarrying.Tule George's father-in-law from near Telescope Peak in the Panamint Moun-tains ; his mother-in-law born at Ohyu ; their four daughters and three sons.Total, nine persons. This family is of interest because of its exceptional fer-tility. The oldest daughter, Anne, married an Ohyu (?) man and had two sons,one of whom died young. The next daughter married BD's half-brother, Sho-shoni John, from Grapevine Canyon, and had 13 children, of whom 10 died-The third daughter was unmarried, but had a child who died. Lizzie, men-tioned above, married Tule George at Tule Canyon. The oldest son, Cotton-wood Frank, married Tule George's sister. Kittle, whose husband had died.This is the only reported case of a brother and sister marrying a sister andbrother. Cottonwood Frank's daughter, Minnie, was unmarried, but, probablyby several white men, she had seven children, of whom four died. The nextson, Joe Button, married Maggie (?) from Sigai and moved to Saline Valleywhen the borax works opened, then to Furnace Creek, spending the summersat Wildrose Canyon. He had three daughters and two sons who died youngand 6 daughters and one son who survived. When Joe died his youngerbrother married Maggie and they moved to Beattj^ They had no more children.
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Thus, at least 28 grandchildren were born to the seven children of Tule George'sparents-in-law.46. Mesquite Springs, Panuga (no meaning ?), at 1,730 feet. This villagewas only semipermanent. Cold Mountain Jack and Dock each had rancheshere after the introduction of horticulture in early post-Caucasian times. Theseand other families, however, often visited it for ducks, seeds, grapes, andmesquite, and sometimes wintered here. Even Saline Valley people visitedMesquite Springs, though they seldom remained long. Its most frequent visitorsappear to have been Cold Mountain Jack's large family which lived there abouthalf the time.Sand Springs, Yogomba (yogomi or yogombi, a flat+pa, water), in the north-ern end of the valley ; no winter residents.Salt Creek, Tugu'mii""' (tuguwu, sand+wutii, place), below sea level. Thewater was too saline to permit extended residence.Various small springs on the eastern slope of the Grapevine Mountainsserved as temporary seed camps but seldom as winter residences.
'Subsistence activities.?The subsistence area for these villages laylargely within the confines of the mountains enclosing Death Valley.Except for the short period of residence at the winter village, familiesmoved independently. Thus, Dock, chief of the district and residentat Grapevine Canyon, traveled with his family without reference tothe movements of Cold Mountain Jack of the same village. All thepeople assembled only for communal rabbit drives and fall festivals,under the leadership of Dock and Tule George's father.Dock's family ordinarily wintered at Grapevine Canyon. In thespring, when food shortage brought hunger?BD remembered cryingfor food in the spring during his childhood?residents of GrapevineCanyon usually went to near Mexican Spring and Mud Spring on thewestern side of the Grapevine Mountains to spend about a monthpicking Mentzelia and Orysopsis seeds. They then went to Surveyor'sWell to pick mesquite which ripened in June or July and which wasfree to anyone. Or, in early spring, perhaps April, they went toCottonwood Canyon in the Sigai district to gather chia, Oryzopsisseeds, Lycium berries, and pine sugar, wapihavi (wapi+havi, sugar).Sometimes they visited Mesquite Spring in the spring or fall to huntducks and to gather wild grapes and mesquite. After the white mancame. Dock started a ranch there. At Grapevine Canyon they gotgrapes and various seeds.In the fall, people from Grapevine Canyon, Surveyor's Well, andMesquite Springs went into the Grapevine Mountains to gather pinenuts. Dock having announced when they were ripe. Families habitu-ally gathered from the same tracts, but did not actually own them,for other persons were privileged to gather from them if they wished.Dock and his two wives carried as many nuts as they could down toGrapevine Canyon and stored the remainder in the mountains. Thisnaturally limited the distance from the winter village that it was
STEWARD] BxYSIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 89feasible to go for pine nuts. But after Dock got horses, pine-nutgathering was greatly facilitated.Cold Mountain Jack's family, meanwhile, wintered at GrapevineCanyon, Mesquite Springs, or Mahunu, and foraged for food eitherwith Dock's family or alone, as they pleased.No wild seeds were planted or irrigated in northern Death Valley,but horticulture was introduced in early post-Caucasian times. Theplants and pattern of cultivation seems to have been borrowed almostcompletely from neighboring Southern Paiute. Few Death Valleypeople had farms. When BD was a small boy, perhaps in 1870, hisfather, uncle, and grandfather owned about 50 acres in GrapevineCanyon which, apparently, they subdivided, each cultivating hisportion. Cold Mountain Jack also had a "ranch" about a mile belowthe village and one other family had a plot.Before shovels were introduced, plain digging sticks were used forplanting. Each species or variety was planted in a separate row.Work, including irrigation, was performed by both sexes. Becauseof the short winters, crops were planted in February and harvestedin July.Plots were family owned. This conformed to the principle of useownership and conflicted with no native patterns. Inheritance wasa simple matter. Plants, even those ready for harvest, were usuallydestroyed at the owner's death, as among Ash Meadows SouthernPaiute, and the field lay fallow for a year or two, when any relativeresumed cultivation.Cultivation had not acquired an important place in native economy,though it was becoming important by 1890 (Nelson, 1891; Coville,1892). Crops were usually consumed by the end of summer andhelped little to relieve the want of food during the following winter.The increasing importance of the white man's economy, moreover,drew people into new activities and into regions outside their nativedistricts. Thus, during the Rhyolite mining boom in 1906 they lefttheir farms to haul wood for the mines. Some farming is still carriedon, but odd jobs offered by the white man relegate it to a secondaryplace.BD thought that soon after its introduction horticulture hadspread also to Lida, Beatty, and Tupipah Springs east of Beatty.So far as seed gathering was concerned, Death Valley people weresplit into families. That they habitually exploited approximately thesame territory was a question of convenience, not of social or politicalcoercion. And even seed gathering sometimes brought people fromneighboring districts into the same area.The annual rabbit drive, however, more or less consistently unitedall the inhabitants of the northern part of the valley under a single
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120chief and outsiders were recognized as mere visitors. Tlie chief wasDock. Normal participants were residents of Grapevine Springs,Surveyor's Well, and Mesquite Springs. Beatty people often at-tended. In October, before pine-nut trips, all the families went tothe vicinity of Mexican Spring at the lower end of Sarcobatus Flat.Dock addressed them each morning, announcing the location of thedrive and of the feast at the end of the day. Only men took part inthe hunt. The kill was divided equally among all participants, theflesh being roasted for the evening feast and the skins preserved forrabbit-skin blankets. Drives lasted about a month.Large game was of secondary importance. Antelope occurred insmall numbers in Sarcobatus Flat and perhaps at White Rock, butwere never hunted communally and were rarely sought by individ-uals. There were virtually no deer nearer than Lida, an inconvenientdistance away. Mountain sheep could be had on Tin Mountain, DryMountain near Sigai, and probably in the Grapevine Mountains.BD's father hunted little. Cold Mountain Jack hunted often,especially for mountain sheep.Lesser game, especially rodents and chuckwallas, were of some im-portance. Birds were also taken when possible.A little trade was carried on. This has been described on page 45.Festivals.?The fall festival, held after the pine-nut trip, was com-bined with the annual mourning ceremony. When given at Sur-veyor's Well, families from Grapevine Canyon, Mesquite Spring,Sigai, and a few sometimes from Beatty, Panamint Valley, Darwin,and perhaps even Saline Valley, but not Ash Meadows, attended.In some years it was held at Sigai or in Saline Valley instead -jfSurveyor's Well, especially if pine nuts had been abundant in thoseregions. It may be that people in this wide area were able to for-gather only when horses, introduced after the white man arrived,facilitated transportation.When held at Surveyor's Well, Dock was director. Panugatsugo(or Patuko) probably had this task before Dock. At Sigai andSaline Valley, Caesar and Tom Hunt were jointly directors.The festivals started with the exhibition dance, mugwa nukana.At Surveyor's Well this was performed by Saline Valley men, andat Saline Valley by Surveyor's Well men. The dancers were paidin goods and shell money by the host village. This dance was fol-lowed by burning goods for the year's dead, then by the circle dance.Sweat house.?The large community sweat house was not used.Instead, the sweat house was small, conical, with a center pole, earth-covered, and not more than 10 feet in diameter. Anyone desiringto do so built his own. BD's father, who greatly enjoyed sweatbaths, had built one in Grapevine Canyon, one in the Grapevine
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS QlMountains, one at Surveyor's Well, one at Furnace Creek, and oneat Navadu. Anyone was privileged to use these, but they did notserve as club house and dormitory, and therefore had no connectionwith group unity. BD knew of no sweat house having been built atSigai.Warfare.?^Warfare was unimportant. BD recalled but one epi-sode. Sigai women picking sunflower seeds in upper Panamint Val-ley saw strangers. The next morning Sigai men pursued them intoa dry cave and killed them. The identity of the invaders and thefinal disposal of them was unknown.Marriage.?Marriage with any relatives was forbidden and it isprobable, though not certain, that marriage with a pseudo cross-cousin,i. e., mother's brother or father's sister's stepdaughter, as practicedamong Shoshoni of northern Nevada, was prohibited. Though kin-ship terms were not collected from Death Valley, Slioshoneans on allsides of them used the same system as that given for Little Lake,which has no features indicating either pseudo cross-cousin marriageor polyandry.Choice of mates was not delimited by locality as such, but theinhabitants of these small villages and even the entire valleys werenaturally much interrelated. Of 15 marriages recorded, 8 were withpersons outside the valley, 5 within the valley but exogamous byvillage, 2 endogamous by village.In arranging a marriage a man or his parents asked the girl'sparents for the match, then paid them perhaps $20. They gaveseeds and other presents in return.Marriage was supposed to be matrilocal for about a year, thenindependent. Of the eight cases of valley exogamy, two were matri-local, three patrilocal, in three the couple moved to a new locality.The last, especially, were determined largely by factors introducedby the white man, the couple seeking work at a ranch or mine. Ofthe five cases of valley endogamy and village exogamy, one was patri-local, two matrilocal, one in a new locality, one uncertain.The levirate and sororate were both stressed, the census showingtwo cases of the former. Polygyny, especially sororal polygyny,was practiced, two cases being revealed in the census. Cold Moun-tain Jack's second wife, a sister of the first, was given him becauseof his outstanding ability as a hunter. There is one case of themarriage of a brother and sister to a sister and brother.Centrax. and Southern Death Valley.?No detailed informationis available for the central and southern parts of Death Valley. Fur-nace Creek (village 47 in fig. 7) was apparently the point of contactand intermixture of three linguistic groups : Shoshoni from the north,
-Southern Paiute who were also mixed with Shoshoni at Ash Mea-
Q2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120dows 25 miles to the east, and Kawaiisii (also called Mugimiiwii andPanlimiint) who occupied the southern portions of Death Valleyand Panamint Valley. JH, from Saline Valley, called Death Valleypeople Tsagwadiika (chuckwalla eaters) , the only instance of namingby foods eaten recorded south of Benton, California.There seems to have been a small winter village at the severalsprings at Furnace Creek, Tiimbica (tumbi, rock), which is at aboutsea level. TSt remembered an old man, Pa : sanats (bat) , whom hethought was chief, his two or three daughters, and several men.These people spoke Shoshoni, Southern Paiute, and Kawaiisii. BD,however, knew of no residents until the borax works were founded bythe white man, when Bill Bullen and his son and five daughters movedthere from Sigai. Subsequently, Furnace Creek has been headquar-ters for Shoshoni from a considerable distance. They live in acolony adjoining the modern winter resort, but move to Beatty,Saline Valley, and elsewhere during the summer.The native subsistence area for the Furnace Creek people was pre-dominantly in the Panamint Mountains, a few miles across the valleyto their southwest. The Black and Funeral Ranges to the east werealmost totally devoid of foods. The main summer camps were atWildrose Spring, Blackwater Spring called Bast: (GG), and a springnear the head of Death Valley Canyon called Ko' (Kawaiisii fortobacco). Considerable mesquite, however, grows at Furnace Creek.South of Furnace Creek the Death Valley population was predomi-nantly Kawaiisii. Kelly (1934, p. 555) describes the boundary ofthe Las Vegas "band" of Southern Paiute as passing between the
"Funeral mountains and Black range, thence south along the westernslope of the latter, bringing the Vegas people to the very borders ofDeath Valley. More than likely Black range was held jointly by theDeath Valley Panamint [Kawaiisii] and the Las Vegas; at best it wasuseful only as a source of mountain sheep and certain edible seeds."It is impossible to trace a boundary with any precision in an arealike this. Ash Meadows was a mixture of Southern Paiute and Sho-shoni, while southern Death Valley undoubtedly had an appreciableShoshoni and Southern Paiute element in its population. Moreover,Ash Meadows and Pahrump Valley inhabitants went primarily forfoods to the vicinity of Mount Shader and the Spring Mountainsto their east and southeast rather than cross 20 miles of waterless,infertile desert to the barren Black Range, which has few peakswhich rise even to 5,000 feet elevation in the Artemisia zone. DeathValley people sought foods in the Panamint Range. Thus a consid-erable territory between Ash Meadows and Death Valley was unoc-cupied and very little utilized.TSt remembered three families which lived some 15 miles southof Furnace Creek. They probably spent some time during winter
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 93in the vicinity of the Borax Works and Bennetts Well, which areabout 250 feet below sea level, though there is some question as tothe adequacy of water here in native times. Their main headquar-ters were Hungry Bill's ranch (village 48 in fig. 7), at 5,000 feet,well up in the Panamint Mountains east of Sentinel Peak. This wascalled Puaiturigani (puai, mouse +tur)gani, cave). Foods were pro-cured in the Panamint Range.There were 17 persons : Panamint Tom, the "chief," his wife, 2 sons and 4daughters ; Tom's brother, Hungry John, his wife, 2 sons and 2 daughters
;
Tom's sister, her husband, and son, Nuaidu (windy). They spoke both Sho-shoni and Kawaiisii.Some Shoshoni place names in this vicmity
:
Hanaupah Canyon, Wici (from wicivi, milkweed). Panamint Range, Kaigota(J. H), Kaiguta (GH).Telescope Peak, Siiimbutsi or Mu : gu (pointed).Spring at head of Wildrose Canyon, Wabiits' ; sometimes a summer camp forseed gathering. BEATTT AND BELl^ED MOUNTAINSShoshoni occupied southern Nevada from the Amagrosa Deserteastward to the Pintwater Range and possibly beyond, includingDesert Valley. Southern Paiute dwelt to the east, though it is prob-able that the population along the area of tribal contact was a mixtureof Paiute and Shoshoni, like that at Ash Meadows.This region is even less fertile than the Death Valley region, for thevalleys are low, extremely large, hot, and generally arid. Few ofthe low mountain ranges penetrate even the pinyon zone. The greatAmagrosa Desert, lying east of Death Valley, is some 40 miles long,12 and more miles wide, only 2,500 to 3,000 feet above sea level, andalmost devoid of water and edible plants. Valleys and flats to thenorth become gradually higher and hence somewhat more favorableto subsistence: Sarcobatus Flat, 4,000 feet; Pahute Mesa, 5,500 to6,000; Gold Flat, 5,000; Kawich Valley, 5,500; Cactus Flat, 5,500.But the mountain ranges were too low to contribute streams to thesevalleys and, indeed, had few springs. The highest points of theYucca and Bullfrog Ranges and of Bare Mountain near Beattybarely surpass 6,000 feet. The Shoshone, Cactus, and Timber Moun-tains reach only 7,500 feet, Pahute Mesa 7,000 feet, and the BeltedRange 8,500 feet.Some detailed information is available concerning two populationcenters, the vicinity of Beatty and the Belted Range, where, becausethere was an unusual number of springs, winter villages were clus-tered. Each of these centers is, in a sense, a district, for the resi-dents naturally found it most convenient to associate with their near-est neighbors. But the two were somewhat interlinked through con-siderable intermarriage and some cooperation. But Beatty also asso-
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120
ciated occasionally with Death Valley and the Belted Range residentswith Kawich Mountain people. Indeed, TSt said the language dif-fered slightly in the two districts, and JK linked the Belted Rangelinguistically with Desert Valley to the east.Camps.?TSt's census for about 1875 or 1880 gave some six campsin the vicinity of Beatty. There were 29 persons in 4 of these. Theothers were alternate camp sites. As the camps were scattered be-cause of limited water and scarcity of foods, it is hardly proper tocall them villages. These were at springs and along the AmagrosaRiver which flows for a few miles in Oasis Valley but fails to reachthe Amagrosa Desert. Other springs in the general region, for ex-ample, those in the Bullfrog Hills to the west, were merely tem-porary seed-gathering camps. People of the Beatty region werecalled Ogwe'pi (creek), GH, BD, TSt. The winter camp sites arenumbered to correspond to figure 7. They were
:
49. Indian Camp, at the head of Oasis Valley, about 4,000 feet. Permanentinhabitants, if any, unknown.50. Howell Ranch, near Springdale. This was sometimes occupied by thefamily of Takaniiasugu from 54, below.51. Hu : nusii (hu:nupi, canyon-f-suiivi, willow), at Burn's Ranch (probablyGoss Springs on the U. S. G. S. map). One family: a man, his wife (a cousiuof TSt's father), and daughter.52. Ta : kanawa (takapi, obsidian-j-nawa, between or close to), at Hick'sHot Springs, 3,600 feet. One family: Tu : na k (tuhu, black-fnaqk, ear) fromsome other locality, his wife (TSt's father's cousin), and son.53. Sakainaga (willow ?), at the mouth of Beatty Wash on the AmagrosaRiver. Three camps scattered in this vicinity. The first: TSt's father, whowas born there; his wife from Wuqiakuda in the Belted Range; two sons and adaughter. It also included two brothers (TSt's father's cousins). One of them,named Kadupuaganda, had a wife from Furnace Creek and a son. Total, eightpersons.The second and third camps were headed by two brothers from Gold Moun-tain, each of whom had married one of TSt's father's sisters. One brother,Tuwunsugu (tuwu, black -ftsugupiitsi, old man) had three daughters; the other,Na : sonimuju (na : sonip, grass -f-muju, head ?), had four sons.54. Pa:navadu (pa, water+navadu, flat), somewhere near the last. Twofamilies. One: two local brothers. Jack and Ego^sugu (ego, tongue), andtheir wives who were sisters from Tupipah in the Belted Range. The other:Takaniiasugu (takanua, crooked foot) from Hu : nusii, his wife (a cousin ofJack and Ego^'sugu), and their daughter. This family alternately wintered atPa : navadii and Howell Ranch.The chief of these encampments was TSt's father, who directed rabbit drivesand festivals until his death. He had no successor because these activitieswere discontinued.The other group had about 42 people in winter encampments along thesouthern end of the Belted Range (Tuqga'tunu). They were collectively calledEso (little hill). They were:55. WuTiiakuda, a place 2 or 3 miles east of the Ammonia Tanks(Tuna^kuwa, low hill) at about 6,000 feet, where TSt's mother's sister's family
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 95
wintered in a rock shelter called Tavondo'wayo (standing rock). The historyof this family illustrates the lack of permanent connection with a locality andthe possible far-flung marital connections. It had formerly consisted of TSt'smaternal grandparents and their three sons and three daughters; total, eight.After the parents died, there remained at Wu iakuda only one daughter, herhusband from some other region and her three daughters and a son ; total, six.Of TSt's other maternal aunts and uncles, one aunt went somewhere to SouthernPaiute territory to the east to live with her husband. The oldest uncle marrieda Southern Paiute woman at Pahrump, where he lived, because hunting wasbetter. The second married a Paiute woman at Indian Spring, where hemoved. The third, Panamint Joe, married a Paiute woman in the CharlestonMountains and lived with her but seems later to have returned to Beatty wherehe was "chief" of the Shoshoni at the time of the Rhyolite mining boom,about 1906. TSt's mother moved to the vicinity of Beatty to her husband'shome.During the summer Wuqiakuda was visited for seeds by Tu : naqki andhis family from Ta : kanawa, near Beatty.56. Miitsi (thistle ?), in the vicinity of the water holes marked merely
"Tanks" on the U. S. G. S. map ; elevation, probably more than 7,500 feet.One family: Miitsitsugutsi or Miitsitsuguputsi, his wife, from Sivahwa (below),one son ; total, three.57. Sivahwa, at "Small Tank," a few miles north of the last; about 7,000feet. One family : Miitsitsugutsi's son, his wife, two daughters ; total, four.58. Tiina'va, at Whiteroek Springs, to the east of the last; 5,400 feet. Onefamily: Wanda^wana (?+da^wana, chief), chief of this general region; hiswife, Tsuqga huvijiji ( 'i+huvijiji, old woman), from Miitsi; four or five chil-dren ; his wife's sister ; total, seven or eight.59. Wi:va (a plant), Oaksprings, a few miles to the north; 6,000 feet. Anold woman and one or two children. Also, an old man of unknown relationshipto the woman. Total, three or four.60. Kuikun:', Captain Jack Spring; 6,000 feet. One-eye Captain Jack andhis wife.61. Tupipa (tupi, rock+pa, water), Tippipah Springs, about 8 miles to thesouth on the northern side of Shoshone Mountain, 5,400 feet. Kapitasugupiitsi,his wife (Miitsitsuguputsi's sister), two sons, one daughter, and his unmarriedbrother ; total, six.62. Topopah Spring, Pokopa (poko, ?-{-water), at 6,700 feet on the southernside of Shoshone Mountain, probably had occasional winter residents.63. Cane Spring, Paga'^mbuhan (Southern Paiute, Paga'^m, cane-fbuhan, much)or Hugwap: (Shoshoni, cane). This site is to the east of the preceding, at theend of Skull Mountain at 4,300 feet. It probably affiliated with Ash MeadowsSouthern Piaute as much as with Shoshoni and had a mixed population. Onefamily: Wi'^na, born at Tupipa; his wife, Paga'-'mbuhan huvijiji; probably borulocally ; two sons and one daughter ; total, five.Subsistence activities: seed gathering.?Scarcity of game in thisgeneral region forced the population to subsist to an unusual degreeupon vegetable foods. The annual round of food seeking of thefamilies near Beatty during TSt's childhood required travel over anextensive area of about 1,300 square miles.In early spring, when stored seeds were exhausted and hunger usu-ally caused much suffering, greens (tuhwada) and Joshua-tree buds
gg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120could be had in tlie vicinity of Sakainaga, so that it was not necessaryto move camp. The greens were boiled, squeezed, then eaten.In May and June, women, perhaps accompanied by a few men,went to gather sand bunch grass {Oryzopsis) seeds. If they were for-tunate, these could be had about 10 miles to the north, near Indiancamp, where another, unidentified species of seed, yubihuva, alsogrew. Otherwise, they went either 25 miles north to the southernside of Black Mountain or an equal distance south or east to thevicinity of Big Dune, Iron Tank, or the southern side of the CalicoHills in the Amagrosa Desert. They remained a week or two, thentransported their seeds back to Sakainaga.Meanwhile, a group of men spent perhaps a month mountain-sheephunting in the Grapevine Mountains. As these mountains are about25 miles away the hunters dried the meat to facilitate transporting ithome.After the women returned to Sakainaga they gathered Mentzeliain Beatty Wash, within a few miles of the village, Salvia on Bare andYucca Mountains 5 to 10 miles to the east, and Lycium berries in theBullfrog Hills a few miles to the west. During this time men usuallyhunted rabbits.In July it was necessary to move camp from the southern portion ofthe Belted Kange to the vicinity of the villages near Ammonia Tankand Miitsi, where they spent several weeks. First, they gatherhurgwi, a large grass seed resembling wheat, and later rye grass{Elymus) seeds.On rare occasions, instead of going to the Belted Range they wentto Surveyor's Well in Death Valley for mesquite.By August the seeds of the most important food plants had ripenedand fallen to the ground, so that people had to subsist until pine-nuttime on stored seeds and such miscellaneous items as rabbits, chuck-wallas, rats and other rodents, and insects.In late September or early October pine nuts ripened. Beattypeople gathered these in the Belted Range, some 40 miles distant.Though each family customarily picked from the same place, it didnot own it; trespass was not resented and permission was not askedif someone else desired to pick there. Where pinyon trees grow, theygenerally cover thousands of acres and if the crop is abundant inthe region there are many good picking places. The only practicalconsideration was that different families should agree not to utilizethe same few acres.If the Belted Range pine-nut crop were poor, Beatty people wentto the Grapevine Mountains, where northern Death Valley peoplehabitually picked. It is not clear why they did not always go here,as these mountains are about 15 miles nearer Beatty than the Belted
BTEWAKD] BASIN-PIATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 97Kange. A possible explanation is a sociological one. They weremore intermarried with the Belted Range people and may have takenthis occasion to visit relatives, with whom they would remain for thefall rabbit hunt and perhaps festival. On the other hand, this inter-marriage may have resulted from association at pine-nut time andat hunts.If neither the Belted Range nor Grapevine Mountains had a pine-nut crop, they went to the Kawich Mountains, 50 miles to thenorth, or to the vicinity of Lida, equally far to the northwest. TStremembers a trip made on foot to the latter during his youth. Suchlong journeys, however, were made only when there was acute dangerof food shortage. Ordinarily, the distance was excessive and illus-trates the limitations which facilities for travel and transportationimposed on the size of the Shoshoni food areas.Domesticated corn, melons, pumpkins, sunflowers, beans, and per-haps other plants were procured about 1860 but were cultivated onsuch a small scale that they seem to have contributed little to eco-nomic security.Subsistence activities: hunting.?^Animal foods were of secondaryimportance. Deer were virtually unknown within the distance thathunters could conveniently travel. Mountain sheep could be had inthe Grapevine Mountains, where individual hunters or small groupsof men often went while women were gathering seeds elsewhere.Antelope were either lacking or unimportant in this area. Some-times, however. Belted Range people went into the Kawich Mountaindistrict, to the north, to participate in large communal drives directedby an antelope shaman. Thus the Belted Range residents, thoughlinked with Beatty in many ways, were also linked with theirnorthern neighbors.The fall rabbit drive was the only truly communal economic activ-ity. These were usually held in the flats south of Whiterock Springs,under the direction of Wanga^wana, the local chief. Local resi-dents and Beatty people who had come for pine nuts drove together.There were also sometimes visitors from the Kawich Mountains, AshMeadows, Lida, and even Death Valley. Visitors were most likelyto be present when their own pine-nut crop had been poor and thatin the Belted Range abnormally good. Sometimes, however, whenthe Beatty people had not come to the Belted Range for pine nuts,they drove rabbits with Death Valley people in Sarcobatus Flat, 10to 20 miles north of their villages. TSt's grandfather directed thesedrives.At Whiterock rabbit drives lasted about a month, men driving eachday while women gathered pine nuts, if any remained. Each morn-ing Wanga^wana informed hunters about the plans for the day, say-
9? BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bui-l. 120ing, "We will build fires to show you where to go." If the KawichMountain people were participating, Kawich, their chief, also talked.Young men drove the rabbits, shooting them meanwhile with bowsand arrows, into 10 or 12 nets, each of which was owned by an oldman. Each man kept his quarry but unsuccessful hunters were givena few. The main motive of the hunt was to provide skins for twinedrobes and blankets. The meat was consumed at once.The fall festival.?The fall festival was held either at Wurjiakudawhere Wanga^wana was director, or at Beatty where TSt's paternalgrandfather was director. It was probably rare that each placeliad a festival the same year; instead, the two districts seem to havealternated each year, playing host to each other. The Wurjiakudafestival was held during pine-nut time, and before the rabbit drive,probably in October. At Beatty it was held in conjunction with theTabbit drive. Occasionally Beatty people attended a festival atWillow Spring on the eastern side of the Grapevme Mountains, givenby Death Valley people during pine-nut time under the direction ofDock.The festival lasted 5 days. Wanga^wana and an old man fromOak Springs or other chiefs, depending on where the festival washeld, talked from time to time. The first night there was an exhibi-tion dance, performed by visitors who were paid by their hosts.The second to fifth nights were given over to the round dance,wegi (round) nuk:ap (dance), after which people dispersed. Therewas no associated mourning ceremony.Sweat house.?The sweat house was unimportant in integratingthe residents of a large territory, though it served as a meeting placefor people of neighboring camps. A sweat house was locatedwherever there were enough people to make it worth while, forexample, at Sakainaga and Indian Camp for Beatty people, and atWhite Kock and Oak Spring for Belted Range people. These wereused by men and women for smoking, gambling, sweating, and asa dormitory ( ? ) , thus being somewhat more important as community<;enters than those in Death Valley.Warfare.?Warfare was unknown in these districts. TSt hadheard only of the fight in upper Panamint Valley, previously de-scribed. JS had heard of some fighting with Southern Paiutewho had objected to Shoshoni fishing in the stream flowing into thePahranagat Lakes.Political organization.?Because of the distribution of water holesthe population was clustered in two centers, that at Beatty almostconstituting a group of relatives. To the extent that each was inde-pendent, having its own chief, gathering seeds in its own locality,
.and holding its own rabbit hunts and festivals, it approximated a
STEWARD 1 BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS QQband. The two were linked with each other, however, in that Beattypeople gathered pine nuts and drove rabbits sometimes in the BeltedBange and the two districts reciprocated with alternating festivals.But Beatty was sometimes linked with Death Valley by gatheringpine nuts in the Grapevine Range and participating in rabbit drivesand even festivals in that region, while Belted Range people some-times associated with Kawich Mountain people for antelope drives,pine-nut gathering, and festivals.In spite of these varying outside associations, however, membersof each district usually cooperated with one another in the fewcommunal affairs and had a local chief to direct them. The chiefwas called taghwani (talker) or pokwinavi; his wife was calledtaghwani huvitc: ' (huvitc: ' old woman).Marriage.?The only bar to marriage was blood relationship. Sofar as is known, no marriages between even second cousins wererecorded. There was no rule of local exogamy nor of postmarital resi-dence. Actually, however, the probability that these small clustersof camps would consist of related nonmarriagable persons wasgreat. Five of the 7 families (29 persons) in the Beatty districtwere related through one spouse or the other to TSt's father'sfamily; the other 2 were related to each other and possibly toTSt's family. Of nine marriages, seven and possibly eight v/ereexogamous by district, three and possibly four being matrilocal,four being patrilocal. One was possibly endogamous by district,exogamous by camp site, and matrilocal. There were two instancesor four marriages between two brothers and two sisters. One ofthese formed a single camp.The extent of relationship between inhabitants of the BeltedRange district is unknown, though some is evident. Greater endog-amy, however, is manifest in that three marriages were exogamousonly by village; these were patrilocal. Four marriages were exog-amous by district. Three of these were previously mentioned, thespouses going to the Beatty district. In the fourth, the womanremained, matrilocally. Of four intertribal marriages, all by TSt'smother's siblings and all with Southern Paiute, three were matri-local, one patrilocal, the Shoshoni in all cases moving away.Marriage was arranged by the boy's father, who gave 10 to 20strings of bead money (nauwaku) and a basket to the girl's father.The girl's mother reciprocated with seeds. Marriage simply entailedthe couple's living together.The sororate and levirate, both junior and senior, were compulsory.To avoid it when remarrying, either party had to pay. Sometimes asororal marriage also required a slight additional payment to thegirl's family.
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120lONE VALLEY, REESE RIVER, AND SMITH CREEK VALLEYlone and Reese River Valleys were more densely populated thanthe region of Tonopah, but the study of this and of practically allof the remainder of northern Nevada was greatly handicapped bythe total lack of suitable maps for location of sites, sources of water,and food resources. Only the extreme southern parts of lone andReese River Valleys are covered by the U. S. G. S. "Tonopah"quadrangle.The Paradise Range which bounds lone Valley and the DesatoyaMountains which bound Smith Creek Valley on the west are roughlythe boundary between Shoshoni and Northern Paiute. (See Wasson,1862, p. 218.) But a good many Paiute lived in lone Valley wherethey had intermarried and some Shoshoni had settled with EdwardsCreek Valley Paiute. In 1860, Burton (1862, p. 487) observed thatSmith Creek was in Paiute territory.The culture; of these Shoshoni is fundamentally the same as thatof neighboring Shoshoni, though slight influences from the Paiuteare evident. Borrowed, either from the Paiute or from Shoshoni tothe north was the custom of naming people of a general though notdefinitely bounded region after some prominent food. Thus:Kuivadiika (Kuiya, the root of Valeriana ednUs-\- dxWia, eat), people of SmithCreek Valley.Waidiika (wai, Oryzopsis hymciwides), people in the vicinity of Cloverdale,to the south.Wiyumbitiikanii (wiyumbi, buffalo berry, Lepargt/rca -{-duka, eat+uii, people),people in Great Smoky Valley, which was called Wiyumbahunovi (buffaloberry+pa, water+hunovi, valley).Shoshoni of Reese River called themselves Nil (people) or Mahaguadlika(mahagua, Mentzelia seeds+diika) and their valley, Maliakua bahunovi.Paiute were called Paviotso (TH), Paviyodzo'" (JK). Neither could betranslated.It is probable that in native times lone, Reese River, and SmithCreek Valleys were separate though not completely independent dis-tricts. As the information given by informants comes largely fromlate post-Caucasian days, it shows a single, persuasive chief, Tu : tuwa(called Totoi by the white man), extending his influence over theseand neighboring valleys, as far north as the Humboldt River. Thisalmost certainly does not represent the scope of political unity innative times.JF thought the dialect was a little different north of Eureka, eastin Great Smoky Valley, south near Cloverdale and Tonopah, andwest in lone Valley. WJ denied the last.Reese River Valley, lying between two high ranges, is unusuallyfertile and is one of the few valleys favored with sufficient waterto maintain a perennial stream. The Toyabe Range on the east

tral Nevada.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 101
extends upward beyond the pinyon zone, having several peaks which,surpass 11,000 feet. Though precipitous, this range had many plantfoods and gave rise to numerous springs. The Shoshoni Mountainson the west are lower, the highest peak being just over 9,000 feet, butthey contained some springs and important food resources.Although the local population was undoubtedly denser than inmost parts of the Shoshoni area, there is no reliable estimate of it.If each of the 41 camps in Reese River Valley listed by JF had but 1family of 6 persons, the total population would be 250 persons in 900square miles, or 1 per 3.6 square miles. This seems too much andJF's guess that there were 1,000 to 2,000 persons is certainly excessive.In 1872 Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 12) estimated it to be 530 persons.Village or camp sites.?The following is the approximate locationof camp sites in the Reese River Valley south of Austin, the numberscorresponding with those on the map (fig. 8). Although JF thoughteach was a winter encampment of several families, it is more likelythat some were mere temporary seed camps, or even place names..Those which were camp sites, however, were conveniently located, forthe mountains behind them afforded pine nuts, roots, and seeds, whilethe low and partly marshy valley floor provided seeds and roots, mostof which grew within 4 or 5 miles of each camp. In fact the onlylong trips that were necessary were for pine nuts when the local cropfailed and for communal antelope and rabbit drives and festivals.These might require travel up to 40 or 50 miles, depending on thelocation of the village.Reese River Valley slopes gradually upward from probably about6,000 feet or slightly less in the vicinity of Austin to 7,400 feet at thehead of the Reese River at Indian Valley.Starting at Austin and proceeding south, down the western slopeof the Toyabe Range (hunupi in these names means canyon), thecamps were
:
1. Wiyunutualiunupi (wiyilmbi, buffalo berry+nutua, close, i. e., the thickbuck brush closes the canyon), the first creek south of Austhi, about 2 milesfrom Austin. Fall festivals held here.2. Xrtgasikigada (ar)ga, red+siki, sideways+gada, sitting), 1 mile from last ra canyon here ; the name is from a peak in the vicinity.3. Tutumbihunupi (tu. black+tumbi, rock), li/^ miles from last.4. Ohaogwaihuniipi (oha, yellow+ogwai, ground), 1 mile from last.5. Bambicpahunupi (bambic, stinking+pa, water), about 2 miles from last.6. Soijgwatumbihun (soq'gwa, lava-ftumbi, rock), about li^ miles from last.7. Gunuvijap (gunuvip, elderberry bush+jap, here, i. e., occurs here), about1% miles from last.8. Biahunupi (bia, big). Big Creek, west of Kingston.9. Mazagiiahunupi (mssa, the round cactus+kiia, peak), 2 miles from last.10. Oapihunupi (oapi, a yellow stone used for paint), 2 miles from last.60285?38 8
ft>OM B?ATTr AND
? fAMILV, W/A/r?? CAMP f>n PIMC f/UT COffSk tvwren VILLAGE, MuMso 5(1 seeo akfasOF FAMUICS UmSOWN g^ Se?/>ICSMODBliN TOWN fft KOOTS AND WeOS
rf" SPRING Anf AureiOPe d'^e5-r-; PLAYA Rb />abbit Mive&%. SALT MAKS/t F feSTIVAL60285?38 (Face p. 101) FiooBB 8.?Villages and subsistence areas of central Nevada.

J^Q2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120
11. Tiidiipihunupi (tudupi, turquoise) ; 1% miles from last; turquoise minedhere aboiiginally for beads.12. Yudigivo'ihunupi (yudigip:, thin slabs of rock+vo'i, on top; so-calledbecause the trail to Eureka crossed over these rocks) ; 2 miles from last,13. Aihyu'hunupi (aihyu', the pole used to pull down pine nuts), about 2miles from last.14. Navahodava (navahoda, dug out-fpa, water; named from the fact thatwells were dug here to procure water) ; 3 miles from last.15. Gu:vadakuahunupi (gurvada, long+kiia, peak), 2 miles from last orabout halfway between Austin and Bell's ranch.16. Baiumbasa'hunupi (baiya'", yellow jacket+basa', dried up), about 1 milefrom last.17. Kwinahunupi (kwina, gwina, hawk or eagle), 2 miles from last.18. Tosakiiahunupi (tosa, white+kiia, peak), 3 miles from last. This is prob-ably near Clear Creek, at about 7,000 feet.19. Atsunguahunupi (a:sur), yellowish -fkiia, peak), 1 mile from last.20. "Wakaibnnupi (wakai, pinyon tree), 1 mile from last.21. Boyii'wihunupi (boyii', trail-fwia, pass), 3 miles from last. A trail toGreat Smoky Valley passed over here.22. Yiimbahunupi (yiimba, yomba, root of Carum gairdneri), 3 miles fromlast.23. 0:nihunupi (o:ni, winding or crooked ?), about 2% miles from last.24. A:dumbihunupi (a:, white-fdumbi, rock), about 2^2 miles from last.25. Bukwiyo'?hunupi (warm water in a pool or small spring), about 4 milesfrom last and a little south of Bell's ranch.Winter sites similarly were located at sources of water along theeastern slope of the Shoshoni Mountains, near pine nuts, which weregathered in this range. These were
:
26. Siinurigoi (siinu' ", seeds of Lappula+koi, peak), about 10 miles north-west of Austin and slightly north of Mount Airy, It is possible that this feUinto the territory of the district to the north.27. Sova, sofa (so, much4-pa water), a spring near the summit of MountAiry; Tu'tuwa, the chief, lived here.28. Tiiosava (tiiosa, boulder+pa, water), 2 or 3 miles south of last.29. Yii'tomba (yii'tom, badger hole+pa, water, i. e., water in badger holes),1 mile from last.30. Evimba (evi, white chalk -fpa, water), 3 or 4 miles from last.31. Dumboi (dumbi, rock-fboi, cave), at foot of hill near river, with somecamps nearby. No one occupied the cave. Two or three miles from last.32. Hukumba (hukumbi, "pine needles" or seeds ?, which cover up thespring+pa), about 2 miles from last.33. Kosiva (kosi, dust -fpa, water, i. e., muddy water), 3 miles from last.34. Wii rpayagahunupi (wu:payaga, spreading or expanding, i. e., at thecanyon mouth), 3 miles from last.35. Dawiciwiihunupi (dawiciwop, rabbit brush), 2 miles from last.36. Kii : nuvidumbihunupi (kunuvi, elderberry+dumbi, rock), about 1^ milesfrom last. A source of elderberries.37. Pazuyuhoi' (pa, water+zuyuhoi', dripping, i. e., down the rocks), 4 milesfrom last.38. Warji^odiisikihunupi (waqgovi, "white pine"+dusilii, a peak which risesgradually on one side and precipitously on the other), 2 miles from last.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 103
39. Ava (a, white+pa, water; named from the white ground in the vicinity),2^/4 miles from last.40. Bohoba (bohovi, Artemisia tridentata-\-'pa, water), a spring, 3 milesfrom last.41 Doqgwicava (doqgwicap, wild cherry-fpa, water), slightly south of lone,west of the Bell ranch.Another camp, which properly fell into the lone Valley district, was south-west of Berlin Peak at a spring called Wanzi awa'" (wanzi, autelope+awa'",chest; significance unknown).No village sites were obtained for lone Valley. The populationwas predominantly Shoshoni with some Northern Paiute intermixed.Two Paiute villages in Edwards Creek Valley given by TH were
:
Wanahunupi (wana, net or string), on a creek on the eastern side of theTalley.Acamiidzi'', near a little mountain southeast of Alpine.Place names. Shoshoni Mountain, Hotoya' (ho, wood-|-toyavi, mountain).The following places are in this range.Berlin Peak, Duvanoha' (duva, pine nut-fnoha', ?)Orjgua (or), rocky+kau, peak), a low, rocky peak on the pass between Peter-son's and Welch's ranches.Nagaho : rigua (naga, smallest-fhoM], rocky -fkiia, peak), about 2 miles southof last.Wedodo' (?), a small peak standing out in the flat of the valley near thehills about 3 miles south of the last. Used as a point of reference in givingdirection.Diignngiia (diigu, "wild potatoes"+kiia, peak), about 1 mile from the campat Evimba. A place for gathering "wild potatoes."Boiuawiya (boina, Sophia seeds-f-wiya, pass), about 1 mile south of last,where a trail crosses the mountains and where boina was abundant.A:giia (a:, white+kua, peak), a peak about 1 mile west of the camp atDumboi.Tuggwigadii (tumbi, rock+gwip:i, smoke-fgadii, sitting, i. e., the bluish,smoky looking rock ledges on the hill somewhat below the summit on theeastern side of the range). About 4 miles south of the camp at Wu:payagahunupi.Toyabe Mountains, Biatoyavi (bia, big+toyavi, mountain). The followingare in this range
:
Tumiiza:pi (tumbi, rock-fza :pi, point), a peak about 2 miles south of the<;amp at yudigivo'i.Welch's ranch in Reese River, Wandouawiinun : (wando, pole+nawiinuu :,standing up). This name seems to have been taken from the fact that thewhite soldiers erected some kind of signal poles.Near Edwards Creek Valley :Yundumba (yun, ?-f tumbi, rock+pa, water), springs in the Clan AlpineMountains southwest of Alpine, which served as a pine-nut camp.Sonaduhaga (?, a Paiute word), springs south of the last, also a pine-nutcamp.Nadapika'" (nadapi, their rock+ka'", peak), a peak in the Mount Airy Range.Dutisofe'" (Paiute word), Eastgate.Suhsisfence activities.?Economy differed here in minor ways fromthat farther south. First, there are more roots and berries in propor-
1Q4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [edll. 120tion to seeds, though the pine nut continues to be of outstandingimportance. Second, certain characteristic southern plants disappear,among them Salvia^ tonopuda (unidentified), Joshua tree, and mes-quite. Third, the practice of sowing wild seeds was first encounteredhere. The brush in "basins" in the hills near the winter villages wasburned and Mentzelia and Chenopodium seeds were broadcast. Thereis no question that this practice was native, for it was described inall parts of north central Nevada. Planting was done by all villagemembers and the plot protected against trespass. Reese River, lone,and Smith Creek Valleys all planted in the same way. It was, how-ever, probably a minor factor in subsistence.Plant foods were nearly all gathered within convenient distanceof the encampments, thus permitting the population to be somewhatmore stable and sedentary than most Nevada Shoshoni.Seeds procured in the valleys were: Sand bunch grass {Oryzopsis)^second in importance only to pine nuts and sometimes gathered insufficient quantity to last all winter; June, July. Sophia; June,July. Mentzelia; June, July. Dui, unidentified; July, August.Hukiimbi (unidentified), especially in Great Smoky Valley; Sep-tember. Tule, in marshy places; August, September. Lappulu.Artemisia tridentata^ some eaten. Most of these required trips ofonly three or four days, people carrying water into the arid desert inbasketry ollas.Seeds from the canyons and mountains were: Pine nuts, the mostimportant. Chenopodium; August. Sihu, red top grass; AugustsElymus^ wild rye ; August, occurs also in valleys. Sunflower ; August.Practically all seeds were stored in some quantity for winter use.Roots, mostly from the mountain, were : hii'*^ (unidentified) , yomba{Carum gairdneri), onions, and hunib: (unidentified) in June,July. Topoi (unidentified), July; Reese River Valley, where loneValley people secured permission to gather; also Big Smoky Valley.Du'u, "wild potato," valleys, canyons; July. Goiyu'u {Valerianaedulis ?), valley near lone; July. Mahavit (Eleocharis or Bro-diaea ?), wet parts of valleys; June, July; people from all parts ofthe valley usually dug it between Welch Ranch and Ledlie, nearAustin. Nop: (unidentified), swamps in valley; ripe in July butcould be dug throughout winter. All but hii'il and du'u were driedand stored.Berries, practically all growing in canyons and mountain sides,were: Buffalo berries {Shej)erdia) \ crop only in certain years;August. Service berry {Amelanchier) ; July. Wild cherry {Pm-nus) ; August. Elder {Samhuciis) ; September. Gooseberries{Grossularia) ; July, August. Wild currant {R'lbes) ; July. Thefirst four were dried and stored. Lyciwn^ none in lone and Reese
BTEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 105Valleys, but procured with permission or by invitation of localresidents around Peavine and Cloverdale Creeks, to the south ; dried,stored.Communal antelope and rabbit hunts were the main collectiveeconomic activities.Antelope hunts depended upon the whereabouts of antelope andof an antelope shaman. There seems to have been only one shaman,Wanzigwgp tsugu' (wanzi, antelope+ gW8p, fence, i. e., antelopecorral+ tsugu', old man), for Reese River, lone. Smith Creek, andEdwards Creek. (There was another shaman in Great Smoky Val-ley.) Drives were held in March (gwamua; gwap, corral+ mua,month) in Reese River Valley, usually just below Austin, or inneighboring valleys to the west.^^Rabbit drives were held after pine-nut trips, in connection withthe fall festival, which lasted 5 days. The location seems to havevaried from year to year, but it is uncertain whether each valley per-formed independently. In Reese River, War)godo'? was director,lone Valley people usually went to Reese River, but may have hadtheir own hunts, under a local director. Sometimes they went toSmith Valley, where Wagon Jack was probably director. Huntsinvolved several nets and large crowds of drivers.Deer were unimportant in this region. They were hunted eitherby individuals or small groups, probably involving little more thanvillage members.Oionership of seed areas.?In both lone and Reese River Valleys,choice pine-nut tracts were owned and protected against trespass byvillages, whether or not village members were related. Villages, how-
?ever, probably were often but single families or related families. Eachtract embraced some 100 to 200 acres and was bounded by naturallandmarks known to everyone. Tracts were in the mountains behindthe villages. Thus, camps on the eastern side of Reese River Valleyowned tracts in the Toyabe Mountains, those on the western side inthe Shoshone Mountains. The same was true of lone Valley. MJ'speople in lone Valley owned a tract on the western slope of the Sho-shone Mountains a few miles southeast of Mount Berlin, near theirwinter village, and another in the Paradise Mountains, on the westernside of the valley, perhaps 12 miles away. If the crop failed at these,her family was usually invited by her mother's step-father to pickon his tract in the "Alpine" (Desatoya or Clan Alpine ?) Mountains.Plots which were burned and sowed with wild seeds were also vil-lage-owned. There is some doubt whether plots of other wild seedswere similarly owned. GJ and JF held that all seed areas were di-
" A detailed account of the procedure of the antelope shaman during a hunt has beengiven elsewhere.
IQQ BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, iza
vided into village-owned tracts, the owners inviting others to gatherif the crop were abundant. That trips to near Cloverdale to gatherLycium berries and to Great Smoky Valley to gather topoi roots andhukumbi were made only with permission of the local residents sub-stantiates this. Gus Thomas, however, thought people were at libertyto gather where they pleased, except on pine-nut and sowed-seed land.Trespassers were driven off with words, if possible, but there wasno fighting or killing. Tutuwa's brother, a weather shaman, onceproduced a heavy downpour of rain and hail to drive trespassers fromhis seed lands.Inheritance is confused by the claim of village ownership. It seemsto have been patrilineal, however, when a single family was involved,women gathering on their husband's tracts.Ownership of seed territory is contrary to Shoshoni custom. Twoexplanations are possible for its occurrence here. First, the idea mayhave been borrowed from neighboring Paiute, who, according to allShoshoni, had property rights in seed areas. (This, however, was de-nied for Paiute in the vicinity of Winnemucca, to the north.) In thiscase the situation would perhaps resemble that of the Saline ValleyShoshoni, who also adjoined Paiute with such concepts and were alsoexceptional in claiming property rights in pine-nut tracts. Second,it may have developed from the fact that the population here wasdenser, more stable, and able to get all essential foods within a smallradius of the village, so that habitual use led to ownership. In thiscase the ownership would presumably have developed somewhat likethe Owens Valley Paiute ownership of seed lands.Smith Valley people, immediately north of lone Valley, did not,however, have ownership of any tracts except those of sowed seeds.Trespassers on these were shot. (TH.)Ownership of sowed plots accords with the Shoshoni principle thatthere are property rights only in things on which work has been done.Festivals.?The fall festival was held in conjunction with the rab-bit drive. This Avas usually at Wandonawunum : and sometimes atWiyunutuahunupi in Keese River Valley, but might be in othervalleys if, for any reason, rabbits were hunted in them. JF saidthat they followed, FS that they preceded, pine-nut trips.The aboriginal area participating in festivals is open to question.In post-Caucasian times Austin became the site of large festivalswhich drew people from not only throughout Reese River Valleynorth to Battle Mountain, and from lone, Smith Creek, and EdwardsCreek valleys, but even Paiute from Walker River and Walker Lake,100 miles away. Tutuwa was director.For 5 days the men drove rabbits daily and everyone danced atnight. Dances were the round dance, the horn dance, which is a.
STEWAKD] basin-platp:au aboriginal groups 107
variation of the round dance, and the recently borrowed back-and-forth dance. Though danced primarily for pleasure, there was andstill is some belief that the round dance brings rain.FS's account of the Austin festivals introduces a few elementswhich may have been native but are suspiciously like practices ofNorthern Shoshoni whom he observed at Owyhee. When visitorsarrived, FS said, Tutuwa assigned each family a place in the campcircle which surrounded the dance ground in place of a dance corral.It had an opening on the eastern side, directly opposite which Tutuwacamped, and a pine-nut tree or post in the center. People merelyerected temporary windbreaks for shelter. During the dance Tutuwatalked from time to time, telling the boys not to steal or make troubleand urging people to bring out food for feasts. Captain Charlie alsotalked.In addition to the main fall festivals, lesser gatherings were heldin spring and summer for the round dance. These were generallyalso directed by Tutuwa.Warfare.?Several casual fights wdth Paiute from the west wererecorded, but these contributed little to social solidarity, and wereconducted w^th a lack of specific war procedure. Two or three times,before the arrival of the white man, marauding bands of Paiute menbent on sheer mischief, according to Shoshoni accounts, killed womenand children in the festival camp in lone Valley, while men wereaway hunting rabbits. The Shoshoni men, without a special leader^followed the Paiute and killed them. In one instance the Shoshonikilled all the Paiute except one man. They cut off his ears and senthim home as a challenge. Eventually an old Paiute man came overto give shell money (GJ and JF thought shell money had not beenused) to the Shoshoni, asking that they be friends and trade rabbit-skin blankets and other goods with the Paiute (PH)
.
Political organization.?Natively, the land-owning village seemsto have been a fairly stable political unit, though I have no informa-tion on village chiefs. Cooperation between villages, as elsewhere inNevada, seems to have been variable. Probably the people of ReeseRiver Valley south of Austin habitually assembled for the combinedfestival and rabbit drive. lone Valley and sometimes Smith Valleypeople joined them, though it is not clear whether they came merelyas guests. The whereabouts of an antelope shaman determined whichpeople cooperated in antelope hunts. There were no other nativeactivities to weld the inhabitants of the different areas into true bands.In recent times, however, people of Reese River Valley and loneValley seem to have held a common festival and looked to the samechief to represent them, so that they were thought of by informantsas being something of a band. Austin, settled in 1860, has long beena center of Shoshoni population from a large area.
][Qg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120The main task of the chief, dagwani, in native times was to directthe festival. The earliest known Reese River Valley chief wasTutuwa (Totoi). In 1862, Wasson (p. 219) estimated his followersto number 800 to 400. He was succeeded by his brother, Tom Totoi.Tom was succeeded by his sister's son. Captain Joe Gilbert. Joe wassucceeded temporarily by his brother-in-law, Jim Butcherman, whowas too old but became temporary chief at the request of the whitepeople until someone else could be found. Eventually, Joe Gilbert'sson, Aleck Gilbert, took the position, but today it means little andAleck has moved to Duckwater. Succession thus seems not to havebeen primarily governed either by inheritance or public choice, butby appointment by one's predecessor.Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 12) list four chiefs for the ReeseRiver Valley in 1872: To-to'-a, Koo-soo-be-ta-gwi, Behr-ha-naugh,and Uhr-wa-pits ; and three for the vicinity of Austin : Weg-a'-whan,Wedg-a'-gan, and Kush-sho-way ; To-to'-a was the chief of the "al-liance" or entire group, called Na-hae-go.Antelope shamans received their powers in dreams.Though Tutuwa was said to have been festival chief for all valleys,Reese River, lone, and Alpine Valleys probably had their own rabbit-drive directors. TH, Smith Valley, thought that Tutuwa appointedthe rabbit-drive director.Marriage.?The relationship of marriage to communities was notdistinctive. Districts and probably many of the larger villages weremade up of unrelated families which could intermarry, so that therewas no rule of local exogamy. Blood relationship was the only barto marriage and recent cases of second-cousin marriage are stronglydisapproved.In this region, however, we first encounter certain new types ofmarriage w^hich are practiced by most Shoshoni to the north. Themost interesting of these is a kind of cross-cousin marriage. A num-ber of localities to the northeast and east, described below, had truecross-cousin marriage. Others, like Reese River and lone Valley,prohibited marriage of true cross-cousins but preferred marriage ofwhat may be called pseudo cross-cousins. That is, marriage was pref-erably with the mother's brother's or father's sister's stepchild, butwas prohibited with the pseudo parallel-cousin, the mother's sister'sor father's brother's stepchild. The relationship of these forms ofmarriage to social structure is discussed in a concluding section, asnone is wholly intelligible unless set in the perspective of a com-parison of a number of areas.Marriage was arranged largely by a man's parents, who gave gener-ous presents of goods to the parents of the prospective bride. Al-though the latter gave some reciprocal presents, these gifts seem to
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 109have constituted a semibride purchase. There are no census data,but informants declared that there was temporary matrilocal resi-dence, during which the boy hunted for his parents-in-law in a kindof bride service. Permanent residence was usually patrilocal, butwas determined by individual circumstances rather than by any rule.The levirate and sororate were both extremely strong, informantsbelieving that a person had no choice but to follow them. Lack ofchildren made no difference. The reason for these customs was saidto be the strong affection which existed between brothers-in-law andsisters-in-law. No additional payment was required when the levirateand sororate were followed. Disregard of them led to the assassina-tion of the offender. (The last seems improbable.)Two other methods of obtaining a wife, which were common to thenorth and east, were abduction and personal combat. In the first,a man, aided by several friends, went to a girl's house and, beatingdown opposition should it be offered, carried her off without regardto her or her family's desires. In the second, a man, coveting the wifeof another man, went with his friends to her home. He and the hus-band fought with their fists and the winner took the woman. Neitherinvolved use of the bow and arrow or intentional bloodshed. Bothpractices have more point where the population was sparser andpotential spouses scarcer.It is not known whether fraternal polyandry was practiced. It hasbeen reported among Paiute to the west and northwest and occurredamong Shoshoni to the north and east (Stewart, O. C, 1937; Park,1937) , but not to the south. Throughout the area including Shoshonito the south, however, the levirate and sororate were very strongand polygyny was preferably sororal.GREAT (BIG) SMOKY VALLEY AND MONITOR VALLEYGeographically, these valleys resemble Reese River Valley, thoughthey are somewhat less fertile. Virtually no information is available,however, for the region of Ralston Valley and the extreme southernportion of Great Smoky Valley, north of Tonopah. The area iscomparatively arid and probably had a sparse, scattered population.Great Smoky Valley is enclosed by the Toyabe Range on the westand the Toquima Range on the east. The former is comparatively aridon the Great Smoky Valley side in the north but the southern portion,which culminates in Arc Dome (11,775 feet), gives rise to manysmall creeks at intervals of a mile or two. There were probablycamps on each of these but the largest villages were at Millett's Ranchon the South Twin River (6,002 feet), at Darrough's Hot Springs(5,609 feet) called tldii'ba (hot water), and at Peavine Creek. There
2X0 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll, izo
:may also have been other villages but it was not possible to procurea list of them.Even less information is available about Monitor Valley. It, too,was between high ranges, both the Toquima Range on the west andthe Monitor Eange on the east having a number of summits above10,000 feet and a general elevation which produced considerablemoisture but no important rivers in the valley.Fragments of information suggest that Great Smoky ValleyShoshoni were like other Nevada Shoshoni in all important features.Subsistence activities resembled those of Reese River, except thatthere was no ownership of seed areas. Thus, Hot Springs peoplegathered seeds in their own valley and in the Toquima and ToyabeRanges where they pleased. There was probably no danger of theirtrespassing on Reese River pine-nut groves in the Toyabe Range, forthey ordinarily gathered on their own side of the summit.The Great Smoky Valley 5-day fall festival was held, after pinenuts were harvested, at Hot Creek, Millett's Ranch, Manhattan, orelsewhere. They were directed by Captain John. After the dance,Captain John would announce the 10-day ra'bbit hunt, held at variousplaces in the valley. Visitors from Reese River, Austin, and else-where attended these and it is possible that, in post-Caucasian times,at least, Monitor and Ralston Valley people had customarily joinedforces with the Great Smoky Valley people under Captain John. (JK.
)
Belmont, a mining town settled in 1865 in the southern end of theToquima Range, however, became the center of a fairly large whiteand Indian population at an early time and seems to have had localfestivals and rabbit drives under a special director, Old Joe (JK).JS, who had lived in Belmont during his childhood, circa 1875 or1880, said the early, post-Caucasian director was Timpanovo'tsu-gupu"^' (timb:, rock+ pa, water+novo', tank, i. e., water in a rockybasin after a rain+ tsugupu''^', old man). After he retired. BillKawich, who had come from the Kawich Mountains, became director.He is probably Powell and Ingalls' Kai'-wits, who was chief of116 persons at Belmont and vicinity. These authors name "Brigham"as chief of 25 Indians in Big Smoky Valley (1874, p. 12).Festivals at this time drew Indians, traveling now with horses,from most neighboring valleys. PH, however, named Bogombitsdagwani (bogombits, wild currant+dagwani, chief) as director ofjoint festivals held by people of Belmont and Stone Cabin. At whatperiod he was director is not known.KAWICH MOUNTAINSThe Kawich Range, north of the Belted Range, gives rise to afew springs where a small number of winter camps were clustered.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS HIThese, together with the camps at Tybo Creek and Hot Creek, to thenorth, are shown on the map, figure 8. There is no informationabout camps in the Reveille Mountains or extreme southern Rail-road Valley. The northern part of Railroad Valley is described
"with Little Smoky Valley, below.Some idea of the aridity which restricted population in this areamay be had from the fact that all the sources of water in the KawichRange and the territory to the south and west are entered on themap, figure 8, from the very detailed U. S. G. S. "Kawich" quad-rangle. The valleys are all in excess of 5.000 feet, however, and themountains, though not high, extended into the pinyon zone in severallocalities, so that foods, while not abundant, sufficed for this sparsepopulation.Encampments.?In the area for which encampments are given, JSthought there had been a total of 20 families, LJB estimated 15. Thiswould be about 90 to 120 persons. As these families ordinarily rangedover some 2,025 square miles, the population would be 1 person to17 or 22.5 square miles.Winter encampments frequently shifted, especially with respect togood pine-nut crops. They were usually at springs at 6,500 to 7,000feet but might, if pine nuts were plentiful, be higher in the mountainswhere snow was used for water.42. Hot Creek, about 10 miles north of Tybo, bad two families, one beaded byHot Creek Jobn, Kawiisi, tbe otber by Brigbam. Total, about 10 persons (AC).For festivals, they went to Duekwater, in Railroad Valley, or Biabahuna, in LittleSmoky Valley, and later went with people from Stone Cabin to Belmont ; forantelope hunts they probably occasionally joined Tybo and Kawich ; for rabbitdrives they joined Little Smoky Valley people, vmder Morey Jack.43. Tybo Creek (from taivo, white man) ; native name, Kunugiba (kunugip,elderberry-|-pn). Three or four families under a chief named Kunugipajugo.These people got pine nuts near Rocky Peak, to the west, in the southern part ofthe Hot Creek Range, in the Kawich Range, and sometimes in the Reveille Range,but never as far away as the Quinn Canyon Mountains to the east. The maxi-mum length of these trips was about 25 miles. They usually joined KawichMountain people for antelope and rabbit drives, some of which were held insouthern Hot Creek Valley, others near the Kawich Mountains. They eitherhad local festivals with Kawich Mountain people participating or went to theKawich Mountains.44. Hot Springs, to the south, had several winter encampments.The Kawich Mountains, called Piadoya (big mountain), had several scatteredcamps at the various springs. These totaled nine or more, and included thatof the chief of this region. These were
:
45. Breen Creek, 6,800 feet, 3 families, totaling 15 persons known to JS.These were: Kawatc (Kawich), the chief, whose first wife was unknown, andone son ; second wife from Tybo, one daughter ; third wife a Southern Paiute,two sons, two daughters ; total, eight. Second, Kawatc's sister, her husbandfrom Tybo or vicinity, two daughters. Third, Kawatc's second sister, herhusband, a Shoshoni from somewhere east, and one daughter. (JS.)
;[]^2 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. l2(^46. Longstreet Canyon or Horse Canyon, 7,000 feet, Hugwapagwa (hngwa,.cane+pagwa, mouth of canyon). Three families; total 23 persons. Familyheads were three brothers. One, the oldest and so-called chief, his wife froma local camp, four sons, one daughter. The next brother, wife from Hugwapagwa,seven sons, one daughter. The third brother, LJB's father, his wife from the-Montezuma Mountains, two sons, two daughters. (JS.)47. Reveille Mill probably had several persons. (JS.)48. Rose Spring, Tiiava (probably tuambi, service berry+pa, water). Twafamilies. (LJB.)Of 6 marriages recorded here, 5 were with persons from regionsother than the Kawich Mountains. Three of these were patrilocal,.2 matrilocal. The sixth marriage followed only village exogamy andwas patrilocal.JSuhsistence activities.?Pine nuts were gathered by Kawich Moun-tain people in the local mountains. When they were scarce, thechief directed each family where to gather; when abundant, eachfamily gathered where it liked. Wlien there Avas no local crop theywent to the Monitor Range east of Belmont, 25 to 50 miles distant,,and even to the Silver Peak Mountains near Lida, 75 miles distant.(LJB.)Other seeds were gathered in the vicinity of winter villages inthe Kawich Mountains. Also, Antelope Spring in the Cactus Moun-tains was base camp for gathering seeds of bunch grass, Mentzelia^yuvikui {Ghylismia ?), and tiiiga (unidentified) during May andJune. Belted Range and even Lida people sometimes went to theCactus Mountains. No one wintered there because there were nopine nuts.In November, after pine-nut harvests, all Kawich Mountain peopleassembled, usually in Cactus Flat, to drive rabbits for several daysor even a month. Each morning the director, LJB's father's oldestbrother who was the chief's, Kawatc's, cousin, announced plans forthe day's hunt and told people where to go. Sometimes KawichMountain people visited Whiterock Spring in the Belted Range tadrive rabbits under the direction of the local chief. (LJB.)Communal antelope drives directed by a shaman were held in thespring. Participants are not known, though some Belted Rangepeople took part.Festivals.?These were held during pine-nut harvest and thereforewherever the crop was good, for example at different Adllages in theKawich Mountains. Sometimes they were held at Tybo. Recently^at least, people joined forces with Indians at Belmont, Tom beingdirector of these enlarged festivals and Kawatc also rising to promi-nence. Kawich people did not participate in Belted Range festivals.(LJB.)
jjTKWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 113Political organization.?For the greater part of the year, the nineor more individual families of the Kawich Mountains were independ-ent. Had they cooperated exclusively with one another in communalhunts and festivals they would have formed something of a band.Actually, though they usually assembled for these activities, somefamilies were likely to join peoples to the north or south. Also out-side people frequently came to the Kawich Mountains.There seems to have been a kind of village chief where the clusterof camps was large enough to warrant giving the leader of the sev-eral generally related families this title. The chief of the generalarea, at least in post-Caucasian times, was Kawatc. He directedfestivals, pine-nut trips when nuts were scarce and when all thefamilies traveled together, and possibly rabbit drives. A shamandirected antelope hunts. Kawatc's influence was later extended,when, after the mining boom in 1865, Belmont acquired a large com-munity of Shoshoni wiio held festivals of some magnitude.LITTLE SMOKY VALLEY AND VICINITYInformation about this valley is mostly from BH ; a little is fromIlls brother, PH. They formerly lived near Morey, an old stagestation on the road between Warm Springs and Eureka. As theactivities of the residents of Little Smoky Valley were extremely in-terlinked with those of neighboring valleys, it is necessary to includethe latter in some matters.The dialect spoken in Little Smoky Valley seems to have beenshared by people with whom its occupants were in most frequent con-tact. BH said it was the same in Hot Creek Valley, around Tybo, inWillow Creek, Fish Creek, and Little Smoky Valleys. It was slightlydifferent at Belmont, Duckwater, Antelope Valley, Eureka, and inthe Kawich Mountains. This would suggest that people of Hot Creekand the Kawich Mountains were not in as close contact as informa-tion from informants to the south had indicated. But as the lan-guage changed in a gi-adual, progressive manner and not through dis-tinct, well-bounded dialets, present data from language sheds littlelight on alinement of social groups.This valley had no local name for itself but was called by Rail-road Valley people Yuwinai (yuwin, south+ nai, dwellers).Its geography is essentially like that of the regions to the southand west, just described.Villages and camps.?Tlie following were recalled by BH from hislaoyhood, about 1880. Locations were necessarily approximate becauseof want of a suitable base map. The total population for the 9villages and camps of Little Smoky Valley and Fish Creek Valley
11^ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 12awas about 14 families, or 96 persons. The subsistence area wasabout 1,700 square miles. This gives about 1 person to 17.5 squaremiles.Numbers of camps correspond with those on map, figure 8.49. Moore Station, Dzicava (dzica, dried juniper+pa, water), 4 miles northof Morey. One family: BH's paternal grandfather, his 3 wives, 3 children byone, 4 by the second, 3 by the third ; total, 14.50. Tutoya (tu, black+toya, mountain), a spring 4 or 5 miles south of Moreyon the western side of the valley. Possibly 2 families. Morey Jack's father,mother, 4 brothers, 1 sister ; total, 8. Possibly also BH's father-in-law's family.51. Hick's Station, Sap:ava (sap: a, scum-fba, water), 12 miles north ofMorey. One family: BH's father's sister's relatives, about 7 persons.52. Snowball, 8 miles farther north, Kwadumba (kwadu, antelope -fba, water,i. e., antelope come for water), 4 or 5 persons.53. Indian Creek, 6 or 7 miles north of last, Ba gumbuc (?). One family.54. Fish Creek. One family: Kwatsugu, (i. e.. Fish Creek Charley's father),the antelope shaman, his wife, three sons, including Fish Creek Charley ; total,five.Sigi Canyon, near Eureka, Basoba' ; about 8 or 10 miles north of Fish Creek.One family of 8 or 10 persons.North of this lies Eureka with a different dialect. BH gave thefollowing census for Fish Springs Valley, west of Little SmokyValley.55. WoQgodoya (woqgovi, white pine+toyabi, mountain), a spring in thehills west of Pish Springs, where there is now a sheep ranch. Probably severalfamilies, totaling some 30 persons.42. Hot Creek, Ddiiifa (iidiiind, hot-fpa, water), two or three families.56. Butler's place, about 20 miles north of Worjgodoya in the same valleywhere there are 2 or 3 springs. Perhaps 10 people.Some people lived at Twin Springs, to the south, affiliated with Tybo for fes-tivals and spoke like Kawich Mountain people.Powell and Ingalls' incomplete census in 1873 gave 24 Indians under To-po-go-om'-bi in the vicinity of Morey and 62 under Wau-go-vwi in the vicinity ofFish Lake (1874, p. 12).Subsistence actwities.?For pine nuts, Little Smoky Valley familieswent into the Antelope Range to the west and northwest of Sap : ava,usually to the same place each year. If the crop were poor and ifpeople from other valleys had come here, they arranged with thelocal residents that each family should harvest in some specified place.If a number of families were camped together at a favored localitythe chief announced each morning where each was to pick. Peoplefrom the vicinity of Eureka sometimes came to these mountains orwent to the White Pine Range east of Railroad Valley. The PancakeRange was too low and arid to have many pinyon trees, though LittleSmol^ Valley people sometimes went there where they met Duckwaterfamilies.Fish Springs Valley residents gathered pine nuts in the MonitorRange, Surjgadoya (suggavi, cottonwood+ toyabi, mountain), which
STEWAHOl BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 115was too far for Little Smoky Valley families. Hot Creek peoplewent to Six Mile, probably in the Hot Creek Range.Little Smoky Valley families procured most other seeds at various,places in their own valley. When they had a surplus of Mentzelidand ChenopodiuTn seeds they sometimes sowed them near their,villages.Groupings for communal rabbit and antelope drives alined the.Little Smoky Valley and Fish Springs populations in various ways.For rabbit drives the villagers of the northern part of Little.Smoky Valley joined Fish Springs, perhaps driving in the latter-valley. The villages near Fish Creek, however, sometimes wentto Diamond Valley, north of Eureka. Villages near Morey and insouthern Little Smoky Valley went south to Hot Creek Valley, joining,forces with local people to drive under the Morey chief, Morey Jack.Meanwhile, residents near Tybo, not far to the southwest, drove,with families from Twin Springs to the southeast, from Willow Creekto the northwest, and sometimes even from the Kawich Mountains,to the south.All Little Smolcy Valley people assembled near Snowball under.Kwatsugu' (kwap, corral+ tsugu', old man), the sliaman, to build acorral and drive antelope and sometimes deer. As Kwatsugu'seems to have been the only antelope and deer shaman in a large areaFish Springs people participated in these Little Smoky Valley hunts,though they sometimes held their own nonshamanistic deer huntsin the Antelope Mountains under a local director. Pine Creek Valleyand Diamond Valley, both north of Eureka, had also to call upon,Kwatsugu' for antelope drives (see p. 142). That he should haveserved so large an area is doubtless due to the fortuitous fact thatno one to the north had received a vision for antelope charming.Dukwatsugu' (not to be confused with Kwatsugu'), living at Potts,shamanized for communal antelope and deer drives in Monitor andAntelope Valleys to the west and northwest. Tybo people probablyalso had local antelope drives under their own shaman. Eureka,people often went to Railroad Valley.Some communal and probably shamanistic deer drives, with fences,hurdle, and a concealed pit, were held by Fish Creek people in the.Monitor Range,Big game hunting was carried on by individual hunters in acces-.sible mountains. Meat was distributed freely to one's neighbors,though it was not obligatory.Festivals.?Little Smoky Valley festivals were held at pine-nuttime and sometimes in spring and midsummer.Festivals brought population alinements somewhat different than,those for other activities. Little Smoky Valley people assembled
IIQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120under Morey Jack's brother, who lived at Tutoya, and Dosamasidu'(dosavitil, white +masidu', fingernail), BH's paternal grandfatherwho lived at Dzicava near Morey. The Fish Creek village, however,held festivals at home or went north to Eureka, where one of theirown chiefs, Fish Creek Charlie, was a talker. For Eureka two local
"festival directors were named: Buffalo Jim and Bitjiit, the latter alsomanaging pine-nut trips.Antelope Valley, to the northwest, had its own festival under Bai-yana. Fish Springs either danced locally or went south to Tybo,though Tybo people sometimes went to the Kawich Mountains. HotSprings undoubtedly also participated in Tybo festivals, though thepeople often went to near Morey and even to Duckwater. Later, peo-ple from this general southern region went either to Belmont or HotCreek, where post-Caucasian conditions had made large festivalspossible.There were other independent festivals in Railroad and White PineValleys and at Ely.Warfare.?BH recalled only one fight. Ute, armed with guns, cameto Little Smoky Valley and captured women and children. The Sho-shoni seized their guns and drove the invaders out. There was noorganization, regalia, or method for warfare.Mannage.?Marriage was forbidden between all blood relatives, in-cluding cross-cousins, and between pseudo parallel-cousins, i. e., withthe stepchild of the mother's sister or father's brother. The preferredmate was the pseudo cross-cousin, i. e., the stepchild of the mother'sbrother or father's sister. There was no rule of local exogamy, thoughsome people got spouses from a considerable distance. For example,BH's paternal grandfather was from near Morey, his paternal grand-mother from the Kawich Mountains ; his father also from Morey, hismother from Willow Creek.In normal marriages the parents of the couple concerned first agreedupon the union. Then the boy's parents gave presents of food andthe boy gave perhaps half a deer to the girl's parents. The boy'gparents then took him to the girl's house, where, after about 2 weeks,he slept with her and was thus married. For a month or two heremained, hunting for her family, then took her to an independentresidence. There was a strong preference that permanent residenceshould be patrilocal, as evidence whereof BH cited Black Eye's son,who married a girl from Sharp but returned to live with his fatherm Duckwater. Occasional visits were made, however, to the wife'sfamily.Polygyny was probably not uncommon and was preferably sororal.BH's grandfather had three wives.Polyandrous relations were an intensification of the levirate with
.an extension of sex privileges to the brother rather than true polyan-
sTBWAUuj BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 117drous marriage. One brother actually married the woman and wasconsidered father of her children. The other brother lived in thesame house and the woman cooked for both. But the second had sexprivileges only when the first was away and with consent of the wife.He anticipated marriage to another woman at some future time. Ina case observed by BH in Little Smoky Valley, the husband was theolder brother.When two brothers each had wives they did not grant each othersex privileges. There was no wife lending to visitors.The levirate and sororate, junior and senior, were so strong as tobe mandatory. In following them, a man did not have to makefurther presents to the woman's family.When a girl's family would not consent to marriage a man mightrecruit his friends and try to abduct her. BH thought the fightssometimes involved shooting and killing. Similarly, a man some-times attempted, with the aid of his friends, to abduct a marriedwoman. PH boasted that his grandfather traveled widely, seducingmen's wives and, if necessary, killing the men.RAILROAD VALLEYThis valley is more than 100 miles long, extending from the regionof Hamilton (S-Hmlt) in the north to the latitude of the KawichMountains in the south. It is bounded on the east by the high WhitePine, Grant, and Quinn Canyon Ranges, which afforded seeds, pinenuts, and many sources of water for village sites. Parts of theseranges even extend upward to the white-pine belt, with summitsabove the timberline. The Pancake Range on the west, which istopographically a mesa rather than mountain formation, is lowerand has few pine nuts. The valley floor is broad, level, sage-covered,and favored only a few seeds. It had, however, some antelope andjack rabbits.Villages. ^"^?The population of the northern part of the valley,excluding Curran Creek, was, using JW's and AC's estimate ofDuckwater, 70 persons, or 1 per 13.5 square miles. Using BH's esti-mate of Duckwater, it was 89 persons, or 1 per 9 square miles. Theentire valley from Hamilton to a little south of Nyala was approxi-mately 2,250 square miles. Assuming that each family at CurranCreek, Warm Springs, Blue Eagle, and Nyala had an average of 6persons, and adding the population of these villages to those in thenorth, the valley total was 250 persons, or approximately 1 per 9square miles.
"Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 12) state that there were 101 persons in the vicinityof Hamilton under Chief Que-ta'-pat-so.60285?38 9
^^g BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Camps in the northern end of the valley listed by JW are num-bered to correspond with map, figure 8.57. Bambasa (ba, water+basedaiaf), dry, i. e., it dries up in summer), onthe west side of Mount Hamilton, Kaidandaya (kaidan, peak-ftoyavi, moun-tain). Two families. One, JW's father, her mother who was abducted fromthe Kawich Mountains, two sisters, five brothers, and JW. JW's father hadbeen born here and raised by his grandmother. The other, JW's father'sbrother, his wife, two sons, and probably one daughter. Total, 15.58. Akamba (akii, sunflower-fba) or, probably also, Watoya (wa:vi, wildrye seed -ftoyavi, mountain), a spring west of Mount Hamilton, probably onthe eastern slope of the Pancake Range. Two families. One, A: taqgisugo(a: tar)gi, grasshopper +tsugupu', old man) and his wife. The other, Nokosugo(noko, roast), two wives, two daughters, one son. Total, eight. These peopleremained here throughout most of the year.59. Duckwater, Suhuva (suhuvi, red top grass), BH; Wandabamuts (wanda,hooked willow pine-nut pole-fbamuts, a pool, creek, or pond), JW ; Payagombi(paya, water ?-fgonibi, flat). People called Tsaidiika (tsaip, tule+dlika, eat),BH. JW and AC remembered 4 families, perhaps 24 persons. BH thought 50persons. Powell and Ingalls (1874, p 12) give 60 persons under Chief Mo-tso'-gaunt. A locality with many seeds and a center for rabbit drives and festivals.60. Woijgodupijugo (probably, woqgovi, "white pine"-|-tupi, flint-j-?), aplace southeast of Green Spring frequented by two families.Some villages in the central and southern part of the Railroad Valley weregiven by AC. Though the total number of families may be nearly correct, it isprobable that they were more scattered at the various springs than herinformation indicated.61. Currant Creek, Bawazivi (ba, water-fwazi, end-fvi, long), AC; Icagooap:festival chiefs, Kwitavui (kwita, stink bug-f bui, eye) and Ba : ksp (ice) livedhere.62. Warm Spring, Baiidiiir) (iidiiiq hot). Seven families. Village chief, whomanaged pine-nut trips, was Dughoviadzugu.63. Biadoyava (biap, big -f toyavi -fpa), at Blue Eagle Springs. Seven families.Village chief was a shaman. These people participated in western antelopehunts.64. Nyala, native name unknown (a spring near Nyala was called Hugapa,from hugap:, cane). Ten families. Village chief, Hunatsi (huna, badger -ftsi,diminutive or personal ending). These people picked pine nuts in the QuinnCanyon mountains, Biadoya.Subsistence activities: seed gathering.?JW's relatives, two fami-lies, wintered together at Bambasa near Hamilton, but, if pine nutshad been plentiful, they remained in the mountains, using snow forwater. In the spring they set out for seeds, traveling at night inwarm weather and carrying water in basketry ollas. Though localhills supplied most seeds, they sometimes went as far as Duckwater,especially if they wished to attend the 5-day festival held in May.About the same time there might be an antelope hunt nearer home.These families remained alone, near home most of the summer, cach-ing seeds for the next winter, though occasionally they went to Duck-water for a midsummer festival.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS HQIn the fall they usually went to Duckwater for the festival andrabbit drive. After this they set out alone to gather pine nuts,going usually to the White Pine Mountains near Bambasa or to thenortheast of Curran Creek, possibly near White Pine Peak, Tum-baiwia (tumbi, rock+wia, summit), some 25 or 30 miles from home.If crops in the Wliite Pine Mountains were poor longer trips weremade.Families of other villages procured pine nuts from the nearestmountains, traveling together under their village chief.In the fall men burned brush and in the spring sowed iiap : {Cheno-podium) and perhaps wu : sia and other seeds. There was probablyno native horticulture in this area.Areas of wild seeds were not owned, though it is almost certainthat sowed plots were protected against trespass. Outsiders, how-ever, might be given permission to gather seeds on these plots. Infact, they might be given seeds if they were in need. But gatheredseeds were strictly family property. Each of the two families ofBambasa gathered for itself, though they traveled together. Theyshared their seeds, however, when necessary.Duckwater was a fertile locality, the stream flowing some 8 or 10miles and today supporting a dozen or more ranches. In native timespeople came from other villages to gather seeds in June. Seeds in-cluded: sunfloAvers, redtop grass, nap:, wiisia, and pamambi. JWthought that even before getting horses they came afoot from Morey,Tybo, and Belmont when the crop was good. Residents of Duck-water had little need to travel far from home except for pine nuts andrabbit drives. BH said they sometimes went to Stoney, about 10miles from Locke, for sand bunch grass seeds, or to a little south ofDuckwater or to "Sand Spring Valley," 7 or 8 miles west, for otherseeds?all short trips.All the villagers traveled to the Pancake Mountains for pine nuts.The village chief directed the travel and talked each morning, tellingpeople wiiere to gather.Subsistence activities: communal hunts.?These were principallyantelope and rabbit hunts.DuckAAater people drove rabbits about 15 miles south of Duck-water in the valley flat near Biadoya. The director (known aswuhwutoi or wamuwutci dagwani) was Biadewatsi (biand:, big+de-watsi, talk), an old man living at Duckwater, who announced huntplans each morning. Twenty or thirty men had nets ; the remainingmen drove the rabbits to them. Hunts might last 6 weeks, thoughthey did not drive every day. They were called kamu dlikaya (kamu,jack rabbit+dukaya, eat).
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY l^^^^^ 120Villages participating with Duckwater were Curran Creek, WarjiiSprings, Hamilton, and the other villages in the northern part ofthe valley near Duckwater, and perhaps sometimes even Nyala andHot Creek. But Hot Creek, according to BH, had local drivesunder Morey Jack, and Eureka sometimes drove with near neighborsunder Captain John.Antelope hunts were held in the spring in a low pass in the north-ern end of Railroad Valley betv/een Akamba and Mount Hamilton.The shaman in charge was DuQgwajugu'" (BH) or Turigwainjugo(tur), fat+ gAvai, summit+jugo, old man; tuQgwai, a mountain south-west of Hamilton in the Pancake Range) or Tuijgwaibuagant(buagont, shaman) (JW, HJ), who was also a deer charmer, medi-cine man, and talker at festivals. He died about 1900 at Wells,Nevada. AC named Ombatsuga at Hamilton as antelope shaman.It is not certain what relation he bore to Turigwainjugo. Peoplebuilt a corral, kwadunzkgp (kwadunzi, antelope+k9p, fence).Tuqgwainjugo shamanized five nights, charming the antelope whichwere driven into the corral by two or three men. Bowmen aroundthe corral shot the animals, which were then skinned, butchered, andthe meat dried. The hearts, which were taboo to young people, wereplaced in a pile for old people. Meat was divided equally, not eventhe shaman receiving an extra share.Villages participating under Turigwainjugo were those of the north-ern part of the valley, Curran Creek, and Warm Springs. Neitherthe southern part of Railroad Valley nor Hot Creek seems to havehad an antelope shaman, so that they either did not take antelopecommunally or joined people from Tybo or the Kawich Mountains.Festivals.?The main festivals were held at Duckwater, underHaidiika (hai, crow+ diika, eat; so called because as a little boy heate crows) , living at Duckwater, Turigwainjugo helped talk. Festivalswere held in March, April, or May, when plants began to grow, inmidsummer when seeds had ripened, and in the fall.In native or early post-Caucasian days participants included vil-lages north to Hamilton, Curran Creek, Warm Springs, and some-times Nyala, and even Hot Creek. Nyala, however, sometimes wentto a place nearby with Blue Eagle people under Masoniba or toLittle Smoky Valley. After the introduction of horses and im-proved transportation Duckwater festivals drew people from DeepCreek (Gosiute Shoshoni), Belmont, Eureka, and places equally dis-tant. Even Kawich, chief in the Kawich Mountains, sometimes at-tended and talked. In recent 3-ears, when festivals were discontinuedin other localities, they were still held at Duckwater. Festivals areno longer held, but the present "chief" is Black-eye.Political organization.?Unity in Railroad Valley centered in acore of A'illages?Bambasa, Alcamba, Duckwater, Woggodupijugo,
STEWAUD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 121Curran Creek, and Warm Springs?which usually participated inhunts and festivals at or near Duckwater, the largest village, underDuckwater chiefs. But circumstances of annual seed occurrence mighttake people of one or more of these to distant places. Unitydiminished in proportion as villages were remote from Duckwater.Thus allegiance of Biadoyava and Nyala was divided. Sometimesthey seem to have held a local festival under Masoniba (ma, hand+soniba, rub), sometimes they joined Duckwater, and sometimes theyjoined Hot Creek or Little Smoky Valley, each of which was anothernucleus of cohesion for neighboring villages.Marriage.?Little information was obtained on marriage exceptthat it was accomplished in the two ways characteristic of central andnorthern Nevada: (1) By the orthodox exchange of presents betweenthe families concerned; (2) by the abduction of a married orunmarried girl.Fraternal polyandry was sometimes practiced; HJ's grandmotherat Hamilton had two husbands. Sororal polygyny was also pre-ferred ; Black-eye had three wives who were sisters. The levirate andsororate were also strong.There is no information about cross-cousin or pseudo cross-cousinmarriage. STEPTOE VALLEYSteptoe Valley was called Bahanai by Railroad Valley people(AC).This valley is arid, though the Egan Range on the west and theShell Creek Range on the east were high enough to afford manypine nuts and other seeds and to give rise to numerous springs andtwo streams, Steptoe Creek and Duck Creek, which flowed some dis-tance into the valley. The valley lies at nearly 6,000 feet near Ely.A complete list of the villages could not be obtained. There were,however, villages at Ely, on Duck Creek, about 8 miles northwest ofMcGill, and at Warm Springs, Schellbourne, Egan Canyon, andCherry Creek. That at Ely was probably largest. These villages wereinterlinked like those in neighboring valleys.Information about Steptoe Valley comes largely from Ely. EganCanyon is discussed separately (pp. 146-147).Subsistence activities.?Ely people gathered pine nuts at variousplaces in the Egan Mountains, near Ely, and also across the valleyin the Shell Creek Range. North of Cherry Creek the mountains arelow and the region so arid that few pinyon trees grow.Pine nuts were gathered by independent families. In good yearsa sufficient quantity to last 2 years might be obtained. In this casethe nuts were roasted so that they would preserve better, then buried,preferably in a cold place in the high mountains. Egan remarked
J22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bd"^ "o(p. 242) that Indians gathering pine nuts in the Shell Creek Kangecached them "all through the pine-nut grove to save carrying themtoo far and save time, for the harvest does not last long, for a heavyfrost will cause the cones to open and the nuts to drop to the ground,where squirrels and coyotes feast on them."There was no ownership of pine-nut areas among Shoshoni, thoughit was known that Southern Paiute owned or at least competed forpine-nut grounds.Other seeds, especially sand bunch grass, were formerly abundanton the mountains south of Ely, but have been largely destroyed bysheep.AR's grandfather told her that, just prior to the arrival of thewhite man, horticulture had been introduced from tribes to the south(undoubtedly Southern Paiute). Plants grown were variegated corn,a large blue pumpkin called padagada, and large white beans. Thelast were no doubt lima beans, procured from the white man. ARthought that only two families had practiced horticulture.Steptoe Valley people did not sow wild seeds.Rabbit drives were held about November, after the pine-nut har-vest, and continued during December and January. These were atvarious places in the valley, each locality having a hunt director (whowas probably a different man from the festival director). Probably,as in Spring Valley and Snake Valley, participants were members ofonly one or a few villages.Antelope were driven communally under a shaman. Ely peoplewent to Spring Valley near Cleveland for drives. But there w^realso independent drives under different shamans in southern SteptoeValley, in northern Steptoe Valley around Cherry Creek, at the vil-lage at Indian Spring near Shoshone in southern Spring Valley, andin White River Valley.The antelope hunt involved a corral called kwaduggwop (kwahadu,antelope+gW8p, fence), antelope disguises, and one night of singingby the shaman.Deer were also driven communally into a corral with a shamanisticperformance like that for antelope, but it w^as not clear whether thesame man or different men charmed both antelope and deer.Festivals.?Festivals, involving the round dance, back-and-forthdance, "war dance" or paminukgp, and considerable gambling, wereheld, usually after pine-nut harvest, at various localities, dependingpartly upon abundance of seeds. People, after dancing at home, oftenwent elsewhere to dance again; there was frequent reciprocation inthis manner.In early post-Caucasian times dances with local leaders might beheld on Duck Creek in Steptoe Valley under Duck Creek Charley, at
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 123Ely, at Cherry Creek, at Cleveland, where Gosiute sometimes attended,at Baker, where Indian Sam was director, and in White River Valley.If dances were held at so many places in post-Caucasian times anaboriginal separatism is certainly indicated.Perhaps 60 years ago, when the population had been reducedthrough warfare and transportation had been improved, festivalswere directed by Duck Creek Charley wherever held and seem to havedrawn people from a wider area. It is impossible, however, to definethe limits of the people participating under this single director.Chieftainship.?Few names of chiefs could be obtained, but festi-vals, rabbit hunts, and antelope hunts apparently had different direc-tors. Probably there was a dance and hunt director for every two orthree villages.Marriage.?At Ely both true and pseudo cross-cousin marriagewere encountered.Marriage of several brothers to several sisters, though not groupmarriage, and of a brother and sister to a sister and brother, werefavored. Polygyny was preferably sororal. The sororate was pre-ferred but not required.Polyandry was fraternal with two brothers, never three. It wasunknown with other than brothers. Paternity of children was notknown and seems to have made no difference under polyandry. ARheard also of a case of polyandry among Southern Paiute at Panaca,Nevada, in which two brothers were married to one woman. Onebrother slept in a wagon, having access to the wife only when theother was away.In orthodox marriage a man served his prospective bride's parentsfor 2 or 3 years prior to marriage, during which time they ascertainedhis hunting ability. The parents were at liberty to reject him if hedid not acquit himself well. Postmarital residence varied, beingdetermined by individual choice.Wives were also acquired by abduction. Aided by his friends, aman attempted to make off with a woman, fighting her husband orfamily if necessary. Such fights only involved fists.SPRING, SNAKE, AND ANTELOPE VALLEYSThe population of these valleys was Shoshoni. But in Lake Valleyand in the extreme southern portions of Spring and Snake Valleysit was mixed with Southern Paiute. In Snake Valley and in thevicinity of Sevier Lake in Utah it was also somewhat mixed withUte. Gosiute, who were indistinguishable, culturally and linguisti-cally, from Shoshoni lived in the region bordering the Great Salt LakeDesert. Spring Valley people have sometimes been called Gosiute.
J24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120Spring and Snake Valleys are particularly favored environment-ally by the presence of lofty ranges. The Shell Creek Range, whichseparates Steptoe from Spring Valley, rises above the pinyon belt andhas numerous springs and streams which permitted many villages onits eastern slope. The Snake Range (pi. 3, a) is even higher, WheelerPeak rising to 13,058 feet, and several other peaks towering abovetimber line. The greatest run-off of moisture is on the eastern slope,where, in the vicinity of Baker, Nevada, and Garrison, Utah, severalvillages were concentrated.Villages.?The following population estimate of the villages is thatwhich JR believed to be native, though he was a young man in 1885.It is probably representative for Spring and Antelope Valleys butincomplete for Snake Valley. Even these data, however, show anunusually dense population which was naturally concentrated nearthe high mountain masses where precipitation was greatest andstreams most numerous. In the total subsistence area of these threevalleys, which was about 4,400 square miles, there were about 100families, or 1 person to 7.3 square miles. Omitting Snake Valley,there were about 456 persons in 3,310 square miles, or 1 person to 7.2square miles. Antelope Valley, which is much more arid, had about900 square miles and 78 persons, or 1 per 11 square miles, while themore fertile Spring and Snake Valleys had about 378 persons in2,410 square miles, or 1 to 6.3 square miles. The density for thelast would probably be greater if all the villages for Snake Valleywere known. Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 12) said there were 60persons in Spring Valley and the Robinson district.Many of these villages were sufficiently large to give point to theexistence of a village chief, though, in some instances, several smallervillages were under the same chief. Families were independentduring most of the year. In cooperative enterprises, villages werethe maximum stable unit.The following numbers correspond with those on the map (fig. 9).Some of the locations are only approximate. A bracket on the mapindicates villages under the same chief.Spring Valley
:
1. Tiipa (black water), about 7 miles north of Anderson's ranch. Twofamilies ; about 15 people.2. Supuva, at Anderson's ranch. Three camps ; about 20 people.The chief of these two villages was Sitiimp, living at Tupa. Thesevillagers most often went to Antelope Valley, where they joinedlocal residents and Deep Creek people in antelope drives and occa-sionally in festivals; sometimes, however, they went south to Cleve-land in Spring Valley. Wherever they went, Puyunzugo (puyu,duck+zugu, old man) was the "talker and organizer" who assisted
SXKWABDJ BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 125
FiQDKK 9.?Villages and subsistence areas of eastern Nevada.
12Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120the shaman in antelope drives. (Puyunzugo, however, JR later gaveas chief of village 10, below.) These two villages usually held theirown rabbit drives locally.3. Worjgovitwuninogwap : (worjgovi, "white piue"+wunin, log+ogwap:^creek), on Valley Creek, at Yellen's (?) ranch, about 10 miles north of Cleve-land. Probably about three families. Nuaidu (wind), living at (8), below,,was chief for this village.4. Basawinuba, location uncertain ; either 3 or 4 miles northwest of Aurunat a spring about 1 mile north of village 5, or near Anderson's ranch. Abouttwo families.5. Aidumba (aidu, murky+pa, water), at a spring west of Aurun. Aboutseven families. Some doubt about chief. He was either Ovitc, Mugin (whodirected pine-nut trips), or Kwati who seems later to have gone to Deep Creek).Possibly all three men served at once or at different times.6. Sogowosugu (sogop:, earth+wosugu, "bridge", i. e., a bridge over somecreek), at Aurun. Either 3 or 4 families; about 20 persons. Chief was Bauwi(a plant ?), known as Bob.The people inhabiting villages 4 to 6 allied themselves either withthe Antelope Valley people or with Cleveland people for festivals andantelope hunts. Thus Sogowosugu people went north to Paqwiowepor south to near Cleveland for dances.7. Basawinuba (basawinu, mud), Mud Springs, about 7 miles south of Aurum.About 2 families here.8. Haiva (hai, crow, so called because crows had nests in the rocks here),about 6 miles north of Cleveland, or two canyons south of village 3. Fourfamilies. Village chief called Nuaidu (wind).Nuaidu announced pine-nut time and directed pine-nut gatheringswhen all four families went and camped together, Haiva peopleattended festivals at Cleveland ranch, where Nuaidu was one of thetalkers. Sometimes they visited festivals at Baker. For antelopedrives and rabbit drives they affiliated with Cleveland people.9. Ba samba (basa, dry, i. e., dry in summer because of small local wintersnowfall), slightly up the hill west of village 6, above. About 8 camps here,or some 35 people.The village chief, who served mainly as pine-nut director, wasSigodagitci (sigo, sego lily+ dagitci, ?). Sigodagitci aided in lead-ing antelope drives wherever the Basamba people went, but was notan antelope shaman. They held rabbit drives in brushy countrynear Suhuva, in Antelope Valley, where Sigodagitci may have beendirector.10. Tuhuva (tuhu, black -|-pa, water), between Yellen's and Cleveland ranches.About three families. Village chief, Puyunzugu (but see villages 1 and 2?above )
.
11. Biabauwundii (biandu, big-f-pa, water+wundii, down canyon), at Cleve-land ranch ; the largest and most important village in the valley. About 11families. The chiefs in order of importance were: (1) Bohoa, also calledOne-Eye, (2) Kuviji (short or stocky -|-man ?), also known as Biabauwundii
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 127
Pete, (3) Diiuyumbo' ? (duuyu, deer+bo'", ?), (4) Nepia (white man's money),(5) Tiinamp: (mountain mahogany), (6) Takavi (snow).These men talked and directed such communal activities as pine-nut trips, festivals, and communal hunts, and had authority moreor less in the order listed. In addition, there "svas a special messenger,appointed by the chief, who invited people of other villages to co-operative enterprises. After the deaths of the other chiefs, Kuvijior Biabauwundii Pete continued as chief. He was disliked becausehe scolded the people every morning, but was tolerated as he was theonly remaining chief.Dances were directed by Bohoa, Kuviji, and Duyumbo'?. Buda(arm) Jim also had a part in these. Dances were held in the springat Biabauwundii and sometimes at Basonip :, village 12, below.Antelope hunts were directed by Tiinamp :, an antelope shaman,aided by Nopia and Takavi, who were probably not shamans. Ante-lope drives were held in March with a corral about 1 mile west ofBasonip :, the spring festival often occurring at the same time.Rabbit drives, held in late fall and winter, were directed by Kajugo(Ka, ? + ]*ugo, old man).Mud-hen drives, which were held in Spring Valley only nearBiabauwundii, as no place else had sufficient water, were directedby Jambazugo. People from other Spring Valley villages were in-vited to participate. Sometimes Spring Valley people communallyhunted a few mud hens at Baker and Garrison in Snake Valley.12. Basonip: (ba, water-f-sonip : , grass), a creek with a village site nearthe present highway, about 7 miles (?) south of Cleveland ranch. About sevenfamilies ; all were killed by the white soldiers.The village chief was Yuhudumbi (yuhu, "soapy"+dumbi, rock),also called "White," director of pine-nut trips and festivals whenheld locally. In lieu of local festivals, Basonip: people sometimeswent to Deep Creek or Steptoe Valley to visit (and no doubt alsoto Biabaunwundii).Rabbit drives were held locally under Kinumbe, Yuhudumbi'sbrother.13. Bauumba (bauu, elear+ba, water). A village near Shoshone. Probablytwo families. The chief may have been Ziwitci. Festival and huntingaffiliations are doubtful.In spite of the enormous height of the Snake Mountains, thegreater part of its drainage runs off the eastern slope into SnakeValley, where it supported several large communities. There wassufficient water to support only three villages on the western orSpring Valley slope (pi. 3, a).14. Basiamba (named from mountain back of Oceola, Basiandoya), villagein vicinity of Oceola, a present-day mining town. About four families. Villagechief, Yagatcu'. Many local seeds.
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 126
15. Toziiip :, site on the western slope of Mount Moriah, Dadia'. Two fam-ilies; one that of Muvigund (muvi, nose ?+gund, tall) and his four sons; theother, that of Muviguud's half-brother, Konogund or Charlie. No chief.16. Taiwudu, somewhere on the western slope of the Snake Mountains.Pine nuts were habitually gathered by the above villages in local-ities most accessible to them or where the crop was good. Therewere no property rights of any kind in pinyon groves. All familiesof a village traveled together to the mountains and camped together,under the direction of the village chief. In the morning the chieftold each family where to gather. A family gathered only for itselfand cached the nuts secretly if possible.JR thought some horticulture had been practiced prior to the arrivalof the white man, plants grown being maize, called korn, and wheat.Each family had its own garden. Men dug shallow trenches witha digging stick into which women dropped bunches of seeds atintervals and covered them with earth. JR thought all people inSnake Valley and Spring Valley had irrigated, HJ claiming the samefor Ely. Farmed plots were inherited by a man's wife or children.Hunting was carried on anywhere, there being no ownership ofhunting territories. Antelope hunts were communal, under shamanswho sang 5 nights. Forty or fifty men and women helped corralthe animals. Deer were not shamanized. Collective hunts, in whichdeer were driven over cliffs, were infrequent. Mountain sheep v,'erehunted by individual men. Buffalo disappeared when JR's grand-father was a young man. Hunting methods used for them were notknown.The occupants of Antelope Valley were called Gosiute by someinformants, Shoshoni by others. As they cooperated and intermarriedwith the neighboring Deep Creek Gosiute, whose language and cul-ture differs in no way from Shoshoni, it makes ho difference whatthey are called.In "Fish Creek Valley" [Antelope Valley] Beckwith in May1854 saw 20 mounted Shoshoni who had blankets and buffalo robesand appeared more prosperous than the Gosiute to the east (1855a,p. 25).Seeds were procured by Antelope Valley people in and around thevalley and pine nuts from the Gosiute Range.Though the villages of this valley generally cooperated with oneanother in communal enterprises, they were linked with neighboringvalleys, especially Deep Creek. Thus Deep Creek contributed theantelope shamans, Go:sitci and Taibo (white man), who directedthe communal antelope drives at Asirigwoi in the northern foothills ofthe Kern Mountains, and Kwatiiip, who directed the communal rabbit
siEWAUDj BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 129drives west of Ibapah in Deep Creek Valley. People from Springand Snake Valleys sometimes attended these. But Bohoba (village22) often cooperated with Spring and Snake Valley people.Antelope Valley villages held festivals at Wadoya (village 18) or,more often, went to Paqwiowep: at or near Deep Creek. Magunt(moccasin) living at Deep Creek, assisted by Dabanai (cliipi^vnk)and Antelope Jack, living at Toiva (village 17), directed Deep Creekfestivals. Antelope Jack had succeeded his father, Kutanzip (kutan,firewood+ sip, exploding), in this task.It is apparent that the Antelope Valley people had frequent as-sociation with the Deep Creek Shoshoni or Gosiute, though this mayhave come about in part after the arrival of the white man andestablislunent of the Deep Creek Reservation which drew IndiansfTom neighboring valleys.For all of Antelope Valley, Antelope Jack was the main chief andDabanai was second chief. They directed such activities as pine-nuttrips and dances. Often they officiated at Deep Creek functions.The villages in Antelope Valley were
:
17. Toiva (probably toip, cattail+pa, water), a spring at the northern endof the valley. Three or four families ; about 18 to 24 people. Chief, especiallydirector of pine-nut trips, named Winjugo (wi, knife-fjugo, old man).18. Wadoya (named from the Antelope Mountains, wadoya), a spring, 15miles north of the last, east of Dolly Varden. Two families.19. Kwadumba (antelope water), a spring about 3 miles south of Tippetts.Three families, the heads of them being brothers.20. Hugapa (hugapi, cane+pa, water), Chinn Creek. There was abundantwater here, much cane, and many rabbits. About two families.21. Suhuva (suhuvi, willow+pa, water), a spring near (east of ?) Kwadumba.Two unrelated families.22. Bohoba (bohovi, sagebrush+pa, water), Mike Springs, south of the villagesin Antelope Valley. Three families. These people went to Suhuva for festivals,to Kwadumba for antelope drives, where Bo : stici and Taibo were shamans,and to Cleveland, in Spring Valley, for rabbit drives.Villages in Snake Valley were
:
23. Tosakowaip: (tosa, white+kowaip, ground), Silver Creek. Two families;one, that of Tuhuzu' (tuhu, black+zugo, old man), the other, that of Tuhuzu"sbrother, Tuwuk :
.
24. Tur)kahniva (tvqkahni, cave), a cave near Lehman Cave in the canyonwest of Baker. Three families, one of each of three brothers. Chief: oldestof the brothers, Turikahnijugo.Rabbit hunts were held near Garrison in Snake Valley by peopleof Tuqkahniva and other neighboring sites and were directed byTurigwip. Antelope drives were held against the foothills betweenBaker and Garrison and were directed by Wiyunjugo, who livedon the other side of Garrison.
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 129
25. Bauwunoida (water zigzagging, i. e., probably meanderiug, in a flat).At present Balier. Six families. The chief for festivals was Tsuguputsi (oldman), who was Sam's father.Festivals were sometimes held locally; sometimes the people wentto Spring Valley, Garrison, or Deep Creek. Biaba people attendlocal festivals. Antelope drives were held at a corral between Garri-son and Baker, with Budazugo (buda, arm) of Biaba as shaman anddirector. Wiyunzugo also performed as shaman. Sometimes theydrove antelope at Big Spring (below) or at Indian Spring. Danceswere held in conjunction with these drives, which were in the spring.Fish drives, held only here in Snake Valley, were under Bahu.26. Biaba (biaund, big+pa, water). Big Spring. Seven camps. Chiefs were,first, a one-arm man named Budazugo, the antelope shaman, and, second,A: wihi (yellow), the pine-nut and festival director.Although these villages were predominantly Shoshoni and seemto have cooperated most often with residents of village 25 in com-munal activities, some persons spoke or could speak Paiute. Also,Budazugo shamanized for Paiute antelope drives to the south andsouthwest. Biaba people often joined Paiute for festivals.Villages south of Biaba were Southern Paiute, the borderline settle-ments having the usual admixture produced by intermarriage. Rela-tionships between Paiute and Shoshoni were entirely amicable.Wheeler (1875, p. 11), in 1869 encountered some 200 "Snake In-dians" in Snake Valley, "who are in the habit of occupying the valleyin planting and harvesting season, raising scanty crops, which theycache for the winter use, and then retire to the mountains." Hestates their chief to be Blackhawk, but (p. 36) gives Blackhawk aschief of the Pahvants (pp. 224-230).The Indians between Snake and Meadow Valley, Wheeler (1875,p. 27) states to be mixed "Snakes, or Utes proper, and Pah-Utes."See also reference to Jarvis (p. 132).Warfare.?In aboriginal times warfare was evidently too infre-quent and unimportant to have produced organization and leader-ship, though war implements, especially the shield, were first en-countered in this group. JK knew only of a minor, probably post-Caucasian, fight between Shoshoni and Ute ( ? ) , which occurred some-where west of Deseret in the Sevier Desert, Utah. It was provokedby Ute theft of horses. Konustii, a Shoshoni (Gosiute) living at SaltMarsh, just northeast of Snake Valley, was leader of the Shoshoni.Marriage.?Preferred marriage was between pseudo cross-cousins,who called each other hainz. True cross-cousins, who called eachother niwa, and pseudo parallel-cousins, who called each other
"brother" and "sister," could not marry. As elsewhere, there was also
ETBWAHD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 131
strong preference for several brothers and sisters to marry sisters andbrothers. The levirate and sororate were strong if not obligatory.Polygyny was sororal if possible. But Tiiimb, a Shoshoni at DeepCreek, had a Ute and a Paiute wife at the same time. "Mother" wasnot extended to mother's sisters. But a man's plural wives, whethersisters or not, were called doka, mother's sister, by his children.Plural wives called one another's children duep: (boy) or bedup:(girl).Polyandry was usually fraternal, though this was the first localitywhere it was asserted that plural husbands might be cousins as well?s brothers and that there might be as many as three husbands. If so,this was something more than the extension of sex privileges to abrother, which is the essential feature of polyandry elsewhere. Allthese spouses lived and slept together and the husbands seemed to beof equal status. There was no interest in determining biological pa-ternity. Although "father" was not extended to father's brotherunless he was involved in polyandry, all of the mother's husbandswere called "father."Postmarital residence was not ascertained by marriage data, thoughtliere is no question that village exogamy was necessary only whereall village members happened to be related. In two villages all thefamilies were those of several brothers. Residence was actually de-termined by the various factors of food supply and individualpreference. CAVE VALLEY ^^Inhabitants of this small valley, south of Steptoe Valley, occupiedone main village near the cave (village 27, fig. 9). Both the villageand the people were called Daint. In JR's youth 5 families totaledonly 17 persons. This would give 1 person per 17 square miles forthe valley, which may well be less than the aboriginal figure.Some unity and separatism of these people was expressed in localrabbit drives, antelope drives, and festivals. The general head-man was Jimku, father of Bigitci. The antelope shaman was Evida-dawunu (spotted) or Pinto (because of red and white marks overhis body).Pine nuts were gathered from the Ely Mountains, Nogadu (sits),around Mount Grafton, Pasindoya (pasi, quartz+ doyavi, mountain),and as far south as Willow Creek, northwest of Pioche, in SouthernPaiute territory. JR thought Cave Valley Shoshoni and SouthernPaiute permitted each other access to pine-nut lands. They frequentlyintermarried and carried on no warfare.
'^Legends are recorded (Wheeler, 1875, p. 60, and Egan) that this cave leads to anotherworld where superior and well-dressed people lived.
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120G08IUTE SHOSHONIThere has been much confusion about the identity and locationof the Gosiute.Beckwith (1855n, p. 21), traveling west from the Wasatch Mountains in1854, entered their territory in Tooele Valley.Forney (1858, p. 212) said that the "Go-sha-Utes" lived about 40 miles westof Salt Lake City. They were impoverished, living on snakes, lizards, roots, etc.Forney also said (1859, pp. 363-364) that they spoke Shoshoni and were pre-dominantly Shoshoni with a few Ute intermarried.Jarvis (1859, p. 378) mentioned a band of "Gosha-Utes" 50 miles south ofPleasant Valley, 150 miles west of Fillmore, which is probably near Baker,Nev. They numbered about 100 and had 2 chiefs, Ta-goo-pie and Wan-na-vah.Simpson (1876, pp. 35-36, 54), quoting his guide, stated that their languageis a combination of Shoshoni and Ute, that under Chief Gosip they had splitoff from the Ute two generations earlier, and that they occupied the countrysouth of Great Salt Lake as far west as Steptoe Valley. Chamberiin (1909,pp. 27-28), however, stated that Gosip was not a Gosiute chief and that thename Gosiute was taken not from Gosip but from ku'tsip or gu'tsip, ashes ordry earth+ Ute.Hatch (1862, p. 207) said that "Goshee Utes" were under White Horse andlived between Simpson Springs and Egan Canyon, being concentrated at DeepCreek and Shell Creek stations on the stage road. In midwinter they werein a deplorable condition, not one-half having blankets or shirts. There wasbut one "wickiup" among them, most families using shelters of sagebrush orboughs [probably windbreaks].Burton (1862, p. 475) said the "Gosh Yuta or Gosha Ute" have the "Shoshoneelanguage" and (p. 467) that Egan Canyon was their western limit.Doty (1864, p. 175) mentioned 200 "Goships" in the southern portion of theregion south of Great Salt Lake, where they were mixed with "Pahvontees"[Pahvant Ute]. They were poor and miserable and lacked guns and horses.He also mentioned (p. 173) "Shoshonee bands" of the "Goship tribe" whowere also called "Kumumbar."Irish (1865, p. 144) said there were 800 "Goships or Gosha Utes," whotalked "nearly the Shoshonee language," under "Tabby (the Sun)," and severalsubchiefs. They were poor and lacked guns and horses.Head (1866, pp. 122-123) said the "Goships or Gosha-Utee" numbered 1,000.Tourtellotte (1869, p. 231) said there were SOO "Goships."Douglas (1870, p. 96) said there were 895 Gosiute in the vicinity of EganCanyon and that their language was entirely different from Shoshoni.Powell and Ingalls (1874, pp. 2, 11, 17-18) stated that the Gosiute numbered460. "They inhabit a district of country west of Utah Lake and Great SaltLake, on the line between Utah and Nevada, a part being in the Territory anda part in the State." They "speak a language much more nearly allied to theNorthwestern Shoshones than the Utes, though the greater number of themaffiliate with the Utes, and are intermarried with them." In 1872 they were
"scattered in very small bands, cultivating the soil about little springs here andthere . . ." They list 5 "tribes": Un'-ka-gar-its in Skull Valley, numbering149 under Si'-pu-rus; Pi-er'-ru-i-ats in Deep Creek under Tu-gu'-vi; Pa-ga'-yu-ats in Otter Creek under Pi-av'-um-pi-a ; Tu-wur-ints in Snake Creek Valleyunder Tat'-si-nup; the last three groups totaling 107 persons; the To-ro-un-to-go-ats in Egan Canyon under To-go-mun-tso, numbering 204. The whole "alii-
STEWARD] basin-pLateau aboriginal groups 133
ance" of Gosiute was under Pi-an'niimp. The total of these population esti-mates, omitting Egan Canyon, which I have treated separate from Gosiute Sho-shoni, is 256, or about 1 person to 39 square miles.Egan, observing the Gosiute subsequent to 1850, stated (1917, p. 166) that
"Go-Shute" country was "from Salt Lake Valley on the east, to Granite Rock[Granite Mountain ?] on the desert on the west, and from Simpson's Springs onthe south to Great Salt Lake on the north."Wheeler, calling these people "Gosiats," "Goshi-utes," or "Goshoots" (1879, p.410) stated (1875, p. 36) that "they differ in no material way from the Sho-shones, the language being similar, and habits and disposition the same, alv/ayshaving lived at peace with each other." He defined their territory as extendingfrom Sevier Lake Desert west to the mountains bordering Spring, Steptoe,Sierra, and Gosiute Valleys aud south to latitude 38?. The last is certainly toofar south.The Handbook of the American Indian (vol. 1, pp. 490-497) indicated theclose affinity of the Gosiute with Shoshoni but leaves doubt about their exactidentity.Kroeber (1909, p. 267) suggested their similarity to the Shoshoni. He re-corded their name as Kucyut.Gottfredson (1919, p. 6) described the Gosiute as a band living in Cedar,Tintic, and Skull Valleys under Chief Tintic, a "renegade chief." But Arm-strong (1855, p. 206) had stated that Tintick was a Ute chief at Utah Lake.Nevada Shoshoni, especially those some distance to the west, be-lieved the Gosiute to be a distinct group, but were unable to boundthem accurately. BG at Elko thought that, at least since the Indianwars, Gosiute had lived in Steptoe Valley in the vicinity of McGill,at Cherry Creek, and in Duck Valley. BM from Egan Canj^onplaced them in Gosiute, Independence, Spring, and Snake Valleys.JR of Spring Valley was at a loss whether to call people of hisvicinity Gosiute or Shoshoni.This confusion was dispelled when it became apparent that Gosiuteare Shoshoni and that informants' opinions merely reflect attitudestoward the impoverished inhabitants of the Great Salt Lake Desert.Linguistically, as the vocabularies (pp. 278-279) show, the Gosiute arewholly Shoshoni, having dialectic distinctiveness no greater thanthat which exists in Shoshoni localities throughout Nevada. Cul-turally, as the element list survey showed, the Gosiute were essen-tially like their Nevada neighbors. In spite of the comparative isola-tion of many of their small camps there is no reason to regard themas fundamentally different from other Shoshoni. They intermarriedsomewhat with Ute to the east, but intertribal marriage is a commonphenomenon where two groups are in proximity; it made Gosiuteno less Shoshoni.For these reasons the name Gosiute (gosip :, dust, referring to thedust storms over the salt deseiis+Ute) is misleading. How theycame by the name Ute is not known. It is similar to the use of60285?38??10
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Weber Ute for Shoshoni in the vicinity of the present Salt LakeCity.The Gosiiite habitat is one of the least favorable in the entireShoshoni area. Lying between the fertile piedmont of the Wasatchto the east and the relatively high terrane of central Nevada to thewest, it is an area of true desert and semidesert. It is within thedrainage basin of Great Salt Lake (4,200 feet) and occupies a greatpart of the area once covered by Lake Bonneville. The Great SaltLake Desert consists of a level plain of alkali and pure salt, 20 to40 miles broad, more than 100 miles long, and perfectly level, whichsupports no vegetation and has no fresh water. It was uninhabitedand could be crossed only with great difficulty. Most neighboringvalleys are also low (rarely above 4,500 feet) and arid. Few moun-tain ranges have sufficient altitude to intercept moisture in importantquantities.The only fertile areas are Deep Creek Valley and Trout Creek,which lie on the western and eastern sides of the lofty Deep CreekEange, and a few localities with small springs and streams in theOquirrh and Cedar Mountains which bound Tooele and Skull Val-leys. The remainder of the area had only a few widely separatedsources of water.The population was probably sparser than in any other part ofthe Shoshonean area of the same size. Exact population data arenot available. Early estimates (Irish, Head, Tourtellotte, et al.)probably included more persons than are herein designated Gosiute.Simpson (1876, pp. 35-36) estimated it to be 200 to 300 persons andWlieeler (1875, p. 36) 400 persons, though the territory includedwas not stated. It is probable that, including the Great Salt LakeDesert, there was not over one person to 30 or 40 square miles. Inthe vicinity of the Deep Creek Range, of course, the population wasmuch denser and probably compared favorably with the more fertilelocalities in Nevada.Gosiute culture and subsistence was fundamentally like that ofother Shoshoni but their environment is so exceptionally unproductivethat their poverty was extreme. Contrasted with their more favor-ably situated and horse-owning Ute neighbors, their condition wasdeplored by early travelers.Russell, observing them between 1834 and 1843, described them (p. 122) as^'depraved and hostile savages who poisoned their arrows." Simpson (p. 35)said they were "very low and dirty, eating rabbits, rats, lizards, snakes, insects,rushes, grass seeds, roots, etc." Somewhat similar comments, however, weremade about other Western Shoshoni. Bryant (p. 168) described Tooele ValleyIndians, 184G, as "naked, and the most emaciated and wretched humrin objectsI had ever seen," and probably Skull Valley Indians as "miserable DiggerIndians, calling themselves Soshonees. They were naked, with the exception
ETEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 135
of a few filthy ragged skins, fastened about their loins. They brought withthem a mixture composed of parched sunflower seeds and gi-asshoppers." Beck-with (1855a, p. 24) described those near the Goshoot Mountains in 1854 as
"extremely filthy and very naked, and emaciated by starvation during the longwinter, during which their supply of rats and bugs fail, and they are reducedto the greatest extreme of want . . ."When the Mormons arrived in Utah in 1847 the Gosiute seem tohave had a few horses, which had probably been acquired fromSpanish sources or perhaps from the Ute. A traveler in 1854 notedthat Indians between Salt Lake City and the Kuby Mountains hadsome guns, horses, and clothes (Aveson). But it is improbable thatenough families owned horses to have greatly affected the ecologyof the whole population.There are occasional reports in the Great Basin that extreme wantimpelled families to leave their aged and hopelessly infirm to perish.Bgan (pp. 251-252) recounts the abandonment of an old man at Fish Spring,about 30 miles east of Deep Creek. Totally blind, deaf, and emaciated, he wasput in a semicircular sagebrush windbreak near a spring, given a small rabbitskin robe, and left to perish. He had been subsisting miserably on a few smallfish that he could seize in the springs. The white man's efforts to provide forhim were apparently thwarted by his relatives, for he soon disappeared andprobably died.Though my information about Gosiute society is wanting in manydetails, there is little doubt that the Gosiute ecology was fundamen-tally like that of Nevada Shoshoni.Groups mid villages.?There is evidence that there were severalsomewhat distinct local subdivisions of the Gosiute and that the mem-bers of each associated together more frequently than with membersof the other subdivisions. These, however, were not based upon anyreal sense of band solidarity but upon expediency. Wlien they pos-sessed few or no horses the occupants of each small locality wherethere were foods and water found it easier to associate with immediateneighbors for dances, antelope drives, and other activities, than to
?cross the great deserts. But even these local communal affairs wereinsufficient to weld the population into true bands.Tooele Valley inhabitants are little known. M thought they weremixed Weber Ute (Shoshoni, pp. 219-222) and Gosiute who livednear the present town of Tooele under Weber Tom (probably in post-CJaucasian times).Eush Valley, adjoining Tooele Valley on the south, was probablyalso Gosiute. Lander (1860, pp. 28-29) speaks of this valley as theheadquarters of "Mormon Snakes" under Pay-e-ah, who, now pos-sessing horses, raided immigrant trains. They were also calledSouthern Snakes or Salt Lake Snakes under Jag-e-ah ("the man whoo.arries arrows") in Lander (1860, pp. 28-29).
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120Although Utah Lake Avas held by true Ute, Cedar Valley, lyingbetween Utah Lake and Rush Valley, was, with Tintic Valley, accord-ing to Gottfredson (p. 6), occupied by Gosiute. T\Tiether these becalled Weber Ute or Gosiute probably matters little, for there was nocultural or linguistic distinction between them. Because of inter-marriage and relative independence of native villages nomenclaturefor inhabitants of these regions is largely arbitrary.The greater number of Gosiute villages named by M lay in SkullValley and Sink Valley. Deserts prohibited occupation of the
Figure 10.?Villages and subsi.stence areas of Idaho.country to the west, northwest, and south, and Great Salt Lake layto the north. The known villages of Skull and Sink Valleys, whichare indicated by number on map, figure 12, are
:
11. Tutiwunupa, on the western slope of the Cedar Mountains, just east ofClive.12. Utcipa, somewhere to the south of the last on the western slope of theCedar Mountains.13. Tozava, at a spring on the western side of the Lakeside Range.14. A cave on the northern end of the Skull Valley Mountains, a short distancefrom the present highway. This and several other caves in Skull "Valley werevisited by the writer, but they yielded little evidence of occupation and nothingdistinctive of Shoshoni except a single muller.
sTBWAunJ BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 137
15. Haiyacawiyap (haiya, pass+?), near the present town called losepa.16. lowiba, in the mountains just east of the present Skull Valley Reservation.17. Tiava, on the present reservation where there is a fairly ample creek.18. Suhudaosa, at the present Orr's Ranch. This was the site of dances forall these villages.19. Origwove, a few miles south of Orr's Ranch (?).20. Wanapo'ogwaipi (wana, stringV+po'o, pole?+ogwaipi, stream) at IndianSprings, south of the last.Between this region and the Sevier Desert to the south and be-tween the House Mountains and the Utah-Nevada boundary lie vastdeserts with little water. They probably had a sparse populationliving at isolated springs. M and JPi thought they were Gosiutewho had mixed somewhat with the Ute of the Sevier Lake and theSevier River regions.The people living around Trout Creek, village 21, on the easternslope of the Deep Creek Mountains v/ere also called Gosiute. TroutCreek Valley, though small, is relatively fertile. Isolated by thelofty Deep Creek Mountains on the west and by deserts in otherdirections, the inhabitants apparently had slight unity. The localchief, according to FBo, was Editawump. Egan (p. 252) mentionsthe vicinity of Fish Springs, just northeast of Trout Creek, as thehabitat of a group of Indians. At Pleasant Valley, in this territory,Jarvis held an election by 73 warriors in 1859 and had an old man,
"Arra-v;on-nets," made chief and "Ka Vana" made subchief (p. 377).Deep Creek Valley, 22, site of the present Deep Creek IndianKeservation, also was a comparatively fertile oasis supporting anumber of camps. The chief here, according to FBo, was Unu', whowas also hunt chief. JR named a Deep Creek Village Pangwiow8p.In 1859 Forney reported (p. 363) that about GO Gosiute had settleddown to farm in Deep Creek Valley.There may also have been other Gosiute with some independenceand chiefs.Subsistence activities.?^A thorough study of Gosiute ethnobotanyhas been made by Chamberlin (1911). His list of edible plants ismore complete than my own and includes the important specieswhich were also utilized in Nevada. Seeds were gathered by inde-pendent families. Though exact location of different species was notascertained, they were in general limited to moister areas, namelymountains, stream borders, and swamps; valley plants were rarelyedible. As water is particularly scant and the deserts unusuallywide, this meant that families ranged limited areas in comparativeisolation.Pine nuts, of great importance here, were procured by Skull Valleypeople from near Murker, south of Tooele, or from near Deep Creek.If the Deep Creek crop were good, families might remain in themountains during the winter. Deep Creek people, however, had to
J38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, izogo no great distance, getting them from the Deep Creek Mountainsat the southern end of their valley and carrying them home. Anysurplus could be cached, for the distance from the winter villageswas not excessive.There was no ownership of seed or pine-nut areas, even Ute beingpermitted to gather in Gosiute country. When a group of Gosiutewent into the mountains for pine nuts they merely agreed that eachfamily would pick from a certain area.Wild seeds of tui (unidentified, possibly Urtica) were sowed inthe spring where brush had been burned off in the fall by DeepCreek but not by Skull Valley Gosiute. There was no native horti-culture of domesticated plants.Minor deer surrounds were held. At Deep Creek they were directedby Unu', the valley chief.All Gosiute probably held shamanistic antelope drives. DeepCreek people held them usually in Antelope Valley, about 20 miles tothe northwest, under two of their own shamans, Bo : sitci and Taibo(white man). An excellent account of one of these drives related byEgan has been quoted above (pp. 34-36). The Skull Valley shamanwas Tcub, who usually directed drives somewhere west of the CedarMountains or just south of Delle. Some Gosiute, according to Cham-berlin (1911, p. 27), even traveled to Mill Creek Canyon in theWasatch Mountains, about 30 miles east of Skull Valley, where theydrove deer and antelope down the narrow canyon.Rabbit drives were held in the fall. In Skull Valley they wereminor affairs and did little to unite families of different camps.One net, perhaps 20 feet long, was placed across a trail and threeof four men drove rabbits to it. In Deep Creek Valley drives wereheld along the flats at any time during the winter. All people inthe valley participated. Egan's account of these drives has beenquoted (pp. 38-39). Chamberlin (1911, p. 28) has described greatdrives involving the whole "tribe" (probably principally DeepCreek) and even neighboring peoples and employing an unusualmethod. Rabbits were driven through V -wings of sagebrush intoan underground passage where they were killed.The im.portance of rodents was considerable in this region. Egan(p. 237) describes taking them with deadfall traps. He met anIndian whose "plan was to go up one side of the canyon, settingthe traps wherever he saw the sign of rats, and the same down theother side. The next day, taking the same route, gathering the catchand resetting the traps. The rats . . . were 6 to 8 inches long . . ."The extent of operations is indicated by the fact that though thisman had set most of his traps, he had over 100 triggers he had notused. Egan (pp. 245-246) also saw 8 or 10 women at Creek Hollow
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 139diverting water b}'^ means of little ditches into gopher holes. Inpart of a day some of them acquired up to half a bushel, with severaldays of work ahead. One woman got 25 to 30 within half an hour.These rodents were skinned, eviscerated, and dried without removingthe bones. Beckwith remarked (1855a, p. 22) that a small "ground-rat or gopher and a black beetlelike cricket" furnished a large portionof Gosiute food.There was no ownership of hunting areas.Festivals.?Festivals were held independently at Skull Valley,Deep Creek, and perhaps elsewhere under different directors. InSkull Valley the director was Tave (sun) ; in Deep Creek, probablyUnu'. Festivals were held by members of several neighboring vil-lages, principally in the spring. They performed the round dance tomake seeds grow. If, however, many people were assembled in somearea of abundant seeds during the summer, and especially whengathering pine nuts in the fall, they might also hold dances. Thechief of the nearest villages served as director. Wlien such danceswere to be held the chief sent out messengers to invite people toattend. The main festivals lasted 5 days.Chieftainship.?The Great Salt Lake Desert area is too large forunmounted Gosiute to have cooperated with one another to any im-portant extent. Simpson (p. 54) recorded that there was no chiefamong them until the United States Government demanded it andthat even then "they do not know how to respect him."Present data, however, indicate that people of limited and isolatedportions of the desert usually cooperated under a certain chief whodirected hunts (except antelope drives, which required shamans)and festivals.Chiefs recorded were
:
Deep Creek, Unu' (FBo). Wheeler (1875, p. 36) gives the DeepCreek chief in 1869 as Big Horse.Trout Creek, Editawump (FBo).Skull Valley, Weber Tom, living in the vicinity of Tooele in TooeleValley (M). OD, probably referring to the period of the wars withthe whites, said that Tave (sun), living in Skull Valley, and Siplus, a"Weber Ute," living in Tooele Valley, vrere chiefs for all the peoplefrom Skull Valley to Ruby Valley. Tliis Tave is probably the TabyWe-pup who lived in Tooele Valley a few miles from Grantsville,according to Egan (1917, p. 166) and who, in early Mormon pioneerdays, contrived numerous cattle thefts.In 1860 Davies (1861, p. 131) attempted to organize the scattered"bands of Goshu-Utes," which were then under Green Jacket, Tee-kutup. Jack, Tabby, Wonibijinnu, and others, under Ads-Sin as headchief.
]^40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 7) named Pi-an-nump, brother ofKanosh, the Pah-vant Ute chief, as chief of all Gosiute. The extentof his power, if accurately recorded, may be the result of the wars.Other Gosiute chiefs listed by 'Powell and Ingalls are given above.Warfare.?Though the Gosiute carried on depredations against thewhite man, especially along the stage road w^hich passed through theircountry, they were not aboriginally inclined to war. Probably theironly fights in pre-Caucasian days had been with the Pahvant Ute(called Pavandiiti, FBo), who raided them from time to time. Suchraids were continued in post-Caucasian times, at least one motive forthem being acquisition of "slaves." But raids must have been gen-erally unprofitable, because Gosiute were too scattered and couldreadily escape into the deserts and mountains. When forced to fight,Gosiute did so without organization, special regalia, or ritual.Simpson (1876, p. 54), describing the Gosiute soon after the arrivalof the Mormons, said that they lived some distance from water forfear of capture and that they carried water in ollas.Marriage.?Some indication of the status of Gosiute women is indi-cated by M's assertion that Gosiute sold girls and even wives forhorses. Most women, however, ran away from their purchasers andreturned home.Marriage was preferably either with a true or a pseudo cross-cousin.Skull Valley preferred that a man marry his father's sister's daugh-ter but prohibited his marrying his mother's brother's daughter. Ifthis infoi-mation is correct, the reason is not clear, except that here,as elsewhere, the father's relatives seemed somewhat closer to thechildren. A man's sister would ask his son to marry her daughter.Deep Creek permitted marriage with either cross-cousin. Parallel-cousins, real and pseudo, were prohibited from marriage.There was no bride price or present exchange.I have no census data on postmarital residence. In both valleysit was said to be matrilocal for about a year as a kind of bride service,and thereafter depended upon circumstances.Polygyny was commonly but not necessarily sororal. The sororatewas preferred but not required.Polyandry was permitted at Skull Valley but only one instancewas recorded. One of two half-brothers was married to a woman, butall three lived in the same house. They did not sleep in the same bed,but one slept with her when the other was away. Sex privileges weresometimes extended to a brother, though it was not customary. Somemen became angi'y and would not tolerate it.Men wishing wives sometimes abducted married or unmarriedwomen, their friends assisting them. There were no general fights;instead, pairs of champions from opposing camps kicked each other

of the upper Humboldt River region.
STBWABnl BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 14^(there is a Shoshoni game of kicking) and wrestled. The bouts con-tinued until all the men of one side had been bested.An account by Egan (pp. 252-253) gives some idea of the ruthless-ness involved in wife-getting, though it is more drastic thaninformants' accounts.A young Fish Springs man, Indian Bill, sought a girl "who lived in the ShellCreek country with her father, there being no more of the family or relativesleft. The father had lost one eye. He was getting old and feeble, so the younggirl had a hard time of it gathering enough food for both. There had beenmany a young buck that wanted her for a wife, but the old man had driventhem off . . . Indian Bill made . . . that camp his home and helped out thefood supply with game. This went on a month or more. The old man stillsaid no one should take the girl from him. But Bill soon solved the prob-lem ..." One afternoon he loaded his gun. "The girl was busy shellingnuts, the old man sound asleep on the sunny side of the camp, with his facetowards Bill, who aimed his gun at the old man's good eye and fired. Theball passed through the eye and the brain, too, killing the old man instantly.
"The marriage ceremony was completely over. Bill coolly reloaded his gun,turned to the girl and said, 'Come,' and the girl picked up her blanket andfollowed her lord and master . . . All they owned on earth they had on,or carried in their hands."There were no parent-in-law avoidances, though a man was re-quired to show respect to his mother-in-law. Brothers-in-law, whowere often cousins, were close friends and maintained a relationshipin which they aided and joked with each other, especially about sex.PINE CREEK AND DIAMOND VALLEYThese valleys are in the midst of an area about which I have littleinformation. They are not unusually fertile, except around theRoberts Mountains, which have great altitude.The total area was about 1,550 square miles. If SF's guess that thenative population was 400 persons is correct there was 1 person toabout 3.8 square miles. This seems excessive, however.As usual, villages were somewhat clustered where the mountainswere highest and consequently water and foods most abundant.Villages.?Some of tlie winter villages, as numbered on figure 1.1,were:11. Bauwiyoi, a group of at least six encampments at the foot of the RobertsMountains where there are four sloughs.12. Tupagadii, west of the alkali flat in Diamond Valley. The spring and fallfestivals were held here with Wovigiint as director.13. Tordzagadii (to: dz p, a medicinal plant+kadii, sitting), on the westernside of the Sulphur Spring Mountains. Fifteen or sixteen families (perhaps90 individuals), scattered along the mountain side at springs a few miles apart.Chiefs were, in order of importance: (1) Kuwaigunt, festival chief (callednukadagwani, dance chief, or kwinidagwani, mush chief) and rabbit drivedirector. Kuwaigunt decided upon the time and place of festivals, sent out
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^^2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fB^^L. 120invitations, directed activities, and talked. (2) Papadom, also called BuffaloJim, a talker at dances and communal hunts. He had been preceded in thisby bis father. (3) Kandugap (wood rat smell, a nickname given because awood rat once ate his blankets and other property) or Pipotsl (his untrans-latable real name), one of SF's polyandrous fathers who announced pine-nuttime and talked at festivals and antelope hunts.Powell and Ingalls list 60 persons at Mineral Hill under Chief Tu-ka-yan-na(1874, p. 12)./Subsistence activities.?These are outlined largely from the pointof view of the To :dzagadii people.Most pine nuts occur mainly on the western sides of ranges,especially on the Sulphur Springs and Koberts Mountains. A fewgrow on the Cortez Eange. SF thought most of the people of thesetwo valleys forgathered on the Sulphur Springs Kange, travelingand camping in large groups. Papadom, Kuwaigunt, and otherchiefs talked each morning, telling the different families where togather.There was no band, village, or family ownership of pine-nut lands.Outsiders were welcome and even encouraged to come when the cropwas good. When local crops failed Diamond Valley and Pine Creekpeople went as far south as Austin to gather pine nuts and toparticipate in festivals.Wlien local pine nuts were harvested as many as possible wereiransported to the winter camps, the remainder being moved onsubsequent journeys.Spring often found people weakened by insufficient stored foodsund many died. When the first plants began to ripen two to fourfamilies foraged together, going from place to place until fall. Inone of the tributaries of Pine Creek, probably to the west or south-west of Mineral, called Pabomba (pabom, clean+ pa, water), theytook small fish about 4 inches long. Similar fish could be had atTupagadii. They went north of Mineral to gather yomba, tsowiga,and other roots, then perhaps west to near Cortez or Tinaba (tina, awhite rock -f pa, water) to gather roots and seeds, or to kill wood-chucks, chipmunks, and other smaller mammals. Eoots not con-sumed at once were sun-dried and cached in pits.Prior to the fall pine-nut trip people assembled in the southern endof Diamond Valley, south of the alkali flat, to drive antelope into a
?corral (tuzikwop). As there was no local shaman, Kwatsuga wasinvited to come up from Little Smoky Valley and probably was paidfor his services. The four local chiefs listed below helped directthese hunts. Three preliminary nights of shamanistic singing pre-ceded 1 day of driving.Deer were sometimes hunted communally but this was done nearHamilton in northern Railroad Valley, when deer were migrating.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 143Brush wings converged to a hurdle built on a deer trail. Pine Creekand Diamond Valley people did not hunt deer communally.Each fall, following pine-nut trips, people remained together tohunt rabbits west of To : dzagadii near the present town of Black-burn. Papadom was the director but other talkers assisted him.Fesivals.?Festivals were usually held before the pine-nut trip.At Tordzagadii, Kuwaigunt, assisted by Papadom, Kandugep, andWovigunt, was director. If held at Tupagadii, Wovigunt was incharge.Chiefs.?The ranking of chiefs among the combined Pine Creekand Diamond Valley people was probably based largely on personalprestige. It was: (1) Kuwaigunt, living at Tordzagadii, main di-rector for festivals and perhaps for rabbit drives; (2) Papadom,also at To : dzagadii, possibly the main rabbit-hunt director, butassistant in antelope hunts and dances; (3) Wobigunt, local chief atTupadagii but third chief for the entire group ; he talked at festivalsand announced the ripening of pine nuts and the location of goodcrops; he also announced to Tupadagii people the ripening of otherseeds and prayed to Icavaip (coyote), "father of the people," forgood crops: (4) Kandugop, talker at various communal enterprises.Chief's succession was not strongly hereditary. The son or cousinof a chief often, though not necessarily, succeeded him. A newchief needed group sanction, which was procured at big meetingswhere people talked in his favor.Marriage.?Blood relatives, with the possible exception of realcross-cousins, were ineligible for marriage. Though some featuresof kinship terms accord with cross-cousin marriage, it is not knownwhether real or pseudo cross-cousin marriage was practiced. Therewas no local exogamy or rule of postmarital residence.In orthodox marriage a man gave presents to his prospectivemother-in-law, who reciprocated with presents to his own parents.Polygyny, which was usually though not necessarily sororal, wascontracted by a good hunter who was able to support plural wivesor by a man v/ho was desired by w^omen.Polyandry was always fraternal and was restricted to two brothers.The younger brother did not anticipate future marriage with otherwomen. Ordinarily one brother remained with the wife while theother hunted. "When both were home together all occupied the samehouse and slept in the same bed. They did not quarrel. But SFseemed convinced that both brothers were rarely home at once. Chil-dren call both men father, iipii''^. If one were called father's brother,hai', it W'Ould indicate a relationship which would prevent hissleeping with his brother's wife.
J44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ini'i-i'- "?SF's mother had two husbands, one being Kandugep. SF thinksKandugop was his biological father, but could not explain why.Perhaps SF likes to believe that his real father was the chief. HJ'sgrandmother, living at Hamilton, also had two husbands.Marriage was also accomplished by abducting a girl or a marriedwoman, aided by one's friends, and fighting only with the fists.RUBY VALLEY AND VICINITYCompared with the territory of eastern Nevada, Ruby Valley isexceptionally fertile. Long, Butte, Independence, and GoshuteValleys to the east are so barren and arid that they supported only asparse and scattered population which lived in small encampmentsat the few springs and streams. Ruby Valley, however, is flanked onthe west by the massive and lofty Ruby Range, Takadoya (takavi^snow+ mountain) or Biadoya (biap:, big), the great peaks of whichextend into the aspen and spruce belt. Though slightly north of theoptimum pinyon environment, the western slopes of the range havemany pine nuts. The lofty summits sheltered numerous mountainsheep. Many streams running down into Ruby Valley water exten-sive areas of wild seeds and create two large lakes which attractedwater fowl.Ruby Valley had an exceptionally dense population which servedas the focal point for communal affairs of a considerable area.Though the census data are incomplete, the northern two-thirds ofthe valley for which population estimates are available had about420 persons in 1,200 square miles, or 1 person to 2.8 square miles.This omits the inhabitants of one village, who were not known butwho, if included, would give a denser population. The compara-tively fertile Huntington Valley to the west had about 1 personto 3.5 square miles and the Humboldt River to the north about 1to 5.2 square miles. Simpson (p. 64) estimated that there were 1,500Indians in Ruby Valley in 1859. If correct, this was certainly atemporary massing of the population from a considerable area duringthe war, for it would be more than one person per square mile, whichis unbelievably dense for native times. Wasson saw 100 personsunder Chief Buck, who had succeeded Chief Sho-kab, in 1862 (p. 219)or Sho-kub (Davies, 1861, p. 138). The series of more arid valleyseast of Ruby Valley had about 180 persons in 2,000 square miles, or1 person to 11 square miles.The people of Ruby Valley were called Wadadiika (wada, ryegi-ass seed+ diika, eat). Kroeber (1909, p. 267) recorded this asWarii-dika-nii.Villages in Ruby Valley.?These were somewhat larger than vil-lages of southern and eastern Nevada.
STBWAUD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 145Instead of being situated in the valley proper, they were locatedin the lower portion of the juniper belt, where wood for house con-struction and for fuel could be had during the severe winters. Inthe spring, however, people moved into the valley and remained therethrough the summer, gathering seeds.The list of villages is probably not complete. Some of them, asnumbered on the map (fig. 11), were:1. Suhuwia (suhuvi, willow-fwia, pass), on the headwaters of FranklinRiver, on the Ruby Valley side of Secret Pass. Thirteen families. Village chief,Pokinank (pokap:, a species of brush+niink, ear); also director of festivalswhich were held here. Suhuwia people got pine nuts in the Ruby Mountainsnear Waihamuta, a few miles south. They went to Long or Butte Valleys,nearly 60 miles south, for antelope hunts (RVJ).2. Waihamuta (waiha, make a fire-fmuta, place ?; because everything hereonce burned), on the creek against the hills, west of the Neff Ranch. Sixteenfamilies. Village chief, Navinutsa (broken back), directing rabbit drives.People went to Suhawia or south to near Franklin Lake for festivals (RVJ).3. Baguwa, in the flats near Overland.4. Medicine Spring, on the western slope of the "Cedar Mountains," east ofFranklin Lake. Twenty to forty families. Tiimok, who had previously livedin Huntington Valley, became chief. He directed hunting and gathering tripsto near Overland in Ruby Valley during the spring, summer, and fall. Medi-cine Spring was preferred to Ruby Valley because the Cedar Mountains havemore pine nuts than the Ruby Mountains.Villages near Ruby Yalley.?People in certain neighboring valleysand villages having some connection with Euby Valley were
:
5. Clover Valley, Toyagadzu (toyavi, mountain +gadzu, sitting), lying eastof the Humboldt Range, Taindaudoi or Tainyandoya (holes in the top) andextending from near Wells south to Snow Lake. About 10 families underAqgatumbijugo (aQga, red+tumbi, rock). These went to Butte Valley forantelope hunts, to north of Shafter near some big spring for rabbit drivesunder a local director, to near Tuwagusaba for pine nuts, and to Ruby Valleyfor festivals directed by Tiimok. They got seeds in and around Clover Valley.6. Spruce Mountains, Wo-^>gogadu (worjgavi, "white pine"-fgadu, sitting). Onthe northern side of the Spruce Mountains there were three or four families,probably scattered on Cole and Latham Creeks, and called Kubadoogwe. Nochief.7. On the southern side of the Spruce Mountains there were four or fivefamilies under Hunivutsi. These people went to Ruby Valley or at pine-nuttime to Biabaduzap :, on the eastern side of the Pequop Range, for festivals, toButte Valley for antelope hunts, and to Clover Valley for rabbit drives whichwere led by Hunivutsi.Two localities between the Spruce Mountains and Currie, Buguno-begwic and Biazunt, were temporary camp sites. They lacked suffi-cient wood for winter habitations (RVJ). BM, however, said a manliving on Phalen Creek had directed rabbit drives held in northernSteptoe Valley near Currie.8. Butte Valley. A village of perhaps 10 families was located in the northernend of Butte Valley in a canyon called Natsumbagwic ("big water coming
J46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120down"), near the Taylor Ranch. This was probably a tributary of Butte Creek.There may also have been a family or two at Pony Spring, on the eastern sideof the Butte Mountains. BM said there are no inhabitants of this valley alivetoday. The chief was Hugamuts, an antelope shaman who directed local hunts.These hunts were participated in by people from a wide area, including RubyValley, Cloverdale Valley, the Spruce Mountains, and elsewhere. BM alsodescribed an old woman who conducted antelope hunts in Butte Valley, the onlyinstance recorded of a woman antelope shaman. These people held local rabbithunts under a man who lived at Immigrant Spring. They went to Baguwa,near Overland in Ruby Valley, for festivals. They got pine nuts on the "CedarMountains" (east of Ruby and Franklin Lakes), called Tubnqgadu (probablytuba, pine nut+gadu, sitting). These trips were managed by Paijguma, wholived at Natsumbagwic.Beckwith (1855a, pp. 26-27), who observed some of these people in1854 west of Goshute Lake, probably near Butte Creek, observed thatthese "Diggers" "live a family or two in a mountain, and know noth-ing beyond the rat-holes of their own hills, being afraid of their nextrange neighbors." The camp he saw was but a fire built beside acedar tree. The family lacked shelter and blankets, had only acouple of deer skins, a few ground-rats, grass seed, and a variety ofartemisia seed.9. Long Valley, Yuogumba (flat) or Sihuba (sihu, rodtop grass), is separatedfrom Butte Valley by the Butte Mountains, Tudundoya (tnhu, black -}-dun, spots,i. e., on the ground+doya of Ma'awat (ma'a, hand+ wat, lacking; BM). It isalmost devoid of water except in the extreme northern end, where the "CedarMountains" give rise to a number of springs, Ponhiaba (ponhiats, skunk+water). Several families wintered here and in the mountains where snowwas used for water. Icagumbui (ica'", coyote-f-gum, cross-f-bui, eye), the localantelope shaman, was chief. Long Valley people got seeds in the vicinity ofRuby Lake. They sometimes had joint festivals with Huntington Creek underBasimugwini, of the latter.10. A village was situated somewhere on the eastern slope of the PequopMountains, Biagwap (biap:, big+gwap, fence), south of Shafter. It wascalled Biabaduzap: (big+baduzap:, creek ?) and had about six families underWinjuganbaduzap :. Like Ruby Valley people, these were called Wadadiika.Tapsudo had been chief here, but traveled too much. His son, Hunib, refusedto be chief and lived mostly in Ruby Valley where, though not a shaman, hedirected some communal deer hunts.Egan Canyon. Though located in the Egan Range on the westernside of Steptoe Valley, the residents of this canyon were linked withpeople to the west as much as with their Steptoe Valley neighbors.Their chief was Togoamuts (togoa, rattlesnake) or Egan John.Kiikwijugo or Mose (BM's father), a signer of the treaty of 1863,has been called a "chief," but BM and RVJ said he merely "talked"during the Indian wars and previously had had no authority.BM and his father were both born in Egan Canyon, his mother inRuby Valley. Most of their subsistence activities were carried onnear home, though they went west for some purposes. They pre-
STEWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 147ferred to gather pine nuts in the surrounding Egan Kange, whichSteptoe Valley families also frequented, but sometimes crossed thevalley to gather in the Shell Creek Range, Panandoya (pani, yellow-jacket), near Schellbourne. They got other seeds near home andsowed wild seeds, especially Mentzelia^ in Egan Canyon. For ante-lope hunts they either went west to Butte Valley or south to SteptoeValley, where corrals had been built at various sites. For rabbitdrives they went to the Warm Springs near Magnuson, where theyjoined local residents and Ely families. Partly because of familyties, partly because mountain sheep were more numerous there, theyspent considerable time hunting in Ruby Valley.Jakes Valley and White Sage Valley. Little information is avail-able about these valleys, which probably had few inhabitants. HJsaid that two chiefs, Padugutsa kahudua (mud face ?) and To:nai(corn on his foot) served Jakes and probably White Sage Valley.The former lived at Yunargwa bahunovi (a species of seed whichwas very abundant in Jakes Valley+ valley). Biwonoonzuga wasdirector of festivals in which these people sometimes joined ButteValley residents at Pony Springs.Subsistence activities: seed gathering.?People of the variouslocalities listed above gathered most seeds near their winter villages.Those from Suhuwia, Waihamuta, and Medicine Spring usually wentto Ruby Valley where the moist canyons and valley bottoms affordedabundant yampa {Garum gairdneri), tsowiga (unidentified), andother seeds and roots. They might go as far as Connor's Creek,Sunadaint (sunavi, cottonwood+ daint, cluster), 15 miles south.Pine nuts were procured in the Ruby Mountains or "Cedar Moun-tains." Medicine Spring people preferred the latter. When gather-ing nuts in the Ruby Mountains people from various localities as-sembled under Tiimok, who directed operations. Sometimes peopleremained in the mountains near their caches.Journeys were made on foot. A few horses were acquired duringRVJ's childhood, about 1860, but these were usually eaten.Subsistence activities: coramunal hunts.?Apparently lacking alocal antelope shaman, Ruby Valley people hunted antelope commun-ally in or near either Butte or Long Valley, each of which had ashaman. People from other neighboring valleys also went to thesevalleys (RVJ). Corrals were built in the northern end of eachvalley. There was also one at Wliite House Spring, two on the west-ern side of Spruce Mountain, and one on the western side of theCedar Mountains.Ruby Valley people held drives for white (probably snowshoe)rabbits in the Ruby Mountains or for ordinary jack rabbits nearMedicine Spring, Baijuk"*^ being director at either place. Butte
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120and northern Steptoe Valleys, however, held their own more or lesslocal rabbit drives. Drives were during the winter. Four to eightnets were used.Some communal deer surrounds were held in the Ruby Mountains.These were directed by Tiimok and were not shamanistic, though theLong Valley antelope shaman charmed deer which were caught,when going south, in a V -fence and pit on the Cedar Mountains.Mountain-sheep surrounds were held without any leader.BM's father had seen a few buffalo near the Butte Mountains, butthese, like the buffalo in northwestern Utah, were probably not huntedcommunally.Festivals.?The main festival seems to have been at MedicineSpring, the largest village. It was held either in the spring or fall.Papadop:, BM's maternal grandfather's brother, was director, hisleadership extending probably in post-Caucasian times to EganCanyon. BM also said another festival might be held after summerharvests 2 or 3 miles from the present Ruby Valley post office at asmall sand hill. Tukumuts (mountain lion) was director.Political organization.?Throughout most of the year and for mostpurposes the family was largely independent, even when living inthe winter village. But, as population v>'as relatively dense in thevicinity of Ruby Valley and as food distribution permitted clustersof some size, village control of a minor sort was necessary. Henceeach village had a chief whose main duty was to keep people informedof the whereabouts of ripening seeds and especially to lead trips tothe pine-nut areas. In some cases the village chief was also antelopeshaman, festival director, "talker" at festivals, or rabbit-hunt leader.For communal activities different villages were the center of opera-tions. As there was more water and more food in the mountains thanin the valleys, cooperative enterprises involved villages which wereclustered around certain mountains rather than those located in thesame valley. The nuclear center for such activities was the "CedarMountains," with its villages on the Ruby Valley, Butte Valley, and'Long Valley sides. Medicine Springs was the location for the mainfestivals, people attending from far and wide when harvests hadbeen sufficient to support a large gathering. Long Valley and ButteValley drew people from neighboring regions for antelope drivesbecause each had an antelope shaman. Rabbit drives were morelocal affairs, only adjoining villages ordinarily participating. Com-munal deer, mountain sheep, and water-fowl hunts involved onlypeople who happened to be Avintering or gathering seeds in the samelocality.Chieftainship was preferably patrilineal, except, of course, theantelope shaman v.ho acquired his powers siipernaturally with only
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 149some predisposition to inheritance. Patrilineal succession, however,was not a rigid rule and if the son were disliked, a general meetingdecided upon a successor.Warfare has not been mentioned as a unifying factor becauseit was unimportant in native times. After the coming of the whiteman, however, the Indian wars amalgamated people along the Hum-boldt River, in Ruby Valley, and in neighboring valleys under theleadership of Tiimok. The new political alinements produced by thewars are shown by Powell and Ingalls' list of chiefs for Ruby Valleyin 1872: Tim-oak, To-sho-win'-tso-go and "Mose" (1874, p. 12). Thefirst and second were from Huntington Valley, the third from EganCanyon. A thumbnail sketch of Tiimok, given by BG, throws lighton the nature of this sudden spread of political and military controlwhich occurred in a very similar manner in other parts of the area.This sketch is, of course, one Indian's version, not an objectivechronicle.lAfe of TilmuTco"'.?Tiimuko'" or Tiimok (rope, because he braided rope) orTiimukunaiwiip was born at Camp Creek, probably a tributary of Susie Creek.(RVJ, however, said he had lived in Huntington Valley, west of Ruby Valley,as a young man.) He had two brothers, Tozawinzugupii' (white knife old man)being the eldest.As a young man, Tiimok traveled with his family and lived at various placeson Susie Creek and North Fork up to Jarbridge, where they went to huntThey wintered ordinarily at the large village at the mouth of South Fork. Thegroup comprised 600 to 700 persons [certainly far too large an estimate] whotraveled on foot. Sometimes they went to Ruby Valley for mud hens. Atthis time Tiimuko'" was neither a chief nor a leader of any activity.One March, about the time when the first white immigrants arrived, whileTiimok was trapping sage hens alone in Ruby Valley, he met three white menwith long beards, the first he had ever seen. They greeted him with raisedhands, but Tiimok was frightened. By motions, the men asked directions forthe trail and Tiimok directed them to Harrison Pass. They rewarded himwith a huge plug of chewing tobacco and food, promising to bring him morewhich they would leave at a certain place in 3 months. Tiimok went home andannounced his encounter with the "dog face people." Three months later thewhite men left food and tobacco as promised and Tiimok was convinced of theirfriendship.At this time Tiimok was about 25 or 30 years old but had no authority. Herose to power among his own people purely through personal influence. He wasintelligent, jolly, well-liked, and widely known because of his extensive travelsin Shoshoni territory. He settled in Ruby Valley and rapidly gained influence.Meanwhile the number of immigrants increased, the stage line passing southof the Great Salt Lake Desert and through Steptoe Valley was put in operation,and friction developed between the whites and Indians and between certainIndian groups. Trouble with Shoshoni in and near Steptoe Valley and withGosiute Shoshoni led the whites to construct a fort in Ruby Valley. Shoshoninear Wells committed depredations against immigrants. Northern Paiute, itwas claimed, had fought Shoshoni without provocation in pre-Caucasian timesand later had clashed with the white man. And Gosiute had stolen Shoshoni60285?38 11
150 BUREAU OB^ AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
children in Steptoe Valley. [The last statement is improbable as Gosiute areShoshoni and were on friendly terms with their kin. It is possible, however,that a few Gosiute, like the Ute, captured children which the Mormons, out ofpity, redeemed from them.]Tiimok's part in these affairs was made possible by his connection with thewhite men, with whom he seems to have become fast friends. His task was tokeep the Shoshoni, who had forgathered in and near Ruby Valley, at peacewith the white man and to recruit Shoshoni to aid the soldiers in punitiveexpeditions against certain Indian groups. Tiimok's Shoshoni kept out of thewars with the Northern Paiute [see Hopkins, 1S83J but aided in quelling theWells Shoshoni. [Jr and other Ely Indians recounted massacres of Shoshoniin and near Steptoe Valley by soldiers. It is not known whether Ruby ValleyShoshoni took a hand in this.] To maintain peace between the Shoshoni andwhites it was arranged that any offender should be brought to justice only bymembers of his own race.Tiimok had begun to assist the white men some time between 1854 and 1857.The wars were over in 1862 and the next year a treaty, which included Shoshonias well as the hostile Indians, was signed. The Shoshoni were promised cer-tain privileges, territory, and rewards for permitting the white man free accessto their lands. BG insisted that it was Tiimok who actually negotiated thistreaty and that the other 11 signers were only "witnesses." Of the others, how-ever, several had been leaders of festivals or other activities in different locali-ties, so that they were assumed to be competent to represent the entire areaembraced in the treaty. [This area extended from Jarbridge near the Idahoborder south to Ely and from the Great Salt Lake Desert west to Smith Creekand Great Smoky Valley and had, in native times, embraced several hundredindependent villages.]After the treaty was signed, Tiimok's task was completed and his authorityvanished. Until his death in 1891 he remained in Ruby Valley where the nativefoods, of which he was fond, were plentiful. He was no longer a "chief" butmerely a popular citizen who could tell interesting stories of the wars and ofhis travels and trading journeys to the east. He had many friends among thewhite people.Tiimok's political and military career was thus as brief as it wasspectacular, lasting probably not more than the seven years between1854 and 1863. After 1863 he seems to have made no effort to forcethe white men to fulfill their treaty obligations. It is only in recentyears that various self-appointed leaders have assumed this task.Marriage.?This is one of the few localities in which true as wellas pseudo cross-cousin marriage was approved. I have no informationas to the frequency of such unions, however, nor, indeed, any geneal-ogy to bear out the informant's assertion about them. Parallel-cousinmarriage was taboo.In orthodox unions, preferably with the cross-cousin, the man askedpermission of the girl's father, giving her family buckskins. Somecouples went at once to the man's family to live, but most stayed withthe wife's family for a year, in a kind of bride service or until thefirst child was born. Permanent residence, however, seems to havedepended largely upon circumstances of food supply and preference.Wherever they resided, they frequently visited the other family.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 151There was a preference for marriage of a brother and sister to asister and brother.Polygyny was not uncommon but there was no feeling that itshould be sororal (BM, RVJ). Charlie Tiimok had two wives fromSteptoe Valley who were not sisters. The sororate was common butnot mandatory.Polyandry was, unlike most other localities, not necessarily fra-ternal (BM, RVJ). Although it seems, as elsewhere, to have beenarranged so that one husband was usually away hunting, neither hadprior rights. When both were home the three slept in the same bed.Both husbands were called "father" by the children. BM had heardof cases of polyandry in Ruby Valley, Steptoe Valley, Elko, andEureka. In the last case the husbands were not related. The wifehas since left both of them and is married to another man.Wives were also acquired by abduction. A man, assisted by hisfriends, abducted a married or unmarried girl from her home.It was impossible to procure census data that would show villagecomposition in terms of relationship and intermarrying localities, buta few marriages were recorded which shed some light. Most of these,however, involve chiefs and are not therefore wholly typical, forthere is a strong reason in the case of chiefs to practice patrilocalresidence.1. RVJ's mother and father were both born at Kinome, on HuntingtonCreek.2. Tiimok and his wife both from Kinome.3. Pokinank at Suhuwia, Rnby Valley; his wife from Toygadzu Wells.4. Guwuwutawa at Sahoogap in Huntington Valley; his wife from Ilalleck.5. Biadapana at Kinome ; his wife from Kinome.6. Winjugo, at Kinome ; his wife from Egan Canyon.7. Icagumbui, at Long Valley ; his wife, a Gosiute Shoshoni.8. Kusip and his wife both from Halleck.9. Basimugwini, Hunting Creek; his various wives from variousi otherplaces.10. Bokoni and his wife both Clover Valley.11. Hunivutsi, on the south side of the Spruce Mountains; his wife fromWells.12. Pisatoya near Carlin ; his wife from Kinome.13. BM's wife's mother from near Egan Canyon ; her father from about 4miles south of Currie.14. BM's mother from Ruby Valley ; his father from Egan Canyon.Of these 14 marriages, 5 were endogamous by village, 9 exogamous,demonstrating that villages were not lineages, and did not follow arule of local exogamy. Few of the smaller villages to the south com-prised only relatives, and it is less expectable that these largervillages should have.^*
1* A traveler in Ruby Valley In 1854 visited a camp of an old man and six otherpersons, Including liis sons and sons-in-law (Aveson, p. 94).
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I^vll. 120Pl^ce names.?Toana Mountains, Tuana (tuliu, black+ ana, topof hill). HUMBOLDT RIVERSlioslioni occupied the Humboldt Valley westward approximatelyto Iron Point between Battle Mountain and Winnemucca, where theywere somewhat intermixed with the Northern Paiute or Paviotso,their western neighbors. Wheeler (1875, p. 36) incorrectly placesShoshoni also at Winnemucca, "named after their old chief," where,he states, they had their headquarters. Actually the vicinity of Win-nemucca was entirely Paiute and the town was named from one oftheir headmen. (See, for example, Hopkins, 1883.) Humfreville(pp. 289-293) is wrong in supposing that the Humboldt River Sho-shoni were made up of the individual outcasts of Snakes, Ute, Ban-nocks, and others. East of Iron Point the Hmnboldt River Valleywas entirely Shoshoni.Although the Humboldt River was the main immigrant thorough-fare, early descriptions of its natives were generally limited tocomments on their poverty.Ogden, traveling somewhere on the upper Humboldt River in November 1827,described the Indians (vol. 10, pp. 384-385) as numerous, vrretched, and wild,
"with scarcely any covering, the greater part without bows aud arrows andwithout any defense." Walker (Irving, 1898, vol. 2, p. 94) said they were shy,forlorn, and scattered in 1825. Leonard, traveling down the Humboldt River in1834, said (p. 157) that "the natives . . . still continued to be of the most poorand dejected kind?being entirely naked and very filthy." Near the presenttown of Wells, Bryant, in August 1846, met six Shoshoni, of whom he said(pp. 194-195), "The bodies of two or three of them were partially covered withthe skins of hares sewn together. The others were entirely naked." One hada "miserable gun," two or three had bows and arrows, aud several had hare-skin pouches. Near the Humboldt River he met 5 naked Indians (p. 198) andprobably at or near the present town of Elko they saw 200 or 300 Indians in agroup (p. 205). Between Goose Creek, Utah, and the headwaters of the Hum-boldt River, Delano, in July 1849, saw Indians who were entirely naked exceptfor breechcloths and who carried bows and iron-tipped arrows (p. 159). Far-ther down the Humboldt River they saw the "palace of a 'merry mountainDigger.' It was simply a cleft in the rocks?a kind of cave, strewn with wildgrass, and might have served equally well for the habitation of a Digger kingor a grizzly bear" (pp. 170-171). Humfreville (pp. 289-293) stated that theystole horses and mules to eat but not to ride, had no homes, often went entirelynaked, ate what they could get, including crickets, frogs, toads, snakes, insects,grasshoppers, and clay, had no war, sometimes sold their children to get food,had small, dirty houses, were too lazy to fight, forage, or stir, and only some-times lived in families which broke up readily. Simpson in 1859 (p. 37) wrotethat the Humboldt River Indians "were of Sho-sho-nee origin, but had no chief.They lived scatteredly, and, like the Go-shoot, are of a low type and live anddress in the same way."Leonard makes the surprising observations that in 1834 in the valleys westof Great Salt Lake he met Indians en route to the buffalo country (his ownparty had killed one buffalo west of the lake) to "lay in their winter's supply
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 153
of meat." Shortly after this he met "a few straggling natives, who were in amanner naked, on the trail of the main body to the buffalo country" (pp. 149-150). It is possible that a few Humboldt River Shoshoni had acquired horsesby 1834 and traveled into southern Idaho, where some buffalo remained. Buttoo much credence cannot be given this statement, as Leonard's journal wasfrequently confused as to time and place. Horses were extremely rare for manyyears in this region. In 1854 Beckwith met a party of Indians, probably nearDeeth, who had but one pack horse among them (lS55a, p. 31).Holeman in 1853 supposed there were 500 Humboldt River Shoshoni underNe-me-te-kah (man eater), subdivided into a group of 200 or under at the firstcrossing of the river, near the present town of Wells, under Paut-wa-a-raute(the drowned man), and 450 at Stony Point under Oh-hah-quak (yellow skin).In summer these Indians were scattered in hunting parties (1853, pp. 444-445).Forney in 1859 (p. 363) said there were seven bands along the HumboldtRiver.Compared with other portions of the Western Shoshoni area, theHumboldt Valley was a fertile region. Lying at a considerable alti-tude (5,000 to 6,000 feet) and traversed by many mountain ranges ofgreat height, it had exceptional rainfall (up to 10 or 15 inches in thevalleys and more in the mountains) and a large number of perennialstreams. Fish could be had in the Humboldt Kiver and its tributaries,game, especially antelope, in the valleys, and seeds and tubers in im-portant quantities in the valleys and mountains. Although pine nutsoccur well north oi the Humboldt River in this region accordingto Sudworth (1917), the only locality where they are sufficientlyabundant to warrant gathering is the Grouse Creek region northwestof Great Salt Lake. There are a few near Wells, but north of Wellsand along the Humboldt River west of Wells they are unimportant.Even the vicinity of La Moille in South Creek Valley has but few.The greatest native supply was gathered in the Ruby Mountains. Inrecent times Hmnboldt River people have gone 100 miles south to theWliite Pine Mountains for them.Districts and villages.?Owing to the unusual fertility of the areaand diversity of landscape along the Humboldt River, the areas for-aged for food were somewhat smaller and the villages somewhatlarger than among most western Shoshoni.^^ But the foods weresomewhat erratic in their occurrence, so that subsistence activities hadnot become a fixed routine and families often found themselves indifferent places associating with different people from year to year.Communal hunts and dances which tend to amalgamate large groupsof people consequently did not always unite the same people.^" Inshort, there was no band organization whatever.
^Leonard observed (pp. 159-160) that the natives became more numerous as heproceeded downstream."There Is not the slightest evidence for Humfreville's 2 "tribes," one of about 500persons on the upper Humboldt River, another of about 600 persons on the lower river,unless by "tribes" he meant the Shoshoni and Northern Paiute.
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120The districts listed below are more or less arbitrarily bounded.Each included several semipermanent camps, which certain familiesconsidered home and returned to when they could. These camps wereoften clustered in fairly large villages.^'' District members assembledwith one another more often than with outsiders for festivals, com-munal hunts, and some fishing. But, although they ordinarily gath-ered food within the district, they frequently ranged into adjoiningdistricts or even beyond, where they might participate in local huntsand dances. There was consequently incomplete attachment to alocality. There was no idea of inalienable membership in the localgroup, nor group ownership of food rights, no resentment of trespassby outsiders or even dialectic distinctiveness. In fact, dialectic areasgiven by BG were far larger than districts, which is expectable inview of the frequent and wide wandering of the people. BG saidthe Elko dialect was spoken at Battle Mountain, Wells, and "RubyValley, while Eureka, Austin, and Owyhee spoke a slightly differentdialect.It is significant that districts adjoining the river are smaller thanthose at some distance from it. The inhabitants of the former de-pended to a relatively greater degree upon fish and found within asmall territory sufficient vegetable foods (excepting the pine nut).Those away from the river had to range over a larger territory togather foods in sufficient quantity and variety and probably had amuch smaller per mile population.None of tliese districts was named, except as prominent villageshad place names. A few names have gained some prominence inliterature but are not band designations. Thus, Tosawi (tosa,white+wi, knife) has been thought to designate a band occupyingdifferent parts or all of the Humboldt Valley. Actually it wasusually applied only to a small group at Iron Point, near BattleMountain, where good white flint occurred, though there was no con-sistency in its application.^^ More often people of general regionswere designated by foods. Thus, Snake Kiver Shoshoni called theElko region people Tsogwi (a root) yuyugi (shakes, like jelly) andthose in the vicinity of Deeth, Turkoi (tu:, black+koi, peak). BGcalled Deeth people Kuiyu {Valeriana edulis root) dlika. Pine Valleypeople Pasia (redtop grass) diika, the Jarbridge region Woqgogadutoyavi (woggovi, pine+ gadu, sitting+ toyavi, mountain), and North-ern Paiute, paviodzo (meaning unknown). Northern Paiute calledShoshoni Tovomb (meaning ?). Some place names were North ForkMountain, Siitoya (sU, cold+ toyavi, mountain) ; mountains 4 or 5
"Ogden (1827) stopped at a village of 50 "tents," which was possibly on the HumboldtHere he was visited by 150 Indians.
"Tiimolj's brother was named from this Tosawinugo (tosawl+ jugo, old man) though hedid not live in the Tosawi region.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 155
miles west of Austin, Sunundoya (siinu'", a seed ?) ; a district southof Ely, Bohonovi (bohovi, sage+novi, house ?). Wliite man, Tosaic(tosa, white +ic, wolf ?), though usually Taivo.Some of the Humboldt region districts, as numbered on the map(fig. 11), were:14. Independence Valley. People lived in the valley of what is called Magpieor Maggie Creek. These people seldom reached the river. They held theirown local festivals.15. Palisade. Elevation, 4,846 feet. People lived along the Humboldt Riverin this vicinity. BG included them with the Pine Creek people, but SF thoughtthey were separate, perhaps associating with some other Humboldt Riverpeople. For 1872, Powell and Ingalls list 56 persons here under Chief Pit-si-nain(1874, p. 12).16. Carlin. The main village was about 3 miles below Carlin, called Badu-koi (pa, water+dubihand, middle+koi, peak), because of a rock in the middleof the river. Certain families usually wintered here but joined the Susie Creekand Elko residents for festivals. Badukoi head man was Badukoin. Powelland Ingalls list 82 persons here under Chief Pit-si-nain (1874, p. 12).17. Elko. Elevation, 5,066 feet. People lived along the Humboldt River fromSusie Creek to South Fork and somewhat on both tributaries, and near HotSprings. Although camps were scattered, perhaps 1 or 2 miles apart, the pre-ferred site was a village at the mouth of South Fork, Puq.odudumoin, whereperhaps 1,000 people gathered (probably after the horse was introduced). Thisgeneral region was called Puqoduqgahnivain (place where the house is) (BG).Powell and Ingalls list 90 persons here under "Capt. Sam" (1874, p. 12), butsee below (pp. 163-164).The general region of the Palisade, Carlin, and Elko groups hadabout 770 square miles and, according to Powell and Ingalls' figures,about 228 persons, or one per 3.3 square miles.In a valley a little south of Elko (?) Beckwith met about 50 Indian men.They had been shooting gophers with blunt arrows, digging them by hand,or catching them in figure-4 traps, each man getting 40 to 50. These men hadhidden their "treasures, one bringing out a piece of an old buckskin, a coupleof feet square, smoked, greasy, and torn; another a half dozen rabbit skinsin an equally filthy condition, sewed together, which he would swing over hisshoulders by a string?his only blanket or clothing; while a third brought outa blue string, which he girded about him and walked away in full dress?oneof the lords of the soil." (1855a, pp. 32-33.)Dixie Valley. Probably a small, somewhat distinct group here.Huntington Valley. There were several camps and villages alongHuntington Creek above Purjodudumoin. This locality was some-what favored by having access to the Humboldt River with its fishand by proximity to pine nuts on the western slope of the RubyMountains. These nuts are the best in the general area and weresought by other groups from along the Humboldt River (BG).This area of about 900 square miles had 246 persons, according toRVJ's estimate, or 1 per 3.5 square miles.
l^Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120RVJ gave three villages:18. Kinome, 5 miles north of Huntington. Eleven families. Village chief,Biadapana, who had succeeded his father. At his death, Biadapana was suc-ceeded by a younger brother, Tiimok (who later moved to Ruby Valley and roseto fame during the Indian wars), who was in turn succeeded by anotheryounger brother, Winjugo (RVJ), Tosawinjugo (tosa, white+wi, flint knife)or "Charlie Temoak." (BG, BM.)19. Sahoogap (water runs down ?), at Lee. About 20 families. Villagechief, Guwewutawa ("tied up head"). (RVJ.)These two villages gathered pine nuts at Wakwe, on the western slope ofthe Ruby Mountains, near Jiggs.20. There was another village of perhaps 10 families somewhere on upperHuntington Creek, under Basimugwini (basip:, grass+mu, ?+gwini, mush).People remained here throughout the year except when traveling to near "ColdCreek" ('?), southeast of Huntington to pick pine nuts in the Ruby Mountainsor to Long Valley to hunt antelope under a Long Valley shaman. (RVJ.)Huntington Valley people had local festivals under Basimugwinior went to South Fork or to Pine Creek. Often, people from SouthFork, Diamond, Newark, and other valleys wintered in the vicinityof Huntington Springs when pine nuts had been abundant.21. North Fork. People occupied most of the drainage of the North Fork ofthe Humboldt River with the exception of the vicinity of its mouth. Peoplefrom Susie Creek and Elko often ranged over this country to hunt antelope andsmall game, and, in winter, to gather cactus. They crossed it en route to thevicinity of Jarbridge to hunt deer. The chief, though not festival director,was Ziarjkasii (ziavi, rose bush+kas", end of a finger). People lived in scat-tered camps, each having 4 to 5 families and some perhaps 10 families. BGthought there were 500 to 600 persons, but this would give 1 per 2 square miles,which is undoubtedly excessive.22. Halleck. Elevation, 5,229 feet. The people called Kuiyudiika (BG,RVJ) ; the village, Banadia (RVJ). A village of about 100 persons, scatteredalong both sides of Lamoille Creek. These people ranged a fairly small terri-tory of about 400 square miles. The country along Lamoille Creek between theHumboldt River, where fish could be taken all winter, and the Ruby Mountainsprovided foods in considerable variety and quantity. They got pine nuts andsquirrels in the Ruby Mountains near Lamoille, called Wapeguc (many pinetrees), or in Ruby Valley, where they sometimes remained during the winter.The village chief was Poor)gwatsa or Poarjutsa (poa, skin-j-gwatsa, gravy),probably a signer of the treaty of 1863 (BG), or Kusip: (ash), RVJ. Hedirected pine-nut trips, local rabbit drives, and local festivals.A Halleck man named Sokop (sometimes written Cho-kup) joinedthe white soldiers and thereby acquired himself the title of "chief."Powell and Ingalls list "Capt. Sam" as chief of 36 persons here aswell as of Elko people (1874, p. 12).23. Deeth. People also called Kuiyudiika. The village, called Tukwampan-dai (tuhu, black-fkwam, hill+pa, water+nadai, under; from 2 small, blackhills on the south side of the river) ; 16 to 20 families, scattered in the vicinityof Mary's Creek and the Humboldt River. These people ranged all of Mary'sCreek for seeds and took fish in both streams. They held local festivals under
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 157Pihazngo or Bill Antelope (BG) ; or went to Wells where Poangwatsa (seeHalleck, however), was director (RVJ).24. Wells. Elevation, 5,630 feet. Also Kiiiyudiika. The village, calledToyagadzu (toyavi, mountain-fgadzu, sitting), comprised 6 to 8 camps, scat-tered from Bishops Creek to near Wells. Festivals were held here under Poang-watsa (RVJ).The last 3 centers of population, Halleck to Wells, had about 264persons utilizing 1,375 square miles, or 1 person per 5.2 square miles.Another group of camps was scattered on the headwaters of theSalmon Falls Creek, near Contact. There were probably others nearMontello, in northeastern Nevada near the Grouse Creek Shoshoni ofnorthwestern Utah (pp. 173-175). This territory was sparsely popu-lated, however, and little information is available concerning it.Thousand Springs Valley, northeast of Wells, was occupied by600 persons under Too-ke-mah (rabbit) in 1853, according to Hole-man (1853, pp. 443-444). Most of these people went to Fort Hall"where there is more game, and where they intend to winter" (p. 446).Hurt (1856, p. 227), however, gives Setoke as chief in ThousandSprings Valley. Holeman's population estimate is undoubtedly ex-cessive and probably was of a transient population, perhaps fromFort Hall./Subsistence activities.?Information on economic life is from BGof Elko, but probably is representative of most Humboldt Riverpeoples.Pine nuts could not be had near Elko. BG's grandmother hadto go south into Huntington Valley, a distance of 20 or 30 miles, togather from the western slope of the Ruby Mountains. A numberof families made this trip together, but gathered individually, hav-ing no chief. Each gathered where it pleased. If the harvest werelarge, they wintered there. Usually, however, they returned totheir village at the mouth of South Fork. They transported thepine nuts by carrying as many as they could in a day's trip andmaking subsequent trips until all the nuts were at that place. Thenthey made several trips to carry them to another point, and so onuntil they were home. A good crop might last through the winteruntil March, but never longer.Other seeds were gathered at various places by family groups.For sand bunch grass they went sometimes to Ruby Valley, as therewas little near Elko. Uep: {Chenopodium) was abundant alongthe Humboldt River and especially near Lamoille. Quiyu {Valeri-ana edulis), also along the river, ripened in August. Dagii, abundantaround Austin and on Susie Creek. Yumb: (yamp), ripening inspring, abundant on hills just south of Elko. Boina (Sophia), foot-hills south of the river. Bogombi : along the river. Nap : (a root)
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120from Hot Springs near Carlin. Sowigo on Camp Creek, i. e., onSusie Creek. Mahavita known but too rare to be important.Wiyumbi did not grow on the Humboldt River near Elko but wasabundant in Star Valley near Deeth, 35 miles away. Although 35miles seems a considerable distance to carry food, the dried berrieswere so light that they could easily be transported. BG's familyfrequently carried them on foot back from Star Valley even beforehorses were introduced. Large groups made trips to Star Valleytogether for "company and for fun."Wlien stored seeds were insufficient to last the winter people mightgo to the low ridges north of the Humboldt River near the mouth ofNorth Fork Creek, to gather cactus, wogavi. This cannot be gath-ered and dried in summer, like roots, but may be picked at any timeduring the winter.Thus, for vegetable foods Elko people foraged an area some 20 to30 miles in diameter. They preferred to winter at the mouth ofSouth Fork, where they cached seeds and dried roots. When spe-cial circumstances arose, such as an unusual abundance of pine nutsin some locality or a general dearth of food, families governed them-selves by the circumstances and wintered where most practicable.Hunting was carried on along the Humboldt River but game wasnone too plentiful. A man was lucky to kill enough large game tomake a complete outfit of skin clothing. Early accounts indicate thatsuch small game as ground hogs, gophers, and rats were perhapseconomically more important than such large game as deer, antelope,and sheep. But there were no communal rabbit hunts in which netswere used.Buffalo, though occurring in Utah until 1832, were unknown here.Antelope hunts probably involved larger groups of people thanany other economic activity, though the same people did not alwaysparticipate. Antelope must have been fairly common along the river.During 1 day's travel below Wells, Bryant observed 300 or 400.There was one antelope shaman in the region of Elko and anotherin Ruby Valley. Hunts occurred whenever people needed food, cor-rals at different places being used. There was a corral on the hillsnorth of Elko and another on the mountain south of Elko, both ofwhich were used by people from the vicinity of Elko and Carlin.There was also a corral in Ruby Valley, one on the mountain westof Jiggs in Huntington Valley, and probably another near Halleck.Small groups of people without any director sometimes huntedmud hens in Ruby Valley. They drove the birds out of the waterand killed them with clubs as they ran through the marsh grasses.This was done any time of the year.Mountain sheep were hunted in the Ruby Mountains, SwailsMountain, "North Fork Mountain" (probably the Independence
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 159Range), or the Jarbridge Mountains. Individual hunters eithertrailed them or attracted them by pounding logs together to makea noise like rams fighting, then shot them with a bow.There were many fish in the Humboldt River and some in SouthFork, Mary's River, and Lamoille Creek, but none in North Fork.The main species was a trout (?), said now to be extinct, calledagai (the Snake River name of salmon; the Shoshoni name for fish isusually parjgwi) , probably the Tahoe trout. There were also severalsuckers, chubs, and minnows.Individuals took fish in summer and winter with nets and hooks.Communal fishing involved stone dams or willow weirs equippedwith baskets. A stone dam was photographed in the Humboldt River13 miles west of Elko. This site had been chosen partly because thetalus of the canyon wall provided ample rock for the dam, partlybecause it was near the village at the mouth of South Fork. Donai-gunt (donai, bunion) was in charge of this dam.The maker of a trap or dam was director of fishing operations.He called for assistance to drag out the baskets full of fish every 2to 4 days, as each weighed up to 200 pounds. The fish were thendistributed among the various families.There was also a dam on Susie Creek not far from its junction withthe Humboldt River. Another was on South Fork about 12 milesfrom the Humboldt River, where Sowaiji was in charge. BG'sgrandmother, living sometimes near Elko, sometimes at the mouth ofSouth Fork, helped catch fish at both places.Ownership or even habitual utilization of fishing places was notstrongly if at all developed. BG denied any family, village, or dis-trict rights to fishing places among Shoshoni, though he had heardof such rights among Walker River Paiute.Festivals.?The two important Humboldt River festival sites wereSouth Fork and Halleck. At South Fork the chief was Wubaba(BG's grandfather), who had dreamed the power to direct dancesand who was also a shaman. These festivals drew people from asfar west as Carlin and sometimes even from Beowawe. At Halleck,Bihazuga or Bill Antelope (BG's father-in-law) was director. Hisfather had preceded him as director. Other festivals were held inRuby Valley and at localities mentioned elsewhere.Festivals were usually held but once a year, in the fall beforepine-nut time. Sometimes there was a spring dance. For 5 nightsthe round dance was performed. About 35 j^ears ago the bear dancewas adopted. Formerly dances served not only as an occasion formuch festivity but also for courtship. More recently they had be-come somewhat disorderlj'^ and philandering broke up many mar-riages. The effect of dances in disrupting marriages, however, wasprobably not entirely recent.
jgQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Warfare.?Slioshoni never fought one another, but BG depictedShoshoni as the inoffensive victims of raids by Gosiute from the eastand by Winnemucca Northern Paiute from the west. Ute had stolenchildren from Steptoe Valley Shoshoni but did not reach the Hum-boldt River. BG believed that an ancient enmity existed betweenShoshoni and Paiute who continue to dislike one another.This corroborates the testimony of other informants that nativewarfare was not an important factor in integrating social or politicalgroups. Events following the arrival of the white man, however,stimulated strife and gave temporary cohesion to many formerlyindependent Humboldt River and neighboring groups under Tiimok.Chiefs.?BG claimed that prior to the arrival of the white manthere had been no village chiefs. There were no rabbit drives. Pine-nut trips and fishing activities required no important management.Antelope and deer shamans acquired powers supernaturally. Thisleaves only festivals requiring chiefs. The South Fork director ac-quired his power in a vision; the Halleck director inherited hispower from his father.Tiimok's rise to power as a "chief" has been described.Marriage.?There was no local exogamy. Cross-cousin and pseudocross-cousin marriages were preferred, not required. Parallel-cousinmarriage was prohibited.Polygyny was common, being sometimes but not necessarily sororal.One man had 4 wives, by whom he had respectively, 4, 6, 2, and 3children, a total of 15 children in a family of 20. Children of onewoman called the other wives biatsi (little mother).Polyandry was denied, BG believing that multiple husbands wouldfight. He professed incredulity at its practice to the south, thoughhe knew one of SF's polyandrous fathers, Kandukup.In normal marriage there was bride service for a year or so priorto marriage to permit the bride's parents to ascertain the boy's hunt-ing skill. He lived with the girl's parents during this time but didnot have access to the girl. After such a marriage the couple deter-mined the whereabouts of their future residence but frequentlyvisited their parents. There was no bride price.Marriage was also accomplished by abducting a girl, e. g., one withwhose parents the boy had not found favor or a married woman.The abductor was aided by his friends. If a fight ensued, it waswith fists only. The girl was held aloft on the hands of her ab-ductors, presumably to protect her from being trampled, while a manwatched to see that she Avas held out of danger. Ruby Valley John-son's father abducted BG's mother ; she did not like him and walkedback from Ruby Valley to Elko. Once, during such a fight, thewoman was dropped onto greasewood (tonovi) and hurt, whereupon
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 161the fight stopped. When a woman so abducted did not like her newspouse she ran away to return home.The family which occupied a single house was apparently re-stricted to the mother, father, and children, unless grandparents hadto be cared for. In this case the grandparents helped raise the chil-dren. The aunts and uncles were present only when visiting. Eco-nomically they were independent of the mother and father.BATTLE MOUNTAIN AND VICINITYThe Humboldt River cuts through a series of mountain gorgesbelow Elko and emerges into a comparatively broad and fertile valleyplain in the vicinity of Battle Mountain ^^ (elevation, 4,511 feet).Shoshoni occupied the region to and including Iron Point, beyondwhich lived Northern Paiute or Paviotso. Although these Shoshoniare essentially like their upstream kin, their slight geographical iso-lation from the latter makes it convenient to treat them separately.Shoshoni relationships with Paiute in this region were somewhatambivalent. They intermarried with them and sometimes cooperatedwith them in antelope hunts and perhaps other activities. At thesame time there seems to have been some feeling of antagonism andoccasional bloodshed because of woman stealing.Shoshoni villages and camps.?The population was comparativelydense and undoubtedly exceeded Powell and Ingalls' figure of 194 in1872. It was somewhat clustered in nuclei in several districts wherefamilies tended to concentrate. None was named after prominentlocal foods, however, like the areas farther up the Humboldt River.One area of concentration was along the fertile lowlands of theHumboldt River between Battle Mountain and Iron Point. The pop-ulation was fairly dense (one estimate is 500 persons in 1,280 squaremiles) but the winter encampments were somewhat smaller and lesspermanent than those of most Shoshoni and lacked headmen. Therewere few large winter villages. Instead, related families associatedin groups of three to five. They generally foraged together duringthe year and chose a winter camp site where seeds and fish were plen-tiful. These sites varied from year to year. To some extent, ofcourse, different camps were often made in the vicinity of one an-other, but this was because local food abundance drew them to thesame general region.Wliy they did not deliberately concentrate in larger winter villages,which local economy would certainly have permitted, is not clear.Apparently they had no great urge, innate or learned, to associatewith large numbers of people.
^ Battle Mountain was named from a fight between a party of immigrants and NorthernPaiute in 1857. White men first settled here in 1867. (Bancroft, vol. 25, pp. 206, 268.)
Ig2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120JP's family ranged tlie river between Ellison and Iron Point,usually wintering at Pagowe, a place about 2 miles upstream fromHerrin, where nop: (unidentified root) was abundant. CaptainSam's family, unrelated to JP's, sometimes stayed there also. Thecamp usually had 15 to 20 persons. JP's family sometimes went toBohowia (bohovi, Artemisia tridentaia+ wm, pass) near Iron Point,where perhaps 10 families wintered.There was probably another concentration of camps in the vicinityof Battle Mountain called Tonomudza (tonovi, greasewood+mudza,point). People from part of the northern Reese River Valley, whichwas very arid, wintered here also. These people rarely went west ofBattle Mountain for foods.As pine nuts did not occur in sufficient quantities locally, peoplealong this section of the river sometimes went 80 miles south towardAustin to gather them. They did not winter there, but carried thenuts home. Sometimes they went an equal distance to the head-waters of the Owyhee River and other tributaries of the Snake Riverto get salmon (tahma agai and wovi agai) and perhaps to visit theSnake River Shoshoni. They usually consumed the salmon beforereaching home, however, unless there were extra men to carry them.People who wintered on the Humboldt River above Battle Moun-tain were called Tosawi (tosa, white+ wi, knife) because they pro-cured a high quality of white flint for knives in the mountains to thenorth. This name, unfortunately, became prominent and led to thefiction that all the Shoshoni in a large area around Battle Mountainhad comprised a band by this name. Because, like other Shoshonigroup names, Tosawi did not designate a definitely bounded lin-guistic, political, cultural, or even geographical division, no twowriters have agreed in its use.Holeman (1852, p. 152) applied "White Knives" to people of the HumboldtRiver and Goose Creek Mountains. Hurt (1856, pp. 228-229) restricted To-sow-witches or White Knives to about 250 people living near Stony Point.Burton (1862, p. 481) extended the terms to include even the Shoshoni in thevicinity of Diamond Valley. Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 12) used it forpeople in the vicinity of Battle Mountain and Simpson (1876, pp. 34-35) con-sidered the To-sa-witches to be a separate division of "Sho-sho-nee" who rangedalong the Humboldt River in small parties between the Un-gowe-ah and Cooper'sRanges.The hunting and gathering area of the people most often calledTosawi was in the mountains around Rock Creek. Many of themoften wintered on the Humboldt River below Battle Mountain.There were other winter encampments on the Humboldt River inthe vicinity of Beowawe. Residents here gathered seeds in CrescentValley, but preferred not to remain there as winters were too cold.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 163Sometimes they wintered near Cortez or Grass Valley to the southinstead of returning to the Humboldt River. Grass Valley was agood place to hunt rabbits in winter.Cormnimal hunts.?Rabbit drives were held in the fall and winterwhen furs were good. Drives were organized wherever there wereenough people. One center for drives was Rock House, Pagawi,where the rabbit-drive chief (called kahmudagwani, from kahmu,jack rabbit) sent out two announcers (dagwowop) to visit differentcamps along the river plain and tell people where to assemble. JPcould not, however, remember any hunts that involved more thanabout 7 families or 40 persons.There were probably other drives at Battle Mountain under alocal director. Beowawe did not have enough people and it is doubt-ful whether Golconda to the west, where Paiute and Shoshoni ad-joined, could muster enough people for drives.Sometimes several different localities joined for an extraordinarilylarge drive.The task of rabbit-drive director was not inherited. Any goodhunter and talker assumed the responsibility.Lacking a local antelope shaman, these people went to Pii : wiiniik
:
(plain against the hills) near Iron Point to drive antelope underMusuwitsiiim, a Paiute shaman from the west. JP knew of noshaman among the Shoshoni. Large crowds of people, formerly onfoot but more recently on horseback, drove antelope into a corral.The kill was shared equally by all; even the shaman received nomore than the others. This was usually done during the winter.There were also minor cooperative nonshamanistic deer hunts.Festivals.?Probably festivals were held in native times at IronPoint and at Battle Mountain. The latter location subsequentlybecame more important and drew people from Iron Point and Beo-wawe. Captain Bob was director (kwinidagwani ; kwini, mush+dagwani, chief) . The Tosawi and Beowawe groups, however, some-times went to South Fork, near Elko, which was the next localityeast to hold festivals.In more recent times people often went south to near Austin, es-pecially when pine nuts were plentiful there, to dance under Tutuwa(see "lone Valley?Reese River").Chieftainship.?Though several names figure prominently in litera-ture, there is no information about native village headmen or direc-tors of communal activities. The so-called chiefs appear to be menwho were elevated to rank during the Indian wars. Powell andIngalls list six for the vicinity of Battle Mountain (1874, p. 12)Pie-a-ra-poo'-na, Se-no-wets-o, No-wits-ie, Pie'-a-nang-gau, "Sam,"
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120and Tim-pits'. "Sam" is perhaps the Captain Sam who, with Cap-tain Charlie, CTh named as "chiefs" in the Owyhee region, proba-bly in post-reservation times. Other Battle Mountain Shoshoniwho acquired titles were Captain George Dick, Captain George, andhis son-in-law, Captain George Washington. Captain Sam or Pice-dai had also been named as "chief" of the Tosawi, but his functionswere not known.Marriage.?Marriage with any blood relative including a truecross-cousin and with a pseudo parallel-cousin was forbidden. Thepreferred mate was a pseudo cross-cousin. A man's father's sister,who was usually considered his closest relative, urged him to marryher stepdaughter. If the paternal aunt had no stepdaughter a manmarried any girl whose mother approved of him.Polygyny was usually sororal, a man marrying the oldest sisterfirst, then taking the others in order of age, one at a time, up tothree or four. Likewise, the sororate was usually followed but wasnot obligatory.Polyandry was always fraternal and temporary. A woman mar-ried the oldest brother first, then, if she liked a younger brother,took him into the household and allowed him sex privileges. Al-though both brothers were regarded as fathers of any children bornduring this time, the younger brother looked forward to acquiring awife of his own. He preferred a sister of his polyandrous wife, butif she had none, he took an unrelated woman. Marriages of twobrothers to two sisters were not group marriage. The couples main-tained separate households and did not permit each other sexprivileges.The levirate and sororate were preferred but were not compulsory.Acquisition of a wife by abduction was less common than amongother Nevada Shoshoni. It was a last resort to get a wife, anunmarried woman from some distant village being stolen. The fight-ing was without weapons. Battle Mountain Shoshoni did not ab-duct married women, although JP had heard that people to the southand southeast had done so.Kinship terms were little used for address. A man addressed hiswife as hurviji (old woman); a woman called her husband tsugu(old man). A son was called dui or duivitc (boy). Any personcalled to from a distance was addressed iiii (you) instead of usingthe kinship term for a relative or the personal name for anyone else.If there were several persons, the one desired was designated by hisposition in the crowd.Brothers-in-law were the closest friends, playing jokes on eachother, privileged to say anything to each other, and helping eachother. They could not, however, as to the north, appropriate oneanother's property.
STEWAUD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS lg5SNAKE RIVERThe Shoshoni of western Idaho differed from those at Fort Hallin two important respects. Inhabiting streams where salmon couldbe taken, fishing was their principal subsistence. Having few horses,they lacked any important degree of band organization. But thepopulation was not homogeneous. Some were impoverished and pur-sued a restricted annual subsistence routine on foot, while others,possessing a few horses, ranged over a wider territory which affordedmore varied resources.The density and prosperity of the native population depended inlarge measure upon the environment. Below Fort Hall, the SnakeKiver, Biahunuvi (bia, big+hunuvi, creek) flows through a gorgecut deep in the lava. Between Shoshone Falls, which is the upperlimit of salmon, and American Falls above, the country is exception-ally infertile and there were few if any winter residents. People pre-ferred to remain downstream near their stores of salmon and in prox-imity to one another so as to have some protection against raids byan unidentified tribe from Oregon called Saiduk : a.^"Below Twin Falls, Shoshoni villages were scattered along bothsides of the Snake River. The people here called themselves Agai-diika (agai, salmon) or Yahandiika (yaha, ground hog), CT. Theywere also called Yamb : diika by Bannock and Tutwanait (tuwa, be-low +nait, people or inhabitants of ?) by Fort Hall Shoshoni, whoincluded, also, northern Nevada Shoshoni in this term. Either theseor the Shoshoni farther west were also called "Cat foot" by NezPerces because they sometimes stole into Nez Perce dances unde-tected. They called the Nez Perces Dzoigadiika (dzoiga, a root).Th'.' southern Idaho Shoshoni called Kuembediika or Squirrel eat-ers (Lowie, 1909, pp. 206-208) were unknown to TP. JP namedGiiambediika as a Lemhi camp site, 7 miles north of the town ofSalmon.Encampments.?^Winter encampments occurred below Twin Falls.Although families sometimes remained many miles from the SnakeRiver, they preferred to transport any foods collected to the vicinityof the river so as to be near cached salmon. Encampments werescattered, however, some being as much as 6 miles from the river,because the country would not support them if densely clustered.Moreover, they were small, each having only about three families.CT named three villages between Hagerman and Bruneau
:
Saihunupi (saip, tule+hunupi, canyon), about 4 miles belowHagerman.
? These may be PoweH's Shoshonean-speaking Saidyuka on the Klamath Reservation(1891, p. 110).602S5?38 12
IQQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Pazin : tumb : " (pazin :, thistle+ tumb : ', rock or rocky pass), about8 miles below Hagerman.Ototumb:' (oto, silty soil), near Bliss.Between these, individual families made scattered camps. Therewere also some on the tributaries of the Snake River.Many of these Agaidiika were without horses, having nothing totrade the Nez Perces for them. Others, however, especially those onthe northern side of the Snake River, had acquired a few throughtrade and theft. A factor preventing maintenance of horses was thevery small amount of good pasturage along the lower Snake River.Observations by early travelers do not always distinguish the localresidents of this region from Shoshoni and Bannock who visited iton horseback and Shoshoni from Camas Prairie and northern Nevadawho came here on foot. They are, however, of considerable interest.On the Snake River, probably in the section between Shoshone Falls andSalmon Falls, the Astoria party saw a number of dwellings which, in October1811, "were very comfortable ; each had its pile of wormwood at the door forfuel, and within was abundance of salmon, some fresh, but the greater partcured . . . About their dwellings were immense quantities of the heads andskins of salmon, the best part of which had been cured, and hidden in theground." Along this part of the river, the shores were "lined with dead sal-mon." "There were signs of buffalo having been there, but a long time before."Along the northern side of the Snake River in the vicinity of Salmon Fallsthey saw evidence of a great many horses, though the Indians "were neverwilling to part with their horses, having none to spare." Indians on the oppositeside of the river were more impoverished (Irving, 1897, vol. 2. pp. 38-40). OnAugust 25 they saw about 100 lodges of Shoshoni fishing at Salmon Falls.On the northern side of the river below Salmon Falls they "passed severalcamps of Shoshonies, from some of whom they procured salmon, but in generalthey were too wrechtedly poor to furnish anything" (op. cit., pp. 169-171).In 1832 Bonneville said that the Indians near Salmon Falls were on foot,timid, impoverished, and had houses in groups of three or four or even more toform a small "hamlet" (Irving, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 329-330).In 1843 Farnham (p. 312), about 20 miles above Shoshoni Falls on the westernbank of the river, found a family of "Root Digger Indians, the man half clad,children naked, all filthy."In 1842 Fremont mentioned no camps above Salmon Falls, but saw several atthe falls and below it. "We now very frequently saw Indians, who werestrung along the river at every little rapid where fish are to be caught." Hedescribed the Shoshoni at Salmon Falls as "poor" and "but slightly providedwith winter clothing; there is but little game to furnish skins for the purpose;find of a little animal which seemed to be most numerous, it required twentyskins to make a covering to the knees . . . [the Indians] grow fat and becomepoor with the salmon . . ." and lived in "semicircular huts made of willow,thatched over with straw and open to the sunny south." These were "unusuallygay savages, fond of loud laughter" (1887, vol. 1, pp. 249-252).In August 1845 Palmer saw 18 or 20 Indian huts at Salmon Falls (p. 93).Wyeth (Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 216) says "these Indians nearly starve to deathannually, and in winter and spring are emaciated to the last degree ; the
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 167trappers used to think they all eventually died from starvation as they becameold and feeble. In salmon time they get fat."SubsisteTice activities.?Each village was completely independent
?economically as there were virtually no subsistence activities requir-ing communal effort.Hunting of large animals was rarely undertaken and involvedno communal effort. Neither mountain sheep nor elk could be hadwithin convenient distance. Deer were generally procured about 20miles south of the Snake River where hunters ambushed them ongame trails. There were no communal drives or corrals.The main economic life centered around fishing and seed and rootgathering, both essentially family affairs. Vegetable foods weregathered by individual families and fishing was carried on eitherby individual families or by small groups of related families. Sea-sonal activities of all were similar, varying only as one family or an-other wandered to a place of abundant roots, seeds, or fish, and re-mained there instead of returning to the Snake River for the winter.Having generally wintered near the Snake River, living on driedsalmon, insects, and roots, and frequently starving, spring foundmost families awaiting the first run of salmon.The first "salmon," probably the salmon trout, Salmo gairdneri,came about March or April and were called tahma agai (tahma,spring+agai, salmon). These were caught both by people who hadwintered on the river and by others who had stayed at CamasPrairie near their caches of dried roots but returned to the riverin spring for fishing. The best fishing was near Hagerman, that is,at Upper and Lower Salmon Falls, at the bottom of which thefish were taken in nets. They were also caught with hooks, andespecially with dams and weirs.About this time people procured some yamp :, tui, boina, and otherseeds and roots along the Snake River.A second run of salmon came in May or June, called taza agai(taza, summer). This is probably Oncorhynchus+schawytscha(Walbaum), Chinook salmon. These were speared in pools underfalls.In July people who had fished in the Snake River usually traveledto Camas Prairie to gather yamp, camass, and other roots, and re-mained there until the fall salmon run. Individual families traveledand camped independently. Camass was gathered in great quantitiesand preserved for winter either by boiling in clay pots, grinding ona metate, spreading in the sun to dry and winnowing to remove theskins, or by merely drying without cooking. It was put in barkbags and buried. As much as possible was transported to the SnakeRiver and stored in rocks in the canyon walls. While at CamasPrairie, gray ground squirrels, paizip, afforded the main meat.
IQg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHIIOLOGY [bull. 120Families gathered and camped where they pleased, all informantsagreeing that there was neither ownership of food areas nor disputesarising from competition for food.Before leaving Camas Prairie there was usually a large gatheringfor a dance.Upon reaching the tributaries of the Snake River the tahma agaiwere called wo : vi agai (wo : vi, board, plank, or log, referring eitherto their large scales or to the fact that in the small streams they gounder logs). Nets were better adapted to these small shallow streamsthan to the Snake River. People sometimes went up small streams,e. g., the Owyhee River, for the purpose of procuring roots and ber-ries as well as of taldng these salmon. Also, mugadu, described as asucker, and ondiawox, a boney fish with a wide mouth and yellowstomach, were sometimes taken in the Owyhee River. Families mightremain on these streams until fall, procuring some yamp:, hape(especially south of Jack Creek), sowik (the last two unidentifiedroots), chokecherries and service berries. Sometimes, if the salmoncatch were good, people from both the Snake River and the Hum-boldt River wintered on the South Fork of the Owyhee River, calledSohohunub: (soho, cottonwood+ hunub, creek), for although it wascold there was much timber. Fish could be taken through the ice.About September some families went to the hills south of CamasPrairie to gather chokecherries. These were picked by hand, mashedon a metate, and dried in cakes to be mixed with other foods sub-sequently. Here also people got different kinds of sunflowers, whichwere gathered with a seed beater, the flowers perhaps being rubbedon a metate to remove the seeds. These seeds were parched beforestoring to prevent their sprouting if the ground became damp.Even though families had to store surplus foods near where theygathered them, they preferred to return to the Snake River, where itwas warm, for the winter. Here they could catch "trout," yuhu-bank"^' (winter ?+ fish) and a small, shad-like fish with a small mouth,called natzika'*.In the fall there was another run of salmon or, perhaps, salmontrout, called kua agai (from kuap, fence, referring to the fish weir)or yu: va agai (yu:va, fall). These could also be taken with hooks.At Salmon Falls in August 25, 1812, the Astoria party "saw Shoshoniesbusily engaged killing and drying fish. The salmon begin to leap shortly aftersunrise. At this time the Indians swim to the center of the falls, wheresome station themselves on rocks, and others stand to their waists in the water,all armed with spears [harpoons], with which they assail the salmon as theyattempt to leap, or fall back exhaiisted . . . Mr. Miller, in the course of hiswanderings, had been at these falls, and had seen several thousand salmontaken in the course of one afternoon" (Irving, 1897, vol. 2, pp. 169-171).At the same falls, Fremont, 1842, observed that in the spring the salmon areso abundant "that they merely throw in their spears at random, certain of
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS IQQbringing out a fish." The Indians were paddling about in "boats made ofrushes" (1887, vol. 1, pp. 249-250).Ordinarily there was no ownership of fishing places. In factpeople were encouraged to visit good places. When a dam or weirwas built, however, four or five families cooperated in its construc-tion under the direction of a person with the necessary knowledge.The director was called kuwodagwani. He was considered to bethe owner of the dam. He took the responsibility of visiting thedam to remove the fish from the basket traps and of distributing themamong the people who had assisted him. For his trouble he keptthe greater share of the catch. Dams and weirs were rebuilt eachyear. If the director died any other competent person took charge.A single stream often had several dams along it.It was probably infrequent that Snake River Shoshoni went southfor pine nuts, because the trip was too long to make on foot. Pinenuts could be had no nearer than Grouse Creek, Utah, or Beowawe,Nevada. CT thought that people perhaps went for pine nuts if sal-mon failed, but does not remember any famine or any cannibalismwhich was common elsewhere. Pine-nut excursions were probablynot undertaken until reservation days, when they possessed horsesand traveled south from Owyhee.Sometimes the residents of the vicinity of Salmon Falls made brieftrips to Fort Hall. And Fort Hall people (pp. 202-207) and Shoshonifrom the south frequently visited this section of Snake River forsalmon. The latter came mostly from the high territory near theNevada border, called Woqgogadu (woqgavi, "white pine"+ gadu,sitting), where, CT said, starvation and cannibalism were frequent.Political groups.?From the foregoing it is apparent that the truepolitical unit was the village, a small and probably unstable group.Virtually the only factor besides intervillage marriage that alliedseveral villages was dancing. Dances, however, were so infrequentand the participants so variable that they produced no real unityin any group.TP said the leader of the dances was the te'gwani, an office in-herited patrilineally. This man was chief at other times over a smallgroup of villages, his main function being "to talk." Besides lead-ing the dance, TP could not say what he directed or what he talkedabout. But he thought there were several such chiefs along theSnake River.Dances were held at different places and at different seasons, de-pending largely upon w^hether there were sufficient persons withinconvenient distance and sufficient food to support them. Thereforethe same people did not always participate. Paiute from the westfrequently joined them. Dances lasted 5 days, the people playing the
I'JQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120hand game, football, and woman's hockey during the day and danc-ing the round dance at night.The director of the dance encampment was called the kwinidag-wani (kwini, mush+dagwani, chief or talker). When the peoplearrived for the dance he assigned each family its place in the campcircle. He then planned the "feasts," telling the women to preparethe food. Sufficient food to support these gatherings for any con-siderable time was always a major problem.The te'gwani, who probably directed the actual dancing, had a
"talker" or interpreter, degwowap. There were no messengers, thenews merely being "spread."TP added comments on chieftainship, his information comingpartly from his grandfather on the North Fork of the HumboldtRiver, partly from recent activities at Owyhee, Western ShoshoneReservation, where the status of the chief was undoubtedly exalted.He said that the duties of the chief were to plan and direct dances,announce pine-nut crops, and, in recent years, to deal with white men,especially preventing warlike acts on the part of his people. Thisoffice was hereditary patrilineally. The incumbent chose the best ofhis sons who became chief upon his father's death. If he had no sonany well known and highly esteemed man succeeded him.The tegwowop: (tegwii, to talk; tegwep:, word+w p:, doing) wasthe chief's talker. He was chosen by the chief for his speaking abilityand served only while the chief lived. Wlien encamped for a dancehe rode around in front of the camp circle announcing what was tobe done and telling the young men to fish or hunt and the women todig roots.The kwinidagwani or boina (the seed of Sophia, often used forfood) was sometimes also the chief's speaker, sometimes not. Hechose a different dance ground each year and planned the camp circlearound it with the opening east, placing a willow where each familywas to erect its house. The chief's house was always on the westernside, opposite the opening. The kwinidagwani also planned a largefeast, to which one day during the middle of the dance was devoted.At Owyhee, in reservation times, the general dance place was calledPosiadurig^p' (posia, louse + dur|g^^', dance place), located nearMeadows, east of Owyhee. Although Shoshoni and Paiute fromvarious regions participated in these dances, the leaders were SnakeRiver Shoshoni or Agaidiika. The main chief was a famous Owyheedance leader named Waimozo (waip :, dying of old age, i. e., becomingwhite +mozo, mustache). His tegwowap was named Wahni (fox).He arranged for the young men to get meat for the feast and did thetalking. The main singer was named Biahuvia (bia, big+huvia,sing).
STEWAiiD] ? BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS X71TP also said there were hunt chiefs at Owyhee, tugii (hunt)tegwani, who directed communal antelope and deer hunts and fishing.-These men had received dream powers, unsought, during their youth,which gave them hunting methods. Such men were unknown onthe Snake River where there were no communal hunts. Even NorthFork Shoshoni hunts were not shamanistic as farther south inNevada.Warfare.?There was no warfare, though Ballard (1866, p. 190)remarked that Shoshoni were afraid of the hostile "Pi-Ute" of south-western Idaho and Oregon.Marriage.?Blood relationship was a bar to marriage. Localexogamy was not barred per se, but it frequently happened that thetwo or three families comprising a village were related so that villageexogamy was necessary.The preferred spouse was a pseudo cross-cousin, the father's sister's(baha's) stepdaughter. The baha usually requested the young manto marry the girl. There was no bride service and no obligatorymatrilocal residence. The young man, however, was obligated to
"keep his baha's mouth plugged with fat," i. e., keep her supplied withgame. This naturally militated against moving too far away fromher. CT knew of no outstanding factors which determined whethermarriage was matrilocal or patrilocal, saying that it was determinedby the couple.A man might also marry ("inherit") his mother's brother's wife(though she was also called baha), at his uncle's death if she were
"pretty", but was not obliged to take her. He could not, however,marry the wife of his father's brother (called biatsi, little mother)if this uncle died. The implication of this is that the father'sbrother's wife might become his stepmother, through the levirate orsororate.CT knew of no Snake River instance of brothers marrying sisters ora brother and sister marrying a sister and brother, but knew of acase at Fort Hall wherein three brothers married three sisters.As many as three wives might be married polygynously. Theywere not necessarily sisters, though sororal polygyny or the sororatewas desired under certain circumstances. Wlien a man's wife diedhe became her sister's "cry house" (yage kah?'), meaning that theywere now related through sorrow. If the sister-in-law had childrenneeding a father or if the bereft husband had children he oftenmarried her.CT knew of no instance of polyandry among the Agaidiika butsaid it would not have been disapproved. He described a case amongBannock, in which two unrelated men were married to one womanand slept on each side of her. He did not know whether they married
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120her simultaneously. Both eventually left her, each marrying a differ-ent woman. A Fort Hall Shoshoni woman had married two unre-lated men but the marriage did not endure.In addition to orthodox marriage, men sometimes abducted mar-ried or unmarried women. This seems not to have differed from itspractice elsewhere and need not be described in detail.BOISE RIVER AND VICINITTShoshoni seem to have extended westward about to the SnakeRiver which forms the boundaiy between Idaho and Oregon. Theyalso occupied the Boise River Valley and probably to some extentthe valleys of the Payette and Weiser Rivers. They probably neverpenetrated Oregon beyond the Blue Mountains.The valleys of the several rivers in western Idaho were favorablefor occupation. The rivers afforded salmon, the meadows had roots,
-especially camass, and pasturage for horses, and the low altitudeproduced mild winters.This population was neither well defined politically nor terri-torially. It was scattered in small, independent villages of varyingprosperity and tribal composition. Along the lower Snake, Boise,and Payette Rivers Shoshoni were intermixed with Northern Paiutewho extended westward through the greater portion of southernand eastern Oregon. Slightly to the north they were probably mixedsomewhat with their Nez Perce neighbors. Ballard (1866, p. 190)said they were much intermarried with "Bruneau Shoshonee."The general name for people of this area was Yahandiika, Ground-hog Eaters, though they imperceptibly merged with the Agaidiikaof the Snake River and the Tukadiika of the mountains to the north.WH called them Yahandiika only so long as they remained in thisregion. He said families sometimes went south into Nevada forpine nuts, and were then called Tubadiika. He called this regionSu : woki (suhuvi, willow+ woki, striped ; referring to the striping ofthe general landscape by willows along the streams)
.
As this territory was frequented by Fort Hall and Lemhi Sho-shoni and by Nez Perces as well as by local residents, descriptions byearly travelers may be somewhat misleading. The general impres-sion is that it was a rendezvous of trading and fishing parties whomingled temporarily with the local residents.Hunt, in 1812, observed that people near the Boise River were better clad andhad more horses than Indians up tiie Snake River, though somewhere on th6Snake River below the Boise River he met starving Shoshoni (Irving, 1897, vol.2, pp. 42, 45). He said that the vicinity of the mouth of the Payette was afamed Snake salmon fishery (p. IGO).
BTEWABDJ BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 173:In 1839 Farnham saw a camp of "Snake" fishermen on the Boisais (Boise)River, who were "laying in their winter supply of salmon. Many horses werefeeding on the plain" (1843, p. 316).In the vicinity of the Boise and Snake Rivers, Townsend saw several groupsof about 20 "Shoshone" fishing (pp. 253-254).Palmer saw 30 to 40 Indians on the southern side of Snake River, a littleabove the Boise River. Some were moimted and some had guns (pp. 244-245).Fremont called the Boise River Indians "Shoshonee or Snake" in 1842. Heobserved that there were several encampments strung along the river. TheIndians visited him on horseback, bringing dried and fresh fish to trade. "Whilethe summer weather and salmon lasted, they lived contentedly and happily,scattered along the different streams where the fish were to be found; and assoon as the winter snows began to fall, little smokes would be seen rising amongthe mountains, where they would be found in miserable groups, starving outthe winter; and sometimes, according to the general belief, reduced to thehorror of cannibalism?the strong, of course, preying on the weak. Certain it isthey are driven to any extremity for food, and eat every insect, and everycreeping thing, however loathsome and repulsive. Snails, lizards, ants?all aredevoured with the readiness and greediness of mere animals" (1887, vol. 1, pp.255-257).In 1833 Townsend saw 40 lodges of Shoshoni (?) in a single encampment(p. 247).Lander (1860, p. 137) includes with "Western Shoshoni," people ranging onCamas Prairie; their "chief, Am-a-ro-ko ; in English, 'Buffalo Meat under theshoulder.' Lodges, 75 ; subsistence, buffalo meat and wild vegetables ; horses,,large number." He also mentions "Bannacks of Fort Boise . . . Chief, Po-e-ma-che-ah ; in English, 'Hairy man.' Lodges, 100 ; subsistence, salmon fish,wild vegetables, and roots; range, in the neighborhood of Fort Bois^; horses*,large number."That the latter observation does not wholly agree with those pre-viously cited may be explained by Lander's misnaming this popula-tion, emphasizing its Paiute content, or mistaking Fort Hall Ban-nock visitors, who sometimes wintered here, for local residents. In.fact, Ross (vol, 2, pp. 91-92) observed Shoshoni from Wyoming onwhat is probably the Boise River. However, Lander (1860, pp*28-29) speaks of "Kamass Prairie" and "Fort Boise Pannachs."GROUSE CREEKThese people occupied a comparatively isolated territory center-ing on Grouse Creek northwest of Great Salt Lake. They were sep-arated from Shoshoni to the west by broad deserts. GCJ stated thatthe next real village to the west was near Wells, Nevada, but therewere probably at least a few scattered families in the interveningregion. Bryant, for example, saw three huts built of "cedars" andgrass on the western edge of the Great Salt Desert, probably nearthe Pilot Range (p. 184). The Great Salt Desert and Great SaltLake separate the Grouse Creek district from that of the GosiuteShoshoni and the "Weber Ute" (Shoshoni). The nearest neighbors
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120were the Kamudiika of Bannock and Goose Creeks, the PromontoryShoshoni, and the Snake River Shoshoni.The population was more than 200, the area exploited about 4,700square miles, and the density therefore something less than 1 personper 23 square miles.Grouse Creek Shoshoni were called Tubadiika (pine-nut eaters) byShoshoni to the north because they are the northernmost Shoshoniin the pine-nut area. They were, however, also included among'those people designated by Fort Hall Shoshoni as Tutwanait (beyondor below people).Villages.?There were four main areas of settlement, as follows
:
1. Grouse Creek called Tu: said (black tule) or Aqgapuni (red eye), whereabout 12 families lived. No chief.2. A little southwest of Lucin, called 0'? (a shaly rock) or Podorjgo'e (podo,stick -fgo'e, top). About 6 or 7 families.3. On Raft River, probably near Lynn and Yost, called Kuiya (Valerianaediilis). About 15 families. Pocatello was formerly chief here, but later leftto live among the Kamudiika, and finally went to Fort Hall, where he wasconsidered "chief."4. Dove (?) Creek, called Paduyavavadizop : ' (spring-fseeds of somespecies?).Apparently the first three groups tended generally to live alongGrouse Creek during the winter. The fourth wintered independently.A partial census of these villages is as follows, the numbers refer-ring to village numbers on the map and above ; M, man ; W, woman
;
m, married.Residents of 1, Grouse Creek:Yuhuduso m. W, both born at 1 ; 2 sons. 1 son m. a Kamudiika W, lived at 1,but killed her and went to Wells, never returning. The other son m. W atWells, stayed there, killed her, and was killed.Sogoyuwatsi m. local W; 1 daughter. She married a boy from 2, Tugitci'sson, see below.Residents of 2, near Lucin
:
Tugitici (born 2) mt. W (born 2) ; 2 sons, 2 daughters. 1 son married twosisters polygynously, daughters of Icavaip (below, from 3, near Yost), whoseson m. daughter of Sogoyuwatsi, above, but died soon afterwards. The firstcame to his father's house, patrilocally. He was unrelated to the girls. Secondson m. daughter of Sogoyuwatsi, above, but died soon afterwards. The firstdaughter married a boy of unknown parentage, died; the second daughtermarried him and soon died.Muwirijanap m. W (born 2) ; 8 daughters, 1 son. 2 of the daughters m. polygy-nously a son of Bianunap: (at 4) and went to 4 to live. A son m. a daughterof Bianunap: (at 4) and brought her home to live. The third daughter m. aSkull Valley Gosiute and went there to live.Residents of 3, Raft River, near Yost
:
Icavaip (coyote; born 3) m. W (born 3) ; 3 daughters. The first m. a localman ; lived locally. The other two polygynously m. a son of Tugitci and wentto his father's house to live.
BTKWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 175Tamawats (born 3) ra. W (born 3) ; 1 sou, who m. daughter of Kakwipuint(4) and went there to live.Residents of 4, Rosebud Creek
:
Bianunap: (bia, big-fnunap :, chest) m. W (4) ; 2 sons, 2 daughters. 1 sonpolygynously m. 2 daughters of Muwiqjanap and brought tliem home. Theother son went to Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and did not return. 1 daughter m.a son of Muwirjjanap and went to his home to live. The other m. a Shoshoniman at Wells, Nevada, and lived there ; then later married a Fort WashakieShoshoni and went there.Tusuwatsi (tusu, muller+watsi, lost) m. W (born 1) ; 1 daughter, 3 sons.The 3 boys died before marrying. The girl married a njan from 1, and herparents accompanied her there to live.Suhidazigi (shining hair?) m. W (born 4) ; 2 sons, 1 daughter, all of whommarried into the same family at the Kamudiika village of Biagamugap:, nearKelton. Tsoaputsi (tsoap:, ghost+putsi, dimunitive ending) m. 1 daughter;Hugunap: (bow and arrow) married the other. When Tsoaputsi died,Hugunap: married her. They lived at Biagamugab:. The daughter marriedTsoaputsi's and Hugunap:'s wife's brother.Hugunap: (above) had 2 daughters who lived long enough to marry. 1 mar-ried an orphan at Biagamugap : and they moved to 1 where they lived next tothe husband's sister and her husband from Washakie. The other daughtermarried Kutsvata's (the headman's) son's son at Biagamugap: and moved toWashakie where the husband's mother's mother lived.Kakwipunt m. W (born 1) ; 2 sons, 1 daughter. 1 son died before marriage.The other son went to Washakie, married a woman there. The daughter m.the son of Tamawats (above at 3) but lived at 4.In addition to these, there was Hukuw8t, a Hukuudiika at Biagamugap:who married a woman of the same village, their son and 2 daughters marryingSuhidazigi's children, mentioned above.Subsisterwe activities.?Seasonal movements were not unlike thoseof people to the west. Pine nuts and various seeds and roots could behad in the local mountains, and salmon could be procured from theSnake Kiver, though the necessity of going below Twin Falls for themsomewhat restricted the feasibility of procuring them. Sometimesvarious families wintered among the Kamudiika to the east, espe-cially at the village of Biagamug8p :, whose residents they often mar-ried. Trips for foods elsewhere, however, often led to marriage anda permanent change of residence to another district. Thus, GCJ'sfather was a Yahandiika Shoshoni from western Idaho, near Boise,who came to Dove Creek, then married at Grouse Creek where he re-mained.Communal antelope hunts were held near Terrace and in GrouseCreek Valley, near Lucin. A new antelope corral was built eachyear. Hunts were held when antelope went south in the fall and inearly spring; in the summer antelope were too scattered to hunt.There were at least 3 shamans. They were at 0'?, at Kuiya, and atone other villaire.
I'^Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Rabbit drives were held after snow had fallen in Grouse CreekValley, near Lucin, and at a place north of Matlin. Several nets wereused, the old man who owned each taking cTiarge of it.The few "trout" in Grouse Creek were a minor factor in theeconomy.For communal hunts, Kumbidagwani (kumbi, a small, brownground squirrel+ dagwani, chief), the general hunt chief, living atGrouse Creek, was leader.Warfare.?These people were suflficiently isolated in the deserts tohave escaped the warfare to the east. They had no regalia and nointerest in war. And when hostile war parties happened to entertheir country they simply ran away to the mountains. Having fewor no horses, however, they were not the objects of deliberate raids.Political organization.?There was evidently sufficient joint activ-ity involving all these people in hunting and dancing to give themsome slight though unstable unity.JP said the general chief was Tumozo, living at Dove Creek.Marriage.?Marriage was prohibited between any blood relatives.Pseudo cross-cousin marriage, but not pseudo parallel-cousin mar-riage, was preferred. There was no bride price or bride service.Polygyny was not necessarily sororal. Though the sororate waspracticed it was not obligatory. Polyandry was necessarily fraternaland, though it was contracted with a view to permanency, onebrother frequently got a wife for himself alone later. The leviratewas practiced but was not required.GCJ said marriage should be matrilocal for about a year, whenthe couple visited the husband's family. They then returned to thewife's family, where they lived until two or three children were born.Then they made a separate home near the wife's family.Although the marriages recorded above probably do not representwholly native custom, they occurred during GCJ's youth when anynative pattern should have retained some strength. They do not,however, indicate temporary residence. Summarizing the data ofthe marriage of children (their parents are omitted because there isquestion whether GCJ actually knew the groups from which theycame) and assuming for the moment that this static picture was apermanent one, there were nine cases of village exogamy, three ofvillage endogamy, five of district exogamy (when the person mar-ried as far away as Wells (Nevada), Washakie (Utah), or SkullValley). Because, however, the various villages listed tended toform a single winter encampment much of the time, the number ofmarriages endogamous by group would be increased considerably if1, Tu : sai ; 2, 0'? and 3, Kuiya were merged. In post-marital resi-dence, four cases were matrilocal (two where the marriage was with
BTEWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 177a distant group), six patrilocal (of which three were in a distantgroup), three where the spouses moved to a new locality, one wherethey remained in the same place. Again, however, if villages 1, 2,and 3 were merged, the bulk of residence would be neither patrilocalnor matrilocal with respect to locality.These figures, of course, do not give anything like precision to thepicture and may not be a wholly fair sampling. They do show, how-ever, a lack of a consistent rule. The main controlling factor wasconvenience and relationship. GCJ said any blood relationship pre-vented marriage, but pseudo parallel-cousins as well as pseudo cross-cousins could marry.Because people moved about, visited, and changed residence becauseof considerations of food, whereabouts of relatives, and other factors,no rigid rule of exogamy or post-marital residence could have de-veloped.The preference for alliances which bind families is illustrated inthe occurrence of two cases of sororal polygyny, two of the sororate,two of marriage of a brother and sister to a sister and brother, andone of several brothers marrying several sisters, one of the levirate.It was probably the Grouse Creek Shoshoni who, according toRemy and Brenchley (pp. 85-86), did not permit their women to beprostitutes for immigrants, but who sold their wives for horses. GCJthought infidelity was taken lightly and little done about it.In case of separation, which might occur because of infidelity orincompatibility, the woman took the children.There were no avoidances of relatives.PROMONTORY POINT (HUKUNDIJKA)Four Shoshoni villages comprising a loose band lay in a districton the northern shore of Great Salt Lake. This territory extendedfrom Promontory Point on the west to and including the lower por-tion of Bear River Valley on the east. Deserts separated it from theterritory of the Kamudiika (Pocatello's band) to the west. It ad-joined that of the Cache Valley band, Paqwidiika, on the east. It isnot known whether there were any villages to the immediate north.This population as well as that on Bannock Creek (see also Hoebel,1935) was formerly called Hukundiika (huki Stipa, seeds+ duka,eaters). But as Bannock Creek people were also called Kamudiika(rabbit eaters) and as both Kamudiika and Hukundiika were variouslyused by different individuals, it seems preferable to reserve the formerfor Bannock Creek and the latter for Promontory Point, though todo so is somewhat arbitrary. A small remnant of Promontory Sho-shoni now lives under the care of the Mormon Church at Washakie,Utah (not to be confused with Fort Washakie, Wyoming), in com-
]^78 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120pany with a few converts to the church drawn from Washakie's bandof Wyoming Shoshoni. Because of their church membership, theyare now called Momun iindudua (Mormon children) by Fort HallShoshoni. Bannock call them Navagiu'.Information about this group is inadequate. It comes from ODwho was born on Promontory Point.-^The four villages listed, as numbered on the map, figure 12, were
:
7. Toqgicavo (tor)gica, chokeberry tree+pa, water), on the western side ofPromontory Point near Mount Tarpey. Population: Four families, includingthat of Segwitc (father of Yegai Timbirabu, an old man now living at Washakie),who was village headman and band chief.8. Nanavadzi (nana, our+badzi, sisters; so-called because several sisters hadlived here), near Little Mountain, east of Promontory Point. Population, 23^families. Headman, Kwiidawiiatsi, who was a secondary leader of the entireband. Segwitc sometimes wintered here.9. Nagwitiiwap (smoking ?, i. e., smoke from a fire in a cave), on Blue Creek,north of the old railroad. OD saw little of these people ; headman unknown.10. Sildotsa (siihuvi, willow+dotsa, round place), an encampment scatteredalong the low, flat valley of the Bear River from near Bear River City toDeweyviUe. Headman, Poibonoip.Of these, OD regarded Nanavadzi as the main village. Probablya few horses provided some mobility which facilitated band coopera-tion. In fact, the people sometimes traveled to Bear Lake on horse-back to assemble with Cache Valley and Kamudiika people.Subsistence activities.?Little information is available about theterritory in which vegetable foods were gathered. It was said thatpeople traveled sometimes as far as Brigham City, Ogden, Hunts-ville east of Ogden, and Cache Valley. They sometimes went toGrouse Creek country for pine nuts, when families without horsesmade four or five trips if necessary to carry the nuts home.Near the mouth of the "Roseaux" (Malad) River, Utah, in August1842, Fremont met an encampment of two families gathering seedsand kooyah {Valeriana edulis) and thistle roots. They had 12 to15 horses. Some miles upstream was another camp of severalfamilies gathering seeds, roots, and service berries (1887, vol. 1, pp.238-239).Promontory Cave shows evidence that considerable bison had onceexisted in the area (Steward, 1937). These had been fairly abun-dant along the lower Bear River but had not, to OD's knowledge,
^ OD was born in a cave a little north of the large cave excavated by the writer in1930-31, Ancient Caves of the Great Salt Lake Region, 1937. Although there Is littledoubt that the numerous caves in this region were frequently occupied by Shoshoni, thedistinctive culture abundantly represented in this cave does not at all correspond to thatof the Shoshoni. OD said that once his people, retreated to the large cave where GosiuteShoshoni attempted to smoke them out. It is doubtful that Gosiute ever traveled this farfrom home and more doubtful that they fought their kinsmen. A similar story is relatedof different caves In Nevada.
FiGOEE 12.?Villages and sue p. 178)

(00 A>?K<?
PiQUBK 12.?Villages and subsistence areas of northern Utah. ^^^

STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 179
ranged farther west. After acquiring sufficient horses, people some-times joined Chief Washakie and his Wyoming Shoshoni for bisonhunts.Communal antelope hunts, both with and without corrals, involvedall the villages under Nagwowgp, the antelope shaman. These wereheld along the Bear River flats, near Sudotsa and south of Lampo-along Blue Creek.Communal rabbit drives were relatively unimportant in pre-Cau-casian days, as all informants agreed that there had been few jackrabbits at that time. Promontory Point is near the northern limitof the black-tail jack rabbit. Instead of using nets, they surroundedand killed the rabbits with clubs or drove them into series of loopssuspended from horizontal cords, arranged somewhat like nets.Drives were held in the fall, after the first snow, under the direction,of Taiwatsi, who lived at Toggicava. All the villages forgatheredand hunted along Blue Creek near Nagwitiimap or on the westernside of Promontory Point near Tor)gicava. Sometimes they joinedforces with people from Biagamugap, to the west.Communal duck drives were held under the direction of Segwitcin the marshes around Bear River Bay which abounded in water-fowl.Deer were sometimes driven over cliffs by groups of hunters. Theleader was Hubiiinoki, who was in charge of all hunting.Fish, taken in the Bear River, especially near Corinne, were auwok(suckers), widjavankw (?), and tsapankw (trout). Use of weirsinvolved some communal effort, but how much is not known. Nearthe mouth of the Bear River in August 1842 Fremont came upon
"seveiul families of Root Diggers, who were encamped among therushes on the shore, and appeared very busy about several weirsor nets which had been rudely made of canes and rushes for thepurposes of catching fish . . . They had . . . matted hair, and werealmost entirely naked ; looking very poor and miserable . . ." Theirlanguage seemed to be "Snake" (1887, vol. 1, p. 223).In 1855 Hunt (p. 198) found Shoshoni from Wyoming fishing atthe mouth of the Bear River.Warfare.?These people were sufficiently exposed to raiding partiesfrom the east and sufficiently in contact with warring Shoshoni andUte to have acquired some interest in warfare. They were notnumerous enough to undertake major campaigns, though they doubt-less sometimes joined forces with other Shoshoni. They did, how-ever, have war regalia. Small parties undertook horse-stealingexpeditions.Political organization.?For activities concerning the entire band
?
trips to Wyoming for bison, antelope hunts, and festivals?Segwitc,.
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
assisted somewhat by Kwlidawiiatsi, was chief, dagwani. Anotherman, Tuandumi, was chief of some importance, though his specialrank and duties are not clear. Though chieftainship tended to bepatrilineal, there was no strict rule, any good man being chosen atthe death of a chief. The chief chose two or three announcers,dajrwaniwap, who met and smoked with him while receiving im-portant information. The announcers then went among the camps,
"spreading the news."In addition to these general chiefs, a man named Tonihiint wasthe special dance director.Marriage.?All blood relatives and even pseudo cross-cousins wereprohibited from marriage. Tlius marriages were entirely outsidethe family. Villages included unrelated persons, so that there wasno rule of local exogamy.Marriages were arranged with the consent of parents. The man'sparents gave the girl's parents presents of buckskins and other goods,but received nothing in return.Polygyiiy was usually sororal, but rarely more than two wiveswere kept in the same house. The sororate was common, but notrequired.There was no true polyandry, but sexual privileges might begranted a brother. The levirate was common, but was not required.Post-marital residence was variable.There was no abduction of women, married or unmarried.Some respect but no avoidance was required between a man andhis mother-in-law and between a woman and her father-in-law.Western Independent Southern Paiute VillagesMuch of the territory occupied by Southern Paiute is, like thatof the Nevada Shoshoni, a succession of arid mountain ranges andaggraded, sage-covered desert valleys. In extreme southern Nevadaand adjoining California, however, it is more arid and lies withinthe area of the Mojave Desert basins and ranges. Southern Paiuteterritory in southern Utah and northern Arizona was only slightlyless arid, embracing a portion of the Great Basin and a portion ofthe Colorado Plateau.Though certain plant species in this territory differed from thosein western Shoshoni territory, the basic ecology of both linguisticgroups was very similar. Some horticulture was probably prac-ticed by all Southern Paiute, but it seems to have been a minor sup-plement to hunting and gathering and contributed little to theirprosperity. Fremont (1887, vol. 1, pp. 378-379) described thePaiute of the Muddy and Moapa Rivers as barefoot and nearly naked
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 181predatory Diggers. Horticulture did not permit large or stablepopulations which greatly affected sociopolitical groups.Kelly (1934) divided the Southern Paiute, including the Cheme-huevi, into 15 "subgroups, bands, or tribes," which are "dialecticunits with political concomitants." It is questionable whether allof these groups fulfilled the requirements of "bands" according tothe present definition. Dialectic distinctiveness is an insufficient cri-terion of a band. Band members must habitually have cooperatedin a sufficient number of economic and social activities under a cen-tral control to have acquired a sense of community of interest. It isdifficult to understand how people who were scattered over such vastterritories and often separated by Avide, waterless deserts could,when traveling on foot, habitually have joined forces in any im-portant communal undertaking. Yet the Southern Paiute, in con-trast to the Western Ute, apparently lacked horses until very re-cently. MoUhausen (1860, vol. 2, p. 296) testified to the Paiute'slack of horses in the Searles Lake region near the Mojave Desert,and Sale (1865, p. 155), Head (1867, pp. 174-176; 1868, pp. 148-149),and Fenton (1869, p. 203) said Southern Paiute in general had nohorses. Though Southern Paiute frequently raided travelers be-tween Utah and southern California, horses which came into theirpossession were more often eaten than ridden. Fremont, for ex-ample, observed in 1843 that Indians in the vicinity of the MohaveRiver and Agua Tomaso "make no other use of horses than to eatthem" (1887,vol. l,p. 373).It is probable that the aboriginal number of politically independ-ent groups was nearer to Powell and Ingalls' list of 31 (1874) thanto Kelly's 15. Indeed, if the whole area were organized on a villagebasis, 31 is probably short of the actual number. The aboriginalabsence of well-defined, named political bands could easily accountfor the discrepancies in lists of Southern Paiute divisions furnishedby Lowie's informants (1924, p. 193).Although information is not now available to show whether theoccupants of the smaller band territories mapped by Kelly for south-ern Utah carried on conununal activities as true bands, it is certainthat the people in the enormous Las Vegas "band" area were nota band. Where Kelly's map shows a single band, Powell and In-galls list 8 "tribes," some of which they said comprised severalformerly independent "tribes" (1874, pp. 10-11). Each of these wasprobably a group of encampments, like the Shoshoni villages to thewest and north, which wintered at a certain site. These 8 "tribes,"including 2 in probable Shoshoni territory (fig. 1), were: 31 Kau-yai'-chits at Ash Meadows under Nu-a'-rung [Coville (1892, p. 358)60285?38 13
Ig2 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
recorded that the Ash ISIeadows population was mixed Shoshoni andSouthern Paiute. The same is true today and was probably true inaboriginal days] ; 68 Ya'gats of Amagrosa under Ni-a-pa'-ga-rats[probably also mixed with Shoshoni] ; 18 Kwi-en'-go-mats at IndianSpring under Pats-a'-gu-ruke ; No-gwats near Potsi under To-ko'-pur; Pa-room'-pats at Pa-room Spring [probably Pahrump Spring]under Ho-wi-a-gunt (the last two groups total 56) ; 161 Nu-a'-gun-tits of Las Vegas under Ku-ni'-kai-vets ; 57 Mo-vwi'-ats at Cotton-wood Island under Ha-va-rum-up ; Mo-quats at Kingston Mountainunder Hun-nu'-na-wa ; Ho-kwaits near Ivanspaw under Ko-tsi'-an;Tim-pa-shau'-wa-got-sits at Providence Mountain under Wa-gu'-up(the last 3 groups totaled 85).The total population for Kelly's Las Vegas area, omitting AshMeadows and Amagrosa, is 332. The total area is about 9,450 squaremiles ; the density, 1 person to 28.5 square miles. Though the popu-lation was doubtless somewhat reduced by 1874 and Powell and In-galls probably overlooked a few Indians, this estimate is reasonableas compared with the Shoshoni area, for the territory is excep-tionally infertile. Certainly Wheeler's estimate of 2,000 for thissame general area (1875, p. 37) is many times too great.PAHRUMP AND LAS VEGASDetailed information is available only for the Southern Paiute ofPahrump Valley and Ash Meadows. It is from AH and MHo. Thenatural enviromnent of this region is like that of the neighboringareas of Beatty, Death Valley, and the Kawich Mountains. Itsgreatest asset was the Spring Mountains to the east, which risin,^to a great height (Charleston Peak, 11,910 feet), afforded abundantpine nuts, seeds, and considerable game.Subsistence activities.?^Pine nuts, tu : v, were gathered in theSpring Mountains. The village chief announced when the nuts wereripe but had no authority in managing the trip or the gathermg.Families traveled alone or in small groups and each gathered on itsown tract until snow made it impossible. Most families returnedto the winter village in the valley but some remained in the moun-tains.The gathering process was like that of the Shoshoni. Womenpulled cones from the trees by means of poles 15 to 20 feet long, eachhaving a fire-bent hook on its end. The cones were gathered into coni-cal baskets, a'^'us, and carried to a pile where they were burned toextract the nuts. Loose nuts which had fallen to the ground werealso picked up. All these were carried down to the winter village.Other nuts were left in the cones and stored in the mountains ingrass- or brush-lined pits covered with grass, brush, and earth.
STEWAim] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 183'Pine-nut tracts were owned by men and inherited by their sons.A woman gathered on her husband's land. Trespass sometimescaused fights but usually resulted merely in verbal exchange. Itwas generally avoided, however, because owners were believed topractice witchcraft against trespassers. Permission to gather on atract was readily extended to families which owned tracts in areaswhere the crop had failed. Thus, Shoshoni at Ash Meadows wer&often invited to pick on the Spring Mountains, and, when the SpringMountains crop failed, Paiute were invited to pick in the ShoshoniMountains. The latter locality was less desirable, however, as it haslittle water.Mesquite, hopi^'mp', which ripens in August, was fairly abundantat Ash Meadows, where families owned groves. Screw beans, alsoripening in August, were an important food at Ash Meadows butwere less plentiful at Pahrump. Both beans were gathered in con-siderable quantities and stored for future use.Other wild-seed plants grew more sparsely over wdde areas. Per-haps for this reason tracts of them were not family owned. AshMeadows people went either 30 or 40 miles to the Calico Hills or toBig Dune in the Amagrosa Desert for sand bunch grass seeds{Oryzofsis hymenoides)^ wai". At Big Dune they sometimes metBeatty Shoshoni. As this seed often grows miles from water it w^asnecessary to transport water in a basketry oUa. Another importantwild seed, ko' ( = Shoshoni kuhwa, Mentzelia ?), which ripened inearly spring grew higher in the hills. Ash Meadows people gath-ered it in the Funeral Mountains or near Cane Spring, both of whichwere also visited by Shoshoni.The northwestern limit of aboriginal horticulture was probablyPahrump Valley and Ash Meadows. Crops grown were corn, squasli,beans, and sunflowers. Cultivation, which has been described indetail elsewhere, entailed planting small fields in moist soil nearstreams and using a little irrigation. The cultivated fields at Manseand Pahrump in Pahrump Valley were scattered in small plots.Apparently there was insufficient arable land for all families to ownplots. Those without land traded wild plant foods for cultivatedcrops. AH seemed to think that these foods were freely distributedrather than actually bartered. If true, the gifts were probably ta-related families.There was no question of inheritance of fields, for the crop wasdestroyed, even if about to bear a harvest, at the death of the owner.Cultivated, like wild, vegetable foods were nowhere sufficientlyabundant to permit permanent attachment to a locality. Crops wereharvested and stored during a brief period, after wliieh the familycontinued its travels in search of wild foods mitil winter. In late
Ig4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120fall, 1849, Manley (1894, pp. 127-133) saw a single Indian familyliving alone somewhere on the eastern side of the Amagrosa Desert,where they had grown a small amount of corn and apparently somesquash near a hot spring.Hunting seems to have played a very minor role in SouthernPaiute economy, as game was scarce. Ash Meadows people usuallywent to the Spring Mountains for deer, but sometimes took themon the Shoshoni Mountains. Because of the great distance back tothe village, they butchered them at once, dried the meat and skins,and carried them home in nets. Mountain sheep, which were for-merly very numerous, were taken in the mountains between theAmagrosa River and Pahrmnp Valley and in the Funeral Moun-tains. Both deer and sheep were hmited by individuals or smallgroups of men without formal organization or leaders.Communal antelope and rabbit drives, both of which were amongthe most important Shoshoni collective enterprises, were said not tohave been practiced. There were few antelopes. Rabbits were takenwith traps or surrounded by fire, neither method involving largegroups of hunters.There was no form of ownership of hunting territories.It was customary if not obligatory for a hunter to share largegame with his neighbors.Festival.?The annual fall festival was probably the outstandingactivity which in aboriginal days united several villages. Unfortu-nately, however, the village alinement is not known. In recent timesfestivals were held at places where the population had been concen-trated, for example, Manse, Pahrump, Las Vegas, or Moapa. AHsaid that in a given year only one of these places would hold thefestival and that visitors came from Beatty, Ash Meadows, PahrumpValley, Las Vegas, etc., and even from San Bernardino. Tlie longjourney from many of these localities could only have been madewith the horse and wagon. ChB at Las Vegas said that Pahrumpand Las Vegas held independent festivals, each under its own chief,and that Tule Springs people joined the latter.The festival lasted 3 or 4 days and terminated with mourning rites.It was planned and directed by the local chief, who had it announced6 or 8 months in advance. While the dances and rites were in prog-ress the chief made speeches from time to time. Amusements in-cluded the circle dance, a borrowed form of the Ute bear dance, andtwo special dances. On the last night buckskins and other property,which had been accumulated, was burned for persons who had diedwithin the year.The last festival was held about 30 years ago.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 185Political organisation,?As the Southern Paiiite appear to havehad no communal activities except the annual festival, it is impossibleto imagine any true band unity in native times. Warfare was prob-ably unimportant except, perhaps, among people near Las Vegas,who were subject to raids by the Mojave.The arrival of the white man introduced new factors. Reductionof native wild-food resources led the Paiute to band together some-what in order to raid and rob the white man. Eventually, horsesaided them in extensive travel and in communicating and cooperatingwith one another. And finally, when the period of struggle wasover, the United States Government assembled the people on reser-vations and dealt with them through their representatives. Conse-quently, there emerged loosely united aggregates which becameknown as bands.Probably Powell and Ingalls' list is comparatively representativeof the native period when village members wintered together at afavorable site and, under the advice of a village "chief," foraged thesame general terrain. There was, however, little cohesion, except thepossible bond of relationship, between families within a village andeven less between members of different villages. Though Wlieelernamed Tercherum as the "principal chief" of this area in 1869, heremarked that he "seemed to have little authority outside his ownsmall number of wick-e-ups" (1887, vol. 2, p. 37).From informant testimony, Paiute of the Pahrump and Las Vegasregions were never unified in a single band. AH named a successionof three Las Vegas chiefs (towin'dum) : Patsadum, who died manyyears ago; then Tasiii'dum, who also died many years ago; thenA : udia', who was recently killed. For the region of Ash Meadowsand Pahrump he named Takopa (who was probably born at LasVegas and died at Pahrump about 1895). Takopa's main functionwas to direct the festival. ChB added that when Mojave raided LasVegas people, Takopa might assist them, perhaps even takingcommand.Informants from both Pahrump and Las Vegas regarded Takopaas chief of "all the Southern Paiute" but could name no function ofhis which did not involve dances or transactions with the white man.Benjamin, a veteran scout of the United States Army, who had livedat Tule Springs near Las Vegas, succeeded Takopa in his position.Marriage.?Marriage was in no way connected with unilineal vil-lage groups. There was no rule of post-marital residence nor ofvillage exogamy.ChB knew of no polyandry, polygyny, nor cross-cousin or pseudocross-cousin marriage. AH denied avoidance of relatives. He saidthe levirate and sororate, however, were practiced.
J^gg BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Northern Shoshoni Bandslemhi and central idahoThe great mountain mass of central Idaho rises abruptly on thenorthern edge of the arid Snake River plains. Although precipita-tion is sufficient to support coniferous forests on an unusually largeportion of this area, the ranges are high and rugged and the can-yons deep and narrow, rendering it unfavorable for human occu-pation, except in the Lemhi Valley.Shoshoni and possibly some Bannock had penetrated this regionand established comparatively large villages on the Lemhi River andseveral small villages in isolated places in the mountains. Somewere even located east of the continental divide?the Bitter RootMountains?in western Montana. Although the Shoshoni languageseems to have been identical throughout central Idaho, there was,prior to the consolidation of the mountain villagers on the LemhiRiver, when all of them became known as Lemhi, a marked culturaldifference between the inhabitants of the Lemhi River and the moun-tains. In Lewis and Clark's time, 1808, the former were a loose bandpossessing many horses, hunting buffalo, and even engaging in somewarfare under a true chief. For many years the latter continued tobe impoverished, disorganized mountaineers, who, in their isolation,successfully avoided most contacts with the white man and withother tribes. JP, who had lived in one of these villages, said thatthey were induced to move to the Lemhi Valley only by the promiseof rations. A reservation was established there, but in 1907 theentire Lemhi group was moved to Fort Hall.The distinction between mountain and Lemhi Valley Shoshoni,which is of great importance to the present study, has not, however,always been revealed by terminology applied to these people.Lewis and Clark, who saw only the Lemhi Valley people, said that they calledthemselves Cho-sho-D? (vol. 2, pp. 366-367), though JP thought "Shoshoni" tobe of white origin. Gass (p. 121) called them Snake. Humfreville (p. 271)calls the "fierce tribe that lived near the headwaters of the Salmon River andin the Upper Snake River Valley" Tukuarika, Mountain Sheep-eaters. Wheeler(1879, p. 410) also applies Tuka-ri'ki to the Salmon River Snakes generally.Lander says of these people (1860, p. 137) : "Chief, Qui-tan-i-wa ; in English,
'Foul Hand,' with 'Old Snag'; and the Bannoch 'Grand Coquin.' Lodges, 50;subsistence, salmon and trout, elk, deer, and antelope; range, on Salmon Riverand the mountains north of it ; horses, a small number. A small band of theSheep-eaters are very fierce and wild, rarely visiting whites."Fort Hall Shoshoni designated these people collectively as Agaidiika(salmon eaters) and CT, from the lower Snake River near Bruneau,called them Tukadiika (mountain sheep eaters) or Agaimbagate (agai,salmon+ pa, water+ gate, belong to) . Both the Lemhi and the moun-
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS X87tain dwellers called themselves Agaidiika, Shoshoni, or Nii :w9, but thelatter distinguished themselves as Tukadiika. These are probablyLewis and Clark's "Broken-moccasins." I shall designate the moun-taineers by Tukadiika22 and the Lemhi River population by Lemhi,though the latter name is not native.Neighboring tribes were: Flathead, called Da:** sivana ( data-siva, something flat), to the northeast in Montana; Nez Perce, calledSowiga'* (probably the root or tuber), occupying the lower Snakeand Salmon Rivers to the northwest across the mountains ^^ ; Crow,called A'* (horn) , northeast of Yellowstone ; Shoshoni in Wyomingsouth of the Crow, called Kogoho'e, and in southern Idaho, calledPohogue'. In western Idaho the Tukadiika had slight contact withthe Shoshoni of southwestern Idaho, called Yahandiika (ground-hogeaters), or, sometimes, Tudubiwa.Although the Tukadiika remained isolated until comparativelyrecent times, the Lemlii had frequent contact with their variousneighbors. They were often visited by the Nez Perce, Flathead,and southern Idaho Shoshoni, who found the Lemhi Valley a refugefrom the raiding Blackfeet. Sometimes, also, they joined thesetribes on trips for buffalo, or met them at Camas Prairie in westernIdaho.In 1832 Bonneville encountered Nez Perce on the Upper Salmon River. Hementioned 300 lodges of Pend Oreille who wintered on the Racine Amere,eating roots and dried bison, and who traveled from spring until fall on theheadwaters of the Missouri River, Henry's Fork of the Snake River and thenorthern branches of the Salmon River (Irving, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 108-111, 123).In 1833 Work (Lewis and Phillips, pp. 137 ff.) saw Flathead and Nez Perc6wintering on the Lemhi River. A few years later Beckwourth encounteredFlatheads on the Snake River (p. 112). In 1838 Parker was accompanied byNez Perc6 and Flatheads on the upper Salmon River (1842, pp. 107-108). Gott-fredsen states that Bannock, Shoshoni, and Nez Perce were fishing in theLemhi River in 1855, when the Mormon mission was founded at Fort Lemhi(pp. 90-91).Villages.?Followmg are the villages listed by JP, the numberscorresponding to those on the map, figure 10
:
1. Pasasigwana (pa, water +sasip:, blood -f- gwana, smell), at awarm spring in the mountains north of Clayton. About 30 families.These wintered together, but in summer groups of two or three fam-ilies moved together on foot, gathering vegetable foods and huntingsmall game around the headwaters of the Salmon River, East Forkof the Salmon River, the Lost River Range and the Salmon Range.The head man was Wor)gowiitavi, his duties consisting mostly ofdirecting fishing (paqgwidagwani, fish chief) in the Salmon River.
22 Lowie, 1009, p. 206, mentions A'gai-clika at Lemhi and Tuku-rika in the Lemhi district.Kroeber, 1909. p. 268, recorded the Lemhi as Duku-dika-nii.*3This location was also given by Bonneville (Irving, vol. 2, p. 4).
Igg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Once these people went to Camas Prairie where they procured somehorses and subsequently joined other Shoshoni in buffalo expeditionsto the east.2. Sohodai (sohovi, cottonwood+dai, place). On the upper Mid-dle Fork of the Salmon River, near Three Rivers. About six fam-ilies. Tuqgwiisii, headman.3. Bohodai (bohovi, sagebrush). Near the junction of MiddleFork and the Salmon River. About 20 families. Gusawat (gus,
"pants"+ awat, gone), headman.4. A site on the upper Salmon River where a few families fromSohodai sometimes wintered.5. Pagadiit (lake, named from Red Rock Lake), on Red RockCreek above Lima, Montana. The village was called Unauvump(una, make+ uvump, locomotive) after the railroad was built. About40 families, scattered from the vicinity of Lima to the lake. Dag-wocijon (dagwoci, perspiration+ John), headman.6. Possibly a few families lived in the vicinity of Dillon, Mon-tana.7. Pasimadai (pasi, "spruce"). Upper Salmon River. About 2families. No headman.8. Guembeduka (guembe, "short-tail ground hog.") 2* About 7miles north of the town of Salmon. About tliree families who joinedthe Lemhi River people under Tindoi.9. Pardai (pa, water), the villages or camps scattered along theLemhi River, centered at Salmon. These people got horses at anearly date. JP thought they were procured from a Spaniard whohad an adobe house at Fort Hall, and subsequently ate his compan-ions and moved to Dillon, Montana. It was believed that Tiindoi'sbrothers-in-law had somehow procured the horses from him. Lewisand Clark, however, estimated that there were 400 horses (about 4per man) in the Lemhi Valley in 1806. They were equipped withSpanish bridles and some had Spanish brands (vol. 2, p. 347 ; vol. 4,p. 74).JP's estimate of the Lemhi River population for about 1860 or1870 is 100 camps or about 500 to 600 persons. Lewis and Clark didnot see the entire population assembled, but estimated that a groupunder one "chief" had 100 warriors, 300 women and children, or400 souls (vol. 2, p. 370), and that another "chief" had 60 warriors,who were augmented from time to time by men from encampmentswhich were strung along the river (vol. 2, p. 338-339). Possibly athird group had 7 lodges (vol. 3, p. 6). Gass mentions 1 village,which perhaps was included in Lewis and Clark's estimate, whichhad 25 lodges and many horses (p. 123). The grand total would
* Lowle, 1909, p. 206, places Kuembe-rika in southern Idaho. A different group?
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS IgQbe at least 600 persons. It probably decreased somewhat after thearrival of the white man, but perhaps 100 families were added whenthe Tukadiika moved down to the valley.The total Tukadiika and Lemhi population was therefore about200 families or 1,200 persons in a subsistence area of some 27,000square miles, or 1 person to 22.5 square miles.Lewis and Clark (vol. 3, p. 16) and Gass (pp. 124-125) observedthat the difficulties of procuring food imposed a hardship upon a largegroup and that the smaller, isolated encampments seemed to farebetter.Subsistence activities.?Throughout the mountains, subsistence wasprincipally on seeds, roots, mountain sheep, deer, and salmon.Antelope were scarce; there were no buffalo. The fertile and lowerLemhi Valley had some antelope. Moreover, the Lemhi Shoshonicould keep horses with which to make expeditions to the south andeast for buffalo and to the west for seeds and roots, especially camass.In fact, many seeds utilized by Lemhi grew along the Snake Riverbut not in the salmon district or were more abundant near the SnakeRiver, so that possession of horses was a great advantage.At best, however, foods were not plentiful. Gass (p. 123) de-scribed the Lemhi as the "poorest and most miserable nation I everbeheld; having scarcely anything to subsist on except berries and afew fish."The main plant foods listed by JP were
:
Seeds which could be stored for winter: Five species or kinds ofsunflower {Helianthus) ; a little lamb's quarters {Chenopodium)
^
Sophia (boi') ; rye grass; cattail; wada (unidentified); stickseed{Lappula) ', rose; "white" (?) pine nuts (woggoduba). Gass inAugust 1806 observed Lemhi River people who had gathered quan-tities of sunflower seeds and lambs quarters, which they pounded andmixed with service berries to make a kind of bread (p. 125).Plants eaten as greens: tsinambogo (unidentified) ; onions.Roots which could be stored for winter: a thistle (tsin:) ; yamp:;nop: (unidentified); Valeriana (kuiyu) ; kan* (unidentified); soiga(unidentified); pasigo' (perhaps Calochortus)^ procured only atCamas Prairie; cattail; ha: pi (unidentified); bavo (unidentified);stickseed {Lappula)\ winigo (unidentified; Salmon and SnakeRivers); payump: (unidentified); hunib (unidentified).Roots which could not be preserved: a cactus (miits) ; pa'wa{Rumex?^ eaten green) ; onion (kunk) ; prickly pear cactus(wogavi) ; dag:" (unidentified; procured in Lemhi country); sigo(procured in Lemhi country).Berries preserved: service berry, chokecherry.Berries not preserved : elderberry.
19Q BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULumThis region is far north of the occurrence of Pinus monophylla,but nuts of the "white pine" were gathered in some quantity, espe-cially in the mountains bordering the Lemhi Valley on the west.A number of related families usually traveled together and thewomen picked. Nuts were carried back to the winter village inbuckskin bags and, if there were a surplus, it was cached in themountains to be gotten on future trips. If other foods were plenti-ful, stored pine nuts might last all winter. There was no owner-ship of pine-nut or other food areas.There were few deer. Antelope were surrounded on horsebackand shot with bows and arrows. Such surrounds were usually heldin midwinter, when the snow was deep. People came down fromthe Salmon River to near the present town of May. They wereusually led by the general hunt chief, dugapavi (duga, hunt+ pavi,leader), who was named Yumapai. Shamanistic drives with corralswere unknown.Eabbits were too scarce for communal hunts, until comparativelyrecently, when the use of nets was borrowed from people to thesouth.Young water fowl were sometimes taken in drives in August, underany leader.Distribution of game killed by any hunter to all village membei*swas not compulsory unless there was starvation. Ordinarily heshared only with relatives.Parker (1842, pp. 106-107) recounts a horse surround of buffaloin 1835 somewhere near the upper Snake River.Fish taken in the Salmon River and its tributaries were : Tahmaagai(tahma, spring +agai, salmon), a variety up to 18 inches long, whichcould be taken all winter; in March they went into small streamsto spawn. Probably Salmo gairdneri Richardson.Aqgaagai (aqga, red), redfish?, August.Agai, Chinook salmon, August.Tsa:pank^' (tsaund, good+ pank^', fish), "trout," occurring inall streams.Mu: dziwihii' (muvi, nose+ dziwihii', pointed), "white fish."Murgada (holding on with mouth), sucker.Ondamaya (onda, yellow+ma'% hand+ya, hanging; i. e., fin),somewhat like a sucker.Puhiwa'^ (puhi, green-fwa^ stripes), about the size of minnows,but are not minnows.Awito'? (?), about 6 inches longer; "somewhat like catfish."Padogoa (pa, water+ dcgoa, snake), "eels," i. e., lamprey.Construction of fish weirs involved several families. Weirs werebuilt on the Lemhi River and other tributaries but not in the Salmon
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 191River. Usually three or four families cooperated. Other personssometimes stole the catch or even parts of the weir, but nothing wasdone about it. For construction of more ambitious weirs, espe-cially in the Lemhi River, about 20 families cooperated, erectingtheir tipis on the bank at each end of it. A man was stationedat each end of the weir to watch for the fish while the people danced.When the fish came he requested a number of men to go along theweir and help him remove the fish. They strung the fish on willowsand carried them to shore, distributing them among the families.There was no shamanism or ceremony connected with fishing. Anyinterested men were leaders.In addition, fish were taken by means of hooks, harpoons, baskets^and dams by individual fishermen.Many subsistence activities involved all or large portions of theLemhi population in a way that contributed materially to its soli-darity. The following were described by JP for the period fol-lowing the amalgamation of the Tukadiika with the Lemhi.During the summer some families went east to hunt buffalo whileothers went west to Camas Prairie to trade buffalo hides to theNez Perce for horses. A family preferred to hunt and trade inalternate summers.As buffalo were extinct in Idaho by 1840, the hunting familiescrossed the Bitter Root Mountains to Crow territory in the vicinityof Yellowstone, gathering seeds, roots, and berries on the way.Tiindoi was the leader. For protection against marauding partiesof Blackfeet they often joined forces with Fort Hall Shoshoni andBannock, Wyoming Shoshoni, Flatheads, and sometimes even Crows.All summer they followed the herds. In hunting all the men setout at the same time, each taking fast horses with which he randown the animals. They did not surround, impound, or drive themover cliffs. In October these families returned to the Lemhi Valleywith their hides and dried meat.As trips to Camas Prairie involved neither communal hunts nordanger of raids by hostile tribes, they were made by small, inde-pendent groups of related families which had no formal chiefs. Themain purpose of these trips w^as to trade buffalo hides for horses.^^These families generally remained in the same place until October,eating sage hens, grouse, ground hogs, woodchucks, trout from thesmall streams flowing into the Malad River, and deer and ante-lope from the mountains. TJiey gathered yamp:, pa: sigo'? ha: p'**yutavo'", pit : sogo, drying any surplus and transporting it home in
^ Bonneville observed that Nez Terc^, Flathead, and Pend d'Oreillef?, all of whomoccasionally visited Camas Prairie, had many horses in 1833, some individuals owning 40.Lewis and Clark (vol. 3, p. 5) also saw many horses among them.
J92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120buckskin bags. Some meat "was also preserved. Although someShoshoni from Fort Hall and from the lower Snake River and Nez-perce also spent the summer in this prairie, there was neither com-petition for food nor ownership of food territories, as there was saidto be sufficient for all. Even Shoshoni who wintered in Wyomingunder Chief Washakie sometimes visited Camas Prairie.Families usually returned to the Lemhi River in the fall and re-mained there all winter. They subsisted largely upon stored foods,supplemented by fowl and deer hunted in the vicinity. Famine wasnot uncommon.In early spring and summer salmon could be had from the riverwhile antelope and deer were killed nearby. But Lewis and Clarknoted in August that they caught very few salmon (vol. 3, pp. 45-46)
.
Lewis and Clark's observations shed some light on these activities in 180G.They first met Shoshoni on horseback near Beaver's Head, Wyoming (vol. 2,p. 329). Between Beaver's Head and Dillon they encountered a camp inAugust digging roots (vol. 2, p. 334). Shortly thereafter they encountered acamp of 60 or more mounted warriors on or near the Lemhi River (vol. 2, pp.338-339). The 400 persons met later may have included these. Others werescattered along the Lemhi River in small encampments. Although buffalo werestill plentiful in Idaho, especially toward the Snake River, they reported thatthe Indians had only dried cakes of berries to eat, fearing to travel for buffalobecause of warring tribes (vol. 2, p. 349). Blackfeet, especially, were raidingwest of the Rocky Mountains and the Lemhi were evidently still insufficientlyorganized or numerous to confront them. They record (vol. 2, pp. 374-375)that from May until the first of September the Indians caught salmon in theSalmon River, then traveled to the headwaters of the Missouri River to joinother Shoshoni and Flathead. Together they hunted buffalo and returned homewith the meat in the fall.
'Warfare.?This was an important factor in amalgamating theLemhi. By 1806 tribes east of the Rocky Mountains were a seriousmenace. In August Lewis and Clark found the Lemhi remaining intheir own valley for fear of raids (vol. 2, pp. 366-367). Each mankept a horse picketed at night (vol. 2, p. 347) . Already warfare wassufficiently important to support systematic boasting of heroic deeds(vol. 2, p. 370).^^ Among the enemy tribes were the "Minnetares,called Pah'-kees" (vol. 2, p. 341) and the "Chopunnish" (vol. 5, pp.106-107, 270). Blackfeet were the most persistent enemies. Bonne-ville observed that Blackfeet raids against Nez Perce, Flatheads, andPend d'Oreille sometimes prompted these tribes temporarily to jointhe Shoshoni for protection and that some of the battles were foughton or near the Salmon River (Irving, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 118-123, 144-151, 187-190,200-209).
* War equipment and the system of counting coup and boasting are described else-where. (See also Lewie, 1909, pp. 191-195.)
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 193Relations between Crow and Shoshoni alternated between peace andwar (pp. 207-209).In early times these fights were carried on by the Lemhi Riverpeople, under Tiindoi. A varying number participated and some-times joined forces with the Fort Hall Indians. The small movmtainvillages of the Salmon River region engaged in no warfare. Afterthey had moved to the Lemhi River JP knew only of raids for horsestealing.Festivals.?These were probably of little importance in uniting thesmall mountain villages which were too isolated to assemble advan-tageously. The few families in each occasionally held various formsof the circle dance.The Lemhi River people, however, had festivals of some size andimportance. The round dance was held normally in the spring andfall, but, as it was thought to bring blessings, it was also held duringany period of sickness or other trouble. For the various kinds ofdances, leaders with appropriate qualifications were in charge.Chieftainship.?There was a significant difference in the nature andfunction of chieftainship between the Tukadiika and the Lemhi.Prior to consolidation with the Lemhi, the mountain dwellers lackedeven formal village chiefs. Instead, a man possessing the necessaryqualifications and prestige directed those activities which requiredsupervision. Thus, Woygowiitavi, the degwani of the village ofPasasigwana, did little more than direct fishing. When several re-lated families camped together during the winter and foraged to-gether during the summer, the oldest man, or, if he were infirm, per-haps his son, directed their movements.Among the Lemhi, the chief, tegwani (talker) , did not hold a formalposition, but in the various group activities he had greater scopefor authority. The extent of his authority depended in a largemeasure upon his personality, intelligence, and oratorical ability.Lewis and Clark state that the chief did not inherit his positionin 1806 but one became "chief" merely by prestige and example, every-one being a chief in some degree (vol. 2, p. 370). Thus, one groupof about 60 mounted warriors had a chief called Ca-me-ah-watt(vol. 2, pp. 338-339) and another group of about 100 families had achief called Too-et-te-conl or Black Gun, a war name (vol. 2, pp.366-367). As warfare increased and as trips across the RockyMountains into enemy territory for buffalo became necessary, theimportance of centralized control was enhanced. The chief regulatedthese group activities and, later, dealt with the white man. Lowie(1909, p. 208) states that his tasks were to direct the camp, presideat councils, receive visitors from other tribes, and conduct huntingand fishing excursions.
^94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [b^ll. 120By the time the Tukadiika had consolidated with the Lemhi, theearliest period known to JP, the need for control of group activi-ties and for a representative to deal with the white man was con-siderable. The main responsibility fell on Tiindo'e (boiling; socalled because he was fond of soup), whom Lander (1860, p. 125)stated was half Shoshoni and half Bannock. Lander further repre-sents "Ten-toi's" father, "Old Buonaparte," to have been a notedchief but says that Ten-toi "is not a chief, but has very great influ-ence with the tribe, and has distinguished himself in wars with theBlackfeet."Tiindo'e was succeeded by his son, Tu : pombi (black hair or head),whose interpreter w^as Na : goda, a man who possibly was not a Lemhi.Tu : pombi did his own speaking. Lowie, however, noted that in1906, Tu : pombi played an insignificant role at councils (1909, p. 209).Tu : pombi Avas succeeded by his brother. Wine, who JP says isstill living. Wine needed neither interpreter nor announcer.Special activities not involving the entire group were directed byvarious qualified individuals. Thus, fishing was managed by somefishing expert when several families cooperated. Hunting wasusually directed by Yumapai. War parties were led by men whopossessed dreamed war power. Lowie states (1909, p. 208) thatsometimes there were as many as 10 "little chiefs" of war fame in asingle community.The institution of police, diirakone (surrounding something) , whowere stated by Lowie to have assisted at dances and hunts (1909,p. 208), was, according to JP, introduced comparatively recently.Property.?There was no property in land or natural resources.At death, a person's father, mother, or brother disposed of hispossessions. His clothes, blankets, and cherished articles were buriedwith him, a few things being given to his children. His horses weredistributed among people not related to him. His relatives receiveda few horses only if he had owned a great many.Marriage.?There was no rule of local exogamy, but JP thoughtthat small villages had occasionally been forced to follow it becausethey had come to consist entirely of related and consequently unmar-riageable persons.Marriage was prohibited with any true first cousin (Lowie's in-formants, however, denied this ; 1909, p. 210) and with pseudo paral-lel-cousins. One called his father's brothers "father," his mother'ssisters, "mother," and their children, including stepchildren, "brother"and "sister." The preferred marriage was with a pseudo cross-cousin, that is, with the mother's brother's stepdaughter or, lackingsuch a girl, with the stepmother's brother's daughter or father'ssister's stepdaughter.
STEWAKO] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 195Acquisition of a spouse was accomplished in three ways.(1) Orthodox marriage w^as with a pseudo cross-cousin or with agirl whose father sought a good hunter for her. In either case theman often lived with Ids prospective w^ife's family for some time ina kind of bride service to demonstrate his hunting ability. Therewas neither bride purchase nor exchange of presents. Prior to con-summation of the marriage, the man visited the girl's camp eachnight and slept with her, but refrained from intercourse and de-parted early in the morning. After a while he remained there con-tinuously and openly and they were considered wed. Kesidence wasmatrilocal for a time, during which the couple often visited thehusband's family. Eventually they moved to permanent patrilocalresidence. If the husband's father were dead, however, they mightremain in matrilocal residence.Lewis and Clark's account does not wholly tally with this. Theystate (vol. 1, pp. 370-371) that infant girls were promised to an olderman in return for horses. When grown, that is, 13 or 14 years old,the girl, accompanied by gifts which about equaled those the fatherhad received, were presented to the man. In 1909 Lowie (p. 210)observed that infant betrothals still occurred, but the necessity ofgifts to parents was denied by his informants.(2) Ahduction.?A man, assisted by a group of friends, went tothe camp of a girl who had caught his fancy and attempted to ab-duct her. Her father or husband sometimes successfully resisted oryielded her only after a fight. If she ran away and returned home,some men let her stay, some attempted to abduct her again. Occa-sionally her first husband successfully recaptured her.(3) In the spring, previous to breaking up the winter encampment,a man might court a girl by staying at her camp. Her mother andfemale relatives might try to drive him away with digging sticksif they disapproved, but sometimes yielded for fear he would killthe girl. He then remained until openly accepted as a son-in-law.Polygyny was frequently, but not necessarily, with sisters.^^ Thesororate might also be followed if the deceased's wife's father likedthe young man and wished to have his next daughter take care ofthe children. But this was not obligatory; nor was the widowerobliged to accept the sister.Polyandry was not a formal marriage arrangement, but rathersex privileges which were sometimes, but not always, extended toa brother. This privilege was rarely extended to cousins and neverto unrelated men, because it was said that whereas unrelated womengot along well in polygamy, the same did not hold for men. Often,
s^ Lewis and Clark record that it was seldom sororal (vol. 1, p. 370).
IQQ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120when an older brother married a woman, the younger brother occu-pied the same house and was permitted access to the wife when hisbrother was away. The younger man, however, always expected toacquire a wife of his own later. Sometimes, however, though theyounger brother lived with the married couple, he was required tostay at a friend's house when the older brother was away. Or hemight remain at the house merely as a kind of guard, to prevent anysex delinquencies on her part during her husband's absence.
"Wlien sex privileges were extended to a cousin it was JP's opinionthat they were very temporary. A close friend of the husband hadaccess to the woman only clandestinely, against the husband's will.He was never invited to share her.It was JP's opinion, however, that any man who would sleep withhis older brother's wife was "crazy" and untrustworthy.The levirate, like the sororate, was often followed if desired butwas not required.A common practice was the marriage of a brother and sister to asister and brother, who, however, occupied separate houses. Thiswas called navutiyugwin ("sitting opposite one another"). Also,several brothers married several sisters, but each couple occupied aseparate house.JP said that sometimes, when a girl liked one of two intimatefriends, but the other wished to marry her, the first might enticeher to his house ostensibly to marry him and there turn her over tothe other. She could not successfully resist this because they woulduse force.It is apparent that despite certain formal aspects of marriage,marital ties frequently shifted and woman's status was insecure andunsupported by any great regard for female chastity. Lewis andClark reported (vol. 1, p. 371) that a husband would even bartera wife for a night or longer, though he was disgraced if she had aclandestine affair. JP said that retaliation for infidelity dependedupon the individual. Some men did nothing. Some beat the para-mour, who was supposed to offer no resistance. Lowie adds that thehusband might demand a horse as indemnity or shoot one of thelover's horses (1909, p. 210). Apparently outright theft of a wifewas more condoned by society than a secret affair. Separation wasmore likely to follow infidelity by the wife than by the husband.AVhen separating, however, the woman always took the cliildren, hermother helping to rear them.In all cases the essential feature of matrimony was that the coupleshould live together with some intention of permanency. The sta-bility of an alliance depended upon personal attachment, age, pres-ence of children, individual attractiveness, the husband's physicalstrength, and whether the spouses were pseudo cross-cousins.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 197Family and kinship.?^In addition to the usual parent-child rela-tionship, a brother and sister seemed to be unusually close, thoughhow they would ordinarily be thrown together after marriage orthrough any rule of post-marital residence is not clear. JP saidthey usually tried to camp close together. If they did not live neareach other after marrying more often than chance would allow, it isdifficult to see why this bond existed.At any rate, children were considered particularly close to themother's brother, ada, between whom there was high regard. Whilea boy's parents lived he frequently visited with his mother's brotherand if his parents died he preferred to live with this uncle. If hisfather died the ada took some of the responsibility of raising him.Sometimes an additional attraction of the mother's brother was thepresence of a stepdaughter, with whom he would anticipate marriage.His mother and uncle preferred this, for it tightened family bonds.Such bonds, of course, were very important in a society lacking anynuclei for the formation of allegiances except the family and thelocal group.There was also some intimacy between a young man and hisfather's sister, baha, who might assume responsibility for him inthe event of the death of his mother.Kinship usages are an intimate part of the family relationships.A man's closest friend and joking relative was his mother's brother'sor father's sister's stepson, that is, his probable brother-in-law. Tohim he was closer than to his real brother, though after marriage hisreal brother sometimes lived with him, whereas his brother-in-lawnever did so. As close friends, these pseudo cross-cousins associatedtogetj'( r and helped one another. Also, they were joking relatives,called nahinuhiint (joking), nanohint (teasing) or namasumohuglint(teasing). Jokes concerned sex or something one had done. Theymight hide each other's clothing or taunt each other about coward-ice. Once a man lost his breechclout during a race and his cousinchided him about it. Once a man dressed up like a ghost, waylaidand chased his cousin until he "passed out." A similar freedomexisted between a man and his female cross-cousin, even though shewere married to another man. These relationships still obtain atFort Hall.There was little such joking between a man and his mother'sbrother, nor could these relatives appropriate each other's property.The uncle might, however, call upon the boy to perform a servicefor him as, for example, breaking a horse, for which he would per-haps reward him with an unbroken horse.Between brothers and sisters there was little restraint, though jok-ing was not as extreme as between cousins.60285?38 14
293 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Prior to marriage a young man's obligations were, of course, to hisown family, to whom he supplied game. After marriage it was tohis wife's mother and father, especially while residence was matri-local. At Fort Hall he was required to take game to his mother-in-law, even though she were 20 miles away.There were no kinship avoidances.FORT HALL BANNOCK AND SHOSHONITwo linguistic groups, the Shoshoni and the Northern Paiute-speaking Bannock, seem to have occupied the Fort Hall region sinceprehistoric times, though prior to their acquisition of horses theywere undoubtedly scattered over a wider territory.The Shoshoni at Fort Hall are distinguished from those in westernIdaho by having had some horses and a comparatively high degreeof political solidarity at an early period. They called themselvesBohogue (bohovi, sagebrush +gue, butte, i. e., the butte northeastof Fort Hall). This term was sometimes used to include the Ban-nock. They were called Pohogue' by the Lemhi, Pohoguwe bypeoples lower on the Snake River, and Wi : nakwiit (wi : , knife, prob-ably iron knife) by the Bannock.The Bannock, a horse-owning group living in close association withthe Shoshoni, called themselves Bana'kwiit (ba, water+ nakwiit, pos-:sibly a nominal ending). Fort Hall Shoshoni called them Ba:naite(probably same derivation as Bana'kwiit), translated as "people fromhelow." -**The linguistic similarity of the Bannock and Northern Paiute (seevocabularies, pp. 274-275) leaves no doubt that they once formed asingle group, though within historic times they have been separatedby 200 miles.Location of Bannock in eastern Oregon by various early writersis susceptible to four explanations: (1) The Fort Hall Bannockactually were located in eastern Oregon in early historic times; (2)groups of Bannock who often ranged on horseback from westernWyoming and from Fort Hall to western Idaho were encounteredwhen on a temporary visit to eastern Oregon; (3) Northern Paiuteof eastern Oregon were called Bannock; (4) early travelers andtrappers failed to identify the various Shoshonean-speaking peoplethey met in different places. Of these, the first explanation is leastprobable, the last two most probable. Though historical sources arevery little help in locating the tribes of this region, Bannock was
28 Lowie (1909, pp. 206-208) gives Banaite as the Lemhi Shoshoni designation of theBannock. Wheeler (1889, p. 410) calls them Bannock or Panai'ti, but erroneously classi-fies them with the Shoshoni linguistically.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 199frequently applied to Mono-Bannock speaking peoples of easternOregon (pp. 269-271).Most often horse Shoslioni were called Snake and foot Slioshoniwere Diggers, Shosliokoes or Shoshonee, though usage was far fromconsistent. Northern Paiute-speaking groups were rarely distin-guished from Shoslioni.Ross (1855, vol. 1, pp. 249-252), who visited tlie area about 1820, apparentlylumped the scattered Shoshoni families of southern Oregon as "Bau-at-tees,"translated as "robbers" (the Shoshoni name for the Bannock) or "MountainSnake," saying that they lived in small groups in caves and rocks, dressed inskins of rabbits, wolves, and other animals in winter, vi^ent naked in summer,and had only bows and arrows. This does not at all describe the Fort HallBannock. Ogden, traveling in 1826-27, used neither "Bannock" nor "Paiute"for the people of southern Idaho or eastern Oregon, though Paiute unquestion-ably were then living at least in Oregon, but designated the people even onthe John Day River (vol. 10, p. 349) and in the region of Malheur Lake (vol.11, p. 208) as "Snakes." The use of "Snake" or "Shoshonee" for any Sho-shonean-speaking people in this area was very common. Wyeth, who foundedFort Hall in 1834, recognized that there were Bannock and Shoshoni in theregion, but admitted that he could not tell the difference between them(Schoolcraft, 1851). In contrast to others, he seems to have designated all theFort Hall horse Indians as Bannock. Humfx-eville, like Ross, thought theBannock were merely the more backward Shoshoni of the area. He places theSnake "in and around the Snake River Valley, and their hunting ground ex-tended eastward to the foot of the Bitter Root Mountains and as far south asUte country" (p. 282). Of the Bannock he says (pp. 287-288), "their huntingground was to the west of the Bitter Root Mountains and south of the Coeurd'Alene River." They were principally Diggers. Their winter habitationswere "a hole in the ground large enough to accommodate their families, with anopening at the top to let out the smoke." Farnham (1843, p. 261) says that"Snakes" or "Shoshonies" occupying a considerable portion of country on SnakeRiver above and below Fort Hall "subsist on the fish of the stream, buffalo,<leer, and other game."Forney said "The latter tribe (Ban-acks) I had frequently heard of, butsupposed they were part of a tribe by the same name who live in OregonTerritory . . . but upon making inquiry I learned that they were a separateand distinct people ... In their habits and appearance they are much likethe Snakes, with whom they are on terms of greatest intimacy. They num-ber between four and five hundred, and are all under one principal chief, namedHome" (1858, p. 213). Also, he observed that Bridger had said that 30 yearsearlier they had 1,200 lodges (1859, p. 363).Doty (1862, p. 211) speaks of "Eastern Bannacks, who hunt with the Sho-shones between Raft River, near Fort Hall, and Bear River . . ."Burton (1862, pp. 473-474) said the greater number of "Panak" occupiedeastern Oregon, but about 500 hunted bison and elk to the east. For 30 yearsprior to 1860 they had traded at Fort Bridger on the Green River and formerlynumbered 1,200 lodges. This estimate of 1,200 lodges almost certainly includesShoshoni.Danilson (1870, p. 288) and Jones (1870, p. 279) said that Bannock hadalways claimed the Fort Hall territory. Jones gave the number as 600 andMann (1870, p. 274) said there were 800 "Northern Bannacks" under Taggie.
200 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 12&There is no means of knowing when the Bannock separated fromthe other Northern Paiute. WH thought they had come to FortHall from the west, but had no idea when. SB thought they hadalways lived at Fort Hall.That the historic location of the Bannock is old, in spite of thesurvival of their language, is indicated by their culture which, incontrast to the foot Shoshoni who lived immediately below them onthe Snake River, was strongly stamped with Plains traits. An eth-nographic survey by means of an element list revealed no greatdifference between Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannock. The two seemto have wintered together and pastured their horses in and nearthe lush bottomlands of the Snake River since prehistoric times.They usually made hunting expeditions together on horesback, some-times going east to Wyoming for buffalo, west to Camas Prairie andbeyond to trade and gather roots, and down the Snake River belowShoshone Falls for fishing. The foot Shoshoni, along the SnakeRiver gorge below American Falls, especially on the south bank^were, in contrast to the Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannock, impover-ished, primitive in their culture, restricted in their movements, andunorganized. Few of them owned horses.The environment of the Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannock is notunlike that to the west and south. It consists largely of arid, sage-covered desert plains which were largely destitute of game. Wyeth(Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 206), who lived at Fort Hall from 1834 to1836, said it had very few deer and elk except in the mountains,only a small number of mountain sheep, antelope, and bear, and onlytwo kinds of rabbits. The main asset was salmon, which ran upthe Snake River only to Shoshone Falls and therefore required a longtrip downstream. Buffalo occurred in the eastern part of the area,and there had been many near Fort Hall in 1834 (Wyeth in School-craft, 1851, p. 217). In fact, Ogden (vol. 11, p. 207) saw manybuffalo skulls though no living animals at Silver River near MalheurLake, Oregon, and informants claimed that several generations agobuffalo had occurred in small numbers even in northeastern Nevada.But buffalo were extinct in northern Utah by 1832 and in Idahoby about 1840 (Fremont, 1887, vol. 2, p. 218). No doubt the sage-covered plains were not their optimum environment, so that thearrival of trappers and the acquisition of fire arms and horses bythe Indians was sufficient to exterminate them. It is improbable thatin pre-horse days the buffalo w^as sufficiently numerous or means oftaking it sufficiently developed to have made it an important featurein the economy. Fragments of evidence indicate that at this timethe economy was substantially like that of the Western Shoshoni.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 201The horse.?The origin of the horse in Idaho is not definitelyknown, though there is evidence that some horses, at least, wereacquired directly from the Spaniards and that Shoshoni were amongthe first tribes to have them. CT thought that before the arrivalof the Americans Shoshoni had possessed a small variety which theycalled kobai. Thompson recounts a fight between Blackfeet andShoshoni in 1730, when the latter (probably Wyoming groups) hadhorses but the former had none (pp. 328-344), but Wissler (1914)believes that both Blackfeet and Shoshoni had horses in about 1750.It is possible that horses came to the Shoshoni through the inter-mediary of the Ute in western Colorado who were in contact withthe Spaniards in the Southwest at an early date.The horse revolutionized Shoshoni economy by making it possibleto use new methods of hunting which yielded greater wealth infoods and hides and enabled people to live in large and compara-tively permanent groups. Families which previously had had tolive near their cached foods could now transport the foods to a centrallocation. Large aggregates of people, moreover, could travel to-gether in search of foods. Buffalo were taken in Idaho while theylasted. After 1840, and perhaps to some extent earlier, Shoshoniand Bannock, alone or in company with Nez Perce and' sometimeswith Flathead, Lemhi, and Wyoming Shoshoni, made long excur-sions across the Rocky Mountains to the buffalo country of the highplains. Lander (1860, pp. 121-122) says "Pannacks" and even "SaltLake Diggers" joined in trips to the headwaters of the Missouriand Yellowstone Rivers, the latter making trips of 1,200 miles. Thosewho had horses naturally fared best.Wyeth (Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 208) observed that "it is a well-established factthat men on foot cannot live, even in the best game countries, in the samecamp with those who have horses. The latter reach the game, secure whatthey want, and drive it beyond the reach of the former. Thus, the Snakes,while they had no horses, would form but one people, because they would becollected once a year, in salmon time ; but the organization would be veryimperfect, because the remainder of the year would be spent by them infamilies widely spread apart, to eke out the year's subsistence on the rootsand limited game of their country. After a portion of them, who are nowcalled Bonacks [Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannock], had obtained horses, theywould naturally form bands and resort to the buffalo region to gain theirsubsistence, retiring to the most fertile places in their own, to avoid the snowsof the mountains and feed their horses. Having food from the proceeds ofthe buffalo hunt to enable them to live together, they would annually do so,for the protection of their horses, lodges, etc. These interests have caused anorganization among the Banocks which continues the year through, becausethe interests which produce it continue ; and it is more advanced than that ofthe other Snakes."
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. i2(^But a concomitant factor producing band solidarity was warfare.Horses were a form of wealth which made these people attractiveprey to the roving war parties from east of the Rocky Mountains.And, after 1840, when the Shoshoni and Bannock traveled intoWyoming and Montana for buffalo, they were in imminent dangerof encounters with hostile tribes. Consequently it was importantthat such trips be made by large organized groups. In these fre-quent clashes with warring Plains tribes and almost annual contactwith their Wyoming kin, the Idaho Shoshoni acquired a large num-ber of Plains traits as well as the beginnings of band organization.The amalgamation of scattered families and villages into a bandwas undoubtedly a gradual process, progressing as people acquiredhorses. For a long time, however, remnants of foot Indians prob-ably remained in isolation. For example, near the headwaters ofthe Henry River, a tributary of the upper Snake River, Hunt's As-toria party encountered a poor type of Shoshoni living in the moun-tains in 1811 (Irving, 1897, vol. 2, pp. 12-13). According to Wyeth(Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 207), the "Bonacks had horses and went tohunt buffalo, while the Shoshonees had no horses and lived on rootsand fish." Wyeth, however, did not recognize the linguistic differ-ence between the Bannock and Shoshoni and seems to have designatedall Fort Hall Indians "Bonack." His vocabulary (op. cit., p. 215)is of no assistance in identifying them. As late as 1854, in Decem-ber, Mullan (1855, pp. 333-334) encountered a single lodge of"Banax" on the Snake River about 50 miles above Fort Hall "on.their way to the mountains for game" with their horses. Twelvemiles downstream he met three or four families of "Root-DiggerIndians" with a few horses. The men were fishing, the women dig-ging roots. The Sioux name for Shoshoni, "Those dwelling in grasslodges" (Hoffman, 1886, p. 297) and the Flathead name "Barklodges" for Bannock (Teit, 1930, p. 301) may be a survival of thepre-horse and pre-tipi period.Although the Fort Hall Bannock and Shoshoni were probablycomparatively well amalgamated into a band by 1840, there is littledoubt that a few small groups continued for many years to live inisolation, because they had no horses or for other reasons. Amongthe remnants of this scattered population were, perhaps, a few Ban-nock who later were incorporated with the Lemhi.Even with the advantage of the horse, it was not always expedientfor the combined Bannock-Shoshoni band to move as a unit. Theyfrequently split into small subdivisions, each of which traveled in-dependently through southern Idaho to procure different foods, totrade, and occasionally to carry on warfare.Suhsistence activities.?Seasonal movements described by WH, aBannock who claimed to have been a young man when the Fort Hall
STEWAR'J] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 203
agency was founded in 18G2, and by SB, a Fort Hall Shoshoni, are asfollows
:
In winter most of the Bannock and Shoshoni camped in thevicinity of Fort Hall.Wlien spring came groups of perhaps six related families, whichhad camped together, set out, under the leadership of an elderlyman, in search of various foods. Wliether they went east for buf-falo, south toward Bear River for berries and for hunting, or westfor salmon, camass, and trading depended upon individual circum-stances. Also, whether they joined other groups depended uponwhere and when they traveled and whether they had horses.Usually families set out first to Camas Prairie or to the Boise,Payette, and even Weiser Elvers to the west. They traveled on thenorthern side of Snake River, often along the foot of the mountains.As Fort Hall is some distance above the limit of salmon in the SnakeRiver, an important reason for these trips was to procure salmoneither directly from the river or by trade from the lower SnakeRiver Shoshoni.In August 1833 Townsend recorded that a party of mounted "Ban-necks" passed somewhere on the Big Wood River on their way tothe fisheries (p. 242). He also met "Snakes" returning with driedsalmon (p. 245) and, near the Boise River, saw 30 tipis of horseShoshoni fishing (pp. 257-261). In this vicinity he also saw 30
"willow lodges of Bannecks" (p. 262). Schoolcraft says (1851, p.202) that the Snake Indians of the Shoshonee or Lewis' Fork of theColumbia River (Snake River) "periodically subsisted on Salmon
. . . which are taken abundantly at the Falls [Salmon Falls] ; but atother seasons they have little to distinguish them from the mountainbands." Though this observation probably applies to Shoshoni allalong the Snake River, the Fort Hall people stopped to fish en routeto Camas Prairie.At Camas Prairie they usually scattered out to gather roots andseeds. Of vegetable foods, camass was most important. Others werepasigo, pak:, yamp:, ak:, kosiak:, yuhauk:, buhuak:, and kuiyu(tobacco root). As many of these as could be preserved were latertransported back to Fort Hall. Meanwhile, from time to time thepeople assembled with one another and with Nez Perce and localYahandiika Shoshoni to dance and barter. They traded buffalo skinsto the Yahandiika for seeds, roots, dried crickets, and salmon, and tothe Nez Perce for horses.A few families remained in this region all summer, but most ofthem turned east in late summer to seek buffalo.Formerly buffalo could be had along the Snake River plains, notfar from Fort Hall. After they were extinct in Idaho in 1840,large parties of Indians went to near Butte, Mont., and to Wyoming
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120to hunt them, starting aibout ^yhen the leaves were turning in thefall. Even in 1811, however, Hunt's party saw Shoshoni, who wereprobably from Idaho, hunting buffalo somewhere near the headwatersof the Green River (Irving, 1897, vol. 1, pp. 385-387).Fear of the Blackfeet as well as the greater efficiency of communalhunting compelled the main body of Fort Hall Shoshoni and Ban-nock to travel as a unit, often joining Lemhi, Nez Perce, Flathead,and Wyoming Shoshoni. On their way east they usually procuredchokecherries and various seeds, roots, and berries in the mountains.In the vicinity of Yellowstone they sometimes stopped briefly togather nuts of the "white pine," worjgoduba, which they eitherground and carried to the plains in buckskin sacks or cached toprovide food for their return trip.Buffalo hunting was accomplished merely by running down theanimals with fleet horses. First, the chief, Tagi, or his hunt leadersent out several young men to find the herd. There were no formalbuffalo scouts. Then men on horseback rode after the animals andshot them, each hunter killing three or four. Meanwhile old menbutchered the kill and distributed it equally among all the families.A few families sometimes wintered on the plains, especially ifthey had few or no horses. But most people returned to Fort Halllate in the fall, transporting the dried buffalo meat and hides ontheir horses.The chief or chiefs directed these entire journeys. Semiformalpolice (p. 211) kept the people in a more or less compact group, espe-cially when in dangerous territory.Meanwhile some families remained during the summer in thevicinity of Fort Hall or went to the region of Bear Lake for roots,berries, mountain sheep, and other game. In the fall some familieswent south to the Grouse Creek region for pinyon nuts.The Bannock and Shoshoni always wintered together at FortHall, though a few families remained in the east and, after theagency was founded, some went to "near Yellowstone" to receiverations. There was no segregation of Bannock and Shoshoni inwinter encampments, nor any named subdivisions. The distributionof the camps is shown on the map, figure 12. There were a fewcamps on Lincoln Creek, on the Blackfoot River near its mouth, up-stream on Ross Fork Creek, and on the Port Neuf River as far asLava Hot Spring. But the greatest number stayed along the bottomlands of the Snake River above American Falls. Bannock Creekwas formerly occupied by a somewhat distinct group, the Kamudiika(pp. 216-218).When the various groups arrived home at Fort Hall in the fall,especially if they had broken up into family clusters during the
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 205summer, tliey made a camp circle for 6 or 7 clays, during 4 of whichthey held the grass dance and scalp dance. Then they scattered outto erect their winter houses. Perhaps six related families built theirhouses in a cluster.To supplement the food laid up during the summer, small groups, butnever the entire band, went into the plains west of the Snake River tohunt antelope. Sometimes they used corrals, though shamanism wasmuch less prominent than farther south. Hunting by horse relayswas preferred. Deer were taken by individuals or by small groupsof hunters in the mountains near Fort Hall or in the juniper beltto the north or to the west toward Camas Prairie.A man manifestly could not divide his kill of deer or antelopeamong all the neighboring families as was customary among WesternShoshoni. But women from the related families which made up hisown cluster of camps came to his house to receive shares, close rela-tives receiving more than others.Rabbits did not occur in sufficient numbers at this time to justifycommunal drives.Waterfowl were taken in small drives, carried on by one or twofamilies.Fish which could be taken in the tributaries of the Snake Riverabove American Falls were
:
Sapaqwi (sand, good; paqwi, fish), trout.Toyapaqwi (toyavi, mountain), in mountain streams.Mugada, sucker.Wizabankwi, perch.Tasigi (same as Lemhi pahiwa'*), "like a minnow."Fish were taken by means of hooks, baskets, dams, weirs, and har-poons. Weirs required a small amount of cooperation between sev-eral families, but did not involve stable organization or ceremony.In October 1811, probably near Fort Hall, Hunt saw a small villageof Shoshoni who had small fish about 2 inches long, roots and seedswhich they were drying (Irving, 1897, vol. 2, p. 18).Observations by early travelers and traders in this region in gen-eral corroborate informants' accounts.Ogden, March 20, 1826, found about 400 persons with twice that many horsesalong the Snake River near Raft River (below Fort Hall) preparing to descendthe river to avoid the Blackfeet. This "camp" moved, carrying buffalo meat,to the Malad River (Idaho) to gather roots and salmon, and in the fall wouldreturn to winter in the buffalo plain [probably at or near Fort Hall]. Theysometimes traveled to the mouth of Burnt River [Oregon] on the Snake Riverto trade with the Nez Perc^. He mentioned another "camp" of 200 Shoshoniwho wintered with the Americans at the mouth of Raft River (vol. 10, pp. 356-357). On October 13, 1827, he met 300 tents of Shoshoni at Camas Prairie. Hesaid, "It is from near this point that the Snakes form into a body prior to their
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 120
starting for buffalo ; they collect camasse for the journey across the mountains[Rocky Mountains] ... In the spring they scatter from this place for thesalmon and horse-thieving expeditions" (vol. 11, p. 362). In the plains northof the Snake River several streams emerging from the mountains to the northlose themselves in the desert. Here in November, near Days River, Ogden sawevidence of 300 "Snake" tents, 1,500 people, 3,000 horses. Nearby, on Goddin'sRiver (probably Little Lost River), he observed many antelope and buffalo(vol. 11, p. 364). Near Fort Hall he was visited by The Horse, chief of theLower Snakes, with 30O followers. And, at Port Neuf River, near BlackfootHill, he saw a Snake camp with more than 1,500 persons. Buffalo were numerousat that time (vol. 11, pp. 365-366).Ross' observations, about 1819, evince confusion and exaggeration. He claimedthat all Shoshoni, apparently including both sides of the Rocky Mountains,made a single huge camp of 10,000 persons under 2 chiefs, Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em, who were brothers. At their council were 48 Shirry-dikas and 6 War-are-reekas but no Ban-at-tees (1855, vol. 1, pp. 252-254). Pee-eye-em, however,was a Wyoming chief (1855, vol. 2, pp. 91-92). Though different Shoshoni fre-quently met in large groups, they did not remain together and the number waswell short of Ross' estimate.At a fishing place on the Wuzer [probably Weiser] River Ross estimated acamp of War-are-reekas under Chief Ama-ketsa to have 900 tents, 4,500 persons,and half that many horses. They were gambling, fishing, and sporting; they hadfew guns (1855, vol. 2, pp. 102-103). This estimate of 4,500 is a greatexaggeration.About 1822 Beckwourth claims to have encountered Pun-naks (Bannocks)encamped with Snakes on Weaver's Fork (probably Weber River) near SaltXiake. If his identification is correct, they were probably on a trip.Leonard, who observed Bannock between 1831 and 1836, said they "travel insmall gangs of from four to five families . . . this they are compelled to do inorder to keep from starvation" (p. 124). In August 1834, he "arrived at thehuts of some Bawnack Indians. These Indians appear to live very poor and inthe most forlorn condition. They generally make but one visit to the buffalocountry during the year, where they remain until they jerk as much meat astheir females can lug home on their backs. Then they quit the mountains andreturn to the plains, where they subsist on fish and small game the remainderof the year. They keep no horses, and are always an easy prey for otherIndians provided with guns and horses" (p. 148). But Leonard was frequently
?confused as to time, place, and tribe and these Indians may have been observedfarther west.Bonneville's observations in 1832 and 1833 substantiate Ogden's. In thevicinity of Three Buttes (Fort Hall) he saw about 130 lodges of Bannocks, whichin the spring "move down the right [northern] bank of the Snake River andcamp at the heads of the Boise and Payette" Rivers, where they found goodpasture for their horses and hunted. They continued down the river to tradeheaver and buffalo robes to the Nez Perc4 for horses, later returning to thevicinity of the Port Neuf and Blackfoot Rivers where there were buffalo (Irving,1898, vol. 1, pp. 177-178). At the mouth of Little Wyes River on the SnakeRiver he also saw Shoshoni who had come vip from the Boise River plain withhorses and good equipment they had traded from the lower Nez Perc6 (op. cit.,vol. 2, pp. 2-3). On these prairies near the Boise and Payette Rivers he sawBannock, in late summer, sotting fire to the prairies (op. cit, vol. 2, p. 173). Inlate fall Shoshoni wei'e at their village at the mouth of the Port Neuf with theBannocks (op. cit, vol. 1, pp. 316-317, 321-322).
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 207
In 1846 Palmer met about 600 lodges of "Snake Indians; they were movingfrom Big Bear River to Lewis' Fork" (1S47, p. 247). These were probably eitherFort Hall or Wyoming Shoshoni.About the same time Fremont met a large number of warriors on horsebackon the Bear River (1856, p. 237), who may likewise have been from Wyoming.He also saw a small encampment of Shoshoni at Cane Spring, apparently inthe Bear River Valley (1856, p. 248).As late as 1868 a treaty by which the Bannock and Shoshoni agreed to liveon the Fort Hall Reservation specifically provided that they should be permittedto make trips to the buffalo country and to Camas Prairie (Bancroft, vol. 31,p. 515).Doty stated (1864, pp. 174-175) that in their treaty the "Shoshonees . . . fixedtheir eastern boundary on the crest of the Rocky mountains; but it is certainthat they, as well as the Bannacks, hunt the buffalo below the Three Forks ofthe Missouri, and on the headwaters of the Yellowstone and Wind rivers. Asnone of the Indians of this country have permanent places of abode, in theirhunting excursions they wander over an immense region, extending from thefisheries at and below Salmon Falls, on the Shoshonee [Snake] river, near theOregon line, to the sources of that stream, and to the buffalo country beyond.The Shoshonees and Bannacks are the only nations which, to my knowledge,hunt together over the same ground."Hall (1866, p. 200) said the "Shoshones" and "Bannack . . . run together,swap squaws, etc., separating occasionally into small parties for hunting pur-poses." They range about the headwaters of the Yellowstone, Gallatin, Madison,Snake, and Green rivers, and around Bannack and Boise, frequently in theterritory of Utah." When together, they spoke Shoshoni.Head said that the Shoshoni frequently visited white settlements to tradebuffalo robes for guns and other things (1866, pp. 122-123) and that 1,500 Sho-shones and 1,000 Bannacks comprised a mixed band, wintering in southernIdaho, but spending 7 or 8 months in northeastern Utah along the Bear River(1867, p. 188).Piecing together these fragments of information, there is reasonto suspect that the Shoshoni-Bannock band at first was very incom-pletely amalgamated. Perhaps the different groups encountered byOgden and others represented early local groups of foot Indians. Anincreased number of horses permitted the band to grow. A largerband afforded greater security against the predatory Blackfeet. FortHall came to be the main winter headquarters. Nevertheless, smallgroups of varying size under different leaders frequently departed ontheir own food quests or adventures. There was never such cen-tralized political control that all members of the band could be forcedto act as a unit.
'Warfare.?^Warfare was of considerable importance in establish-ing band solidarity, for, although these people were never at war withtheir immediate neighbors, raids by Blackfeet and, at certain periodsby other tribes, were a constant danger. (See also T^owie, 1909, pp.171-173.)Thompson (pp. 328-343, 367) records a fight between Blackfoot and Shoshonithought to have occurred about 1730 and says enmity continued to 1800 and later.
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Lewis and Clark found Blackfoot raiding Lemhi in 1806 (p. 197) . The Blackfootwere reported to be the chief enemy of the Shoshoni by Ross in 1820(1855, vol. 1, pp. 254-260), by Beckwourth, who records a tight at the Port NeufRiver near Fort Hall in 1822 (pp. 9Q-100), by Ogclen, who met Blackfoot inpursuit of "Snakes" near American Falls in 1826 (vol. 10, p. 357), by BonnevilleIn 1832 (Irving, 1898, vol. 1, p. 178), by Simpson in 1850 (p. 34), and by manyothers. They had raided south to Utah Lake (Russell, 1921, p. 122).Relationships with Crow seems to have alternated between friend-ship and enmity.In 1806 Shoshoni and Crow were at peace, recently having been at war(Lewis and Clark, vol. 5, p. 270). Beckwourth reported peace about 1822 (p.139) but Ashley-Smith (Dale, 1918, p. 134) recorded Crow raids againstShoshoni in about 1825 and Ogden recorded them in 1826 (vol. 10, p. 362).Fremont said the Crow and Shoshoni were allied in 1842 (1887, vol. 2, p. 220),but Simpson stated that they were enemies about 1859 (p. 34).Arapaho were also hostile to Shoshoni, but their raiding partiesseldom reached Idaho.There was intermittent strife with Ute (Ogden, vol. 10, p. 362;Simpson, p. 34), though Ute rarely ventured north of Great SaltLake. Though peace was arranged between Ute and Shoshoni in 1852(Young, pp. 147-149), strife continued many years (Forney, 1858,p. 212).WH stated that some non-Shoshonean tribe called Saiduk : a (saip,tule+duk : a, west; so-called because they made houses and clothing oftules) from Oregon formerly traveled as far east as American Fallsraiding Shoshoni. Shoshoni sometimes, however, traded with themat Camas Prairie.With the Nez Perce and Flatheads the Shoshoni were at peace,frequently joining them for defense against the Blackfeet. Ross,however, gives a hint of some strife with the Nez Perce about 1820(vol. 1, pp. 254-260), and Teit (1930, p. 361) records a fight betweenBannock and Flathead.Although Shoshoni were usually friendly to the white man, theBannock seem frequently to have considered them fair game forraids (Irving, 1898, vol. 1, p. 184). Lander said (1860, p. 125) : "ThePannacks . . . are well-disposed to the whites, but their horse-steal-ing proclivities prevent amicable arrangements with them to becomelasting , . . ." Even Shoshoni sometimes stole horses from or raidedthe whites.^^The most important battles seem to have been defensive and wereled by the band chiefs. Many small raiding and horse-stealing excur-sions, however, were organized and led by different men. Warfare
? See, for example, Ogden (vol. 11, pp. 213, 370) who recounts that "Snake" (whomight, however, have been Bannock), murdered about 40 white men and Irving (1898, vol.1, p. 257) who describes Shoshoni thefts of horses.
PTEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 209involved considerable ritual, equipment, vision, and war honors.These are described elsewhere.Political organization.?Political organization was a matter ofdirection and control of specific activities by individuals of varyingforce of character. Consequently it varied not only seasonally butover a period of years.Wyeth (Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 207), speaking probably of the Shoshoni fartherdown the Snake River, says, "the paucity of game in this region is, I have littledoubt, the cause of the almost entire absence of social organization among itsinhabitants ; no trace of it is ordinarily seen among them, except during salmon-times, when a large number of the Snakes resort to the rivers, chiefly to theFishing Falls [Salmon Falls], and at such places there seems some little organi-zation ; some person called a chief usually opens a trade or talk, and occasionallygives directions as to times and modes of fishing ; and the same is the case withthe bands who go into the buffalo region. Other than this, I have perceived novestiges of government among them ; I have never known other punishment in-flicted than personal satisfaction by murder or theft . . . Previous to the intro-duction of the horse among them, they could have had no interest of propertyrequiring organization to protect it, except that of the Salmon fisheries, whichmust have been nearly coeval with their first settlement in the country, andwhich, naturally would call for some kind of law to render it available . . .It is not probable they would have combined to protect property they did notpossess or to secure themselves against enemies who could not penetrate intotheir country for want of subsistence, and also because themselves could not re-main together in any considerable numbers from the same cause,
"These reasons show a want of motive and power of combination except inthe single interest of the Salmon fishery, and convince me that prior to the in-troduction of the horse no other tribal arrangement existed than such as is nowseen in the management of the Salmon fishery."Speaking generally of the "Snakes" or "Sho-sho-nies" of the headwaters ofthe Green and Bear Rivers and the eastern and southern tributaries of theSnake River between 1834 and 3843, RusseU said (1921, pp. 145-146) "Thegovernment is a democracy. Deeds of valor promote the chief to the highestpoints attained, from which he is at any time liable to fall for misdemeanor inoffice. Their population amounts to between 5,000 and 6,000, about half ofwhich live in small, detached companies comprised of from 2 to 10 families,who subsist upon roots, fish, seeds, and berries. They have but few horses andare much addicted to thieving. From their manner of living they have receivedthe appellation of 'Root Diggers.' They rove about in the mountains in order toseclude themselves from their warlike enemies, the Blackfeet." The mounted,buffalo hunting Shoshoni "seldom stop more than 8 or 10 days in one place . . .In the winter of 1842 the principal chief of the Snakes [probably Wyoming]died in an apoplectic fit and in the following year his brother died . . . Thesebeing the two principal pillars that upheld the nation, the loss of them was andis to this day deeply deplored. Immediately after the death of the latter, thetribe scattered into smaller villages over the country in consequence of havingno chief who could control and keep them together." Elsewhere (p. 115),Russell mentions a chief, Moh-woom-hah, who was becoming popular, drawingfamilies from his brother's group. Who-sha-kik (Washakie) was at that timeone of his supporters.
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Bannock and Shoshoni, though closely cooperating and living onterms of equality, were politically distinct in that each had its bandchief.Prior to the extinction of the bison in Idaho, SB and WH agreedthat the band chief was relatively unimportant. Most activities werecarried on by small groups of related families, each under its ownleader, called dagwaniwap:. He had an announcer who served alsoas messenger. Succession was patrilineal if the son was suitable;otherwise an influential man was selected by a meeting of peopleinterested, that is, by household heads. Disputes about succession,however, were infrequent. A new chief selected a new announcer ifhe wished (SB).Duties of the chief largely concerned the material welfare of hisfollowers. While in winter camp he supervised the supply of foodand fuel, having his assistant announce a change of location if neces-sary. During the remainder of the year he directed seasonal move-ments in search of food. He was not concerned with disputes incamp, which were settled by participants (though there is some evi-dence that an influential personality might take a hand in these af-fairs). He had no obligation to entertain visitors, though he mightwelcome them (SB).After the bison was extinct in Idaho and when the intercourse withthe white man, especially about matters of land, required greatergroup control with representative spokesmen, band chiefs and coun-cils became more important (SB). Each band depended upon achief, who appointed an announcer but had no other assistants (WH).When hunting buffalo the chief had the hunt announced and in-dividuals warned not to frighten the animals. He appointed a capa-ble leader who was called dugatggwani. He might not even partici-pate if he were old (SB and WH). He sometimes appointed a spe-cial man to take charge of any communal hunting of other game(SB) or else any man took charge. Fishing, however, was carried onby individuals or by small groups each having its own leader. Livingabove the range of the salmon, fishing was relatively unimportant tothese people (SB).One of the main functions of the band chief was to lead war par-ties, particularly large fights. Upon these occasions he alone wore aneagle-feather bonnet and carried a spear. WH, however, named oneman as band chief, another as war leader. Raiding expeditions wereled by brave and experienced men who were permitted to organizeand lead parties without the chief's permission.The band council seems to have come into existence or at least ac-quired importance after the arrival of the white man. It had nospecial name. It consisted largely of old men, who were household
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 211heads. Anyone, however, might attend its meetings, which werecalled by the chief. Its fmiction was to advise the chief and to takecharge of community affairs in his absence. The greatest civil im-portance of the chief and comicil concerned contacts with the whiteman, especially treaties and land deals.The institution of police, which was obviously borrowed fromWyoming, is of unknown antiquity. It was largely civil and consistedof four or five middle-aged men, Bamiock or Shoshoni, who had acivic spirit. They were selected and instructed by the council. Thepersonnel changed frequently. The chief had little authority overthem. They were called o:hamupe (o:ha, yellow+ mupe, the frontlock which stood up ; other men painted this white), but were not dis-tinguished by dress. Their duties were to keep the band memberstogether while traveling, especially when in danger of enemy raids.They had little authority in policing hunts except to keep people to-gether and none in keeping order within the camp (SB). WH, how-ever, said that police were merely any men caring to take the respon-sibility and acting on the chief's orders. They were not distinguishedby yellow forelocks, for many other men also wore these. Function-ing in buffalo hunts, he called them tudako'oni, meaning "hold back."Each kind of dance was led by a special man whose knowledge ofthe dance and competence as a director enabled him to achieve leader-ship through tacit consent. As dances were usually held only bysmall subdivisions of the band, the band chiefs had little authorityin these activities. Tliey served principally to direct the scalp danceand grass dance in the fall. My informants did not agi-ee withHoebel (1935) that the sun dance is old at Fort Hall. Its introduc-tion ip usually placed at about 35 years ago.Of true band chiefs there seems to have been two : a Bannock anda Shoshoni. Although their authority extended to the activitiesenumerated, it was never complete. Groups were at liberty to refuseto participate in activities not to their liking and might split off toally themselves with petty leaders. Consequently, not only did Ban-nock and Shoshoni frequently pursue independent courses for variousreasons, but each division was in danger of disintegrating. Indeed,Lander (1860, p. 125) reports that Bannock sometimes stole horsesfrom the Shoshoni, though it was not a cause of war. Only the mostinfluential leaders were able to produce unanimity of action. Dis-agreement was particularly evident in warfare against the whiteman, for the Shoshoni were inclined to be friendly, but the Bannockcarried on frequent raids against the whites. To some extent, how-ever, Washakie, chief of the Wyoming Shoshoni, whose unusual per-sonality seems to have welded the Wyoming Shoshoni into a single
212 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120band, exercised some control over the Fort Hall Shoshoni and Ban-nock, and induced temporary peace toward the whites. (See, forexample, Hebard, 1930; Irish, 1865, p. 143; Mann, 1865, p. 159; Head,1866, pp. 122-123; and Tourtellotte, 1869, p. 230.) Jones (1890,p. 90) saw 100 lodges of "Snake and Bannock" from the Wind Rivercountry who had left their own tribe under a young man namedTabawantooa. Washakie called them bad men.When Shoshoni and Bannock traveled together leadership wasvested in the chief who had initiated the project, though he consultedwith the other chief. Thus, if the Bannock had suggested a huntingexpedition, the Bannock chief was in authority (SB). WH, himselfa Bannock, said that otherwise the Bannock chief was always inauthority, and even SB admitted that, except in dealings with thewhite man, this was so.WH said the following were chiefs when he was a young man:band chief, Tagi (this is probably the Tygee, who died in 1871, men-tioned by Bancroft, vol. 31, pp. 515-516; Mann, 1866, p. 126, calledhim Tahgay, 1867, p. 189, Tahjee, and 1870, p. 274, Taggie, chief of800 "Northern Bannacks"; Mann, 1868, p. 157, called him Tag-gee;Danilson, 1870, p. 288, called him Taggee) ; Tagi's announcer (calledtegwaniwavi), Kusa'gaiyu; w^ar chief, usually Kapi'ta (Spanish,capitan ?). Tagi was succeeded by a distant relative, Batsu'gomezo.He was followed by Pago'it, who w^as related to neither predecessor.Pago'it died about 1900 or earlier. Bancroft (vol. 31, pp. 518 ff.)states that Buffalo Horn was leader of the Bannock in the seventies.This is doubtless Buffalo Horn mentioned by Burton (1862, p. 474)as chief in 1858.Lander (1860, pp. 123-124) named Mopeah as chief of about 45"Pannack" lodges and (p. 137) of 60 lodges. This group rangedthrough Blackfoot Valley, a few miles north of Fort Hall, wherethey got camass and trout and went east to the buffalo country viaSouth Pass or the headwaters of Marsh Creek (p. 124) or Salt Eiver(p. 137). Some of them remained in Cache Valley with the "CacheValley or Salt Lake Diggers." Lander said (p. 125) that "manyyoung men among the Pannacks will not acknowledge their chief'sauthority." Doty (1864, p. 176) said Bannock chiefs were Toso-kwauberaht, "commonly known as the Grand Coquin," Tahgee, Mati-gund, and others.SB said that his father, Jimmy, had been the representative intransactions with the white man because he possessed the necessaryqualifications. Eqga (short) was also something of a chief.The Kamudiika, of Bannock Creek, had only occasionally bandedwith the Bohogue' before moving to Fort Hall. After this their chief,Pocatello, who was born in Grouse Creek territory and then moved
BTHWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 213to Biagamugep :, became a personage of some importance, especiallyin the eyes of the white man.A camp circle was used only in time of danger and for major festi-vals. The chief pitched his tipi first, then others placed theirs toform a circle, leaving an opening on the east, opposite the chief.Bannock and Shoshoni houses were not segregated. When in dangerof raids, limbs were placed between the tipis to form a corral and thehorses taken inside. Guards (who were said to usually fall asleepby midnight) were posted.Marriage.?Some slight differences are evident in Shoshoni andBannock accounts of marriage. These may be partly the greaterfullness of information about the first, partly informant differences,and probably to some extent, at least, cultural differences. Both,however, distinguish orthodox and prearranged alliances from cap-ture and abduction.Bannock and Shoshoni prohibited marriage between any bloodrelatives. SB affirmed pseudo but not true cross-cousin marriageamong Shoshoni. The preferred alliance was between a man andhis mother's brother's (ada's) stepdaughter or the daughter of anyfemale relatives of the mother's brother's wife (baha). In view ofpolygyny, these female relatives (all called baha) frequently becamethe mother's brother's wife and consequently provided him with astepdaughter. Likewise, marriage was permitted with the father'ssister's (baha's) stepdaughter and with the stepfather's sister's owndaughter, etc. In short, all the children of relatives designated adaand baha who were not related by blood could marry. Pseudoparallel-cousin marriage, however, was forbidden because these cous-ins called one another "brother" and "sister." Also, true cross-cousinscalled one another "brother" and "sister."Among Bannock, also, marriage between true cross-cousins andpseudo parallel-cousins, who called one another "brother" and "sis-ter," was prohibited, but pseudo cross-cousin marriage was preferred.The pseudo cross-cousins were: the stepchildren of the mother'sbrother (ats), or father's sister (bahwa) or children of brothers orsisters of the ats' wife or bahwa's husband.Shoshoni marriage took three main forms: "ordinary" marriage,marriage by inducement, marriage by abduction. As all were con-summated without ceremony and were extremely liable to dissolution,the usual connotation of "marriage" is not wholly applicable. Infact, the distinction between marriage and nonmarriage in some casesdepended upon the birth of a child, and even then the alliance heldonly so long as the couple continued together. The factors makingfor permanency of an alliance varied with its kind.60285?38 15
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120The "ordinary" marriage was that in which a man, seeing a girlof his fancy at a dance or some gathering, induced her to accompanyhim to his father's camp. Her family was not consulted. If shewent with him the mating was consummated and continued as longas she remained.Marriage by inducement occurred when the girl's family soliciteda mate for her. There were several motives for this. They mightseek a desirable spouse for the girl, desirability being largely hisability to hunt and help support the camp. If the man were fairlyold, the girl's mother might at the same time acquire a lover for her-self. The last sometimes led to marriage with both the mother anddaughter (p. 215). Again, the girl's father might covet the man'sproperty, for example, horses. Or, the young man might be drawninto such an alliance either because he was easily dominated andlacked initiative to find a mate by other means or because he wasattracted by certain inducements. Thus, while he had "sowed hiswild oats," the girl had stayed quietly at home making clothing andaccumulating property. The girl's mother might also have accumu-lated property, especially if she had designs on the young man.Eventually, he went to the camp, accepted the property with noobligation to give reciprocal presents, and lived with the girl matri-locally until he had enough property for an independent camp.Meanwhile he hunted and helped support the camp. Matrilocal resi-dence usually lasted a year, sometimes several years. When the youngcouple set up an independent household it was patrilocal or matrilocal,depending upon circumstances, such as the status of their propertyor whether their parents were still living.A Bannock family asked someone, usually the girl's uncle, to in-form the young man whom they considered a good hunter that theywould like him for a son-in-law. They offered him no presents. Hewent to the girl's house, slept with her a few days, and was thusconsidered her mate. Such marriages were usually permanentlymatrilocal.Marriage by abduction took two forms: capture and rape. If aShoshoni man noted a desirable woman, married or unmarried, heassembled his friends, that is, usually his male cousins, and set outto steal her. The husband marshaled his friends and relatives indefense and a gang fight ensued. Though not conducted with intentto kill, the fights were tumultuous and sometimes combatants werekilled and the woman injured. Any deaths, however, were notavenged as they were regarded as legitimate hazards of abduction.A deprived husband took no step to recover his wife, though shemight return of her own accord. Abductions usually occurred whenthere was a large encampment (SB). Bannock similarly abducted.
STBWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 215
a man calling upon his relatives through blood or marriage to assisthim (WH). Contests by individual combat seem to have been rare.Kape only incidentally led to marriage, but was sometimes ar-ranged for a man who had had difficulty finding a woman. Fouror five men who were friends, but not relatives, planned to seizea girl and take her out at night. Other men might join them. Oldermen sometimes knew about the plan but did nothing. They coveredtheir faces, took the girl outside the camp, and each raped her.She might finally be given to the man who wished to take her ashis wife.Shoshoni marriage was often polygynous. This took several forms,depending upon circumstances. If the man had gone to the girl'scamp to live, polygyny was sororal. He preferably married theoldest daughter. When she was absent, he had access to her youngersisters. If the younger sisters liked him, he might be considered asmarried to them. But so long as all lived in the same tipi thedistinction between marriage and nonmarriage to all the sisterswas slight. SB said it was hard to know whether a man was mar-ried to more than one unless the others began to have babies. Ifthe man were older and the girl's father dead he might have relationswith both the girl and her mother (provided the latter was nothis real aunt). Some restraint was ordinarily expected betweena man and his mother-in-law, however. This was explained as ex-plicitly to prevent their "falling in love." A corollary of this wasthat a man might marry his stepdaughter at the death of his wife.Wlien Shoshoni marriage was not matrilocal the man might takeseveral women, sisters or not, into his tipi. More often, however,unrelated wives lived in separate houses. All women in his ownhousehold were definitely his wives.Bannock polygyny was usually but not necessarily sororal. Sistersgot along much better than unrelated women. The first wife mightobject if the second were not her sister.Polyandry as a marriage institution was lacking among bothShoshoni and Bannock, though SB heard of an instance amongBannock about 10 years ago in which a woman slept alternately withtwo brothers, especially sleeping with the younger when the olderwas away. The man and wife lived in one house and their childrenand the younger brother lived in another. The older, who wasthe real husband, granted his own brother these sex privileges butwould not have extended them to another man, SB knew of noinstance in which brothers granted each other sex privileges amongShoshoni. WH knew of no true polyandry among Bannock butsaid that a man often permitted his older or younger brother tosleep with his wife while he was away. Even in such cases, however,
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120the wife was sometimes scolded. If any other man, even the hus-band's cousin, should assume this privilege, the husband beat hiswife.The levirate, though commonly practiced, was not required. Exist-ence of children was strongly in its favor, but otherwise it wassolely a question of preference.To the extent that marriage was a family alliance, a commonpractice, when convenient, was the marriage of several brothers toseveral sisters (not shared in common, however) and of a brotherand sister to a sister and brother.Marriage bonds were loose, but the initiative in a separation wasusually taken by the husband. A girl leaving her husband wouldbe reprimanded or sent back to him by her family. If she werediscovered in adultery, her paramour, though stronger than thehusband, permitted himself to be beaten or his horses to be killed.The wife was sometimes also beaten. Should a woman leave herhusband, her family sent her back (SB).Separations occurred, however, because of infidelity, sterility, orincompatibility. The woman took the children because she wasbetter able to care for them but they frequently visited their father(SB).Established modes of behavior between certain relatives, beyondthe immediate family though by no means accurately defined, seemmore stereotyped than among Western Shoshoni. At least a conditionupon which this rested was the fact that these large camps permittedall relatives to see one another frequently, whereas among WesternShoshoni they were often scattered in remote camps.A man's closest friends were his cousins, both parallel and cross,especially the father's brother's sons and male cross-cousins who wereoften also his brothers-in-law. Other cousins, depending uponfamily circumstances and residence, were also close comrades. Thesemen helped one another, borrowed freely but did not appropriateone another's property, and went on sexual escapades together.Whereas Owens Valley Paiute prohibited a man and his wife'sbrother from engaging in lewd talk and particularly from indulgingin sexual adventures together, Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannockclosed their eyes to this by the simple expedient of their using*'friend" instead of the kinship term during such escapades.BANNOCK CREEK (KAMUDUKA) SHOSHONIShoshoni occupying the area from Bannock Creek on the FortHall Reservation in Idaho to the northern shore of Great Salt Lake
8TBWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 217in the vicinity of Kelton came to form a single band under ChiefPocatello.Fort Hall Shoshoni called them Hukundiika, Hoebel (1935) calledthem Hekandika, and they are probably Wheeler's (1879, p. 409) "Ho-kanti'kara, or Diggers on Salt Lake, Utah." OD, however, called hisown people, the Promontory Shoshoni, Hukundiika and their neigh-bors to the northwest, Kamudiika (jack-rabbit eaters). For con-venience, OD's nomenclature is used.SB said the language in this territory had differed only a littlefrom that at Fort Hall; GCJ, that it was identical with that atGrouse Creek.Apparently there were several independent villages in this dis-trict in aboriginal days, but when the people acquired many horsesand the white man entered the country they began to consolidateunder Pocatello, whose authority was extended over people at GooseCreek to the west and probably at Grouse Creek.A list of the early villages or facts permitting an accurate estimateof their solidarity were not available. OD and GCJ named Bia-gamugap:, near Kelton (village 6 on fig. 12), as the principal villagein the south. It had 12 to 15 families under a headman namedKutsvata, and seems to have been comparatively independent, con-ducting its own rabbit and antelope drives in the neighboring flats.Later, Pocatello, who had been chief of Kuiya, a village in Tubadiikaterritory to the west, became chief of Biagamugap:.The Kamudiika of Bannock Creek, though close to Fort Hall,seem to have been independent of the Bohogue' and formerly to havepossessed few horses. Many of these people were killed in the BearRiver massacre of 1863 and only 50 descendants are said to remaintoday. Tliey formerly occupied scattered winter encampments onBannock Creek near the Snake River and on the Port Neuf Riverbetween the present town of Pocatello and McCammon (WH).Fremont (1887, p. 279) also found many camps at the head of Ban-nock Creek. SB believed that the Shoshoni on Bannock Creek hadcome originally from Wyoming. This, however, is improbable,though some Wyoming families may have settled on Bannock Creeklater.The Kamudiika did not remain together as a single band duringthe summer, but scattered in small groups of families to gatherfoods, some going to Bear Lake, some to the Malad River in Utah,and some down the Snake River beyond Twin Falls, perhaps toCamas Prairie.After the Kamudiika acquired a few horses and the immigranttraffic passing around the northern side of Great Salt Lake became
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, 120heavy, they began to commit depredations on the wagon trains. Itwas probably not until this time that Pocatello's influence extendedover the whole district of the Kamudiika and their neighbors to thewest. In 1860 Lander (p. 137) included them with the "WesternSnakes" as "Po-ca-ta-ra's band," inhabiting the "Goose CreekMountains, head of Humboldt, Raft Creek, and Mormon settlements
;
horses, few." This approximately coincides with Forney's band of150 to 180 persons along the northern road to California from theBear and Malad Rivers to the Goose Creek Mountains (1859,p. 363). Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 11) call them NorthwesternShoshoni, place them at Goose Creek under P6-ka-tel-lo, and saythey numbered 101 persons. Senate Ex. Doc. 42, 1860, pp. 28-29,names them as "Pocatara's" band of mounted Indians.These people were eA'^entually admitted to the Fort Hall Reserva-tion where Pocatello seems to have been a personality of some im-portance. The neighboring town of Pocatello, Idaho, was namedafter him. CACHE VALLEY (PA^GWIDUKA)Though the entire Bear River Valley was occupied by Shoshoni,information about the condition and organization of the CacheValley people is somewhat contradictory.This fertile valley was long the center of trapping operations bythe white man and, as early as 1826, was the site of an annual rendez-vous of Indians and trappers. This inevitably disorganized nativeactivities at an early time.Cache Valley Shoshoni, acording to OD and his sister, compriseda single band which wintered together at a village (5, fig. 12), calledKwa'^giin : ogwai (kwa'% crane +giin:, house +ogwai, river; so-calledbecause there were many cranes) located along the Logan Riverabove its junction with the Little Bear River, Wiidaogwai (wiida,bear) and along Battle Creek. These people were called Paqgwi-diika (fish eaters). OD thought that only 12 families made upthis band, but there is no question that previous to the Bear Rivermassacre of Shoshoni in 1863 the population had been more numer-ous. It may even have occupied more winter villages.Doty (1864, p. 175) states that all but seven of Bear Hunter's band werekilled in the Battle of Bear River. Gottfredson (1919, pp. 111-115) says thatBear Hunter, Sagwitch, Lehi, Pocatello, and Sanpitch were involved in thisbattle.Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 11) lists tvro Cache Valley "tribes" or bands.One, numbering 124 persons, was under San'-pits. The other, numbering 158,was under Sai'-gwits. They mention a third group, numbering 17 persons, atBear Lake under Tav-i-wun-shear.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 219The Cache Valley Shoshoni ranged along the Bear River underthe leadership of Bear Hunter and Lehi, according to OD. Havinghorses, they sometimes traveled to Bear Lake, which was a commonmeeting place for Shoshoni from various regions, including Wyo-ming. They drove rabbits in Cache Valley, and no doubt tookbuffalo and mountain sheep. Wyeth says mountain sheep were verynumerous in Cache Valley in 1836 (Schoolcraft, 1851, pp. 220-221).They went sometimes to the Bear River, near Corinne, for fish.In August 1842 Fremont (1887, vol. 1, p. 206) saw a large village of horseShoshoni near the head of Bear River. They had come to hunt antelope andto gather service berries and "kooyah," bitterroot or tobacco root {ValerianaeduUs). These were not necessarily from Cache Valley, however, as IdahoShoshoni also ranged in this territory. In Cache Valley he visited a village ofpoor and hungry Shoshoni (p. 217), and observed that they ate principally"yampah (Atiethum graveolens) , tobacco root, and a large root of a species ofthistle (Circium virglnianuni)" (p. 221).Early accounts, some of which are gross exaggerations, depictthese people as unexpectedly impoverished. A reason for this maybe raids by hostile tribes as well as the effects of white contacts.Between 1833 and 1836 Wyeth states that be had seen Utahs, Crows, andBlackfeet in this valley, though the true inhabitants were "Shoshonees," wholived "in the caves and mountains, and retire to their inaccessible haunts onthe appearance of their enemies" (Schoolcraft, 1851, pp. 220-22.1). In 1833they always fled to the mountains at his approach (p. 226).De Smet's account of the "Sampeetches" (1843, pp. 165-167) may be intendedfor the Cache Valley Shoshoni under Powell and Ingalls' Chief San'-pitsrather than the San Pete Ute some distance to the south. He says: "TheSampeetches are the next neighbors of the Snakes. There is not, perhapsin the whole world, a people in a deeper state of wretchedness and corrup-tion ; the French commonly designate them 'the people deserving of pity,' andthis appellation is most appropriate. Their lands are uncultivated heaths;their habitations are holes in the rocks, or the natural crevices of the ground,and their only arms, arrows and sharp-pointed sticks. Two, three, or at mostfour of them may be seen in company, roving over their sterile plains in questof ants and grasshoppers, on which they feed. When they find some insipidroot, or a few nauseous seeds, they make ... a delicious repast. They areso timid, that it is difficult to get near them ; the appearance of a strangeralarms them; and conventional signs quickly spread the news amongst them.Every one, thereupon hides himself in a hole; and in an instant this miserablepeople disappear and vanish like a shadow. Sometimes, however, they ven-ture out of their hiding places, and offer their newly born infants to thewhites in exchange for some trifling articles."SALT LAKE VALLEYAlthough the territory betAveen the eastern shore of Great SaltLake and the Wasatch Mountains was settled by the Mormons in
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll. 1201847, surprisingly little information is available concerning itsaborigines. Early mentions of bands and band locations are some-what contradictory and even confuse Shoslioni with Bannock andUte. It is probable that true Shoshoni completely encircled GreatSalt Lake, although some nomenclature suggests the contraiy, butthe identity and location of the groups east of the lake in Salt LakeValley are very obscure.Forney (1859, p. 363) states that 5 bands, totaling 1,000 persons,occupied Cache, Malad, Ogden, Weber, and Salt Lake Valleys andadjacent mountains and canyons. Burton (1862, p. 474) mentionsthe same 5 bands. Two of these bands have already been described.Cache Valley had at least one band. If Powell and Ingalls werecorrect, it had two. The Malad Valley band has been described asthe Promontory band. The distinction between the other 3 bandsis not entirely clear.Ogden is situated near the mouth of the Weber Kiver and it isdifficult to see how Ogden and Weber bands could have been distinct.Some writers, moreover, place the Weber band also at Salt LakeCity.It is probable that occupants of the Weber River were Shoshoni.The Ashley-Smith narrative states that in 1825 "Snakes" killedseven of Etienne Provot's men at the mouth of Weber River. Itis entirely possible, of course, that these Snakes were not permanentoccupants of this locality. Subsequently, Weber River people areoften designated "Weber Ute" which, however, almost certainly doesnot mean that they were truly Ute.Hurt (1856, p. 197) said that the "Treaber Utes" at Bingham's Fort included60 or 70 men under Little Soldier or Showets. Forney (1858, pp. 209^210)said that Little Soldier was chief of Shoshoni of "Salt Lake, Bear River, WeberRiver, and Cache Valley" but that the arrival of the whites had compelled hispeople to live in the mountains. Davies (1861, p. 131) located "Weber-Utes,Little Soldier's band, on Weber River." Burton (1862, p. 476) said "Weber-River Yutas are those principally seen in Great Salt Lake City," a "poor anddegraded tribe," whose chief settlement was 40 miles north, i. e., at WeberRiver. "They understand Shoshonee." Irish (1865, pp. 144-145) said the"Cum-umbahs (or Weber Utes)" numbered about 800, were under chiefsAmoosh, Tetich, and To-tads (Little Soldier) with 2 or 3 subchiefs, and occu-pied the regions of Salt Lake, Weber, and Ogden Valleys. Head (1866, p. 122)gives 600 "Weber-Utes" or "Cum-umbahs" of Chief To-tado or Little Soldier.Tourtellotte (1869, pp. 230-231) said that 300 Weber Ute were in and aboutSalt Lake City. Simpson (1876, p. 34), quoting Hurt, regarded the "Cum-um-pahs" and Gosiute as hybrid Shoshoni and Ute. Gottfredson (1919, p. 16) saidthat Little Soldier was a chief near Ogden.That these people were called Weber Ute is no proof that theyactually were Ute. It is comparable to the incorporation of Ute in
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 221the word Gosiiite. The few definite references to their languagestates that it was Shoshoni. They were, moreover, linked with thepeoples of Cache and Malad Valleys who are known definitely tohave been Shoshoni, According to OD, in fact, Promontory (Malad)and Weber River people foraged freely over each other's territory,no ownership of it being claimed. Nevertheless, true Ute from thesouth undoubtedly ranged over this territory upon occasion. Bryant(1848, pp. 150-155) claimed to have met several Ute families inOgden Canyon and several Indians he believed to be Ute (p. 161)just south of Weber River in 1846. OD also stated that Gosiuteranged north to Ogden, though this must have been comparativelylate, after they acquired horses.Information about the vicinity of Salt Lake City is indefinite butseems to indicate that Shoshoni also lived there.Escalante observed in 1776 that the people near Great Salt Lake, which hedid not visit, were called Puaguampes or "sorcerers" (the Shoshoni word forshaman is puhagiint) and that they spoke Comance (which is identical withShoshoni). They were, he said, eating herbs and living in houses of drygrass and earth. They were not enemies of the Ute and Utah Lake people,though there had been some restraint between the two tribes since the formerhad killed a Ute man.Gottfredson (1919, p. 16) named Wanship as a Salt Lake Valley chief.He had fought and killed the Utah Lake chief (p. 21). Alter (1934, Dec. 25),quoting an unnamed source, said that war prowess was necessary for chief-tainship in Salt Lake Valley. It is probable that warfare, stimulated by theearly introduction of the horse, was of some importance among all the groupsalong the Wasatch Mountains. Alter also states that one of the Salt LakeValley chiefs had plural wives and 30 sons, each having a "clan" under him.
"What is meant by clans in not clear. They were certainly not clans in atechnical sense.OD placed Ute at Salt Lake City and Wheeler (1879, pp, 411-412)classified Weber Ute with Ute, locating them northeast of Great SaltLake. But several Gosiute informants explained that Weber Utelived also in the vicinity of Salt Lake City and ranged west toGosiute territory in Skull Valley and that their language was identi-cal with that of the Gosiute, that is, with Shoshoni. Gocip, whomSimpson believed to be a chief of the Gosiute (p. 54), they named aschief of the Weber Ute.If, however, the vicinity of Salt Lake City lay in Shoshoni terri-tory, it seems to have been frequented by Ute to an extent thatamounted almost to occupation of it. In 1846 Bryant (1848, pp.165-166), traveling west of the Jordan River, probably near LakePoint on the shore of Great Salt Lake, met Indians called "Utah."The brief vocabulary he recorded appears to be Ute. Remy and
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Brenchley recorded that upon arriving in Utah in 1847 the Mormonswere met by Wakara or Joseph Walker (chief of the Utah LakeUte) . If this meeting occurred in Heber Valley it was in unquestionedUte territory; if west of the Wasatch Mountains it places Ute atleast temporarily at Salt Lake City. Egan, describing the firstimmigration of Mormons to Utah, identified only 2 of the numerousIndians met near Salt Lake City ; these were "Utahs."Wilson (1849, p. 67) wrote of a band of "Tenpenny Utahs" with50 lodges residing in Salt Lake Valley. "Tenpeimy," however, wasa corruption of Tiimpanogots, the name of the Utah Lake Ute.This reference suggests, therefore, that these people were merelyvisitors to Salt Lake Valley.The entire country east of the Wasatch Mountains and south ofthe Uintah Mountains was held by Ute within historic times. In1776 the Shoshoni or Comanche were raiding Ute within the northernportion of it, probably especially in the Uintah Basin, for Escalanteremarked that Ute had left the fertile vallej'^s across the mountains(east of Utah Lake) for fear of the Comanches (Harris, p. 172)and that at about 41? north latitude, probably in the Uintah Basin,Comanche had pursued Ute bison hunters (p. 167). The Ashley-Smith narrative, 1822-1829, however, stated that several thousandIndians, thought to be Ute, were wintering in conical, grass-coveredlodges at Brown's Hole on the Green Eiver above the Yampa River(Dale, 1918, pp. 143-144) and that Utes were met at the mouth ofthe Uintah River (ibid, p. 151). These Utes claimed an area 150miles long, 100 miles wide, the mouth of the Uintah River being itscenter. These are the Uintah Ute, discussed below.The region of Utah Lake, Sevier Lake, and central and easternUtah was unquestionably Ute.So far as is known, different groups of Shoshoni were never atwar with one another. Between Shoshoni and Utah relations weregenerally peaceable, though warfare broke out occasionally.Western Ute BandsLittle information was obtained through field work among theUte. Nearly all the Ute who formerly lived west of the ColoradoRiver are now on the Uintah Reservation, where they have mergedwith Ute native to the Uintah Basin and from neighboring regions.Their consciousness of former band affiliation appears to have beenovershadowed by present reservation divisions. A small remnant ofPahvant Ute live at Kanosh, Utah, but the people are so young andso intermixed with Southern Paiute that little reliable information isobtainable from them.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 223In native times the Ute of western Utah seem to have been dis-tinguished from their Southern Paiute neighbors by their faihireto practice horticulture. Among the Southern Paiute horticulturewas probably not the major subsistence activity, but it vras apparentlypracticed by all groups. In early historic times the Ute were dis-tinguished from both Southern Paiute and Gosiute Shoshoni by theirpossession of horses and some measure of band organization.Inadequacies of early accounts leave much to be desired in anattempt to reconstruct Ute political history. It seems permissible.however, to infer that their native organization had once been muchlike that of the Western Shoshoni and Southern Paiute and thatthe development of bands followed the introduction of the horseand the increased importance of warfare. A concomitant of thisdevelopment was the acquisition of certain Plains traits, such as thetipi, and later, the Sun Dance.Though Escalante, 1776, did not mention horses in western Utah,it is probable that there were at least a few (see below). In1825 the Ashley-Smith party described an encampment of severalthousand Indians, probably Ute, at Brown's Hole on the GreenRiver (Dale, 1918, pp. 143-144). It is inconceivable that Indianswithout horses could have assembled and supported so large anencampment. There is no question that by 1850 the Ute were wellmounted, well organized, and M^arlike. Chief Walker, of Utah Lake.the "Napoleon of the Desert," was raiding southern California forhorses (Jones, 1890, p. 41). Walker and others were traveling eastto the Green River to hunt and trade and seem to have been fightingCheyenne and Arapaho and sometimes Shoshoni.But the advantages of the horse probably came first to the in-habitants of the Uintah Basin and of the fertile western piedmontof the Wasatch, especially Utah Lake and Sevier Lake Valleys andthe northern Sevier River. Ute occupying the great central moun-tain mass in Utah had a country less suitable for horses, and forsome time remained on a subsistence level like that of Western Sho-shoni. Thus, Tourtellotte (1870, p. 142) said the "Fish Utes" aroundRed Lake lived by hunting and fishing, and Irish (1865) that theSan Pitches are "exceedingly poor, and live principally upon fish^berries, and roots." De Smet's remarks about the Sanpitches quotedabove (p. 219) may have been intended for these rather than CacheValley Shoshoni.The portion of southern Utah lying east of the mountains con-sists largely of arid mesas and almost impassable canyons (pi. 3, c) .It probably supported a small Ute population (see, however, "She-be-retches Ute," below) who had little intercourse with their kin eitherto the east or west.
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BOLL. 120The following is a summary of some of the more important ref-erences to the "bands" of Western Ute.
Name
(1)TflmpS nogotsTimpanogotzi orLagunas.TimpanogotzisTinpannahTimpanogos-
Timpenaguchya orTenpenny.Tim-pa-nog3Timpanogs?
.
Timpanagos.(2)PavandiitsPagambachis-Pah-vants.Pahvant...Pah-van...Pahvants.PavantPah-Vants.Pah Vants.Pah-ventS?Pah-vants..Pahvants..Pah-vants..(3)SampitsSanpuchi?Sampatch-Sampiches..Sampitches.SampichyS?San-Pitches.San Pitches.Do6euv-a-rits..
flanpitch.
' 70 lodges.* 80 warriors.
Location
Utah Lake.do
-do-
.do.Provo River.Spanish Fork, Payson.Utah LakeSpanish Fork.SpringvilleProvoEast of Sweetwater orUtah Lake.Utah Valley
Vicinity Spanish ForkReservation.Sevier Lake region
1. Com Creek farm.2. Sevier Lake.
Corn Creek and SevierLake.Pahvant and SevierValley, west to WhiteMountains.Com Creek.South and east of SevierLake Desert.Corn Creek, Parawanand Beaver Valleys.San Pitch Valley andadjoining part of Se-vier River Valley.
"Ashley's" (probablySevier) River.Deserts, south of UtahLake.Headwater San-PitchCreek.San Pete Reservation...San Pete Farm..San-pitch Valley andSevier River.Between Sanpete andSevier Valley on westand Green and Colo-rado River on east.Camp near Nephi
Num-ber
(')
300800500
7001,500
1,5001,200134
(?)
"'500'400300144
Chief
See p. 228.
Little Chief and Stick-in-the-head.PeteetnetWalker, succeeded byArrapene.Pe-teet-weetTanta-buggar or HighForehead.TintickWakaraAn-ka-tewest (or RedBay).
Kanosh; later, Hun-cop.Peah-nampKon-nosh.
Saw-e-set; later Kon-osh.Hanosh.Ka-noshBlackhawk.Kan-nash...
Jo-Sow-ok-soo-bet (Arrowfeather).
Mer'-i-ka-hats.
Sanpitch.
Reference and date
JPi.Escalante, 1776.Dominguez. 1776.Russell, 1S34-43 (1921, p.12n.Gottfredson. 1850 T (1919,pp. 18-19).Gottfredson (p. 103).Gottfredson (pp. 46-47).Armstrong (1855, pp. 205-20fi).Do.Do.Burton (1862, p. 475).Irish (1865).Head fl8fi7, pp. 174-176;1868, pp. 148-149).Tourtellotte (1869, pp230-231).JPi.Escalante (Alter, 1929, p.54).Forney (1859, p. 364).Gottfredson (pp. 83, 28^.Egan. about 1860 (1917,p. 26S)Forney (I860, p. 60).Burton (1862), p. 476).Irish (1865).Head fop. ctt.).Tourtellotte (1869, pp.230-231).Powell and Ingalls (1874,pp. 1, 2, 11).Wheeler, 1869 (1875, p.36).Simpson (1876, p. 35).
JPI.
Arze, 1813 (HiU, 1930,pp. 17-19).Ashley-Smith, ch'ca 1825(Dale, 1918, pp. 186-187).Wilkes (1845).Hurt (1860, pp. 92-93).Hatch (1852, p. 208).Burton (1862, p. 475).Irish (1865).Head (op. cit.).Tourtellotte (op. cit.).Powell and Ingalls (1874,p. 11).Gottfredson (1919, p.181).
BTEWABO] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 225
Name Location Num-ber Chief Reference and date
(4)Uinta..Uintah.
Uintah Valley andQreen RiverSouth of Fort Bridgeraud Green River.Uintah Basin, 3 groups..Do- Uintah RiverGreen River. andUinta
-
Ulntahs.Uinta..
-
(5)YampaYam Pah. Green RiverGrand and Qreen RiversWhite River
1,0002103003,000
1,0001,5001,000
1023,000
1. Sowyett...f2. Anthrow\3. Tabby..Saw-e-set and subehiefsTabby and To-quo-ne.Sow-i-et succeeded byTabby.
White Eye.doYam Pah-Utes-Tampa Ute(6)She-be-retches. South of Uintah Valley .Northwest Colorado...
600270
Sheberetches.Shiberetch...(7)Pavogogwunsin.Fish Utes-Dc...
East of Wasatch Moun-tains; south of SanRafael's RiverSouth of Yam Pah Ute..
"On Twelve Mile Creek,Sanpete County".Upper Sevier River andFish Lake region.
1,500
300
South of Sheberetches,around "Red Lake".Fish Lake 400210(3)
(8)Tah-bah-was-chi
.
Elk Mountain.Do
Pine Creek, near Marys-vale.Elk Mountain and LakeFork.Elk Mountain
Old Poganeab ("FishCaptain").
.\ngewetimpi
DoDo(9)Tampa Ute.
Southeastern Utah Ter-ritory.Elk Mountaindo...
6.0002.000-3,0002,5002,000
Si-ree-ehi-wapSaviot, Enthorof andothers.
LaSalle Mountains andvicinity. Capsium or Charles...
Forney (1859, p. 364).Burton (1862, p. 475).Hatch (1862, p. 206).
Irish (1865).Head (op. cit.).Tourtellotte (op. cit.).Simpson (1876, pp. 34-35).Hatch (op. cit.).Vaile(1862, p.235).Burton (1862, p. 476).Head (1867, pp. 174-176.1808, pp. 148-149).Tourtellotte (1870, p.142).Culin(1907,p.315).Head (op. cit.)
Tourtellotte (1870, p.142).Gottfredson (1919, pp.294-296).JPi.Head (op. cit.)Tourtellotte (1870, p.142).Gottfredson (1919, p.327).Gottfredson (1919, p.329).Beckwith (1855, p. 61).Vaile (1862, p. 236).Burton (1862, pp. 476-476).Head (op. cit.).Simpson (1876).Gottfredson (1919, pp.84-87).
? "Small.'Utah Lake.?These people were called Tiiinpa'nogots (tiimpi,rock+ panogo, water mouth, i. e., canyon+ ots, people) by JPi.Burton calls them Timpenaguchya (water among stones), Timpana,or "Tenpenny" (1862, p. 475).Escalante visited Utah Lake in 1776. He called it Timpanogo andthe people Lagunas or Timpanogotzis. Dominguez, who accompa-nied him, called them Timpanogotzis or Timpanocuitzis and theIndians from the Sevier River to Great Salt Lake, Yutas Zaguaganas(Whipple, Eubank and Turner, 1856, pp. 126-127). Though Esca-lante does not mention horses at Utah Lake, he met visiting "Tim-pangotzis" among "Yutas" on the San Francisco Javier (or San
226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Xavier, now probably Gunnison River, Colorado) River (Harris,pp. 146-147), a journey which probably required horses, though atleast one person seemed to have traveled it on foot. Ute in westernColorado at that time had horses. Escalante leaves the impressionthat the Utah Lake people possessed some organization. Thoughhe described them as peaceful and gentle, warfare was clearly ofsome importance. He said that they dressed in "buckskin jackets,leggings, moccasins, and rabbit skin blankets," lived in "cane huts"and ate mostly fish (being therefore called "Fish Eaters"), supple-mented by seeds, rabbits, and fowl. There were buffalo to the north-west, but the Ute feared to hunt them on account of the Comanche.At 41? latitude, perhaps in the Uintah Basin region, "Comanche"on horses had pursued Ute buffalo hunters and Ute had left theircamps in the fertile valley on the east side of the Wasatch for fearof Comanche (Harris, pp. 167, 172). Further indication of theimportance of warfare was the information given him at AmericanFork, on the northern side of Utah Lake, that of paintings of 3chiefs the "figure that had the most red color . . . blood . . . repre-sented the big chief," who had wounded most men in wars with theComanches, the next had less blood and was inferior, while the thirdhad no blood and was a civil chief. At Utah Lake he met 3 chiefswhom he listed in order of importance : Turuiiianchi, Cuitzapunun-chi, and Panchucumquibiran. The last, whose name meant "spokes-man," was not a chief but a brother of the "Big Chief," Pichuchi(Harris, pp. 179-183) . Of the distribution of Utah Lake Indians invillages, Escalante gives no information.Utah Lake was not again visited until trappers entered the regionabout 1820. By the forties, these Indians were well mounted (Fre-mont, 1887, vol. 1, p. 387).By 1849 the vicinity of Provo became the spring gathering placefor "all the Ute bands of the valleys for 200 miles, east and south,"including those under Old Elk (Pareyarts) , Old Battiste, Tintic andhis brother Portsorvic, Angatowats, Old Sawiet, Old Petnich, Walkerand his brother. Old Uinta and his sons, Tabby, Graspero, andNicquia, Old Antero, and sometimes Kanosh. They raced, gambled,feasted, traded, and took fish which moved up the rivers in greatnumbers to spawn. Fish were pahgar (suckers), speckled trout(mpahger), and mullet (Gottfredson, 1919, pp. 20-21).Various chiefs of the Utah Lake people were named by earlywriters. Perhaps each had headed a village. Walker, however, seemsto have risen rapidly to prominence and exercised influence overneighboring groups of Ute.Pahvant or Sevier Desert Ute.?Escalante stated that four daystravel south of Utah Lake he met a camp of 20 Indians, who spoke
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 227
tlie same language as at Utah Lake and who wore nose pins of boneand rabbit-skin blankets. They had Spanish features and worebeards (Harris, pp. 185-186). Dominguez called them Tiransgapuiand placed their northern limit at 39? 35' north latitude (Whipple,Eubank, and Turner, 1856, pp. 126-127), which corresponds withthat given by JPi. Escalante called them Tirangupui (Alter, 1929,p. 21, places this near Scipio) and gave the southern limit of theUte as about 38? 3' (Harris, p. 193, and note, p. 253), whichis a little south of the Beaver Eiver. If Escalante's observationwere correct, the southern Pahvant boundary has been pushed north-ward subsequent to his visit, for several early writers placed "Piedes"(Southern Paiute) on the Beaver River (p. 272), Kelly placed South-ern Paiute north to the southern end of Sevier Lake (1934), and JPigave the Pahvant boundary as roughly at Cove Creek, on BeaverRiver.The Pahvant Ute were called Pavandiits (water people), accordingto JPi. They ranged the deserts surrounding Sevier Lake west ofthe Wasatch Mountains nearly to the Nevada border, where theywere somewhat mixed with Gosiute.Villages were located in the vicinity of the present towns ofKanosh, Deseret, Black Rock, Holden, Lyndyl, and Scipio, eachbeing the winter headquarters of a division of the band. Burton(1862, p. 475) gave 2 divisions in 1860; one at Sevier Lake and thenortheastern part of Fillmore Valley, and one at Corn Creek farm.Many, though not all of the people, had horses.Foods were gathered principally within the bounds of the terri-tory. This territory was owned by the band and defended againsttrespass by other Ute, Paiute, and Gosiute. There were no villageor family rights to food areas, however (JPi).The principal vegetable foods were pine nuts, berries, and roots.Both Piniis edulis and Pinus monophylla occur in the area but thelatter was preferred as the nut is larger and softer than the former.To procure it, trips west to the House range were necessary.Fish in Sevier River were: kaiva pagu ("mountain trout") andmugwiitcagwits, sucker.Deer could be had in the mountains and water fowl along theSevier River.In native times the main function of the chief was to keep informedof the; whereabouts of good seed crops and to send a messenger tothe different villages with the information. In case of war a specialman took charge.Little information is available about dances or other factors whichmight have integrated the Pahvant. Gottfredson reported thatKanash and Koosharem (upper Sevier River) Ute joined for a
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 12010-day Bear Dance in the spring. Warfare seems to have eJBFectedconsiderable unity in native times. When the Mormons arrived inUtah they quickly settled the fertile portions of the valleys along theWasatch, preempting Indian village sites and food areas. The nec-essary transactions with the white man rapidly elevated the chiefto a prominent position. The Pahvant were fortunate in beingrepresented by Kanosh, who seems to have won them importantconcessions.Egan (1917, p. 263) mentions Peah-namp, who was married to aGosiute woman, as "Pah-van" chief about 1860. According to Irish(1865), Kon-osh ("Man of white hair") and several subchiefs suc-ceeded Saw-e-set. Kanosh was succeeded by Hun-cop; Moshoquopwas Kanosh's war chief (Gottfredson, 1919, p. 288). Burton (1862,p. 475) said there was "one principal and several subchiefs" in 1860.Sampits.? (Cane people; so called because much cane grew intheir territory, JPi) ; according to Burton (1862, p. 475), Sampichyacorrupted to San Pete.Gottfredson (1919, p. 32) said that in 1849 the Indians claimingthe country around Manti, on San Pitch Creek, wintered in theSevier River Valley where there was less snow and where they couldtake deer, rabbits, ducks, and geese and trap beaver and mink. Inthe spring, they camped west of Manti. They numbered severalhundred persons but by 1860 were only 40 to 50 lodges having 4 to10 persons each. The chiefs were Arrapene (elsewhere said to be theUtah Lake chief), succeeded by Sowiette (elsewhere said to be thePahvant and also Uintah chief).Yampah Utes.?Located somewhere south of the Uintah Basin.This country was described to Ashley-Smith (Dale, 1918, p. 151) asa place with little game, where people ate roots, fishes, and horses.But Tourtellotte (1869, pp. 230-231) said the "Yam Pah-Utes" weremounted and lived by hunting.Pavogowunfiirj.?This band occupied the upper portion of theSevier River south of the Salina River. Gottfredson (1919, pp.327-329) suggests two groups here: one a small group under OldPoganeab or "Fish Captain" at Fish Lake; the other a very dif-ferent people under Angewetimpi at Pine Creek near Marysvaleto the west. He states (p. 343) that Walker Ammon was chief atKoosharem (between these two localities) but this must have beenafter the general Ute alliance.Elk Mountain Z7j5e.?Vaile (1862, p. 236) said Elk Mountain Utewere well mounted. Starting in April, they traveled to the GrandRiver, then to the Bear River, Laramie Plains, and the Snake coun-try, or to the White River and down the Green River to Snakecountry. After hunting buffalo and fishing they returned home inSeptember. Sometimes they went to the Navajo country to trade.
STEWAKD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 229There were 1,000 under Saviot and Enthorof and a total of 6,000.Burton (1862, pp. 475-476) numbered Elk Mountain Ute at 2,000to 3,000.Burton also mentioned Parawat Yutas: ; "the Tabechya, or Sunhunters, about Tete de Biche, near Spanish lands (probably Escal-antes' Tabehuachis of the Dolores River, western Colorado) ; and theTash Yuta, near the Navajoes." But Beckwith (1855, pp. 53-55)seems to locate Tah-bah-was-chi near Elk Mountain where Escalantelocated Sabuaguanos, Escalante's Tabehuachis being on the DoloresRiver.Post-Caucasian period,?After 1847 white men rapidly settled Utecountry and decimated supplies of native foods. The ensuing strife,which culminated in the Black Hawk war in the sixties, provided anopportunity for dominating personalities to extend their politicaland military influence.One such personality seems to have been Walker, whom Jones(1890, p. 41) called the "Napoleon of the Desert" and P. P. Prattin 1848 called a "celebrated chief" (Alter, Dec. 31, 1934). Gottfred-son reckons his birth to have occurred in 1815 at Spanish Fork nearUtah Lake and says the name means "Yellow," a plausible transla-tion. He became chief not by inheritance but by having accumu-lated cattle and horses in raids in southern California in 1846 or1847 (Gottfredson, 1919, pp. 319-320; Alter, quoting Daniel H. Wells,Dec. 31, 1934). He was probably civil rather than war chief. Sho-wan was a war chief under him (Gottfredson, 1919, p. 82). Fremont(1887, vol. 1, p. 386) recorded that during the forties Walker's Utewere well mounted and equipped with rifles. He met them nearFillmore. In 1849 Manley (1894, p. 90) met Walker with his bandon Green River. At Walker's death, in 1855 (Burton, 1862, p. 475),a meeting of all the neighboring Ute elected his brother, Arrapeen,chief (Alter, March 30, 1935; also, Lewis, 1855). According to Alter(Dec. 31, 1934), Walker had 6 brothers: Arrapeen, Grocepeen, Sam-pitch, Ammon, Tabbinaw, and Yankawalkits. Some of these, how-ever, have been named as chiefs of other bands and there may wellbe question whether they were blood brothers.Contemporary with Walker, however, was Soweite, whom P. P.Pratt in 1848 called the "king of the whole Utah nation" (Alter,Dec. 31, 1934). This is probably the Saw-e-set whom Irish (1865)named as Pahvant chief and again as Uintah chief. Head (1867)also named Sow-i-et as Uintah chief. Evidently he had moved tothe reservation. His subchiefs were Tabby (Sun) and To-quo-ne(Black Mountain Lion) (Irish, 1865).The Black Hawk war may be said to have started about 1865, raidscontinuing until 1870. At no time, however, did any chief holdreal authority over allied bands of Ute. Some Ute had gone to the60285?38 16
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Uintah Basin, others settled peaceably at Spanish Fork and CornCreek farms. Black Hawk was most obstreperous, raiding betweenCedar City and Payson, Ancatowats being his main raider. But in1867 Black Hawk controlled only 28 lodges. After his death in1870 Au-a-vor-un and Shenanagon continued his raids (Gottfredson,1919, esp. pp. 226, 274, 294r-296).ANALYSIS OF DATAThis section will analj^ze the ecological and social determinantswhich in complex interaction produced the different kinds of Sho-shonean sociopolitical groups.Ecological DeterminantsThe natural environment was a constant. Many important featuresof the social groups inhabiting it depended upon the manner in whichit was exploited by special economic devices and by the subsistencehabits entailed. These largely predetermined the population density,imposed limitations upon the size, distribution, and mobility of villagegroups, and affected the nature of economic cooperation, politicalcontrols, and certain property rights. Different techniques, of course,had somewhat unlike effects. The present white population, which isabout 15 times denser than the native population, utilizes many nat-ural resources of the Great Basin which were ignored by the Indianand has extreme division of labor. Neither individuals nor familiesare self-sufficient today ; even the population as a whole depends uponother areas. Goods not produced locally are transported from else-where by facilities far surpassing those of aboriginal days. The Sho-shonean exploitation of the same environment was so simple that thebiological family was, in most respects, necessarily the independentself-supporting unit. Commerce was virtually unknown and speciali-zation was extremely rare. The only true specialist was the shaman,though information showing the extent to which he was relieved ofordinary subsistence activities and supported himself entirely byhis practice is not available.Under native economy Shoshonean units smaller than the familysurvived only with difficulty. It is probable that individuals wereable to support themselves, but were, according to Shoshoneanstandards, underprivileged. Units larger than the family were tran-sient in most parts of the area.The individual family was in most respects necessarily the inde-pendent economic unit. Subsistence in most of the area was pri-marily upon plant foods. When gathering these foods, group en-
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 231deavor might bring the pleasure of companionship, but it did notincrease the per capita harvest. In fact, because few plants otherthan the pine nut grew in dense and extensive patches, it usuallydecreased the harvest. As food shortage was always a real dangerit was necessary that families harvest alone or in the company of notmore than one or two other families. A wom.an harvested exclu-sively for her own family. The only collective activity coimectedwith plant foods was irrigation in Owens Valley and occasionalsowing of wild seeds in central Nevada.It is conceivable that had seed yield been extraordinarily great,specialization in industry might have been possible, so that certainwomen could have devoted full time to harvesting and traded sur-pluses for goods made by other women who spent most of their timein manufacturing. This was impossible because the techniques uti-lized by Shoshoneans for exploiting their limited resources ditl notpermit a woman to gather more plant foods than were absolutelyrequired by her family. Surplus for trade was very unusual. Shefrequently shared seeds with neighbors and especially with relatives,but was not obligated to do so.Hunting was the complement to harvesting. Game provided notonly essential foods but skins for clothing and materials for certainimplements. Most hunting was also on a family basis. Small spe-cies, such as rodents and insects, were taken by both men and women.Large game was usually taken by men, while women gathered plantfoods. A hunter was obligated, however, to share large game withother members of the village. Thus a family was able to providemost of its wants without assistance. But in time of dire need otherfamilies came to its aid if possible.But the family was not always the maximum economic unit inhunting. When taking buffalo, antelope, rabbits, deer, mountainsheep, and, under certain conditions, water fowl, fish, and eveninsects, collective effort increased manyfold what an individualhunter could have procured. The duration of such hunts and theprofitable number of participants depended upon special conditionsin each case. Among the Western Shoshoni and many of their neigh-bors game w^as so scarce that these hunts usually lasted only 1 to 2weeks and never more than 6 weeks. Participants rarely numberedmore than two dozen families. Salmon runs in the Snake Riverpermitted somewhat larger groups to assemble for slightly longer.Groups which had access to the buffalo were able to remain togetherfor several months. In fact, buffalo hunting so outweighed the ad-vantages of seed gathering that Northern Shoshoni families sep-arated and scattered out to harvest plant foods only during a smallportion of the year.
232 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Several plant and animal species occurred in such great quantitiesin certain localities during short periods that, even when they werenot taken cooperatively, they drew large numbers of families to suchlocalities. Outstanding among such species are pine nuts, whichwere often a major factor in the location of winter villages, andsalmon, crickets, and grasshoppers, which were sometimes taken co-operatively as well as by single families.An economic factor of major importance was the horse, whichaffected native subsistence activities in several ways. First, it per-mitted foods gathered over a wide area to be transported to a centrallocation, thus enabling families to congregate in large communitiesinstead of scattering to live near the sources of their food. Second,it permitted a large number of families to move as a unit to differentareas where foods were abundant. This was particularly importantin hunting buffalo, which had to be taken east of the ContinentalDivide after they became extinct in Idaho and Utah. Finally, itgreatly facilitated slaying such animals as the buffalo.The effect of these ecological factors varied in the different partsof the area.Among Western Shoshoni plant harvesting was the main sub-sistence activity, game being relatively scarce. For the greater partof the year families necessarily traveled alone or in very small groupsand harvested a very large area. They ordinarily ranged 20 milesor more in each direction from the winter village. Their itinerary,though usually the same each year, was not always fixed. Seasonalvariation in rainfall and consequently in crop growth frequently re-quired that they alter their routine.The most permanent association of families was at winter encamp-ments. These were sites where certain families habitually remainedduring the months when vegetable foods could not be had. Necessaryconditions for such sites were accessibility to stored seeds, especiallypine nuts, water, sufficient wood for house building and fuel, andabsence of extremely low winter temperatures. These conditions weremost often fulfilled in the mouths of canyons or within the pine nut-juniper belt in the mountains, though sometimes broad valleys nearfishing streams were chosen. Encampments tended to cluster withrespect to mountain masses rather than valleys. But whether theywere scattered at intervals of several hundred yards to a mile alongstreams, were situated at springs on mountain sides, or were clusteredin dense colonies depended upon the quantity of foods which couldbe gathered and stored within convenient distance of each camp.In some places families had to camp alone; elsewhere as many as15 or 20 could congregate in a true village.But another factor affecting population distribution was annualvariation in seed occurrence. Though a winter encampment was
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 233always located near the greatest amount of stored foods, the naturalyield was not everywhere and always the same. In some areas, forexample, Owens Valley, crops were fairly reliable and villages con-sequently stable. Elsewhere, especially in the deserts bordering DeathValley, the Great Salt Desert, most of Nevada, and the Snake River,people had to traverse enormous territories, modifying their itineraryconsiderably from year to year as local rainfall or other factorsaffected plant growth. The erratic occurrence of the all-importantpine-nut crops, for example, required that a family often remain indifferent localities in successive years. Along and north of the Hum-boldt River the pinyon nut is too scarce to have been an importantfactor, but other plant species also were unreliable and many had asomewhat similar effect. People consequently were not always ableto return to the same winter village.Western Shoshoni cooperative hunts did not permit permanentassociations of families or villages for several reasons. First, thesehunts lasted only while the quantity of meat taken was sufficient tofeed the assembled crowd?a few weeks. There was rarely a surpluswhich, being stored for winter, would be a factor in the location ofwinter villages. Second, alinement of families or villages for huntingwas often different for each species. Antelope and rabbits, the mostimportant species in this part of the area, often occurred in differentparts of a valley. Moreover, the more important hunts were heldonly where there was an antelope shaman or rabbit drive director;every valley did not have such men. For communal hunts, therefore,families traveled from their village or from where they happenedto be gathering seeds to the most convenient location and often co-operated with very different people in successive hunts. They mightjoin families from across their valley for a rabbit drive, go to aneighboring valley to hunt with its residents in an antelope drive,travel in another direction to a marsh to join a waterfowl drive, andassociate with immediate neighbors to hunt deer in their own moun-tains. If their local pine-nut crop failed the next year they mightbe thrown into association with still other people for these hunts.Because the territory exploited by different families was variable aswell as overlapping, ownership of food areas would have been im-practical. It was absent among Western Shoshoni, excepting possiblythe Reese River area.The only exceptions to these generalizations were Owens Valley andpossibly other Northern Paiute, the Snake River Shoshoni, and theSouthern Paiute.In Owens Valley natural resources supported a population manytimes denser than in the remainder of the western area. The villageswere comparatively large and closely spaced on Owens River and theSierran streams. Moreover, extreme geographic diversity provided
234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120
all essential foods and materials within small territories. Conse-quently, instead of traveling during the greater part of the year, theOwens Valley Paiute were able to harvest the main foods by travelingonly a day or two from their villages and could assemble readily forcommunal hunts in the valley. Not only were villages stable andinhabited more or less perennially, but the same neighboring villagesusually cooperated for communal hunts and for irrigation. Habitualexploitation of the same general terrain gave point to, if it did notaccount for, the origin of band territory. Ownership of territory andhabitual cooperation in irrigation and hunting, therefore, were eco-nomic factors which contributed to band cohesion.Information about other Northern Paiute is insufficient to analyzethe ecological factors. Apparently those immediately west of BattleMountain resembled the Shoshoni. It is possible, however, that un-usual fertility in such regions as the Carson and Walker Rivers andpossibly the Humboldt Sink provided a condition like that in OwensValley. Apparently there was ownership of pine-nut areas and per-haps other food areas among some Northern Paiute. Such facts areintelligible only in relationship to the total picture, which is not yetavailable.The Snake River is unique in having salmon, but their quantity andquality were somewhat less than nearer the coast. When running, thefish were sufficiently abundant to supply all who could take them.The main limitation upon them was their occasional failure to runand the restricted number of convenient fishing places. Large num-bers of families forgathered at the good fishing sites, some cooperat-ing in constructing dams and weirs, others fishing alone with spears,hooks, and other devices. The catch was dried for winter. Thoughsalmon afforded considerable food, all accounts indicate that theywere rarely sufficient to keep families in plenty during the remainderof the year. Consequently, subsistence was supplemented by vege-table foods and hunting, which was carried on as among other West-ern Shoshoni. Communal hunts, however, were unimportant, becausegame was extraordinarily scarce along the Snake River plains. Bothgame and vegetable foods required unusually long journeys, either tothe camjiss country to the north or to the highlands to the south.Families returned to their salmon caches along the Snake River towinter if the catch had been good ; otherwise they remained where thevegetable harvest had been abundant.Among the lower Snake River Shoshoni, consequently, economicalliances were minimal in spite of large temporary gatherings per-mitted by the salmon. Minor cooperation in fishing was the onlyreal collective economic enterprise.Southern Paiute differed from the Western Shoshoni mainly in thepractice of a small amount of horticulture. Among the neighbors
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 235
of the Death Valley and Beatty Shoshoni this modified their ecologyonly in minor ways. First, as a family returned to harvest the cropsit had planted, the annual foraging itinerary was probably somewhatless variable than among Shoshoni. Second, horticulture probablyintroduced the concept of land ownership. It is possible that owner-shif) of pine-nut, mesquite, and screw-bean groves was an extensionof the concept applied first to cultivated lands and was made morepracticable by the comparatively fixed subsistence routine.The Northern Shoshoni and many Ute stood in sharp contrast tothe Western Shoshoni. Two outstanding factors were involved, thehorse and the buffalo. In their effect upon society these were relatedto each other and to the environment. Both are grazing animals andfind their optimum environment in grasslands. Though the failureof the horse to spread farther west until post-Caucasian times mayhave been partly the time factor, it was largely environmental.Farther north the horse had sx^read well down the Columbia River.In Western Shoshoni territory the scarcity of grass made its keepdifficult. It would, in fact, have eaten the very plants upon whichpeople depended. Moreover, the absence of game herds restricted itsusefulness to transportation, which apparently did not compensatefor the cost of its keep. It could have been kept most readily in themore fertile areas where the need for transportataion was least. Inthe west, therefore, any horses acquired were usually eaten. Ineastern Idaho and in northern and eastern Utah, however, there weremore grasslands and, what was more important, buffalo. When, in1840, local buffalo became extinct, herds east of the Rocky Mountainswere within reach of mounted Indians.Buffalo hunting, especially when long journeys were entailed, wasessentially cooperative. The herds east of the Rocky Mountains wereso large that several hundred persons were not only able to maintainthemselves during the hunt but to cure sufiicient meat to last throughmuch of the year. The hunts were cooperative because, as among allother buffalo-hunting tribes, the yield of a planned, concerted drivewas so much greater than what individuals could procure that indi-viduals were forbidden to hunt alone.Another result of the combined effect of the horse and buffalo wassurplus wealth. This had two consequences. First, it prompted sometrade. Long trips to the west were made to trade buffalo skins forhorses. After trading posts were introduced, skins were traded forvarious articles. Second, wealth, especially in horses, made the peopledesirable prey to raiding tribes from the east, which elevated war-fare to some importance. Warfare in turn affected the social group,as pointed out below.Most other subsistence activities among these people?hunting deer,antelope, and other game, and harvesting vegetable foods?were
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120
carried on by independent families. The organization which hadbeen in effect during the several months of the buffalo hunt brokedown and each family governed its own activities. Though indi-vidual families traveled great distances for various foods, it wasusually possible for them to return on horseback to a centralizedwinter camp, and usually they did so. Consequently, a sense ofallegiance and solidarity if not actual organization persisted through-out the year.Though information about pre-horse Shoshoni and Ute is not avail-able, it is probable that they were at one time fundamentally similarto Western Shoshoni. If so, the effect of the horse was to produceband organization, facilitate the acquisition of many Plains traits,and largely to bring about the differences between Northern andWestern Shoshoni noted in the historical period.In summary, ecological factors imposed certain conditions towhich society had to conform and provided limits within which itcould vary.Among Western Shoshoni and probably Southern Paiute the fam-ily was necessarily the economic unit. This family was bilateralrather than patrilineal or matrilineal, first, because an extended fam-ily would frequently have been too large to live together; second,because the uncertainties of food and consequently of residence madeassociation with persons other than those of the immediate house-hold uncertain. Under the existing ecology it was physically im-possible for groups larger than the village to remain in associationduring the winter. Though these villages often comprise relatedfamilies, frequent change of residence prevented this always beingso. There was consequently no localized lineage, nor condition forclan development. Social features dependent upon large and pros-perous populations were also prevented, e. g., clubs, rank based uponwealth, slavery, and others. Likewise, political organization wasminimal. There were no bands.The Owens Valley Paiute, though culturally and economicallysimilar to Western Shoshoni, lived in an unusually fertile environ-ment and therefore had a dense population which was clustered inlarge villages. Restricted subsistence areas coupled with habitualcooperation of certain villages permitted the development of land-owning bands with a A'^ariety of political controls.Northern Shoshoni, though having a sparse population, and Utepossessed the great advantage of the horse and accessibility to thebison. The horse made it possible for large groups to live andtravel together, and bison hunting entailed much cooperation.Therefore, despite seasonal disintegration into family units, bandswith appropriate chiefs existed during the greater part of the year.
BTEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 237But they were not landowning because the territory exploited byeach overlapped to too great an extent. These large and compara-tively stable bands provided a condition for the development of fixedkinship relations, societies (of which there was a bare suggestion)
,
warfare and prestige derived from warfare.Social DeterminantsThe more important social determinants producing cohesion inlarge groups were festivals, the sweat house, and warfare. Kinshipbonds also achieved some group solidarity.Festivals were made possible in most of the western area by thetemporarily increased food supply produced by rabbit drives, pine-nut trips, antelope hunts, or other communal economic affairs. Theessential motivation of festivals, however, was noneconomic. Peo-ple desired social intercourse with friends and relatives rarely seenduring the remainder of the year. They wished to dance and gam-ble, and, in some localities, to hold religious observances. Some ofthese activities, like the dances, were developed in the area. Others,like the games, were probably introduced from neighboring areas ata remote time.The size of groups united by festivals rarely exceeded that pro-duced by communal economic undertakings. In the Western Sho-shoni area festivals could be held only at times of communal huntsor when many families were gathering pine nuts or other speciesat a certain locality. They merely provided an additional motivefor assembling together. Owens Valley bands seemingly heldspecial gatherings for festivals. In providing an extra occasionfor band activity, festivals enhanced band solidarity. But, asneighboring bands were often invited, temporary organizationgreater than the band was sometimes achieved. Among the North-ern Shoshoni there seems to have been no major festival in aborigi-nal days. The Sun Dance is recent. Kound dances served merely toamuse small portions of the bands. Possibly the Bear Dance amongthe Ute and some mourning ceremonies among Southern Paiuteeffected some group solidarity, but too little is known of who par-ticipated in them.The sweat house was an integrative factor only in a small portionof the area. Among Owens Valley Paiute and a few of their neigh-bors each village had a large permanent sweat house which servedas a meeting house and men's club and dormitory. When villageswere not too widely separated all male band members tended to for-gather in a central sweat house. Western Shoshoni were too un-settled and their villages usually too small to make it profitable to
238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY i^^^^- 120
construct a large house. The Northern Shoshoni and Ute also lackeda community sweat house or its equivalent.Warfare on a scale large enough to affect social cohesion wasknown only in the eastern part of the area. Its occurrence corre-sponded very largely with that of the horse. There is no evidenceof serious and prolonged strife between Shoshonean groups, thoughShoshoni and Ute were periodically at grips. Permanent and irrec-oncilable enemies lived east of the Rocky Mountains, the Blackfeetbeing pitted against Shoshoni and the Arapaho against Ute. Theabsence of enemies within Utah and Idaho and among tribes to thewest made winter villages comparatively secure, except as Blackfeetparties occasionally crossed the mountains and sometimes harassedsmall parties. Warfare, consequently, was not a motive for bandconsolidation in Ute villages; it forced Shoshoni winter encamp-ments to amalgamate only to a minor degree. Wlien, however, Uteor Slioshoni crossed the mountains to bison country, especially whenShoshoni and Bannock visited the vicinity of Yellowstone, raidswere a real danger. They traveled in large bands under the directionof chiefs and joined forces with Flathead and Nez Perce when pos-sible. When in hostile territory police kept the party together. War-fare thus increased organization which communal bison hunting hadrequired.Offensive warfare rarely if ever involved the entire band. Fol-lowing Plains patterns, it was restricted to raids by small partiesconducted to steal horses and acquire war honors. War and victorydances, like festivals, seem not to have involved all band members.West of the area of bands and the horse, warfare was virtually un-known. Shoshoni never fought one another except in family feudswhich somewhat disrupted group unity. Upon rare occasions Sho-shoni fought their Paiute neighbors, but no organization was en-tailed. Southern Paiute seem to have been the victims of Ute slaveraids, at least after the arrival of the whites, but the effect of thisupon Southern Paiute organization is not known.Shamanistic performances and funerals drew many visitors, but,being informal, were usually attended only by residents of the localvillage or by people within a convenient distance.The relationship of kinship to the composition of the sociopoliticalgroup is conspicuously greater among Western Shoshoni than amongNorthern Shoshoni. Among the former, organization rarely sur-passed the bonds of kinship. Relatives sought one another's prox-imity. Though exigencies of the food quest often forced relatedfamilies apart, they wintered together if possible. Very small vil-lages frequently consisted exclusively of related families and largevillages had many that were related. Several marriage practices
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 239
contributed to this condition. Eesidence was with one parent or theother, rarely independent. And, if there were unrelated families ina village, their children often married one another and remainedthere. When brothers and sisters married sisters and brothers they allwintered at the same site if possible.This high degree of relationship between village members naturallyenhanced village solidarity, even when village communal economicand social activities were unimportant. A very practical aspect of thissolidarity was willingness to share food with relatives. When eco-nomically possible, these related families traveled together in thefood quest and participated in the same communal activities. Thevillage headman, therefore, was the most vigorous and competentmember of the related families which made up the majority of thepopulation.The importance of kinship in village control decreased in propor-tion to the village size. Wlien single kin groups did not comprisethe majority of the population they ceased to dominate the village.The leaders of communal festivals and hunts served without regardto family ties.Among the Northern Shoshoni population aggregates were solarge that a person inevitably lived in the proximity not only of hisrelatives but of many unrelated families. The only conspicuous effectof kinship here was to divide the winter encampment into smallclusters of perhaps half a dozen related families. These alsotraveled together in the quest of seeds, roots, berries, and fish whencommunal band activities were not in progress.Social and Political Patternsthe familyMany, though not all, characteristics of the family were producedby the ecological and social determinants previously discussed.The biological family, that is, parents and children, constitutedthe household. Among Western Shoshoni the household was verynearly a self-sufficient economic unit and as such an independentsocial and political unit. With the exception of large game, all foodsbelonged exclusively to the households of the persons acquiring them.Food-gathering activities were conducted largely by independenthouseholds under the leadership of the household head.But, though the household was the most stable social and economicunit, some factors tended to disrupt it and others to enlarge it or toextend obligations beyond it. The main disruptive factors weredivorce, which occurred easily and frequently, and wife abduction.These, however, merely realined households.
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120The household was often enlarged by the inclusion of relatives,especially grandparents, who had no households of their own. It wasalso temporarily enlarged by the addition of the spouse of one or moreof its children. Up to a year of matrilocal residence as bride servicewas common and, in any event, a young married couple usually re-mained with one family or the other until they had children or theirown house. A household might also be augmented by polygyny orpolyandry. These forms of marriage were probably not produced inthis area by economic factors, but unusual individual wealth was acondition upon which they rested. A man could not hold one wife,to say nothing of several, unless he were a diligent hunter and broughthome many buckskins. Polyandry was usually an extension of hospi-tality and sex privileges to the husband's brother, who would even-tually acquire a wife of his own. But it meant that one woman hadto provide an increased amount of seeds. The average household wasabout 6 persons, according to census data, but additions might bringit up to 10.These additions to the household, however, were not permitted tothreaten the welfare of the biological family. Those who were able-bodied shared the tasks of food seeking. Old or infirm persons, espe-cially grandparents, cared for the children. But when starvation wasimminent or the exertion of long treks for food excessive, infirm per-sons were abandoned to perish. Necessity thus strictly limited expan-sion of the household.There were also responsibilities if not strict obligations to personsoutside the household. Wliether a village were large or small, severalrelated families usually lived in the proximity of one another. Thesewere usually the households of parents, their married children,brothers and sisters and their spouses, and other close relatives who,in some localities, were further related through cross-cousin andpseudo cross-cousin marriage. These related families traveled to-gether and camped near one another. Though not obligatory, foodwas freely shared with them. The male members of these householdsassisted one another in abducting a wife or in defending a wife againstabduction and rendered mutual assistance in other ways.Though the nature and extent of the manifold duties and obliga-tions between kinfolk is a rich field for more extended inquiry, suffi-cient information is now available to indicate that these duties andobligations had crystallized into very few definite patterns amongWestern Shoshoni. In order that obligations to a relative shall havesignificance, there must be assurance that one will see him sufficientlyoften and under sufficiently well-defined circumstances. In the West-ern Shoshoni area lack of consistency in post-marital residence andfrequent change of residence for practical reasons brought certain
8TEWARD1 BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 241
relatives into close association at some times and widely separatedthem at other times. There was, for example, no assurance that thematernal or paternal grandparent would be present to care for chil-dren, that a sister's son or a brother would be on hand to help builda fish dam, that maternal aunts or uncles would be encamped nearbyand require a dole of seeds, or that any particular relatives would beable to help defend one's wife against abduction.The more stable social conditions of the bands of Northern Sho-shoni were more favorable to the development of readily definablepatterns of behavior between kin. A person knew when and underwhat conditions he would see his different relatives. Thus, a manknew that he would be in frequent contact with his father's sister, sothat it was possible for him to help support her, to marry her step-daughter, and to have her sons as his closest companions. The pos-sibility of fulfilling these functions with respect to the father's sisterin Western Shoshoni society was too uncertain for them to havemeaning. A man would live near his father's sister so that he couldhelp support her and associate with her son only if the father and hissist?r had decided to remain in the same locality.But many of these kinship relations must be understood in his-torical terms. Although a certain minimum of association with indi-viduals may be a condition for the development of duties and atti-tudes toward them, it cannot account for all such duties andattitudes. Both Owens Valley Paiute and Northern Shoshoni hadlarge and fairly stable population. But the former observed a strictmother-in-law avoidance, whereas among the latter, practicingpseudo cross-cousin marriage, a man and his mother-in-law were closefriends and sometimes even married. The former imposed restraintbetween brothers-in-law, but among the latter, brothers-in-law wenton sexual escapades together. MARRIAGEIn the Basin-Plateau area marriage created an economic unit whichinsured survival of the individual, a biological unit which somewhatinsured certain sex privileges, and a social unit which guaranteedsecurity for children and which united kinship groups. Thoughnone of these was distinctive of the area, it is possible to show thatmany features of them were delimited and patterned by localconditions.Marriage was an economic alliance in a very real sense. It hasbeen pointed out previously that the biological or bilateral familyformed the core of the household and as such was a union whichbrought into cooperation the complementary economic activities ofthe sexes. In a region wEere the burden of subsistence overshadowed
242 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULum
all other activities this was extremely important. Although any par-ticular marriage might be of brief duration, a person could not, inthe interest of self-preservation, afford to remain long single. Hewas generally wed to one person or another during most of his adultlife.Another motivation to marriage was the necessity of caring forchildren. That a person would acquire a spouse in self-interest wasinsurance that children would be supported by two parents most ofthe time, even though one was often a stepparent.The role of exclusive sex privileges in matrimony seems to havebeen secondary. Though such privileges were recognized, extra-marital affairs were evidently managed readily. Legal rights to awife, moreover, were often waived temporarily for a consideration.Strong personal, perhaps even monogamous, attachments un-doubtedly existed, but cannot have been strong bonds. Explorer'sjournals are too full of accounts wherein men fled ingloriously at thearrival of strangers, leaving their women to the latters' mercy.Moreover, individual attachments were attenuated by the practiceof polygyny and, in many localities, polyandry.Economic pursuits were not only a reason for marriage but seemto have contributed to certain features of it. The matrimonialstatus of each sex was, with a few exceptions noted below, substan-tially equal. If native male dominance was to man's advantage,women's somewhat great economic importance in seed gathering off-set it. There were virtually no noneconomic activities which eithersex would use as a social lever. The family therefore was a well-balanced bilateral unit, neither sex having appreciable advantage.One expression of this sex equality appears to have been the prac-tice of both polyandry and polygyny (Steward, 1936). The sororateand levirate were intensified in this area. As sororal polygyny wasa simple step from the former, fraternal polyandry was a simple stepfrom the latter. The partial distribution of polyandry in this areaindicates, however, that sex equality is probably an incomplete ex-planation of it. Polygyny, preferably sororal, was universal, butpolyandry, though occurring among most Western Shoshoni, someNorthern Shoshoni, at least the Panaca Southern Paiute, and someNorthern Paiute, was definitely lacking among Owens Valley Paiuteand their neighbors. Ash Meadows Southern Paiute, and Shoshoniin the vicinity of Death Valley. Theoretically, moreover, nonfra-ternal polyandry should have occurred as often as non-sororalpolygyny. Apparently it did not. Among Western Shoshoni it wasusually fraternal, being essentially an extension of sex privileges toa brother prior to his marriage to some other woman. Less oftenit was true marriage contracted with the intention of permanency.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 243Nonfraternal polyandry was rare. Park reports (1937) that poly-andry was always fraternal and was conceived as true marriageamong Pyramid Lake and Walker River Northern Piaute. O. C.Stewart (1937) reports polyandry among Northern Piaute at Pyra-mid Lake, Owyhee, McDermit, Winnemucca, and Burns, but statesthat the first three, at least, practiced the nonfraternal form.It is probable that several factors which have not yet been ascer-tained determined the occurrence of the different forms of polyandry.Park has suggested that among Paviotso (Northern Paiute) frequentpolygyny left a shortage of marriageable women. This may havebeen a contributing factor, but among Western Shoshoni the fre-quency of polygyny seems to have been insufficient to have made agreat difference. I would venture now only to state that amongWestern Shoshoni, sex equality, which was largely the result ofeconomic pursuits, was a condition necessary to the origin and diffu-sion of polyandry.Practices respecting post-marital residence, though slightly weight-ing woman's status, failed materially to alter family balance amongWestern Shoshoni. Temporarily, residence was almost everywherematrilocal, the husband often spending a year or more in a kind ofbride service during which his general acceptability and huntingprowess were ascertained. Sometimes residence was matrilocal untilseveral children had been born, because the aid of the maternalgrandmother was sought in childbirth and infant care. Such tem-porary residence seems to enhance the status of women. Park (1937)reports matrilocal residence among the Northern Piaute. But per-manent residence among Western Shoshoni was determined solelyby certain practical and personal circumstances: 1, Abundance oflocal foods; 2, the whereabouts of relatives; thus, when a brotherand sister married a sister and brother, the two families preferredto live near each other; also, proximity to other favorite relativesmight be sought ; thus, if the parents of only one spouse were living,the couple might settle near them; 3, whether a headman of somekind was in the family; relatives often preferred to live near suclimen; 4, whether marriage were with a cross-cousin, pseudo cross-cousin, or unrelated person from the same village, none of whichrequired change of residence; 5, whether marriage were by capture,the woman always being brought to the man's village.Definitely to woman's disadvantage in much of the Western Sho-shoni area was marriage by abduction. The Southern Paiute customdescribed by Hamblin (1881, pp. 34-36) is somewhat similar to thatof the Shoshoni. In a dispute about women on the Santa ClaraRiver the men formed two files and the claimant passed betweenthem defending himself. Such men were often aided by their rela-
244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 120lives. Hamblin was once requested to assist a man who calledhim "brother." Sometimes single combatants fought for the woman.More often a man was aided by all possible relatives and friends infights which might last all day and into the night. One involvedmore than 100 men who had come out at night to fight by a circleof fires. When the woman for whom they were contending wasseriously beaten in the fray, the squaws stopped hostilities by throw-ing baskets of coals on the fighters.Obviously, women were given no choice in selection of mates inabduction cases and, although they might run away later, their lotwas not exalted.Furthermore, although there is no clear evidence of recognizedclaims to hospitality, such as lending wives to visitors, countlessstories relate that wives were gambled away to other Indians or wereloaned to white men for small presents.Among Northern Shoshoni, not only was polyandry less common,but the practice of mass raping attests little regard for the statusof women. It might be conceived that women's lessened importancein a bison-hunting peoples partly accounted for this.In the absence of extensive social and political bonds, kinship wasextremely important in determining marriages. To a very largeextent, one family or a group of related families was the sociopoliti-cal unit, especially among Western Shoshoni and somewhat amongNorthern Shoshoni. There was, therefore, a definite desire to allyfamilies through multiple marriages. As relationship was a bar tomarriage in all but the few localities practicing cross-cousin mar-riage, several preferred usages! permitted multiple interfamily mar-riages.^" It was preferred that several brothers should marry severalsisters, though never as group marriage, or that a brother and sistershould marry a sister and brother. This practice is reflected inkinship terms and appears in several genealogies. The levirate andsororate were strong. Polygyny was preferably sororal and polyan-dry preferably fraternal.In some parts of the world the levirate and sororate were inescap-able obligations, marriage being essentially a family contract. OwensValley Paiute and Southern Shoshoni recognized such obligations,avoidance of the levirate and sororate being accomplished only bypayment to the deceased spouse's family. In the remainder of the areathe levirate and sororate were observed only partly because marriagewas a family alliance. They were followed as often because of per-sonal preference. They not only continued the bond uniting twofamilies, but permitted a widowed person to acquire a spouse whom
">But in some places kinship terms expressly indicate that relationship Is believed tocease after 3 generations. The great-great-grandparent is not regarded as a relative.
BTBWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 245he knew well and who Avould take more than a stranger's interest inhis children.In the northern part of the area pseudo cross-cousin marriageand, in a few localities, real cross-cousin marriage also served tostrengthen kinship bonds. A person's pseudo cross-cousin (thestepson or stepdaughter of the mother's brother or father's sister)was not, of course, a blood relative. But he was so regarded, beingcalled usually by the same terms as a true cross-cousin. Moreover,pseudo parallel-cousins were ineligible for marriage. No doubtpseudo cross-cousins were often available for marriage because fre-quent separation and remarriage, previously discussed, often intro-duced stepaunts, stepuncles, and their children into the family. Asbrothers and sisters often lived near one another, especially whentwo families were united by several marriages between their chil-dren, a person often found a pseudo cross-cousin in his own village.In cross-cousin and pseudo cross-cousin marriage it was impossibleto discover that either side of the family was given preference, ex-cept at Fort Hall where marriage was preferably between a man andhis father's sister's stepdaughter.In summary, it appears that Basin-Plateau conditions had pro-vided a milieu for the development of certain marriage forms. Inestablishing substantial sex equality they produced an essentiallybalanced family and provided a condition from which polyandryas well as polygyny might develop. It is difficult to see, however,that conditions necessarily entailed either of these practices. Incontaining a minimum of social and political activities, society ele-vated kinship bonds over social and political bonds and thus moti-vated practices which would strengthen kinship bonds. But it prob-ably did not predetermine the exact nature of those practices. Mul-tiple interfamily marriages are a simple device for strengtheningand the sororate and levirate for continuing an alliance between twofamilies, but there is no obvious reason why cross-cousin or pseudocross-cousin marriage should have been developed in some localitiesbut not in others.Finally, although the marriage pattern broadly conformed to acondition in which there was comparative sex equality and unusualstress on kinship bonds, elements within it were somewhat contra-dictory and disturbed its smooth functioning. Among Western Sho-shoni, women were economically more im.portant than men, werefavored by temporary matrilocal residence, and were privileged oftento take a second husband. Yet they were wed polygynously andwere liable to abduction. Among Northern Shoshoni there was somematrilocal residence and polyandry, yet women were liable to massrape as well as abduction. Practices designed to ally kinship groups60285?38 17
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120were similarly often nullified by contrary practices. Despite prefer-ence for multiple interfamily marriages, the ease and frequency ofseparation and marriage by abduction often undid what these mar-riages had accomplished. Moreover, allied kin groups were oftenforced by food shortage in the different regions to live widely sep-arated and beyond contact with one another. Thus, despite the im-portance of kinship, population fluidity prevented crystallization ofa fi.xed set of duties and obligations.These somewhat contradictory practices were insufficient seriouslyto endanger group survival. Yet Basin-Plateau patterns had failedto reach perfect internal and external adjustment and were in a stateof some unbalance.POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND CHIEFTAINSHIPPolitical organization and control are commensurate with activi-ties requiring cooperation and management. They must be under-stood in terms of specific activities. Basic patterns of organizationand chieftainship obviously could not be borrowed unless conditionsto support them were present. If such conditions were present theywould automatically develop without the necessity of borrowing. Itis only secondary features?functionally unimportant or potentiallyvariable elements?which are susceptible to diffusion, and even thesecan vary only within prscribed limits.Under stable conditions, variation in the fundamental nature andextent of political controls within each region was not great. Nodoubt periods of instability and change, like the wars with the whiteman, afforded strong personalities opportunities to achieve unusualauthority. Ordinarily, however, a chief's authority was restrictedto certain definite activities, such as hunts, dances, war, or cere-monies. Its limits, therefore, were largely predetermined by thefactors controlling these activities.Basin-Plateau political groups and chiefs had no interest in dis-putes, criminal or civil, between individuals. These were settled byrelatives, usually close kin.The people of different regions in the Basin-Plateau exhibited aremarkable variation in political organization and chief's authority.These ranged from an irreducible minimum in the biological familyor household to a maximum in the band. They involved differentkinds of activities in different parts of the area.AmonsT Shoshoni, and probably others, the household was theindependent political unit during much of the year and among West-ern Shoshoni during most of the year. The household head was itsleader. When several related families were associated in a winterencampment and traveled together the eldest or most influential mandirected activities. He had no title, however.
8TEWABD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 247Small villages, whether or not comprised of related families, hadno formal chiefs.Many larger villages, however, had a single headman. His title,degwani or dag^vani, means "talker" and truly designates his mostimportant function. "Chief" usually connotes extensive authorityand perhaps should not be applied to these men, though it has beenused in this paper. The headman was usually experienced thoughnot necessarily old. Infirmity disqualified him. His task was prin-cipally to keep informed about the ripening of plant foods in differentlocalities, to impart his information to the villagers, and, if all thefamilies traveled to the same pine-nut area, to manage the trip andhelp arrange where each was to harvest. As a "talker," he gave longorations, telling of his information and giving directions to familieswho cared to cooperate. His authority, however, was not absolute.Any family was at liberty to pursue an independent course at anytime.Each village was named after some salient feature of its locality.As proximity to water was essential to village location, it was mostoften named after a spring or creek.Organization superseding the village was only temporary amongWestern Shoshoni. It involved specific communal endeavors of lim-ited duration and specialized leadership which pertained only to suchendeavors. Several of these activities were economic. Rabbit drivesbrought the members of several adjoining villages to a certain placewhere they drove under the direction of a skilled rabbit hunter.Antelope drives similarly entailed joint effort, but the leader acquiredauthority by the accident of having received a vision for the powerof antelope shamanism. Festivals, held either at places of abundantfoods or at prominent villages, usually required the leadership of adance specialist. During such communal affairs the headmen of thevillages participating usually lent their influence to that of the specialdirector by "talking" from time to time. These talks were harangues,exhorting the people to behave, have a good time, prepare food forfeasts, etc. In some instances a village headman was also antelopeshaman, dance director, or rabbit-drive leader. But his special au-thority was restricted to the communal activity and ceased at itsconclusion.There is evidence that some men on the Snake River dreamed pow-ers of leadership in different activities, an example of an accessoryfeature of chieftainship that could readily have been introduced bydiffusion.Among Shoshoni from the Snake River, Idaho, to Death Valley,California, the largest permanent organization was the village. Thereis not a single feature which warrants calling any of them a "band."
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tBULL. 120There are no sharp dialectic, cultural, or political boundaries, norwell-defined named groups larger than the village. Names were some-times applied to the people of a general but not clearly defined region.Nevada Shoshoni called Idaho Shoshoni "salmon eaters" and werecalled by them "pine-nut eaters," but neither considered themselves tobelong to bands with such names. In fact they rarely used such namesfor themselves. Nevada Shoshoni never called themselves pine-nuteaters, though some of them occasionally referred to people in anotherregion as eaters of a certain seed. The much publicized Tosawi orWhite Knife people of the Battle Mountain region are so calledbecause an excellent grade of white flint occurs in that country. Butneither informants nor early writers agreed as to the boundaries ofpeople so named. They had no organization and were not a band.Such names had no more political significance than "Digger."The temporary and shifting intervillage alliances of this region,therefore, instead of consistently allying people of well-defined terri-tories, entailed a linkage of village with village which extended, net-like, throughout the entire area. Political bonds, like subsistence areas,hiterlocked in all directions.Factors influencing political organization among Western Shoshoniare brought into relief by a review of developmental stages from theaboriginal period to recent times. Three stages are recognizable,during which military bands temporarily developed, then disinte-grated.1. The native particularistic family and village groups, with tem-porary alliances for collective enterprises, previously described.2. The early post-Caucasian period, during which important altera-tions in native economy began. In northern Nevada this stage sub-divides into two phases.a. This phase began about 1850 and reached a climax in 1860.Horses were acquired in increasing numbers, native foods were re-duced by the white man, and warfare, which began with minorclashes between the white men and Indians, reached major propor-tions. Decreased native foods made it necessary, and horses made itpossible to travel widely in the quest of foods. Raids upon immi-grant trains and later upon ranches, partly motivated by hunger,brought warfare or the threat of strife. In such regions as BattleMountain, Steptoe Valley, Gosiute territory, and much of NorthernPaiute territory, previously independent villages, now traveling withhorses, united into military bands under high commands. Neitherthe organization nor discipline was strict, and the composition offighting groups constantly changed.Throughout most of the Humboldt River region, though peoplebegan to amalgamate in groups of increasing size, especially near thegrowing centers of white population, they remained peaceful.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 249Political control served to restrain rather than stimulate belligerenttendencies. Tiimok, whose history has been previously sketched(pp. 149-150), became the so-called chief of people who had livedalong the central part of the Humboldt Valley, South Fork, Hunt-ington, and Kuby Valley and a few neighboring valleys. Headquar-ters was at Ruby Valley. Tiimok's efforts probably more than any-thing else preserved peace in this area.At the termination of wars in the early and middle sixties themotivation for joint effort was to win concessions from the whiteman. Responsible spokesmen were necessary. In 1863 Tiimok andother men who were said to represent the Indians of various valleyssigned a treaty embracing a huge area. It is doubtful whether thesupposed constituents of these signatories had formally chosen themas their representatives or, indeed, if many knew what was occurring.Formal delegation of power to enter agreements binding upon every-one was utterly foreign to native political institutions. After 1863some of these so-called chiefs continued to speak for the Indians.The cohesion of the rapidly developed bands was slight. Theirterritory was not accurately defined, except by fictitious boundariesin the treaty, and they were constantly liable to alteration and disso-lution. Remy and Brenchley remarked (1861, p. 128) that therewere many groups in this area and that each had a chief, but peoplehad little respect for him except during time of w^ar. The institu-tion of band chief was novel and hence provided opportunity forinfluential personalities to assert themselves. The office and its duties,having no precedence in native institution and concerning principallywarfare and negotiations with the white man, were limited in scopeand duration. They survived too briefly to have become institu-tionalized and to have won respect and general support. When thewars ceased the need for organization largely vanished and chiefslost authority.b. This phase began about 1870, when the wars were over, whenthe white man was w^ell established in the area, and when a profoundalteration of native economy had occurred. In southern Nevada,where the Shoshoni had little or no strife with the white man, theypassed directly into this phase without the intervening and transientdevelopment of military bands.By 1870 native plants had been so reduced by cattle grazing andnative animals by hunting that complete reliance on them was nolonger possible. Indians consequently began to attach themselvesin small family groups to ranches, where they worked as hands, andin large colonies to ranch towns and to the rapidly booming miningtowns where their labor was in demand. Under the new conditionsthey could establish comparatively permanent residences ; it was un-necessary to travel continually in search of foods. There was little
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120need for political control on the ranches. The comparatively largecommunities at some of these towns, however, became centers forsuch native communal affairs as festivals and rabbit drives. Withimproved transportation, people from great distances attended. Dur-ing several decades certain of these towns were the scenes of festivalswhose magnitude surpassed anything known in aboriginal days. Forexample, people of the general region of Smoky Valley, RalstonValley, Tonopah, Hot Creek, the Kawich Mountains, and even Lidabegan to abandon their local festivals to attend the huge festivalat the mining town of Belmont, where many families had gone tolive. Kawich, a person of evident prestige, become one of the mainleaders of the Belmont festival.But native political control in these colonies did not extend beyondnative communal affairs. As members also of the white man's com-munity, they were largely subject to his organization and laws. Theonly function of headmen, beyond directing native activities, was todeal with the white man, because the Indian was still but slightlyassimilated culturally or linguistically.During this time, of course, many Indians had gone to reserva-tions, where somewhat artificial institutions were at once imposedupon them.3. The third period was one of a general collapse of all politicalinstitutions brought about by accelerated deculturation. Althoughassimilation is nowhere complete even today, it had progressed suffi-ciently to destroy most distinctively Indian political institutions.Deculturation was more or less proportionate to intimacy with thewhite man. In the Humboldt Valley it became effective by 1880;in isolated parts of southern Nevada it was probably unimportantuntil 1900. As interest in native customs waned, communal huntswere first abandoned. Festivals were next dropped. Festivals noware largely limited to reservations, where deculturation has beenslower, where large numbers of people make them more expedient,and where embarrassment because of the white man's criticism ofnative practices carries less weight.The present trend of those not on reservations is toward physicaland cultural assimilation. To some extent, assimilation is a goal,sought especially by the younger generation who desire to avoid thehandicaps imposed by race prejudice. A contrary trend, however,persists from the second stage, when Indian groups had representa-tives to deal with the white man. In order to win fulfillment oftreaty obligations and other advantages, different persons with vary-ing degrees of support have fought the Indian cause. More recentlyorganizations of white people have backed and encouraged suchactivities.
6TEWARD] BASIx\-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 251Though the independent village was the political unit of WesternShoshoni, in some regions certain villages habitually came togetherfor communal hunts and festivals. This occurred where the popu-lation was extraordinarily dense and villages consequently eitherlarge or closely spaced, or where possession of the horse enabled themto assemble in large aggregates. This repeated association produceda bond among them which, if sufficiently strong, approximated thatof a band. When reinforced by ownership and defense of territoryagainst trespass and by a group or territory name it was a true band.This condition existed in Owens Valley, where a communal sweathouse and communal irrigation further augmented band esprit.The functions of the band chief in Owens Valley were commen-surate with band affairs. He planned communal affairs, thoughspecialists might actually direct them, sent messengers to the dif-ferent villages to inform them of his plans, and talked at the affairs.Northern Shoshoni families remained together for a sufficientportion of the year during the buffalo hunt and winter encampmentto warrant designating them as bands. Allegiance to these bands wasnot, however, absolute. The stable constitutents of a band were thenuclear groups of related families which probably had been inde-pendent units in the prehorse period. Upon acquiring horses, theyconsolidated in larger groups to hunt and camp together under theleadership of influential men. This trend was evidently in progresswhen the white man arrived in their country. Many families stilllacked horses, especially those in the mountains of the Lemhi region,and necessarily carried on subsistence activities in comparative isola-tion. The consolidated gi'oups varied in size and stability. Ifdesirous of hunting bison in hostile territory, a large number co-operated, submitting to direction by a single chief. Whether familiesremained associated at the winter encampment depended upon theirindividual interests, their regard for the chief, and other factors.Dissatisfied with the principal chiefs, groups might pursue an inde-pendent course under men more to their liking. This was especiallytrue of those who objected to the usual Shoshoni policy of peace withthe white man and who wished to engage in raids.A chief's authority was consequently of uncertain scope and dura-tion and depended largely upon his persuasiveness. The most re-markable personality seems to have been Washakie, chief of WyomingShoshoni, to whose judgment and leadership even Idaho Shoshoniand Bannock often submitted. A chief's main task was supervisionof tribal movements when on hunting or trading expeditions. Estab-lishing and enforcing a policy toward the white man augmented hispower. Responsibility for hunting and warfare seems often to havebeen delegated to special men. Visionary powders were an especially
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120important qualification for leadership in war. Leading successfulwar parties gave men some distinction and, consequently, influence.Though information about the Southern Paiute and Ute is inade-quate, there is some indication that they differed from each othersomewhat as the Western Shoshoni differed from the Northern Sho-shoni. The Southern Paiute, at least between Death Valley and LasVegas, were organized only on a village basis. Kelly states (1934)that all Southern Paiute were di^dded into definite dialectic groups.But these groups rarely had names and seem, in aboriginal times atleast, to have had no political significance. The Ute, however, hadhorses at an early time and, like the Northern Shoshoni, traveled,hunted bison, and fought in large groups under the control of chiefs.These groups habitually returned to certain lands which some per-sons believe they owned. Moreover, each was named, at least withintlie historic period. In short, they were bands.Though these fndamental forms of chieftainship and politicalorganization depended almost entirely upon the activities to whichthey pertained, and were consequently of unquestioned local origin,,certain secondary features were arbitrary, had little functional sig-nificance, and seem to have been borrowed embellishments. Forexample, the formal office of chief's speaker occurred in the northernpart of the area but was lacking in Owens Valle3\ It was obviouslya dispensable element and, occurring in some neighboring areas, couldreadily have been borrowed. The partial dependence of chieftainshipupon visions in the north became essential to the effective functioningof chief only after people learned to consider it so. It, too, vrasundoubtedly borrowed.Powell and Ingalls take the view that the unorganized condition ofmany Shoshonean groups in 1872 was the result of the arrival of thewhite man. This view is contrary to the one held here. They state(1874, p. 3) : "Their hunting grounds have been spoiled, their favoritevalleys are occupied by white men, and they are compelled to scatterin small bands in order to obtain subsistence. Formerlj^ they wereorganized into nations, or confederacies, under the influence of greatchiefs, but such men have lost their power in the presence of whitemen, and it is no longer possible to treat with these people as nations,but each little tribe must be dealt with separately. The broad terri-tory over which they are scattered has been parceled out among thetribes by common consent, usually determined at general councils, sothat each tribe holds a certain district of country as its own." Theyfurther state (1874, p. 9) : "The original political organization of thetribes under consideration [Utah, Nevada, and Idaho Shoshoneans]had a territorial basis ; that is, the country was divided into districts^and each district was inhabited by a small tribe, which took the name
STEWARn] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 253
of the land, and had one principal chief. These tribes, or 'land-nameds,' as they are called in the Indian idiom, were the only per-manent organizations, but sometimes two or more of them wouldunite in a confederacy under some great chief."Except among Southern Paiute, however, their ethnographic ob-servances were not extended. Moreover, their own detailed evidenceon Southern Paiute, cited on pages 180-185, supports the view ad-vanced here rather than theirs.PROPERTYProperty concepts, like political organization, are functionally re-lated to and develop from specific conditions and practices. It isdifficult to envisage any mechanism for borrowing basic concepts.The most elementary principle of property occurred among theWestern Shoshoni. Objects belonged to persons who expended workon them and used them. All natural resources, with the sole excep-tion of privately owned eagle nests, were free to anyone. This wasnot communal ownership; it was not ownership at all, because nogi'oup whatever claimed natural resources. Water, seed, and hunt-ing areas, mineral and salt deposits, etc., were freely utilized by any-one. But once work had been done upon the products of naturalresources they became the property of the person or family doing thework. Willow groves could be used by anyone, but baskets made ofwillows belonged to their makers. Wild seeds could be gathered byanyone, but once harvested, they belonged strictly to the family doingthe task, even though they might be shared with other families.When wild seeds were sowed, the crop but not the land was owned.Egan Canyon Shoshoni, however, stated that even sowed plots couldbe harvested by anyone.Community property was rarely held by groups larger than thehousehold. Women owned their baskets, clothes, and other objectsused by them, while men owned hunting equipment and things pecul-iar to their sex. The household owned the house, foods, and generalequipment. All this conforms to the work-use-ownership principle.The outstanding exception is large game. A hunter was entitled tokeep the skin and some choice portion of the meat for his family butwas obliged to share the remainder with village members, first con-sideration being given to his relatives. The loan of objects to andsharing of other food with members of the community were acts ofcourtesy and in no sense were recognition of communal claims.Truly communal property was scant. Often many families cooper-ated in the construction of a deer or antelope corral and divided thegame taken. They jointly prepared and used dance grounds and fishweirs. But once abandoned, anyone was at liberty to use these things
254 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdll.i2oin the future. It is significant that the only appurtenances peculiarto communal activities that could be carried home were rabbit nets,which were always made and owned by individual men. There issome evidence, in fact, that men claimed all rabbits caught in theirnets during drives.Some form of land ownership is common among tribes in manyparts of the world. Often it is not the land per se but exclusiverights of hunting, fishing, gathering, or agriculture on it that isclaimed. It may be postulated that habitual use of the resource inquestion by the family, village, band, or other group was a necessarycondition for the development of claims to it.The Shoshoni lacked any form of ownership of land or resourceson it (except eagle nests). No group habitually and exclusively uti-lized any clearly defined territory for hunting, fishing, or seed gath-ering. Their failure to do so has already been tentatively explainedin ecological terms. The people were primarily seed gatherers. Thesparse and erratic occurrence of vegetable foods required that terri-tories exploited by different families and villages not only shouldvary from year to year but should greatly overlap. There was nocompetition for vegetable foods, because good crops, especially ofseeds, ripened and fell to the ground so rapidly that people couldnot possibly gather all of them. When the crop in one locality failedpeople went elsewhere, usually having been informed of the promis-ing harvest by residents in its vicinity. If crops were poor every-where, which was not uncommon, everyone went hungry. The pin-yon nut appears to have been outstanding in preventing ownershipof food areas. Even in a succession of fertile years a grove yielded1 year but not the next. In good years it afforded far more nutsthan could possibly be picked. Families consequently traveled to thelocality of a good supply, were welcomed by local residents, andoften cached their nuts and remained there during the winter. Undersuch conditions, ownership of vegetable food resources would havebeen a disadvantage to everyone.The annual variation in game was somewhat less extreme. Thearea lacked both large herd animals and animals trapped extensivelyfor furs. Even deer, antelope, and mountain sheep were compara-tively scarce. In areas where hunting was the most important sub-sistence activity it is understandable that men should prefer to re-main in territory known to them and defend it against trespass.In the Western Shoshoni area, however, seed gathering instead ofhunting determined the economic routine. Men accompanied theirfamilies to seed areas and hunted where they had an opportunity.Areas hunted, therefore, like seed areas, overlapped and could notadvantageously have been owned.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 255Among the Northern Shoshoni the relative importance of hunt-ing and gathering was reversed. But during the period for whichinformation is available hunting was carried on in a kind of no-man's land east of the Rocky Mountains. Though probably huntedprincipally by different bands of Shoshoni, it was also visited byFlathead, Nez Perce, Blackfeet, Crow, and sometimes other tribes.Probably none of these claimed it. Certainly none had enforced aclaim.It might seem that Snake River Shoshoni, like many tribes in thesalmon area, would have developed some kind of ownership of fishingsites. That they did not is probably explainable by the uncertaintiesof their subsistence. Too often salmon failed to run, or, affordingbut a meager catch, forced families to make long journeys to searchfor game and vegetable foods elsewhere. Wyeth (Schoolcraft, 1851,p. 244), who was at Fort Hall from 1834 to 1836, stated of the Sho-shoni along the Snake River, "None of the roving tribes . . . claimthe ownership of its soil; they visit it only to hunt game [probablyreferring especially to bison which formerly could be had near FortHall] . . ." The inhabitants "exist in small detached bodies andsingle families, and change their locations so widely that they seemto have no particular claim to any portion . . . No considerable bodyof these Indians . . . can be found whose lines of wandering havenot continually interlocked with those of similar bands." Hadsalmon afforded ample subsistence such wandering would have beenunnecessary.Owens Valley Paiute were distinctive for their band ownership ofhunting and seed territories. There are two possible explanationsof such ownership. One, the pattern was borrowed from neighboringCalifornia, where it was prevalent. Two, it developed in response tolocal ecology. Neither is susceptible to positive proof, but the secondhas several arguments in its favor. First, it is difficult to envisage ameans by which a concept which is so interrelated with particularsubsistence activities could have been borrowed. Against this, how-ever, is the fact that it appears to occur among other Northern Paiutejust west of Reese River whose subsistence is like that of WesternShoshoni who lack land ownership. Second, band ownership of foodterritories obviously originated somewhere for good reasons. Its re-peated occurrence among widely separated groups in different partsof the world suggests that under certain conditions it has developedvery readily. Third, conditions for its development appear to havebeen present in Owens Valley. The population was comparativelydense, stable, and settled in unusually permanent villages. The coun-try was fertile, so that subsistence activities could be carried on ac-cording to a comparatively fixed routine within a small territory.
256 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Each territory was only large enough to embrace all the natural re-sources habitually exploited and included both game and vegetablefoods. The disruptive effect of the erratic yield of wild seeds, es-pecially the pine nut, was outweighed by the importance of com-munally irrigated and therefore comparatively reliable seed patchesin the valley, which were communally harvested. A theory of localorigin of band ownership of territory then must assume that habitualexploitation of a territory which neighboring groups rarely traversedled to its exclusive exploitation and defense against trespass. Thei-esources owned were irrigated and nonirrigated seed plots, fishingplaces, and territory for communal hunts. Individual hunters, beingless destructive of game and often pursuing animals which ran formiles, were privileged to hunt where they pleased.Within the framework of Owens Valley communal band ownershipthere seems to have been some family ownership of land. As a bandwent always to the same pine-nut groves and as it was customarythroughout the pine-nut area for large groups to agree to at least atemporary division of the pine-nut groves, it is understandable thatcertain families should habitually have picked from the same localitieswhich they regarded as their own and defended.The Southern Paiute near Death Valley had no band ownership offood territories, but families were said to have owned cultivated landand plots of mesquite, screw beans, and pine nuts. Though an under-standing of property rights among Southern Paiute requires moreinformation than is available, it may be suggested that ownershipof v/ild-seed plots was an extension of the ownership concept de-veloped in connection with cultivated land. Areas of other wild seedsand hunting areas were not owned.It is futile at present to speculate about property rights among theUte. Fragments of information suggest band ownership of terri-tories. But whether ownership was of seeds, animals, or both, andwhat relation it bore to subsistence activities can probably be ascer-tained only by intensive field study. Wliatever theory of propertythe Ute held, however, mounted Ute bands within the historic periodtraveled widely over one another's territory on hunting excursions.SUMMARYThe type of sociopolitical groups in the Basin-Plateau area wasconditioned to a definable extent by human ecology. Eainfall, soils,toj^ography, and climate determined the nature, quantity, and dis-tribution of plant and animal sjjecies which were required for food.The hunting and gathering devices and transportational facilitiesknoAvn in the area allowed only a certain quantity of these to be pro-cured and consequently limited the general population density. The
STEWAED] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 257
subsistence habits required in each region largely determined the size,nature, and permanency of population aggregates. These, in turn,predetermined many, though not all, features of social structures andpolitical controls. In some regions, as among Western Shoshoni,exigencies of existence permitted little variation in the general socio-political pattern. When, however, ecology allowed latitude in sub-sistence activities, noneconomic factors, such as w^arfare, festivals,ceremonies, etc., became determinants of the sociopolitical patterns.Among Western Shoshoni and many of their Northern Paiute andSouthern Paiute neighbors it was physically impossible for familieseither to remain in one place for any considerable time or for morethan a few families to remain in permanent association. The out-standing sociopolitical units, consequently, were the biological familyand the small winter village, consisting of a loose aggregate of fam-ilies. Families comprising a village were often related. The villageheadman or "talker" was little more than family leader or villageadviser. Interfamily and intervillage alliances for cooperative enter-prises were of limited scope and brief duration, occurring only atcommunal hunts or festivals, each of which had a special director.Because, however, of the erratic occurrence of wild seeds and the fre-quent variation of terrain covered, alliance did not always bring to-gether the same families or village members. Habitual cooperationof the same people and therefore the development of fixed if limitedpolitical allegiances and controls was impossible. Likewise, habitualand exclusive utilization of particular territories by certain groupscould not develop. The families composing villages were frequentlyunrelated because the lack of a rigid rule of post-marital residence andfrequent shift of residence for practical reasons had prevented theformation of unilateral groups or lineages.Kinship bonds were of great importance in this society. It isprobably their importance that motivated married children to live;near their parents or near one another and that prompted multiplemarriages between two families. Such bonds were probably a condi-tion of, if not the cause of, the development of pseudo cross-cousinmarriage and in some localities of true cross-cousin marriage. Butfamilies were bilateral ; neither side was conspicuously weighted. Itwas evidently this balance that permitted frequent fraternal poly-andry as well as polygyny. Though kinship ties were important, theuncertainties of residence and of assured association with specifiedrelatives prevented the development of an elaborate and nicely fixedset of kinship duties and obligations.Other ecological factors permitted the gi'owth of more complexsociopolitical forms in certain parts of the Basin-Plateau area.Villages amalgamated into bands when one of two conditions were
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120present. First, they became bands when a fertile environment per-mitted large and closely spaced villages, obviated the necessity ofextensive travel, and allowed certain people habitually to exploita given territory and associate together in communal activities. Thiscondition was present in Owens Valley, where named, landowningbands lived under the direction of chiefs with well-defined authority.Band unity was reinforced by communal sweat houses and mourningceremonies.Second, bands formed when transportation was so improved thatlarge groups could live together and either bring their foods to acentral point or travel as a body in search of them. Ecology thuspermitted, if it did not cause, band development. Bands were formedin late pre-Caucasian times among Northern Shoshoni and probablyamong Ute. They were named but were not landowning. Theirsolidarity was reinforced by need for protection in warfare. Inthe remainder of the area the horse was introduced late and bandswere of brief duration. Political control of mounted bands cen-tered in chiefs whose authority varied somewhat with their per-sonalities, but which was immeasurably increased by circumstancesincident to the arrival of the white man. Control of certain activi-ties, however, such as war and hunting, was delegated to special men.These bands were composed of unrelated families. They were solarge, in fact, that even had rules of post-marital residence beenfixed they could scarcely have developed into lineages. The funda-mental nature of the families comprising them was probably laiddown in preband times, at least among Northern Shoshoni. Butperennial association with most of one's relatives gave point to fixedkinship duties and obligations which seem to have been much moreclearly defined than among Western Shoshoni.SOME GENERAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE PRESENTSTUDYSociopolitical Groups Among Hunters and GatherersA previous study (Steward, 1936 c) postulated that certain fea-tures of the sociopolitical patterns of many hunting and gatheringpeoples were produced by definite social and ecological determinants.The generalizations made were
:
"All peoples in an area of low population density have some formof politically autonomous, landowning band, which is greater thanthe bilateral family. The size of the band and the extent of the ter-ritory it utilizes are determined by the number of persons who, duelargely to ecological factors, habitually cooperate at least duringpart of the annual round of economic and social activity. Band
8THWAE0] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 259
unity is expressed in a consciousness of common interest and submis-sion to some degree of central control during community enterprises,although such control may be lacking during parts of the year. Theauthority of the leader is consequently small and temporary and hisposition is seldom a fixed institution."It was further found that there are two types of such bands, de-pending upon special factors. One is unilineal, the other composite.All unilineal bands analyzed in this study were patrilineal andpatrilocal, consisted of actual or fictitious relatives, and were conse-quently exogamous. This type occurred where ecology preventedgroup size from exceeding fifty to one hundred members and whereemphasis upon hunting or other factors tending toward male domi-nance made it patrilocal. It was found among Northern Bushmen,African Negritos, Semang, Australians, Tasmanians, Fuegians, andin southern California. The theoretical counterpart of the patri-lineal band is the exogamous, localized, matrilineal band, the distri-bution of which has not yet been summarized, but which probablyoccurred among some primitive horticulturists. For example, arch-eological evidence suggests that these may have existed among BasketMakers and early Pueblo in the Southwest and provided nuclei forsubsequent clan development (Steward, 1937 a).Composite bands are not unilineal but consist of unrelated familieswhich consequently need not observe band exogamy. In these theenlarged kinship group and political group are thus not coexten-sive. This type occurs v/here the group is somewhat larger (usuallymore than 100 persons) or where for various reasons, such aslack of strict rules of patrilocal or matrilocal residence or presenceof cross-cousin marriage, band exogamy is unnecessary. Com-posite bands occur among Southern Bushmen, Andamanese, manyAlgonkians and Athabascans of Canada and, no doubt, elsewhere.When generalizations are made, it must be assumed that furtherinvestigations may require supplementary theories to fit facts notpreviously known. The present investigation has shown that certainBasin-Plateau groups conformed in great detail to the previous gen-eralizations. Other groups exhibited novel cause and effect rela-tionships which do not invalidate previous generalizations but re-quire supplementary hypotheses. No doubt a similar analysis ofgroups not covered in these studies will indicate other new kinds ofcause and effect relationships.Owens Valley Paiute possessed the typical composite band. TheNorthern Shoshoni, who acquired horses at an early date, also hadcomposite bands. But in their failure to own territory the latterdeparted from the usual composite band pattern. This departure,hov/ever, has been shown to be a result of the horse-bison economy
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. i2bwhich required that the subsistence areas of the different bands over-lap. Data on Ute are inadequate but suggest a pattern like thatof the Northern Shoshoni.AVestern Shoshoni, probably Southern Paiute, and perhaps someNorthern Paiute fall outside the scope of the previous generaliza-tions, which were too inclusive. They lacked bands and any formof land ownership. The only stable social and political unit wasthe family. Larger groupings for social and economic purposeswere temporary and shifting. The radical departure of thesepeoples from the band patterns, however, is explainable by ecolog-ical factors not previously encountered. It has been shown that theunusually great economic importance of seeds largely restricted theeconomic unit to the family. Communal enterprises did not alwaysaline the same families, so that there were no large groups havingpolitical unity. It has also been shown that the peculiar occurrenceof certain foods, especially seed species, entailed interlocking sub-sistence areas which militated against land ownership.Ecology in Cultural StudiesAn "explanation" of human behavior patterns explains in pro-portion as it traces determinants to ultimate sources. These deter-minants or factors are necessarily stated in different terms. Someare innate human drives, which, though overlaid , and obscuredby culture patterns, must sometimes be stated in psychological andeven physiological terms. Some are more or less arbitrary behaviornorms to be treated in terms of invention and borrowing. But bothare adapted in varying ways and degrees to the requirements ofexistence in a particular natural environment. The adaptation mustbe stated in ecological terms. Determinants of culture, therefore,are interrelated in a complex equation. It is difficult to see howin any society the extent and force of purely cultural and psycho-logical determinants can be ascertained if the ecology which condi-tions and delimits them is unknown.Attention to the role of ecology, however, is neither environmentaldeterminism nor economic determinism. Extreme environmentaldeterminism has had ample refutation. Economic determinism,though resting to an undetermined extent upon substantial truth,is, especially in such extreme interpretations as the Marxian, primar-ily a philosophy, not a scientifically demonstrated fact. Emphasisupon human ecology is not postulation of a general or novel theory.It is essentially a manner of stating a problem. The problem isfirst to ascertain what behavior patterns are required wlien a certainenvironment is exploited by certain economic devices. Second, how.
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 261if at all, such patterns affect other activities and institutions andthe latitude allowed them. In short, it entails an equation of cul-ture process involving the interaction and mutual adaptation ofboth historically and environmentally determined behavior.It may be argued, of course, that there is danger of taking ecologyas the point of departure and that to do so is unwarranted, becauseany part of the culture might have predetermined ecology insteadof the reverse. To this there are two answers. First, it is notclaimed a priori that ecology predetermines anything. The extentof its effect is an empirical problem in each instance. Second, ecol-ogy involves one unalterable factor, the natural environment. Quiteunlike economies may be imposed upon any environment, each com-prising a system of activities and each exploiting different resourcesin the environment?for example, the Pueblo, the recent Indian, andthe modern white in the Basin-Plateau area. But any system mayvary only within limits, otherwise the people Avill obviously not sur-vive. These lunits may be narrow or great and in turn permit smallor large latitude in those cultural activities that depend upon them.If wide latitude is permitted by subsistence patterns, the choice ofcultural forms may be determined by purely historical factors.Thus, an ecology might permit a dense population, but whether peo-ple lived scattered in many small hamlets or clustered in largetowns might depend upon warfare, ceremonies, and other cultural-historical factors. It would be futile, however, to seek historicaldeterminants of village types unless it had been established thatecology had permitted variations in them.The extent to which ecology conditions and delimits cultures de-pends, of course, upon the culture. In primitive societies like thosedescribed in this paper, it clearly predetermines and delimits certainfeatures of social and political groui)s. An effort was not made totrace its effect to all the patterns which control an individual'sbehavior, but it is probable that little behavior could be whollyexplained in purely social terms. Even kinship duties and obliga-tions toward different relatives rest ultimately in varying degreesupon ecology. These duties and obligations may not onl}^ be partlyeconomic but may well depend upon whether ego lives in the samevillage with or 50 miles away from certain relatives, upon what occa-sions he sees them, what kinds of activities they carry on together,and in what manner each fits into the general scheme of property,inheritance, food seeking, government, and other activities. Mar-riage may rest upon a psychological as well as cultural foundation.But the precise relationship between spouses as well as extensions ofkinship groups cannot be understood without adequate reference totheir economic functions.60285?38 IS
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120In proportion that societies liave adequately solved subsistenceproblems, the effect of ecology becomes more difficult to ascertain.In complex societies certain components of the social superstructurerather than ecology seem increasingly to be determinants of furtherdevelopments. With greater cultural complexity analysis becomesincreasingly difficult. Who can say today what weight should beattached to industrial progress, to preexisting government and socialpatterns, or to the propagandistic force of the ideology of democracyor other forms of government as determinants of present and futuretrends in our sociopolitical system ? That certain changes in our ownsociety are explainable in economic terms, however, cannot be denied.The relative growth of urban centers and the concomitant extensionof political control over the behavior of individuals cannot beexplained by any inherent tendency of human beings to increase innumber, to concentrate the population in huge aggregates, and to sub-mit to more and more political control. Concentration of wealthand the crystallization of social classes are not merely psychologicalpeculiarities of human beings. Even the marked changes within themodern family are not purely sociological phenomena. To a verylarge extent these are all traceable to economic changes.
APPENDICESAppendix A.
?
Tribal DistributionsIn a previous paper (1937) I gave the general distribution of themain linguistic groups of the Great Basin and adjoining portions ofthe Columbia and Colorado Plateaus. This was based primarilyupon field work. The linguistic groups mapped were Kroeber's 3branches of "Plateau Shoshonean" (1907, pp. 66-165, 1909)?Sho-shoni-Comanche, Mono-Bannock or Northern Paiute, and Ute-Cheme-huevi, the last including Southern Paiute?which Wliorf (1935)suggests should not be classed together as "Shoshonean." ThoughKroeber's map of these divisions (1925, fig. 52) must be modified insome details, it was remarkably accurate in view of the limitedinformation at his command.It remains to examine early documentary evidence relative to thissubject. For the greater part of Nevada south of the HumboldtKiver source material is almost entirely lacking. For Oregon, Idaho,
?and northern and western Utah it is abundant but extraordinarilycontradictory. In fact it would be valueless to review it had notvarious authors based classifications of Basin-Plateau groups uponit, thus repeating and even compounding the original errors.Early writers were liable to several kinds of error. First, thedifferences between the linguistic divisions are sufficiently slight tohave escaped the attention of persons not well versed in theselanguages. Thus, Wyeth lived two years, 1834-36, at Fort Hallbut failed to discover that Bannock and Shoshoni spoke differently.Second, it was often assumed that well-defined, bounded, and namedpolitical units would be found everywhere. It was not known that tlieonly grouping in the greater part of the area was the family or vil-lage, so that "tribe" had significance only in synonymy with language.As there was little natural geographical grouping, names applied topeoples of localities bore uncertain connotation. Often local nameswere tliought to imply political or "tribal" distinctiveness. Thus thefrequent application of Paviotso to Northern Paiute of western Ne-vada and of Bannock or Snake to tlieir Oregon kin led to the beliefthat these were three separate tribes. The third and most serioussource of error was loose usage. When names were not intended todesignate language, they were vaguely descriptive of culture and wereapplied without respect to locality. Thus "Digger" was used for263
264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bhll. 120many groups. Finally, observers did not always distinguish thetemporary from the habitual residents of a region. Though mountedShoshoni and Ute were sometimes encountered several hundred milesfrom their homes, the fact was not always recognized or stated.The most common usage was to distinguish mounted from "foot"Indians. Shoshonee or Snake was most often applied to the former,Shoshocoe, Shoshoki, Walker, or Digger to the latter (e. g., Wilson,1849, p. 66; Hoffman, 1886, pp. 296-298; Burton, 1862, p. 476, evenincluded Washo under Shoshoko or Digger). But these terms wereapplied inconsistently. Snake was often used also for Indians wholacked horses, who were shy, or who were poor. Shoshonie or Sho-shonee was sometimes applied to Kroeber's Shoshonean-speakingpeoples, e. g., Schoolcraft (1851, p. 198; 1857, pp. 34-35), Wheeler(1879, pp. 19, 408-413) who included southern California tribes underit, and Simpson (1876, pp. 34^35) who included Snake and Bannockunder "Sho-sho-nee." (Latham, 1856, p. 106, following Pike, appliedPaduca to all Shoshoneans.) Dennison (1858, p. 262), however, madeno distinctions, saying that the "Mountain Snakes, Bonnacks, andDiggers" are "generally known as the Shoshone or Snake Indians andare part of that large tribe." Shoshocoe and Snake, as will be shownbelow, were also applied to Northern Paiute or Mono-Bannock speak-ing groups as well as to Shoshoni proper. Bannock, though mostoften used for the Northern Paiute of Oregon, was frequently appliedto various Idaho Shoshoni, mounted or unmounted, as well as toIdaho Bannock proper. Many writers, considering it to mean merely
"robbers," applied it to any Indians prone to theft. Ute ^^ or Utahwas usually restricted to the Ute proper, though it was often ap-plied as Pa-Ute to both Northern and Southern Paiute and as WeberUte and Gosiute (Gosi-Ute) to two groups of Shoshoni. Keferencesto early writers in addition to those cited here will be found in Ban-croft (1886, pp. 461-470), whose inferences as to divisions and loca-tions of Shoshoneans are far from helpful.Wyoming.?Shoshoni of Wyoming were consistently called Sho-shoni or Snake and there is little doubt that they all spoke Shoshoni-Comanche. (Gebow's vocabulary of the Rocky Mountains, 1868, forthe "Snake or Sho-sho-nay" is Shoshoni-Comanche.)Montana., Idaho., and northern Utah.?The Shoshoneans of thisarea were classified in many contradictory ways. Attempts to in-terpret these sources have led to unwarranted assumptions of tribalmovements and to erroneous linguistic and tribal classification. It
31 Harrington, 1911, has suggested that Ute T>as derived from the Ute-Paiute wordnutSii, plural nut? I ?, meaning "person, people," and that I'aiute was probably a corrup-tion of paquatSt, plural paquatS 1 u, Ouray Ute Indian. Paiute had commonly beensupposed to be Pa, water+ Ute.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 265must be stressed that reconstruction of events presumed to haveoccurred two centuries ago requires substantial support, especially
?when documentary evidence is wanting.Wilkes (1845) states that according to tradition and general beliefSnakes formerly occupied Blackfeet country. Domenech (1860, vol.2, pp. 60-61) states, without supporting evidence, that several centu-ries ago "Snakes," "Bamiocks," "Comanches," and "some other tribesof Utah" were driven back from their ancient hunting ground onthe upper Missouri by the Blackfeet. Hodge (Handbook, vol. 1, pp.129-130) supposes that Lewis and Clark's "Broken Moccasins" ofthe Salmon Kiver Mountains and possibly also the Lemhi Kiverpeople were a northern division of Bannock, who differed linguisti-cally from the Shoshoni and who were driven westward from Mon-tana by the Siksika. Berreman (1937, p. 58) also assumes thatBannock originally occupied the upper Salmon Kiver and part ofWyoming while the Walpapi or Snake, who also spoke Mono-Ban-nock, lived to "the west, between the Bannock and the Snake River,where they bordered on Sahaptin tribes" and that tribal disclocations,starting with pressure from the Blackfeet, eventually pushed theminto Oregon.Although Blackfeet raids served to concentrate Bannock and Sho-shoni in certain localities, slightly narrowing their range, data do notsupport the hypothesis of important tribal dislocations. Teit, ap-parently on the authority of Indian informants, states that Sho-shoneans held territory in Montana as far east and north as Lewis-ton and Havre (1930, pp. 304-305, 317-320). This would be difficultto disprove, but it is strange that early documents do not affordsome proof of it.It is not improbable that some Bannock were formerly scatteredin the upper Salmon as well as upper Snake River region. Butthere is no evidence that they were ever the sole occupants of thearea or were subsequently driven all the way to Oregon. ThatLewis and Clark called the Lemhi River people "Cho-sho-ni" andClass called them "Snake" is no reason to believe that they wereBannock. The "Broken Moccasins" were, as previously suggested,probably the Tukadiika or Sheep Eater Shoshoni of the mountains.Hodge's difficulty in attaching precise meaning to "Bannock" is indi-cated by his division of Bannock into five groups: Yambadika orRoot Eaters [the name given by informants for western Idaho Sho-shoni, who were somewhat intermixed with Northern Paiute] , Wara-dika [who are probably Shoshoni of western Idaho], and the Buf-falo-Eaters, Honey-Eaters, and Cottonwood-Eaters, whose locationand identity is unknown. (The first, third, and fourth of these werealso listed by Hoffman as Bannock bands, 1886, pp. 299-300.) The
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120most numerous references to Bannock in the upper Salmon Eiverregion, in fact, are late: Mullan (1855, p. 329), referring to "Banax",-^^Lander (1860, p. 136), "Bannock"; Sully (1870, pp. 289-290), 500-"Bannock" in southwestern Montana, claiming territory aroundBoseman and Virginia City; Smith (1871, p. 432), mixed "Bannacks,.Shoshones, and Sheep-Eaters" in the Lemhi Valley; and Powell (1891^p. 110), 75 Bannock, 249 Shoshoni, and 109 Sheep-Eaters on theLemhi Reservation. Bearing in mind the uncertain distinction be-tween Bannock and Shoshoni that long prevailed, even these cita-tions must be regarded with caution. Probably some Bannock wereincorporated in the Lemhi Reservation, but this, of course, lends nosupport to the assumption that they were the sole inhabitants of theregion at one time, nor that they were subsequently pushed intoOregon.As for the Lemhi River and Montana area, one must concludewith Lowie (1909, p. 173) that the "historically recorded westwardmovements of Shoshone bands driven by Plains tribes thus shrinkinto purely local migrations and do not affect the tribe as a whole."Other references to Bannock, Shoshoni, and Snake are furtherevidence of the contradictory usage. Some have been cited previ-ously (pp. 186-187, 199, 205-207, 218-222). Others are:Russell, 1834-43 (1921, p. 144), placed "Snake" or "Sho-sho-nies" in th&region drained by the head branches of the Green and Bear Rivers and theeast and southern head branches of the Snake River. "Snake" was a nameused by Crow ; the source of "Sho-sho-nie" was not known.Farnham, 1839, said that the Shoshoni or Snake wandered over the Rocky-Mountains between the Colorado and Bear Rivers, "the habitable shores of theGreat Salt Lake, a considerable portion of country on Snake River above andbelow Fort Hall, and a tract extending two or three hundred miles to the westof that post" (1843, pp. 361-362) and were distinguished from the "Bouack"of western Idaho (pp. 318-320).De Smet, July 1842 met "several families of Shoshonees or Snake Indiansand Shoshocos or Uprooters . . ." on the Bear River. They "speak the samelanguage. The only difference we could observe between them was that thelatter were by far the poorer" and had few horses (vol. 27, pp. 244-245).Wilkes (1845) placed Shoshones or Snakes east of Utah Lake, north of theSnake River and north of the Banacks, near Fort Boise with Bonacks betweenFort Hall and Fort Boise and from Utah Lake to California.Hale's (1846, pp. 21S-219, map) Shoshoni or Snake vocabulary of Idaho(pp. 569-629) is very similar to Shoshoni-Comanche. He made no local orlinguistic distinction between the unmounted Shoshoni and the unmounted Dig^gers except that the latter lived to the north (p. 219). He failed to identify his"Panasht or Bonaks" to the west of these Shoshoni. Lane (1850, p. 158), quotingNewell, a mountaineer, similarly distinguished the "Shoshonee or Snake," whooccupied the Snake River, Bear River, and the region south to Great Salt Lakefrom the "Ponashta," who lived west and south of the Snake.Meek (1848, p. 10) mentioned 3,000 Snake and 2,000 "Bonarchs" on the SnakeRiver near Fort Hall.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 267Wilson (1849, p. 66) distinguished "Shoshonies or Snakes" from "Shoshocoesor Walkers." The former were mounted and extended from Red Buttes on theNorth Fork of the Platte River, southward to include the "Yan-pa-pa, till itenters the Green or Colorado River," and the Bear River Mountains and "mostof the Salt Lake" and Humboldt River, He thus ignored the presence of Ban-nock. Schoolcraft (1857, pp. 34-35) gave approximately the same boimdary forthe "Shochonee."Though Ross (1855) is often cited as an authority, his confusion is evident inhis threefold grouping of Shoshoni : (1) Shirry-dikas or Dog-Eaters [the Sho-shoni name for the Arapaho; Shoshoni did not eat dogs] living east of theRocky Mountains; (2) War-are-ree-kas or Fish Eaters [wada is the name of aseed], who were numerous on the rivers west of the Rocky Mountains and werepoorly armed and clad, unorganized, and lived by fishing; (3) Ban-at-tees[probably intended for "Banaite," the Fort Hall Shoshoni name for Bannock],Robbers, or Mountain Snakes who "live a predatory and wandering life in therecesses of the mountains and are to be found in small bands, or single wig-wams, among the caverns and rocks" and who lived by robbing. This, ofcourse, might describe any of several Shoshonean groups in different States.Ross admitted that classification of Shoshoneans was confused and that hisown remarks "cannot be relied upon as entirely correct . . . With all their ex-perience, our friends possessed but a very confused idea of the Snakes, both as totheir names and numbers. One would call them Bannocks, and anotherWurracks, while a third would have them named Dogs." (1855, vol. 1, pp.251-252.)Simpson (1876, p. 34) placed the "fierce and warlike Snakes" in the Snake,Bear, and Green River Valleys east to Wind River.Doty (1864, p. 173) mentioned "the mixed bands of Shoshonees and Bannacksof the Shoshonee (or Snake) River valley."Irish (1865, pp. 143-144) related the mixed Shoshoni and Bannock of Idahoto the Wyoming Shoshoni, from whom he distinguished 3 bands of NorthwesternSiioshoni in Bear Lake, Cache and Malad Valleys, and the Goose Creek Moun-tains.Head (1867, p. 176) placed "mixed bands of Bannacks and Shoshones" insouthern Idaho and in the Ogden, AVeber, and Bear River valleys, but said theyspent much time in the Wind River country since game had become scarce intheir own. Another group was the Too-roo-reka or Sheep eater Shoshones"who lived almost entirely in the mountains and very seldom visit the whitesettlements" (p. 189).C. F. Powell (1868, pp. 201-203) and Danilson (1869, p. 288) represented thehome of the Bannocks to be the region of Fort Hall but the former said therewere about 100 in western Idaho.Wheeler (1879, pp. 19, 408-413) subdivides Shoshoni proper, as distinguishedfrom Snakes of Oregon, into : Wind River or Washakie, Hokan-tikara [myHukundiika], Go'siats or Goshi-Utes, Tuka-ri'ka (or Mountain-Sheep-eaters orSalmon River Snakes), Tussa'wehe (or White Knives), Paviotso of westernNevada, and Bannock or Panai'ti. The Paviotso actually speak Mono-Bannockand so do the Bannock or Panai'ti if this refers to the Fort Hall group.Another ambitious but unhelpful classification of Shoshoni or "horse Indians"as distinct from Shoshocoes or foot Indians, is Hoffman's 7 divisions of theformer (1886, pp. 296-298) : (1) Tukuarika or Mountains Sheep Eaters nearthe headwaters of the Yellowstone River [my Salmon River group], (2) Taza-aigadika or Salmon Eaters, unlocated [Agaidiika was used by informants forboth Salmon River and lower Snake River Shoshoni], (3) Tivatika or Pine
2Qg BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Nut eaters of southern Nevada [Fort Hall Shoshoni applied Tubadiika to GrouseCreek, the Snake River Shoshoni applied it to the Humboldt River Shoshoni, andaccording to Kroeber (1909, pp. 267-268), Ruby Valley Shoshoni applied Diive-dika-nii to Austin Shoshoni], (4) Shonivikidika or Sunflower Eaters, not located,(5) Hokandika or Earth Eaters, not located [my Hukundiika or eaters of hukiseeds], (6) Shohoaigadika or Cottonwood Salmon Eaters, unlocated, (7)Yahandika or Ground Hog Eaters, unlocated [my Yahandvika of westernIdaho].Western Idaho.?If the eastern portion of the region was confusedby the presence of Bannocks among the Shoshoni, western Idaho wasconfused by the presence of Northern Paiute adjoining Shoshoni.Bonneville, 1832-33, used "Shoshokoe" for 100 families met on the PowderRiver, a tributary of the Snake River in eastern Oregon, whom he described aspoor, inoffensive diggers and fish eaters who lacked horses (Irving, 1898, vol. 1,pp. 333-334). Work, 1833 (Lewis and Phillips, 1923, pp. 150-174) used "Snake"for Indians of the Boise, Payette, and Day Rivers. Farnham, 1839, used
"Bonack" for moimted Indians inhabiting "the banks of that part of Saptin, or
"Snake River, which lies between the mouth of Boisais, or Reed's [Boise] River,and the Blue Mountains" and "speak a language peculiar to themselves," that is,different from the Shoshoni or Snake immediately to the east (1843, pp. 261-262,318-320). Townsend (1839, p. 267) met a "Snake" family on the Brul6 (Burnt)River in eastern Oregon.Hale used "Panasht" or "Bonaks" for the inhabitants of the Snake River:above the mouth of the Boise River, who separated the "Winasht" or "Western:Shoshoni" of Oregon from Shoshoni or Snake of Idaho (1846, pp. 218-219).
"Shoshonees or Snakes" are also distinguished from "Panasht Bannaks" inHouse Ex. Doc. 76, 1848, pp. 7-8. Domenech (1860, vol. 1, map) locates the"Punashly or Ponacks" on the Snake River in southwestern Idaho- Earlier, in1S39, Leonard (1904, p. 167) had placed Bawnack or Slioshonie on the Willamette3liver.Burton (1862, pp. 473-474) said Bannock inhabited the greater part of Oregon,but there were a few to the east who had formerly traded at Fort Bridger,
^V'yoming.Kirkpatrick (1862, pp. 267-268) used a novel term, "Winnas," for Indians northof the Snake River on the Bayette (Payette), Boise, and Sickley (Malad ?)JRivers.Lyon (1865, p. 234) speaks of "Boise Shoshonees" formerly on the Boise Riverand of 2,000 Indians of the "Kammas Prairie" tribe. Hough (1866, p. 189)speaks of "Bois6," "Bruneau," and "Kamass" bands of "Shoshonee."Ballard (1866, p. 190) says "Pi-Utes" lived in southwestern Idaho and Oregon,whereas "Snakes or Shoshonees" lived on the upper Snake River.Powell and Ingalls (1874, p. 20) class southwestern Oregon under "WesternShoshoni."Hiimholdt River and eastern Nevada.?Walker, 1826, called the Indians on theHumboldt River "Shoshokoes" (Irving, 1897, vol. 2, p. 94). Meek (1848, p. 10)used "Bonarch Diggers" for 7,000 Indians west of Great Salt Lake. HumboldtRiver Indians were called Shoshoni by Holeman (1852, p. 151). Lander (1860,p. 133) said the Indians of the Humboldt River and Goose Creek Mountainswere a division of "Western Shoshonee" called "Shoshokoes," and Hurt (1860,pp. 92-93) called the same people Snake Diggers. In 1859 Simpson said therewere 500 Bannacks on the "southern border of Oregon, along the Old Humboldt
STEWARD] APPENDICES 269River emigrant-road" (1876, pp. 34-35). Burton (1862, p. 474) gives 7 bands of
"Slioshones" along the Humboldt River and 100 miles south. Doty (1SG4, p. 175)mentioned two bands of "Western Shoshonees" or "Shoshonee Diggers," theTosowitch (White Knife) and Unkoahs.After about 1S65 Humboldt River people were called Shoshonee or WesternShoshone, e. g., by: Parker (1868, pp. 114-115), who said there were 2,500 in the-whole eastern half of Nevada; Campbell (1866, p. 120) ; Head, who placed them,in western Utah and eastern Nevada (1866, p. 123), including Deep Creek andRuby Valley (1867, p. 176) ; Tourtellotte (1869, p. 229) ; and Douglas (1870,p. 95), who said they were "offshoots of the Shoshonees or Snake Indians ofOregon."Powell and Ingalls classed them with southeastern Oregon and southwesternIdaho as "Western Shoshones" (1874, pp. 12, 20).Observations on southern Nevada were more contradictory.Domenech (1860, vol. 1, map) located Pah-Utah in southern Nevada and"southern California, with Apaches in the Death Valley region. Parker (18G6,pp. 114-115) included Pahranagat Valley and southern Nevada in Shoshoneeterritory, while Douglas (1870, p. 95) thought "Shoshonees" did not extend southof the 38th parallel. Powell and Ingalls located "Western Shoshones" southto Duckwater, Hot Creek, and Big Smoky Valley (1874, pp. 12, 29). Wheeler'sShoshoni of Hiko, Nevada (Pahranagat Valley) were, as the vocabulary (1879,pp. 424-465) clearly demonstrates, not Shoshoni but Southern Paiute. This iswithin the territory allotted by Powell and Ingalls (1874) and Kelly (19S4) toSouthern Paiute.Eastern Oregon.?The term Snake was apparently first used by Thompson,1784-1812, who had heard of "Snake Indians of the Straw Tent Tribe," evi-dently located in Oregon west of the Blue Mountains (p. 492). Lewis andClark, 1806-7, used it for a large number of Indians on the Deschutes River(vol. 3, pp. 147-149), who, however, probably did not speak Shoshoni-Comau-che as their Lemhi Shoshoni interpreter could not converse with a "Snake"captive woman met below the Cascades of the Columbia River (vol. 3, p. 193).They had previously used Cho-sho-ne (vol. 2, p 366), though Gass, who accom-panied them, had used Snake (p. 121) for the Lemhi.In 1811, while the Astoria party was near the junction of the Boise and SnakeRivers, they were informed that there were no more "Snakes" downstreamand they would meet "Sciatogas" (Irving, 1897, vol. 2, p. 46), but several daysjourney to the west of the Snake River, in Oregon, they met mounted "Shoshoni"(pp. 71-72).Morse, in 1822 (map and pp. 368-369) placed "Shoshones," which he seems tohave identified with "Snake," in all of eastern Oregon and southern Idaho.Ogden, 1826-28, used "Snake" for Indians of Day's River near the ColumbiaRiver (vol. 10, pp. 349-351) and on the headwaters of "Silvie's" (Silver) River(vol. 11, p. 206), and Work (Lewis and Phillips, 1923, pp. 150-174) in 1833, forIndians on Day's River, ?Obviously, "Snake" did not have an exact meaning at this time. Then andlater it was used indiscriminately for mounted and unmounted Shoshoneans ofIdaho, Wyoming, Oregon, and Nevada. Ross' "Snake" vocabulary (1855, vol. 2,pp. 153-154) is of no help in identifying the Snakes for the location from whichit Is taken is not given. It resembles Shoshoni-Comanche somewhat, butappears mixed. Subsequent use of other names for eastern Oregon Indians isconsistent with a change in the ever-confused terminology rather than a shiftof tribes.
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Wyeth, at Fort Hall, 1834-1836, placed "Snake or Digger Indians" in the valleybetween the Blue and Cascade Mountains (Schoolcraft, 1851, p. 221), butWyeth had no idea of the linguistic difference between Northern Paiute andShoshoni.Hale's "Western Shoshoni or Winasht," inhabiting what is now eastern Ore-gon (1846, pp. 218-219 and map) were, from his vocabularies (1846, pp. 569-629; 1848, p. 121), clearly Mono-Bannock. Latham (1856, pp. 106-107) calledthem "Wihinast."Lander (1860, pp. 138-139) located 150 lodges of "Warraricas (in English,
'Sun-flower seed eaters') or Diggers or Bannacks, below Fort Boise, west ofBlue Mountains," ranging, with very few horses, on the head of John Day'sRiver and west of the Blue Mountains. They subsisted on roots, camas, andplunder. The same year Geary (1860, p. 176) wrote that the "Snakes" ofeastern Oregon are to be distinguished from the "Bannacks" and "Sho-sho-nees"of the Rocky Mountains who were well mounted buffalo hunters. Two yearslater Kirkpatrick (1862, pp. 267-268) placed "Bannacks" from Harney Lakeof the Rocky Mountains who were well mounted buffalo hunters. Two years
"Mountain Snakes, Bonnacks, and Diggers" are "generally known as the Sho-shone or Snake Indians, and are part of that large tribe," and Domenech (1860,vol. 1, map) had located "Bonnack Shoshones or Serpents" in southern Oregon.Burton (1802, pp. 473^74) said most Bannock were in Oregon.Huntington (1S65, p. 466) listed the following subdivisions of Oregon
"Snakes" : Yah-lioos-kin, Woll-pah-pe, Wah-tat-kiu, I-uke-spl-ule, and Hoo-ne-boo-ey.Ballard (1866, p. 190) placed "Pi-Ute" in southeastern Idaho and the regionsof the Ow.vhee and Malheur Rivers.Bancroft (vol. 31, pt. 2, pp. 512-544), using army reports, said that the In-dians engaged in the wars in eastern Oregon, especially from Malheur andWarner Lakes, were "Shoshoni." Hoffman (1886, pp. 298-299) placed "Panaiti"in eastern Oregon, western Idaho, and perhaps in Washington.Huntington (1867, p. 95) applied "Snakes" to middle Oregon, Malheur River,
"Pi-Utes and Snakes" to the Owyhee region.Douglas (1870, p. 95) mentioned "Shoshones or Snake Indians of Oregon";Meacham (1871, p. 305), "Snake or Shoshoni" near Camp Horney.Powell and Ingalls included southeastern Oregon under "Western Shoshoni"(1874, p. 20).Wheeler (1879, p. 410) made a special division of "Snakes" which includedthe Wi'hinasht at Owyhee River (Hale's "Western Shoshoni" which was Mono-Bannock linguistically) and the Walpa'pi and Yahu'skin of southern and easternOregon (whose distinguishing characteristics have never been stated and prob-ably did not exist).Although archeological and ethnographic evidence may permit theinference that Shoshoneans have expanded northward in recent cen-turies, pushing the Sahaptins and others toward the Columbia Kiver,there appears to be no means of confirming Teit's hypothesis that thisoccurred subsequent to 1750 (Teit, 1928, pp. 98-108). Lewis andClark, 1808-7, left the first documentary evidence describing the Co-lumbia Valley. Ogden, 1826-28, first described eastern Oregon.Their observations indicate that Shoshonean-speaking peoples coveredmost of Oregon and even reached the mouth of the Deschutes River,
STEWARD] APPENDICES 271where they raided other tribes. Both writers called these peoples
"Snakes."Exact information about the political and linguistic divisions of
'Oregon Shoshoni must await field work. Meanwhile it is impossibleto interpret the available literature in support of Berreman's sup-position that although "it seems to be possible to identify the origi-nal Mono-Bannock peoples of southeastern Oregon with NorthernPaiute of northeastern California," it is also possible to "show thatthe Snake or Walpapi, of central eastern Oregon in historic times,were late intruders from the east" and that in 1750 only did NorthernPaiute as distinct from Snake and Bannock occupy Oregon (1937,pp. 47-54, fig. 1). To the contrary, it seems impossible to avoidbelieving tliat early writers loosely applied Snake, Bannock, andShoshocoe to the same people. There is no evidence that the Sho-shoneans of eastern Oregon were divided into readily distinguishablecultural, political, or linguistic groups. Amalgamation of the scat-jtered population into bands undoubtedly occurred only during theIndian wars.Western Nevada.?CTh, Mill City Paiute, said that in his grand-father's time a people speaking a language different from Paiutehad lived in the vicinity of Lovelock. They might, he thought, havebeen the present Pitt Eiver (Achomawi) Indians. The Paiute weresaid to have killed many of them and driven the remainder into alarge cave where most of them were smoked to death. Other versionsof this account have previously been cited (Steward, 1937).Leonard, 1S31-36, called the Indians in the vicinity of Humboldt Lake
"Shoshocoes" (p. 167), a term used by other writers for Humboldt River,eastern Oregon, and southern Idaho "Diggers." For example, Wilson (1849,p. 66) used it as synonymous with "Walker or Digger" for any unmountedShoshoneans, and Hoffman (1886, pp. 296-298) as synonymous with "Shoshoki"for any foot Indian.Holeman called the Indians near Humboldt Lake "Banuacks" (1853, p. 444),whereas Hurt called them "Py-Ute" (1856, pp. 228-229). Burche (1864, pp.144-147) said the "Pannak?5s" lived north of the "Pah-Ute" (xmder Waw-ne-mucke) in Humboldt County, Nevada, their territory extending "from theSierras to the Rocky Mountains and from parallels 41? to 45? north lati-tude." Stony Point on the Humboldt River was the western boundary of the
"Shoshonees." Parker (1866, pp. 114-115) placed 1,500 mounted "Bannocks"in Nevada north of the 41st parallel and in the southeastern corner of Idaho.
"Pi-Utes," he said, occupied Nevada west of the "Shoshonees" and south of the^'Bannock." Campbell (1866, pp. 119-120) agreed with Parker, but used^'Snake" as synonymous with "Bannock" of southern Oregon. Douglas (1870,pp. 95 ff. ) called the Indians of the Steen's Mountain region "Snake," whileDouglas (1870, pp. 94-95) called these together with the McDermit and westernNevada Indians "Pah-Ute." And yet Berreman (1937, p. 57) locates NorthernPaiute in southeastern Oregon with Bannock and Snake north of them in1840 to 1850.
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bvll.i2oCampbell (1866, pp. 119-120) distinguished "Pi-Ute" of western Nevada[Northern Pniute] from "Pai-Ute" of southern Nevada and Utah [Southern-Paiute]. Powell and Ingals (1874, pp. 2, 5, 21) used "Pa-vi-o-tsoes" or "Pah-Utes" for western Nevada and Humfreville (1897, p. 281) used Pah-Ute fornorthern Nevada.Simpson (1876, pp. 37-38) placed "Py-Utes" in vrestern Utah from Oregonto New Mexico and in the principal river and lake basins of the GreatBasin.In appraising these references to southern Oregon and westernNevada, the area of the Mono-Bannock speaking peoples, it should beborne in mind that it has not yet been demonstrated that they werenatively divided into ethnic groups. Both language and cultureappear to have varied so gradually that no locality was truly dis-tinct from others. Bands or other large political groupings existedonly after the period of conflict with the white man began, circa1850 to 1860. Names, few of which were of native origin, wereapplied by white men to areas much larger than aboriginal ethnic orpolitical groups?Snake or Bannock to Oregon, Paviotso to westernNevada, IMono to eastern California, and Paiute to all.Southern Utah and southern Nevada.?The main confusion interminology for Southern Paiute is the designation of the northern-most group of Southern Paiute as "Pi-Edes."Farnham (1843, pp. 248-249) located Paiutes and Land Pitches (possiblymeaning San Pete or Sampits Ute) on the Sevier River.Hurt (1860, pp. 92-93) mentioned Utah or Piedes under Chief Ammon onBeaver Creek. Irish (1865, pp. 145-46) said the Pi-Bdes numbered about 6,000,spoke Utah, and lived "through Beaver and Little Salt Lake Valleys, andon the Rio Virgin and Santa Clara rivers down to the "Muddy" River, underTut-sey-gub-bets and many subchiefs. They were poor and were often raidedby the Utes. The Pah Ute (pp. 146-147) "properly belong in Nevada andArizona" and were very similar to the Pi-Edes. Head (1866, p. 124) dis-tinguished 600 Pah-Edes under Tut-sey-gub-bets from 1,600 Pah-Utes to theirsouth and 700 Pah Ranagats. (1867, pp. 174-176; 1868, pp. 148-149.) Simpson(1876, p. 35) said the "Pi-eeds" lived south of the Pah-vants, down to SantaClara. Chiefs were Tatsigobbets and Quanarrah.Sale (1865, p. 155), in utter confusion, said Pai-Utes numbered 2,000 to 3,000and claimed the country from Snake Valley to the Colorado River and fromthe Wasatch Mountains west to Pahranagat Valley.Wheeler (1875, pp. 36-37) stated that Southern Paiute were called Ute orPiedes while Pah-Utes were the same as Piedes.Gottfredson (1919, p. 15) placed Piedes at Pinto, Washington County, Utah.Powell and Ingalls used Pai-Ute for the Southern Paiute, Pah-Ute for theNorthern Paiute (1874), and Humfreville used Pi-Ute and Pah-Ute for these twodivisions (1897, p. 281).Appendix B.?VocABrrLARiEsThe following vocabularies were chosen from a large number col-lected in the field to represent the regional differences in dialect. Inmany instances, differences in recorded words do not represent abso-
STEWARD] APPENDICES 273lute local differences, for Slioslionean pronunciation is subject to greatvariation, especially in the treatment of terminal and whispered syl-lables, A single informant often pronounced a word very differentlyupon successive occasions. Individuals sometimes used unlike pro-nunciation not only because of the characteristic Shoshonean careless-ness but because of difference in their ages. There is a noticeable differ-ence which v>'as remarked by the Indians between old and younggenerations. ORTHOGRAPHY
a, e, i, o, and u have their continental values.a :, e :, i :, o :, and u : are prolonged.a, e, i, 6, and i\ are short.a, as ia b; 11.6, ii, imperfect umlaut.a, e, I, o, and u a ' nasal'ze .0, obscure vowel, often merging with impure u.c, like English sh.r, like Spanish r.V, bilabial.f , bilabial.p :, k :, t :, etc., are prolonged. The breath is held for a moment andreleased explosively, causing a whispered vowel to follow.T), as in sing.
-g, k, somewhat fricative.X, like German ch but farther forward.6, like English th. This often approximates t.s, usually like English, but often slightly blurred like English sh.
', elevated is glottal stop. Occurring at the end of a word, it is almostinevitably followed by a whispered vowel unless the breath be held.All other consonants are pronounced as in English, except whennasalized.All elevated letters are whispered or very weakly vocalized.Accent among the Shoshoni was on the first syllable in all except com-pound vrords and is therefore not written in. The only exception isS-LtLk which, like Northern and Southern Paiute, accented varioussyllables.There are minor regional differences in pronounciation which didnot, however, prevent Shoshoni wherever spoken being intelligible toanyone else speaking it. In general the rate of speaking was muchfaster in the north. At Fort Hall one or more of the final syllables ofa word v/ere entirely inaudible when the word was spoken alone andAvere vocalized only when the word was spoken in combination withothers. Lemhi vrere the extreme in this respect, speaking with greatspeed and slurring and whispering the final syllables.
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
STEWARD] APPENDICES 275
George's CreekNorthern Paiute Mill City North-ern Paiute Bannock North-ern Paiute Ash MeadowsSouthern Paiute Panamint Val-ley Kawaiisii
ai'duhu':pano'hima't:atu':supltcl'mupagunii'patoya'vitotsoi'piipa-Qwa'tiitu'pipa'yatftgii'p"tsaij'wipavai'lu'itcitilhS'ikadu""pa'hniuii'dii'iitiyuwi'tiii'jii'iititci'kawiitiyotsoga'tikahi'nuvavi"oria'vipaziwa'p*na'"nahu:pi"'ko'sokuku'itateku'tuziviita'vaiduadiimi3':ata>izinu'pato'yagatihuijwa'p:tu'gupadaviipatsia'tato'savonogitiito'tsoagitiia'kavonogitiipuhi'duwatiioha'vonogitiikwi'wi
pi't:asi'vi
wa"aduhupuo'vimata'tusuto'icbaguna'p:kai'vato?anpaiiino'b:tubi'pasu'ta"j""pizai"''"pavai"""tii':t.si'iaha'kaipahmu'iidiit'yuwi'iizii'tsiinii'nyotzok'kadu'nuva'viOTja'viatu'bananamo?wo"umkoso'kwi:pkiit:u'zipta'vamii'hapa':tuzu^?nii'niiavahukw9'pkuwi'bpaga'diit
'
toha'gwadjadtu'gwadjadatsa'gwadjadbuhi'gwadjadohagwadjadkwi'nihaniik-wiitpa'nakwiittavatsewina-kwiittava'iganu-kwiit
hu:a'dusu'i'uhup:*novi'mata'diisu'mudo'i'cakurui'vakai'vatu:ga'vapa':um8vatupi'pakapa'bieai'yupabai'yutu'utsiyufiha'kaipahmu'kutsii'r):!yu"i'odzii'tsoniin':"yotsok'kadu'nuva'viona'vipasi'wap:
nai'diikwi';dovakoto'nibatava'mil ha'pa'tusuvaniinua'vahukwa'patugwu'patpanu'nad?toha'kwitcSdtuhu'kwitcadatsa'kwitc'S,dtui'ckwitcidoha'kwitcSdkwina'havtava'duhattava'tsivui-nakwatyur)o'nakwat
a:tcka:nka:nma:dmo:'ciiDwii'ppagu'niivkaivtiiwanu':wadtii'mppaiiwu'puwiiniha'u'puoko'ndumtsikl'tshii'ii'kaitc"ko'iip'tado'iyua'daitciitu'itiitsi'gaiyomi'gainavac'u:gwi'owa'vota'vtovra'tsma:ma'u'ku:nkwi:phwamblp'tavai'putsmiyii'dogopitspu':tsiviiwa'diyaxai ?nu:a'd"tugu'mp '
tosa'gad "topa'gad "aqga'xad "sagwa'xad "huvu'rigad"tu:
tu:va'kwa:kwa:
e'duka'hnoka'^wima'datu'sutsu'^nukiina'vlte':vitu^ga'nouwa'datu'mbip4'iata'^mbiihii'ii'tiiivc'tiiivepi'tclhii'iike'0uko'o'pitado"i$iiiyuwada'tasitu"i^iimii'tsiigwl((ilyuwa't*niiva'viovra'visihvca'mbata'n'ipiizlmama"?ku'iinakui'i'pakutsa'p:?ta'vimu':aputsi'vl
ne'0utu'gubaiyavanad;
tu'huki(iaa'qakidapu'hu'ki0aa'ndoki0a
? Literally rain (iiwadi), cry (yaxai).
? Or tuqumpaya.
? Also, panu'n:.
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BOLL. 120
Tort HallShoshonl Lemhi Shoshoni Utah LakeUte Pahvant Ute Las VeeasSouthern Paiute
One...Two...Three.Four.
.
Five...Six....Seven.Eight.Nine.
sum 9wahai'tpalt:wa:tsultmaniigitnavaitta:tsuitnaiwatsuitsu:wanowomu-hunt?stirwd''davontabiidiibij.-p:'n^nkbuinamp:bambibiihiipma'?bamp:'bLxdanap:tiimp:mup:dSii'm:
nUm:'"dzuh"'O'makwahadiihunawiidaizap;uhaituhuyabiagwiya'*paduhuyapenk"'yagwotsayiihavitcpo:si?tokovitomiizombia *togoaponhiatsickamdav:tub:paak:saip:ba'k:hu:etkoh-"kah-ibet:
' Literally "ten minus one."
' Bull frog (payaqwhani).3 Or piadukw.
,* Generic term.
TenAnkleArmBloodEarEyeFoot --.HairHandHeadHeartKneeMouthNoseTeethTongueLiver...BoneLeg-AntelopeBadgerBearCoyoteCrow...Deer..EagleElkFishFrogGopherLouse...Mountain lion..Mountainsheep.RattlesnakeSkunk..WolfJack rabbitCottontailPine nutSun flowerTuleArrow..BowCradleHouseMetate
sum:watiipait:iiwa:tsuit:iimaniigit:unavaitiita:tsuitilnaiwatsuitiisutwanowiimi-hiintsu:iiwiitdawintsbiidiibii:p:ni\nk:buinamp:bambi""ma'?bambibi'danap:tiimp:miiiip:dauwehgonii'*"zuh"'doho'''kwahadiihunawiida'izapiiihaituhuyabiagwinapaduhuyapSnk"'yagwotsa
'
yuhavitsposiatoyudukowasupi
'
miiziimbia
?
togoaponhiatsickam:tava ^tubapa:k:saip:hu:pahu:et
'
kah"ibot:
su"'yuswa'enepa'enewa'itsu'winima'nuginina'vainena'wikuwinewahsu'winyeso'dohsuwinyetS'hmsuwinyetaunsuwiimpbiidiipaupnar)ka'vovpu'iv'nampii't'tsi'wiivmuvt?tsivpip:daqu'vtii'mbiivmiivi't"midauwu'mb:awii'mblnum:iivyufwanzu'nambutskwi'yanyo'gotsota'kuntsduikwa'natsiits'ba'duibagii'po'nuvmi'mbutspii'avtukw ?na'gatto'gwiivponisii'navitsii'kamutsta'viitstuva'akiimppagiimpu:atskiinkanmadu'ts
su wiyu3wae'nepae'newahtsu'riyenemanii'gyenenavai'yenenavai'kavayenewa'hutsuoyeneso'dogumsuyenetohmsuyeneti'tu'mpitc'"a'navpaup:'narikafpu:ivinampt'tsiwiifnia'avlt?'tsivlpi:yu'p:ta'rqavatimpii'vlmurvi'ptailwa'mpaxii'mp:nil'rjwumpoo'fyu'u'fwantsu:na'mpiitskwiya'gantyoho'vutsata'kuntsdiiu'ikwana'ntspadu'ipa:gii'paxkwanmu'iyiimpiitspo'avipia'duknax
toxo'aviparni'piasina'vikam:tavii'tstuv?akii'mppagii'mpu:atekanka'hnima;d?
suwlwaipa:iwatsu'imanii'gina'vaimukw'c*na:nsuwiyuwi'pe
masuto'mbotcum'aija'viimpaup:naijko'vampuimnampamtatsu'vammaumtatsum'piiim'tar)amtiimpam'muvim'tauwa'maugo'mniiwiimhoov'yuii'mwantsi'hun:papa'osiina'vata'putstuhu'imii.rjpaduhu'lpagii'tswoga'tatsmu'iyiiatsii'vitukiimiintsnaxkwia'tsponi':tuva'tskam:tavu'tstuv:?akampto'oi'vhu:atsko:nkanmati
' Ram.
? Ewe.
' A gray rabbit (tump'eitav).
* hu: (wood), et (bow)
.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 277
Fort HallShoshoni Lemhi Sboshoni Utah LakeUte Pahvant Ute Las VegasSouthern Paiute
dus:uto'itormiiptoyavitugwanihwpa:'yumattiimp:pa'kedzant
"
santbiratcltu:iduha'ike'pauh""iidiiintyuvraixiijuinkut:a"?yu:naixkehe'wa'*tak:avionap:'paziwiimp:
waihiant
"
kwip:gutsipta'p:'miihta:dziump:tomoyagaitniiet:tugumba??pagadiittosavit:tuhuvit:aijgavit:evuhivit:ohapit:kwiflaha' "tavedukw-naijwa "tavendo 1
"
yuindii *?
dus:do'itomop: ?toya''tiirgwa"'uwa<i " "tump:pakezantsa''bi:atu:id:hau'??kepah"iidiiintyuwaixiijuintku:tantyotsogiit:kehinimba "takaviona''pasiwiimp:densp: >tambia '?gotop:kwip:etomb "taavemii'?ta:dziniimp:to:moyagut
"
niiait:dugumbapagadiittosavit
"
tuhuvit
?
Sqgavit"evuhivit ?ohapit
?
weyupunt *?
tavendoinyuwindumbi-dunt
miitsdzuntspagu'niivkaivtuwii'nwan'tumb"bakai'yuwil' ?a'ipi'adumb' '?mi"batco'wakat:ko'apk^'tcuint"yuo'dunts:tintdii'ntsiyudpaiyugwadkambii'anuva''''6'av'siwii'mp
naentkwi:ky?kuivtav?mii"totspu':tsivo'nu'nintnu'??tuwu'ntkiyapagad "<?t "SO'g""!tu'kwadSai]ga'd"<i?sauwa'dzeo'k'dutuwa'tu'ikwa
mi'tul
mu'"tsuqpaxu'navlkaivtuhwa'npau'owadatump:'paiivii'piiniaiyu'dupia'rviinimia'pitoii'mai
"
katc:koD'p:'kw "tsu'gikwiyii'miges "tu'itii'ntsigeyu:mi'genava'stiimpnuva'vioa'vlsiwii'mp
na'ent' >'kwii'pnalte'v:*'tav:?mii"togotspu':tsivii'nu'nultcnua'datugiimpayavipaga'diidfsa'gadtu"kwaduaqka'gadusauwa'gaduoa'kadukwiyii'mpitu'mtavemaqwis-nankpiitstaveyaukw-nankpiits
mu*tuwiippagunuv:kaiv:tugwa'niiwa'd:tump;paiiwupuwiiniha'ii'ioka'ntmi'apiitshtt'iikatckoap:'tadu'iyuwadad "citu'imutcu'intyunigad:
"
na'vaisnuvavoa'v5ta'v:?
naaintkwi':kadiikutca'p:tavo'pUtsmia'dogopiitspu:tsyaga'naknua'dutugwu'mppaga'dudto'sad"<ito'pad ""ia'ukagad"*sa'wogad ""ihuviiokad <<?tandiitanduva
suvi'amad:
?
bugato
?baqunap (fog).
>" wii:id (any precipitation).? Also, wikwatnum." Also niangap:!." Also, awut.J? Also, u:.? Also, kehewa or nanatup, all gone.
'? Literally, the mother.>' Sometimes, gotob:.
" FJame; coals burning, kun:." Younger generation uses ku:tuzip.
*' Also, kutsa'p:.
?' Literally, cloud crying.>' Also, iijuint (cold).M Literally, sideways." Literally, sun under direction." Literally, sun up, direction.w Literally, evening, direction.
60285?38- -19
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BtJLL. 120
TBWABO] APPENDICES 279
Deep Creek(Oosiute)Sbosboni
bot:otusutoipaRunaptoyavituewanlpahuwadutumbipakejand:tsand:biand:tuadiitha'?kupahuiidiiintyuwaintUjuintkutaud:yuniged:nanaptakavioavituguvi ?"
kunakwipgusiptave.muatatsiumb:tombavitc
nued:"tugumb'pagadud:tosagait:tuhugaid:puigaid:oakait:gwianaittavinalttavendolnua-wapanait
Skull Valley(Oosiute)Sbosboni
bot;dusudolpagunoptoyavitugwanlpa:um9ttiimblpakejantzantbiap:duandiitcibS'igepuipauhmuiidaintyuwaii
ujuintkutantyuwigtitkebimbatakavionap:'pasiwiimb
gotokwip:gutsiptave"nimua"?tartsiiimbitombavitc;tomoyagat:nuaittugump:pagaduttosagattukatarjgagutpuigutoakatkwinabwetyuwanaixtavendoinaq-wattaveyuwinai]-wat
Grouse CreekSbosboni
bot:tus:do*ipaciim; tomaptoyavitugwaniparumattumbipa:'kejantzautbiap:Q; bletcituiindutsiba'kepahmutidiiint'yuwont
iijiiintkutantyunaindutsi
'
kebinimbatakavionavipasiwambldainap:".waipiigotobunt
"
kwip:gutsiptavemila'ta:tsinump:itomoyagait
niiettugump:pagadut
:
tosavit:tuuvit:aqgavit:aivu'get:o:apit:kwinabe'yuwahue'tavendoinais ??taveyuinuijwa
PromontoryPoint Sbosboni
bot:dus"to'ipaiciim; tomap:toyav'tugwanlpa:umattumbiba:kejantzantbiap:diiidiiha'ikepauh?"iidiiintyuwaix(ijuintkutanyotsogaitkebimbatakavionavipasiwamp
kwip:gutsiptavmi3atatsiiimp:'tomoyagait
nuettugumbanavi;tugump:pagaduttosavittubuvitaqgavitpuivitohapitkwinabe'yuwanai'tavendoinaq-wataveyuwinaq-wa
Lower SnakeRiver Sbosboni
bot:dus:to'itoop:
'
toyaviturgwanlpaumattumbipakejantzantbiab:tiiitha'igepab"iidiiintkutsuni'i yu-waixiijiiintkiitalyonzogayukebimba; na-natiiptakaviobavipaziwiimbltenapu'"waipii'kotop:; guna'kwip:kutuziptavemii'?tazinumbotomuyak
nflaip:tugump:
pagadiit:tosa"'*"tubu''*"Sijga''*"bubi?'*?obap'*"kwinahenuqwayuwanainuo-wa )'tavendoinug-wataveyuanuQwa >*
' bagunap (fog).
' Also, kurtslnlqunt.
' Also, yotsoquit.1" pasiwamp (grave)
.
? guna (fire wood)
.
"yuwaii (warm), nais (side), nunwa (direction)," tave (sun) , dioi (up) , nais (side)
.
** tave (sun), yua (down), nunwa (direction).
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
Little LakeSboshoni Panamint-DeathValley Shoshoni Lida Sboshoni Kawich Moun-tains Shoshoni Moray Shoshoni
OneTwoThreeFourFiveSix ,SevenEight ,NineTenAnkleAnnBloodEarEyerootHairHandHeadHeart..KneeMouth...NoseTeethTongueLiverBoneLegAntelopeBadgerBearCoyoteCrow...DeerEagleElkFishFrogGopherLouseMountainlion.Mountainsheep.RattlesnakeSkunkWolfJack rabbitCottontailPine nutSun flowerTuleArrow..BowCradleHouseMetateMuller
siiwii't:"waha't"pa^i't:
?
wa'tsillmaniiginavaitats:uiw4suiwanik:'suwSdodambotsabudiipauopiniUtigibuin:ambitsop:ip:
?
ma'?bamblbJiiwUdaqap:
?
diimbimuvidSuwaegon:iiw<indzii'hin:ur)gwu'p
'
wanzihunapaha'witcIcavaipkak:itiiyiikwiyS'ipaqwiwoga't*y:avi'tc'posiatsitiikumutsL,
naga; w^upi
togo'aponhi'ats'toiipi-kamutavu'tsitubapa'akiitsaimbip "pagambozaedukohnokahnipot:otusu
siiwii't:wat:pait:watsuid ?manigid "navaid "tatsuid
"
wasuid 5wanikid "suwaii
"
datsiqgonobudiippawu'plnilk:buinambitsop:ip:ma'"bambibiiiwudar)8pdiimbimuvidSiiwaegoniiwii
"dziiwipnuqgwiipwiiqzihunapahavitcicavaipkak:tuyakuya'?paqgwiwoga't*yavitc:posiats'
wasu'pi
togo'aponiatskamutabii'tsitubaak:Stsaimbip:paga'mbiisediikwaiiiikahnibot:otusu
siiwli'tii'wa:tii'
?
baitii'"watsu* <"manugit:"na:vait"ta:tsuit
"
wa:suit>'kwanukit"suiiwanat:datsiqgonobudii'pauwupi'inankbu:inambetsopip:ma'?pambibihwiidarjaptiimblmuvidaQwaegoniiwiidzuhihuqupwanzihunatsi''pahavitcicavaipkak:tU:yatsi''kwina'*paduhuyapar)witci''pawago""yiia'vitcposiavltukumuns;toya'doku'wasupi''
togo'aponiiiatskamutavu'tsitubaak:isaimimppagamboii'tsahuiedugohnukahnibo:to'du:su
stiwiit:wa:tpai:t:watsiiitmanugitnahwaita:tsiliwa:suikwanuk:siiwanodatsiijgonobu:d8bii:p:naijgibuinambebambipma'?bambibihutaqap:diimbimuvidSiiwaegonQwiidzuhihuijgapwanzitci'ihunawiidaija'pkak:tuhuyakwinapaduhuyapaijgwiyagwatsayuavitcposiatstoyadoku'"
wasupi''
togo'aponhiatsbiaiskamutsl'itavu'tsitubaak:isai:ppagambo'tsahu:edugohnukahnibo:totu:su
siimil'iwat"bait"watsult 5manugit"navait
"
da:tsui t
"
wd:suit"suwu:tuwasii:wad"dawaigo'obuda'bU:pi'in^nkbu:inambebambiwilpmi'?bambibih:udaqap'diimbemuvi'daawa'*ego'nHwii'dziitwi8:'ikwahadilhunawii:dii'"ija'pii'haiduhuya(bia) gwina' ?baduhuyabaijgwiiahavitcbosiatstukuwits
w4supi'i
to'goabonhlatsbiaickaiimutsidavotsi''tubaaku'"saip:hua'vi'edu:gohnughanibotodusu
> Literally, big hawk.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 281
282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
OneTwoThreeFourFiveBixSevenEightNineTenAnkleAnnBloodEarEye..FootHairHandHeadHeartKneeMouthNoseTeethTongueLiver..BoneLegAntelopeBadgerBear...CoyoteCrowDeerEagle ,ElkFish ,FrogGopherLouseMountain lionMountain sheep..RattlesnakeSkunkWolfJack rabbitCottontailPine nutSun flowerTuleArrow
Smith CreekShoshoni
sumtl'
"
watu'
?
paitii*"watsuijfti'
"
manugi^Q'
?
na:vai0uda:sumi0ii'ilwa:sui0ii'
?
suwumihundiisu:matu'iidawinjogo'*buda*pu:pl'inaqglpu:inambebfimbiwupm4'?bambibihyu*d&napitumbemuvl*'dauma'?ego'onu'mU*dzuhnl6h8*6kwahada >bunawiitdiia
'
ija"ahaiduhuya'kwinapaduhuyapaogwibaiyagwadza
'
yuhavitcposia
wasupi*'togoapohiatsbiaicka?'mutavii'
?
dubaakii'"saip:huavi: hu:paga
Battle MountainShoshoni
sumuwahat:paihit:watsuit:manugit:na:vaitta:tsuitwisuitsuuwumihundlsuUmanotdatsiqgonobudabiiup:nang:'buicnambebambiwupma'?bambibih?danep:diimbimuvida:maegonfimflzuhnl&:; diidiiguokwahadu >bunawildaIjapu' ?
'
haiduhuyabiagwana:baduhuyabaok?>payagwaniyuhavitcbosiatoyadukowasup:dogopohiatsbiaais *kamatavotuba
hua
? Either term used genetically.
? kwahada (doe); wanzi (buck).
? Also, padua'?; tambaha.
? Used also in myths.
? icavaip in myths.
? Or sogo duhuyu.t Also palyaqwani.
? Ram is wasup: or dukwa; ewe, miitsambia.
? In myths is Icavalp (or coyote?).
?? Also bak:.
Elko Shoshoni
sumilwat:pait:watsui0maniigifinafai0ta:tsui0wdsui0suuminsUuwa{(datsiqgonobudabu:p:nankbuinamp:bambiwupmibamblbihdanepdump:mup:dauwlegonUwflzunh>&h'kwahadu; wazi
?
hunawiidiiija'?haiduhuyu ?biSgwinapaduhuyabSnkwipayagwatsiyavitcposiatoyadukowasup:dogoaponhiatsbiaijatu:kamu; kamutavotubaak:saiphiired
Egan CanyonShoshoni
sumu'watupait:watsui*manugl*navai'ta:tsuiwasuisuwumln*suuma'datslQgonobud:bu:p:nj^nkbuinamp:bambiwtlpma'?bambibihdanapdiimp:mup:'daum:egoniiwttzunhi&'&kwahad:" ?hunawiidu'ijapu'"; Icavalphaiduhu3ni ?biiigwlnapaduhuyub5i]gwlpayagwatsiyavitcpasiatoyadukowasup; muzamblatogoaponhiatsbiaickamutab:?tubaak:saip:hupag; hu:ed >'
STEWARD] APPENDICES 283
284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYExtensions op Kinship Terms[Parentheses indicate partial extensionsl
[BULL. 120
STEWARD] APPENDICES 285Kinship terms were collected from 31 localities scattered through-out part of the Basin-Plateau area. The schedules, a few of whichare incomplete, are given on pages 297-306. Comparison of the termswith the outstanding features of the social groups (accompanyingtable and fig. 13) demonstrates emphatically that despite certainbroad correlations, a cause and effect relationship between the latterand the former which was automatic and inevitable is not indicat ed.Peculiar features of the terminologies seem to have developed inresponse to social custom in some localities but not in others andto have spread to groups not possessing those customs. In certain
*
Xo? o?On?o\
^\, r
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120ing this practice may in addition reflect cross-cousin marriage wherethe latter occurs.Certain features are limited in distribution and correlate partlywith the intensification of the levirate which led to fraternal poly-andry and with the intensification of the sororate which led to sororalpolygyny. "VVliereas the latter was universal in the area, however,the correlation of appropriate peculiarities of the terminology withit was not complete. Other features of the terminology are largelylimited to those localities practicing cross-cousin or pseudo cross-cousin marriage (marriage with the stepchild of a cross aunt oruncle). Each of these is discussed below and the data are summar-ized in the table.More extended inquiry into kinship would undoubtedly revealfurther correlations and lack of correlations of practices with theterminology. These were beyond the scope of the present study.Only the salient facts are treated here.Abbreviations used (from Gifford, 1922, p. 14) are as follows:B
6XEWARD] APPENDICES 287Most other features of the terminologies accord to some degreewith usages common to the entire area. Especially they reflect pref-erence for the levirate, sororate, and marriage of several children inone family to several in another. Though marriage with relativesof any kind was ordinarily prohibited, a few localities practicedpseudo cross-cousin marriage and true cross-cousin marriage, bothof which somewhat affected the terms. Polyandry also had anappreciable effect upon them.Aunts ^ uncles, nieces, nephews.?All areas distinguished cross andparallel aunts and uncles. Where polyandry was not practicedparallel aunts and uncles were also distinguished from parents. Inthese localities, however, the father's brother was identified with thestepfather, which accords with the levirate, and with the mother'ssister's husband, which accords with the marriage of brothers tosisters, or, perhaps with the combined effect of the levirate and soro-rate. Similarly, the mother's sister was identified with the step-mother and the father's brother's wife. Some of the Northern Paiuteterms for father's brother, natsugu, may have been descriptive, pos-sibly being na, progenitor -ftsugu, old man.Terms for parallel nieces and nephews are more or less consistentwith the last, though there is some tendency to lump them accordingto sex instead of relationship alone. These terms are predominantlydescriptive. Thus, Shoshoni north of Little Lake used duitc orduivitc (little boy) for any parallel nephew and dogombia (literally,daughter's child's mother) for any parallel niece. As dogo is ex-tended to mother's father's brothers, dogombia would be literallycorrect for a man's brother's daughter, who is his dogo's mother. Itis not correct for a man's sister's daughter, but is nonetheless used.The use of a reciprocal term between the parallel nieces and nephewsand the aunts and uncles is extremely rare.Cross aunts and uncles are distinguished from parallel aunts anduncles and, unlike the latter, are never identified with the parents.Moreover, among all Shoshoni a reciprocal term is used betweenthem and the cross niece and nephew. Ada is used reciprocally forthe mother's brother, baha for the father's sister. Though it is diffi-cult to see that there was anything inevitable about such reciprocalterms, they were expedient in this case as these aunts and unclesnever became one's parents. Parallel aunts and uncles, on the otherhand, frequently became parents through the levirate and sororate,so that reciprocal terms could not conveniently be used. Paiute,with no less reason than Shoshoni to use reciprocal terms with crossaunts and uncles, did not do so.Cross aunt and uncle terms were extended in all localities in a man-ner to accord with the marriage of a brother and sister to a sister and
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120brother. The term for mother's brother was also used for father'ssister's husband, whether the latter was actually the mother's brotheror not. The term for father's sister was also used for mother'sbrother's wife, whether she was actually the father's sister or not.Where cross-cousin and pseudo cross-cousin marriage was practiced,these terms were further extended to parents-in-law. It is probablethat in all localities the term for a woman's brother's son or daughterwas also used for her husband's sister's son or daughter, and thatthe word for a man's sister's son or daughter was also used for hiswife's brother's son or daughter, though conclusive information onthis point is lacking.Two Northern Paiute localities followed unusual usage aboutwhich there may be some doubt. NP-MC used huza"* for a man'sstepchild and parallel niece and nephew; mido"? for a woman'sstepchild and for both parallel and cross niece and nephew ; nanak'^*for a man's cross niece and nephew. NP-Ban used mido"? for awoman's parallel or cross niece or nephew ; nanak : wa for a man's
?cross niece or nephew ; duwa for a man's parallel niece or nephew.Brother^ sister, and cousin.?All localities distinguished older fromyounger brother and sister, thus using four terms. Some Shoshoni
-extended these terms to cousins. Those not practicing cross-cousinor pseudo cross-cousin marriage often extended them to all cousins.Those practicing these types of marriage usually extended them,if at all, only to parallel cousins, and addressed cross cousins withother terms mentioned below. NP-FSp and NP-FLk distinguishedall cousins from brothers and sisters, using vua"* for a cousin of thesame sex as the speaker and jau or sau for a cousin of the oppositesex. It is probable that NP-LnPn and NP-GeoCr used these samecousin terms in addition to following the Shoshoni custom of identi-fying cousins with brothers and sisters.Several Shoshoni in the central part of the area had special cousinterms which distinguished them by sex but not by relationship.These were S-Lida, S-Belm, S-Mor, and S-RsRi using darigumbuafor a male cousin, though the last also used zugubua. GS-DpCrused daga. S-Lida and S-Belm used niwa for a female cousin.S-Mor, S-RsRi used awasawa' or auwasauwiipii (signifying halfsister). GS-DpCr used sauwupu'.S-GSmV distinguished all cousins from brothers and sisters bybua'*.Several Shoshoni localities in addition to extending brother andsister terms to cousins also used separate terms to distinguishcousins by sex. Male cousin : Dui or daga, S-Lemhi ; daga, S-FtHl,S-GrsCr, GS-SklV (but F Ss S was called "brother" or bitcogwe,B 1 at GS-SklV); dui, S-BtlM. Female cousin: Sauwii, S-Lemhi
STEWARD] APPENDICES 289^(awasauwupu for more distant than first cousin; sau'mo, S-FtHl(also saumopii) ; saumapu, S-GrsCr; sauwupu', GS-SklV (but F SsD called "wife" or "sister").Where cross-cousin marriage was not practiced there is no obvioussociological reason for the fact that some localities extended brotherand sister terms to cousins whereas other localities distinguishedcousins in various ways. The smallness of Western Shoshoni vil-lages, wherein one was unlikely to live in the proximity of manycousins, may have contributed to their frequent failure to distin-guish cousins from brothers and sisters but cannot account for allthe different usages.Relatives hy mai^age.?Husband and wife were distinguishedfrom all other relatives except in those localities practicing poly-andry, mentioned below.Except where real or pseudo cross-cousin marriage or polyandrywere practiced, terms for brother-in-law, sister-in-law, parents-in-law,,and children-in-law followed a simple system. According with th&marriage of a brother and sister to a sister and brother, one term wasused for wife's brother and a man's sister's husband and anotherterm for husband's sister and a woman's brother's wife. The first termwas usually either distinctive or was the term dej or daitc which wasused in other localities for cousin. The second term was usually-wadapia among Paiute and bahambia among Shoshoni, meaningliterally in both cases a woman's brother's child's mother. Accord-ing with the marriage of brothers to sisters, one term was used forwife's sister and a man's brother's wife and another tenn for hus-band's brother and a woman's sister's husband. The first term wasusually huza (Paiute) or osa (Shoshoni) the meaning of which isnot known+pia or bia, mother. The second term is huza+na,father, in Paiute. When it is osambia in Shoshoni it is probablyincorrect.Terms for the spouses of brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law seemseldom to have been fixed. They depended largely upon any previ-ous relationship to such persons. If there were no relationship, vari-ous words were used and these were sometimes also applied tocousins. A few examples are:Wife's sister's husband: Gadavii'a'* (rival), NP-FSp; kadaviia''*NP-FLk; gwadubua (friend), S-LtLk; daqgombiia (cousin), S-Lida.Wife's brother's wife and husband's brother's wife: Jau (cousin),NP-Fsp; sau, NP-FLk; gwadubua, S-LtLk; "sister" if actually asister, otherwise no term, S-Lida.Husband's brother's wife: Jau, NP-FSp; sau, NP-FLk; gwadu-bua, S-LtLk and S-Lida.
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull,mParent-in-law terms were usually one of two types where cross-cousin marriage was not practiced. In the southern part of thearea, among both Paiute and Shoshoni, a single term designatedany parent-in-law. Farther north, NP-MC, NP-Ban, and S-Elyused also a single term, though NP-Ban also used terms accordingwith cross-cousin marriage. In the region of Great Salt Lake, Sho-shoni designated some or all parents-in-law by modified grandparentterms which trace the relationship through the child. S-Prom andS-Lemhi used uduqdogo (their M F) for W F, uduijgago (theirM M) for W M, udurjguno (their F F) for H F, and uduhutsi(their F M) for H M. Baha (F Ss) was also used for H M, whichaccords with cross-cousin marriage. GS-DpCr used gunotsi (F F)for H F and utsi (F M) for H M, but cross aunt for W M and crossuncle for W F. GS-SklV used cross aunt or uncle terms or:numudogo (our M F) for W F; numugago (our M M) for W M;iiumuhutsi (our F M) for H M. S-GrsCr used guno for H F, andnumuhutsi for H M. S-FtHl used numudogo for W F, numungagofor W M, numuhutsi or baha (F Ss) for H M; ada (MB) for H F.Cross-cousin marriage tended to bring about the substitution ofcross aunt and uncle terms for parents-in-law.Terms for the descending generation were less sensitive for theeffect of cross-cousin marriage. Even where cross-cousin marriagewas practiced, cross niece and nephew terms were rarely extendedto children-in-law, in spite of the fact that the frequent reciprocaluse of these terms would seem to have made it easy. Instead, chil-dren-in-law were usually indicated by a modified grandchild termdescribing the relationship.There were several ways of indicating the relationship to thedaughter's husband. In the southern part of the area. NorthernPaiute used dogona' (a man's daughter's child's father) and Sho-shoni used dogonop (D Ch F, ms). Though literally correct onlywhen used by a man for his son-in-law, women also used it. In thecentral and northern part of the area, Shoshoni of both sexes usedmonop (said to be derived from mununduh, "to get a son-in-law"+ ap :,father). In addition, S-SnRv and S-NthFk also called the son-in-law dogoopii (ms) and gagoapli (ws).For son's wife, NP-FSp and NP-FLK used movi or wovi, theetymology of which is unknown to me. Most other localities desig-nated this relative through her relationship to the grandchild. Themost common term was hutsombia (hutsi, a woman's son's child+bia,mother) which is literally correct when used by a woman for herdaughter-in-law but, though incorrect for men was used by themnonetheless. Only two Shoshoni localities, S-NthFk and S-SnRv,made the logical distinction, men using gunombia (S Ch M, ms) and
STEWARD] BASIN-PLATEAU ABORIGINAL GROUPS 291women using hutsombia (S Ch M, ws). NP-MC and NP-Ban, onthe other hand, used gunupia when either sex was speaking. AtS-Egan, only women used hutsombia, men using duaqgwuh (liter-ally son's wife). GS-SklV also used ada (ms).In the southern half of the area, including even several localitiespracticing pseudo cross-cousin marriage, parents of a married coupleaddressed one another by a single term. These were Miikic", NP-FSp and NP-FLk; daiyump, etc., Shoshoni; dai, NP-MC; ta'au,SP-LV; aivuintc, S-Hmlt and S-Ely. NP-GeoCr apparently usedthe Paiute term, mukici, for Ch F 1 and the Shoshoni term, dainup,for Ch M 1. Elsewhere, the terms for children's parents accordpartly or wholly with cross-cousin marriage and are discussed below.Effects of folyandry.?Most groups had terms for father, mother,son, daughter, husband, and wife to distinguish them from all otherrelatives. Where polyandry was practiced, however, parent andchild terms were often extended to other relatives. In 6 of the 15localities practicing polyandry, "father" was extended to father'sbrother, mother's sister's husband, and stepfather. Sometimes it Avasqualified as, for example, "little father" or "temporary father." Onelocality similarly extended "father" but was said by informants notto practice polyandry. There is some possibility, however, that theinformant was in error regarding polyandry. Eight groups practic-ing polyandry, however, did not extend "father."Though polygyny was preferably sororal everywhere in the 28 lo-calities studied it entailed extension of "mother" to mother's sister,father's brother's wife, and stepmother in only 12 localities. Nineof these 12 localities practiced polyandry; seven of them similarlyextended "father." Owens Valley Paiute and Southern Shoshoni,who stressed the sororate and sororal polygyny to the extent ofexacting a j^enalty for their avoidance, did not extend "mother."Thus it appears that in the area where the intensified levirate ledto fraternal polyandry extension of "father" tended to but did notnecessarily occur. The extension of "mother," though having asociological basis everywhere, may have occurred primarily in thelocalities practicing polyandry as a psychological parallel to theextension of "father" and spread to the 5 localities which did notextend "father." There is no evidence that it was specifically causedin these localities by matrilocal residence or other factors stressingrelationship to the maternal relatives in an unusual degree.Extension of the terms for son and daughter seems to be a similarphenomenon. Of the 15 localities practicing polyandry, 8 extended
"son" and "daughter" to include stepchildren and parallel nieces andnephews. Two other localities not practicing polyandry made simi-
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120lar extensions. Five and possibly 8 localities practicing polyandrydid not extend them.All localities practicing polyandry extended "husband" to hus-band's brother and to a woman's sister's husband and extended "wife"to wife's sister and to a man's brother's wife. In fact, similar exten-sions were made in 4 other localities, 2 of which were said not tohave practiced polyandry and 2 of which were in doubt about it.These localities adjoined those which did practice polyandry, how-ever.Extension of parent and child terms were
:
S-SmCr, S-RsRi, S-BtlM, S-Elko, S-SnRv, and S-NthFk used biatsi (dimin-utive of bi : 'i or bia, mother) for M Ss, FEW, and St M. S-SnRv used aputsi(diminutive of apu, father) for F B, M Ss H, and St F. The other five locali-ties did not extend "father," but used a different term for P B, M Ss H, andSt F.These six localities did not consistently extend child terms. S-SmCr andS-RsRi did not extend them at all. The others extended them as follows
:
S-BtlM used dua (or naduivitci; na in Shoshoni indicates that the child'sbiological father was another man|; na is the common Northern Paiute stemfor father ; duivitci means boy and also is the diminutive of dua, son, beingused commonly for parallel nephews) for S, St S and parallel nephew; bediipiifor D; bedu (or nanaivi; na+naivi, girl) for St D, and parallel niece. Nadui-vitci and nanaivi were preferred for St S and St D.S-Elko used dua for S and St S (ms) ; dua or duivitci for St S (ws) andSs S (ws) ; bedu for D and Ss D (ws) ; bedu or dogombia for St D (ms) ;bedu or nanaivi for St D (ws). This is a combination of the common parallelniece and nephew terms and extended child terms, women extending fartherthan men.S-SnRv and S-NthFk used dua for S and parallel nephew ; dua or nadnivitc'for St S (ws) ; nadnivitc' for St S (ms) ; bedu for D, parallel niece and St D(ws) ; bedu or nanaivi for St D (ms).S-Egan, which extended neither parent term, partially extended child terms.It used dua for S and St S (ms) ; bet (from bediipii, daughter) for St D (ws)and parallel nephew. These are inconsistent, however, and may be Incorrect.S-Lemhi and S-FtHl extended parent terms as follows : They used bia forM and F B W; biavia (big mother) for M O Ss; nagiihavia (nagiiha, addi-tional, JPe or temporary, AP) for M Y Ss ; iigiibia (iigii, new) for St. M; ap: iifor F; biaprii (big father) for F O B, M O St H; nagiihap:ii for F Y B,MY Ss H ; iigiiap : ii for St F. In addition, S -FtHl used also bia for F B W,M Ss, and St M ; ap : u for F, F B, M Ss H, and St F.GS-SklV extended parent terms and also used special terms for parallelaunts and uncles. It used ap : ii for F ; dzuguna for FOB; detcuguna forF Y B ; probably biap : u for F O B if married to the mother ; bia for M
;
nabiavia for M O Ss ; naduivia for M Y Ss; but doka (which is M Ss at GS-DpCr) for F O B W; duidoka for F Y B W. Child terms were not extended.S-Lemhi extended child terms. It used duadiigi for St S ; dua for S andparallel nephew ; bedudiigi for St D ; bedu for D and parallel niece.S-FtHl extended child terms. It used dua for S, St S, and parallel nephew;bedu for D, St D and parallel niece. Though dua is used for the true St S, if a
STEWAEDl APPENDICES 293
child were adopted or if a man's wife were known to have had a child byanother man, the man called this boy duadiigi (diigi, to keep).S-RubV data are incomplete, but it used apiiundoi in addition to the usualterm, hai, for F B ; biatsi in addition to the usual term, dokatsi, for M Ss.S-Prom used bia for M and St M ; biavia for RI O Ss and F O B W ; duiviafor M Y Ss and F Y B W ; ap : u (or dzuguna, which was used in Nevada forF B) for St. F; biap-.ii for F O B and M O Ss H; nagahuap:u or duap:u(little father) for F Y B; duap: u for M Y Ss H. Distinguished thus, these cor-relate with the marriage of several brothers to several sisters rather thanwith the levirate and sororate. Possibly GS-SklV used similar terms, thoughthe schedule is incomplete and unreliable. GS-DpCr, like southern Nevada,distinguished these relatives by different terms.S-GrsCr used bia for M, P B W, and St M ; biavia for MO Ss ; duivia forM Y Ss ; dokatsi, which is used elsewhere for M Ss, for St M ; ap : 9 for F, F B,M Ss H, and St F ; also, biap : 9 for FOB; duiap : 9 for F Y B ; dzuguna, whichis used elsewhere for F B, for St. F. This combines the usages of both thenorthern and southern areas.S-Prom and S-GrsCr extensions of child terms were: Dua for S, St S, andparallel nephew; bedu or bedgpii'ii for D; bedu for St D, and parallel niece.S-Prom also used duivitc interchangeably with dua.NP-Ban, though not extending parent terms, used duwa' for S, St S, andB S (ms) ; badu' for D and St D.GS-DpCr used du9p for S; duanadia for St S and B S (ms) ; bed9p for D;bedunadia for St D and parallel niece.SP-LV used ha" mu9n: (ha", F Y B-fmugn:, father) for St F; plan:' forM and M Ss; mumpian:' for St M; tuau:' for S and St S; patcian:' for Dand St D.The terms for husband and wife usually had the prefix nagahaor nani, temporary, when extended. Husband was extended to hus-band's brother and a woman's sister's husband; wife to wife's sisterand a man's brother's wife. The terms for these relatives are ar-range.l in parallel columns on page 304.Effects of cross-cousin marriage.?True cross-cousin marriage waspracticed in five and possibly six localities. Pseudo cross-cousinmarriage was practiced in 15 and possibly 16 localities, including thelast. Several features of kinship terminology accord with such mar-riage and have a high though not complete correlation with it.All localities practicing some form of cross-cousin marriage, exceptS-Ely, extended the terms for cross aunts and uncles to parents-in-law. Mother's brother was extended not only to father's sister'shusband but also to husband's or wife's father. Father's sister wasextended not only to mother's brother's wife but to husband's orwife's mother. The only locality making such extensions but prac-ticing no form of cross-cousin marriage was S-Prom. For parents-in-law, it used not only terms tracing relationship through the child,but ada (M B) for wife's father and baha (F Ss) for wife's mother.The extensions in six of the localities practicing cross-cousin mar-60285?38 20
'294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull, lao
riage were incomplete. That is, in addition to or instead of extend-ing cross aunt and uncle terms to certain parents-in-law, terms tracedtheir relationship through the children. The most common of theseterms were: oduqguno (their, i. e., the children's father's father) forhusband's father; odundogo or numudogo (their mother's father) forwife's father; odungago or numugago (their mother's mother) forwife's mother; numuhutsi (their father's mother) for husband'smother. Though not specifically related to cross-cousin marriage,these terms are not inconsistent with it, being, in fact, noncommittal.Forms of cross-cousin marriage did not entail a similar extensionof cross niece and nephew terms to children-in-law, except in twolocalities. S-SprV used bahatsi (brother's son, ws) for a woman'schild-in-law, the terms for a man's child-in-law being in some doubt.S-Elko used cross niece and nephew terms for children-in-law, exceptthat a woman's daughter's husband was called duivitc (son or boy) ormonap : ti and a man's daughter's husband was called monop : ii inaddition to ada. This may be an error in recording.Another feature according with some form of cross-cousin marriagewas the equation of husband's sister with a woman's brother's wifeand a woman's son's wife's mother or daughter's husband's mother.This occurred in 10 of the 15 or 16 localities with cross-cousin marri-age and in one locality, S-Prom, without it. The Shoshoni termcommonly used for these relatives was bahambia (NP-MC, adad-2;ipia), literally woman's brother's child's mother. None used theword for female cross-cousin.The same localities, with the exception of GS-DpCr, equated wife'sbrother with a man's sister's husband and a man's son's wife's fatheror daughter's husband's father. The term commonly used was dejor detc, the primary meaning of which seems to have been wife'sbrother. But three localities, S-Egan, S-Elko, and S-BtlM, used italso to distinguish male cross-cousins from female cross-cousins andparallel-cousins.S-SprV extended niwa, a cross-cousin of either sex, to Avife'sbrother, to man's sister's husband and to woman's brother's wife. Theterm for husband's sister is not known.Complete consistency with the extensions of the terms for husband'ssister and wife's brother would have involved a woman calling herdaughter's husband's father or son's wife's father "brother" and aman calling his daughter's husband's mother or son's wife's mother
"sister." Only six localities did so. All but one of these practicedsome form of cross-cousin marriage and all made the extensions ofterms for husband's sister and wife's brother mentioned above. Only
STKWABo] APPENDICES 295two of these six localities completely distinguished cross-cousins fromparallel-cousins and from brothers and sisters. The other four ex-tended brother and sister terms to all cousins but used in additionspecial cousin terms.At several localities, instead of using brother or sister for a child'sparent-in-law of the opposite sex, other terms were used. S-SnRva,nd S-NthFk used dainump :, the term used south of the area ofcross-cousin marriage for any parent-in-law of one's child. S-Eganused sauupii', GS-DpCr used sauwupu and S-Elko probably usedsauupa, a term which is used elsewhere for all cousins and sometimesdesignates siblings collectively. S-Prom used sauwa in addition to
^'brother" and "sister." S-BtlM used nanadainiimp.It has previously been pointed out that terms for brother andsister were often extended to all cousins. In the region of cross-cousin marriage, however, these tended to be restricted to parallel-cousins. Eight localities, probably all of which practiced some formof cross-cousin marriage, had special terms for cross-cousins, which,however, were usually extended, as previously mentioned, to includecertain other relatives. Moreover, the terms varied considerably,having somewhat different meaning in different localities.S-Ely and S-SprV had a single term, ni'^wa or niwa, for cross cousins of bothsexes. S-SnRv called male cross cousins dui, female cross cousins, amasau-
?W9 pii (ama, the upper half of the body-fsauma, sister or sisters, implying thjitonly the upper half of the body is related to the speaker). S-Hmlt called maleparallel cousins dui, the mother's brother's son niwa, the father's sister's soudaitc (elsewhere, brother-in-law, etc.), a man's female parallel cousins "sister,"and a man's female cross cousins "wife." S-BtlM called female parallel cousinssauwiipii, female cross cousins auwasauwiipii, male parallel cousins "brother"or dui, male cross cousins dui or detc. S-Elko called the father's sister'sdaughter bahabedu, literally baha's (father's sister's) daughter, and themother's brother's daughter ada'"bedu. S-Egan used bahabedu for the first, adafor the second. Notes to Schedule of Kinship Terms(1) Dugpii, very young son; bedapii, very young daughter; dua, bedii, olderson and daughter.(2) All cousins called "brother" and "sister." Also, FOBS, daga ; F Y B S,haink ; P O B D, badzi or uami ; F Y B D, sau'mo.(3) Also, saumopii.(4) Awasauwiipii, more distant than first cousin.(5) Ama, upper half of the body.(6) Or awasauwiipii, ?(7) Managwa, distant-fhai.(8) Tsi, diminutive ending, meaning in this case, "distant."(9) Adabu if unmarried.(10) FOB, dzuguna; F Y B, detcuguna ; F O B, if married to mother,biap:u?
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120(11) Nagaliu, temporary or additional+ap :, father. Also, biap: (biap:^big+ap:, father) if F. O. B. ; duap: (dui, small+ap:) if F Y B.(12) Biap:8, FOB; naguhap:9, F Y B.(13) Or biap:i9, FOB; duiapia, F Y B.(14) Biapii, M O Ss H ; nagiihapii, M Y Ss H.(15) If father's brother or cousins; otherwise, nauwatup:, "old person."(16) Gwuh, wife+apii, father.(17) Numu, their, i. e., the children's+dogo, mother's father.(18) Numu, their+gago, mother's mother.(19) Odun, our.(20) H M called baha before marriage; numu; their+hutsl, father's mother^after marriage.(21) Literally, young girl.(22) LiteraUy, boy.(23) Literally, daughter's child's mother.(24) St S, dua ; B S, duitc.(25) St D, bedu or dogombia ; B D, naivi, girl.(26) St S, dua ; B S, naduivitc.(27) St S, naduivitc' ; B S, dua.(28) Naivi, girl ; na, from some other person.(29) St S, duanadia ; Ss S, duivitc.(30) St S, duwa' ; Ss S, mido"".(31) St D, badU ; Ss D, mido"?.(32) St S, dua, son+diigi, to keep, i. e., adopt; B S, dua; any young man,naduivitc.(33) St S, duadugi; Ss S, dua.(34) St D, bedudiigi; Ss D, bedu.(35) Literally, daughter's child's father.(36) Literally, son's child's mother.(37) Literally, son's wife.(38) B D, bahwa'tsi".(39) B D, bahatsi.(40) B S, baha ; B D, behunadia.(41) S W M, nanabahambian ; D H M, nanduinu?(43) W Ss only; B W, no term.(44) W Ss, naniq or nagaha, temporary -|-gwuh ; B W, bavi or dami?brother+aT) gwuh.(45) Dui, little.(46) W Ss, vina't:u or osauapia ; B W, nodu'kwa.(47) Ss M, nuhuq (our) guhap: (husband); H B, nagaha guhap: or bia(big) guhap:.(48) Or nuhuqguhap:.(49) Same as grandparents and grandchildren.(50) Ugii, new.(51) Literally, brother's child's mother.
STEWARn] APPENDICES 297
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 12?
STEWARD] APPENDICES 299
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
STEWAKO] APPENDICES 301
B02 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
APPENDICES 303StM D H (ms) D H (ws) S W (ms) 8 W (ws)
?bidu"?bidu""bidu'doka'vii'
?
dokwatsi''dokwa'*doka'?biatsibiatsidokwatsi'7tokadoka
dokadoka?biatsifiatsibiatsi
biatsibiadokatsibiabiaiigiibiabidu'iigiibiaymaumpian:'
dogona' (")dogona'togona'7dogo'nadogo'niip (?')dogonapdogonapdogonapmonapii'
"
monapfi' ??dogonap:munapiimunapiiduivito 7monap:monop:mimapti'7adamonapiimonap:monapiidogonapiimonapiidogonapiimonap:*monap:monap:*dogo'namonap:?monatsim'
dogona'dogona'togona7dogo'nadogo'niipdogonapdogonapdogonapmonapii'
?
monapii'
?
dogonap:mimapiimunapiibabatsimonap:monap:munapii'7duivitcmonap:
?
monap:monapii'gagoapiimonapii
monop:*monap:monap:*dogo'namonap:7monatsim'
wovim8vl77gunupiaiitsombia (?')hutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiabedu7hutsombiaadautsombiaduaqgwuh (")7adahutsombiagunombiagiinombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiagunupiahutsombia7winsim'pian
w5vim6viT?gunupiaiitsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiabahatsihutsombiautsombiahutsombia7bahahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiahutsombiagunupiahutsombia7winsim'pian
8 W M (ws)D H M (ws) SWF (ms)D H F (ms) S W M (ms)D H M (ms) SWF (ws)D H F (ws)
miikici'imiikici''dainup7daidaiyumpdaiyumpdaiyumbutsldai'yumpdai'yumptainumptaiyumpaivuintcaivuintcnami 77(")bahambia7bahambia.
nanabahambiabahambia
miikici'imiikici''mukici7daidaiyumpdaiyumpdaiyumbutsldai'yumpdai'yumptainumptaiyumpaivuintcaivuintc77laipdetc7detc
nanade]detc
miikici''miikici''dainup 77daidaiyumpdaiyumpdaiyumbutsidai'yumpdai'yumptainumptaiyumpaivuintcaivuintcbadzi, nanil7sauwupusaumupii'7badzi, naml7
nanadalniimpdainump:
miikici''miikici''77daidaiyumpdaiyumpdaiyumbutsldai'yumpdai'yumptainumptaiyumpaivuintcaivuintcbavl, dami7sauwupusaumupii'7sauupa bavl,daminanadalniimpdainump:
304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
S W M (ws)D H M (ws) SWF (ms)D H F (ms) S W M (ms)D H M (ms) SWF (ws)D H F (ws)S-SnRv.S-QrsCr.8-Prom.B-FtHl..NP-Ban
S-Lemhi8P-Ash.SP-LV..
bahambiabahambia
nanabahamblabahambiaadazipia
bahambia7ta'aa
detcdetcdetcdetcdaimasidetc7ta'au
dainump:tbadzi[nami[badzi, nami[sauwabadzijnaml(cla'kwafbadzi(nami7ta'SQ
dainump:bavidamibavi, damlsauwabavidamicia'kwabavidami7ta'Su
Husband HBSs H (ws) Wife WSsB W (ms)NP-FSp...NP-FLk..NP-QeoCrNP-LnPn.NP-MC...S-LtLk....8-LidaS-BelmS-OSmV-
.
8-RsRi....S-SmCr...S-MorS-Hmlt..-.8-Ely8-8prV....GA-SklV..GS-DpCr-B-Egan8-RubV...e-Elko
S-BtlM...-S-NthFk..S-SnRvS-GrsCr...S-Prom8-FtHl....NP-Ban...8-Lemhi...8P-Ash....8P-LV
Bil:aga:akuwa?guma'guhaguhanazagupaguhaguhatsiguhatsiguhatsikuwtip:ukuw9p:uguhagwuhep:
?
gwuhep:guhapiiguhatsiguhap:
guhep:kuhspiikuhapiiguhap: 3guhap:guhap:guma'guhap:
"
7kuma"8m
huzana'husana'huzana':"'7nunai'iusambiaosambiaosambiatsi7naiqgiihatsiguhatsiguhatsi (Ss H)naiqguhatsi (H B)
fkiipawrulaiji'i 7 (H B)jbaviguha (H B)laivunzi (Ss H)7luduai (H B)Iguhunadla (Ss H)jguhgpu (H B)h (Ss H)7guhanaduajguhap: (Ss H)[nagahaguhap: (H B)Inuhuqguhap: (Ss H) (")Inagahaguhap: (H B)Jnuhuriguhap: (Ss H) <")Ibagahaguhap: (H B )guhap: iJdainap: ? (Ss H)lguhap:i (HB)guhap:Iguma' (Ss H)inunai") (H B)[guhap: (48)Inagahaguhap:7nainkumaam
nodiiq'wanodii'gwanaduq'wa?nodu'k"bunahavi'igwiihiigwutsigiiiitsi''gwutsigwuhiigwtihugwfitslgwiihiigu:wiipagwuhawaipgwiip: 5gwiibgwuhgwiitslgwiih[gwuh "gwuhgwuhgwiihgwiihgwuh
nodii'kwagwuh"
huzapiahusabiahusapia7osii'niipiausambiaosambiaosambiatsinaiogwuhu 7nairigwiihiinagahagwiihii ??nagahagwiihii
piwa"9m
gurwupunail]gwiihiiaivunzi (W Ss>nawaip (B W>7gwiihnadiagwuh (B W)7nagagwiih (W Ss)hangwiih (B W)nagahagwtih (W Ss)nuhuogwiih (B W)M?(?)duigwtih <?)gwiihduigwtih(W Ss) ??gwiih (B W)duigwuh (W Ss)gwuh (B W)
nalrjgwuh" (W Ss)nuhuqgwtih " (B W)7naimbiwaam
STEWARD] APPENDICES 305
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BDLIi. 120
NP-FSpNP-FLkNP-OeoCr...NP-LnPn....NP-MCS-LtLkS-LidaS-BelmS-GSmVS-EsRiS-SmCr
Gr a PQrGCh
dzo
S-MorS-Hmlt...S-ElyS-SprV.?OS-SklV.GS-DpCrS-Egan...S-RubV-S-Elko...
GrG PGrGCh
di'ida'?z6'??dzo'odzo:
zo'" (Or O P)zotsi (Gr Q Ch)
S-BtlM..S-NthFkS-SnRv..S-GrsCr.S-Prom.,S-FtHl-NP-Ban.S-Lemhi.SP-Ash.SP-LV..
Gr G PGrG Ch
dzodza'?dza'?jo'dzo'odzo'dzo'odzo
(4?)
Appendix D.?Native Names of PlantsAbbreviations are: manuf., plants used in manufacturing; med.^plants used medicinally.A:dzin (food), Amaranthus hy'bridus.Agai suhu, med., Saliw.Argovi agovi (food), Opuntia.Aiwabok :?, no use, Cirsium perhapsneomexicanum.Ak, food, Sophia sonnet.AK:, food usually HeliantJius; possiblyAplopappus sp.Aka'vii, food, Sophia sonnei.Akii'ii, aku, food, HeliantJius annus;also, H. aridus.Amu, amuh, food. Allium sp.Arjakwlwi'tum, no use, Castilleia an-gustifolia.Aqgabauwiya, food and med., Rumecemexicanus.Arjgagwu'p, med., Enceliopsis argo-phylla.Aqgawana, manuf., Apocynum andro-saemifolium.Anabimotoyump, no use, Castilleja an-gtistifolia.Anatsu, med., Asclepias crytoceras.A:nzi (?), food, HooJcera,Atsa, food, Sophia sonnei.Awadavlciwiip, med., Chrysothanmustortifolius.Awimu, food, unidentified.Babahovi, med., Artemisia gnaphalodes.Badusi, food, Allium.Bagonap, food, Rilies aureum.Bagwana, food, Mentha sp.
Bahmii, food, same as bavo; unidenti-fied root.Bahunduwaya'a, smoking, Apocynumcannaiinum.Ba : k, food, Ilelianthus annuus.Bambigana, manuf. and food, Rihes ine-irians.Bambibogo, food, unidentified greens.Baugona, food, Mantha sp.Bauwiya, food and med., Rumex cris-ptts.Bauwurigop : (?), food, Holodiscusdiimosa.Bavo, food, unidentified greens.Bavogo, bavogo', see bavo.Bavop, med., Artemisia gnaphalodes.Biadnmaya, smoke, Arctostaphylos pla-^typhylla.Biakii, food, Helianthus.Biasonip, food and manuf., Elymuscondensatus.Biazonip, see biasonip.Biawiyiimbi, food, Shepherdia argen-tea or Lepargyrea.Bogombi, bo : gumbi, food, Rihes aure-um. Also, any berry, S-Lemhi.Bogunap:, manuf. and food, Rihesinebrians.Bohombi, food, seed of Artemisiatridentata.Bohovi, food, Artemisia tridentata.Boi', same as Bo : ina.
steward] APPENDICES 307Bo : ina, food. Soph ia sonnei.Eokumbi, no use, Atriplex confertifoUa.Bomb :, bombi, food, seed of Artemisiatridentata.Bu"ak :, safe Biihiiak, Eelianthus.Biihii'ak:, food (NP-Ban), Helianthus.Cicap:, no use, Eurotia lanata.Dagii, dagii, food, unidentified root.Dagiip, med., unidentified root.Dasimb :, food, same as tasum, a roundcactus.Do'gohi, food, unidentified tuber.Dei, food, seed of cattail.Donambi, food, Prunus sp.Du :, see dui.Duambi, food and manuf., Amelanchierglabra and A. alnifolia.Dubiciwap :, food, Chrysothaninus sten-ophi/llus.Diibiis', same as tiipiisi".Dubuwi, dubwi', food, any species usedas greens.Dudumbi, food. Ephedra viridls.Duam, ducmb :, food, berry, Amelan-chier glabra and A. alnifolia.Dugu, food, "wild potatoes", S-RsRi.Duhavi, food and manuf., Amelanchierglabra and A. alnifolia.Duhiyumbii', food, elderberry, Sam-buctis.Dui, food, unidentified root (?) orseed (?).Duqwip (?), manuf. and food, Rlbesincbriavs.Duna, food, unidentified root, possiblyCyniopterus montanus (Chamerlin,1911:51).Diinambi, manuf., C'ercocarpus ledi-falius.Du'u, food, unidentified root.Dzin :, food, probably cactus, same astasum (?).Dzowiga, food, unidentified.Goiyu, goiyu'u, food, probably Valeri-ana edulis.Gubanap, manuf., Sphacralcea am-bigua.Guqga, giiriga, food, same as gunk:Gunk:, food, Allium acuminatum.Gunuwip, food and manuf., Sambucus.Gwidogomb :, manuf., Sphacralcea am-bigua.
Hape, food, see ha : pi.Ha : pi, ha : p" food, unidentified root.Hiamb:, food, Hcliantlitis annuns.Hovitc, any flower (S-Elko)Hugap :, hugapi, manuf., Phragmitescommunis {Phragmites vulgaris).Hugi, food, unidentified seeds, prob^-ably as hugwi.Ilugwi, food, "wheat grass".Huhpi'^ya, food, Lycium andersonii.Huhwi, food, unidentified seed, S-LtLki.Huki, food, probably Stipa speciosa.Hukiimbi, food, unidentified seed.Hunai, med., Chaenactis nevandensis.(?) or more probably Artemisia^spinescens.Hiinab', med., Cowania stansburiana.^Hunap :, probably same as hiinab'.Hunavi, see hiinab'.Hunatsi, med., Artemisia spinescens.Hunib, hu :nib :, food, unidentified spe-.cies.Huniv*, same as hunib.Hupuhya, food, probably Lycium and--ersonii.Hiiii, hii ii, food, unidentified.Ilu'u'piva, food, Lycium andersonii.Huvi, food, Opuntia.Ijahua, med., Symphoricarpos vaccinio-ides.Ijap : wana, manuf., Symphore carpos-.vaccinioides.Kaibasi' tum, med.. Salvia carnosa.Kaiuhava (?), med., Salvia carnosa.Kamac, food, Quamasia quamash.Karjgwana, med.. Salvia carnosa.Kan", food, unidentified root.Kanambi, food, Artemisia nova.Kanapohovi, food, Artemisia nova.Kanikc, food, unidentified root.Ko : g", ko : ga, koga, food, Lepidiumtexanum.Kogi', food, unidentified root.Kogiha, food, Calochortus kennedyi.Kogwi, food, Calochortus kennedyi.Koiya, food, unidentified ; same as koo.,yah (?).Komuta, food, unidentified.
"Kooyah" (Fremont, p. 237), food^Valeriana edulis.Kosbadiip, food, Atriplex canescens.Kosialc :, food, probably Helianthus.
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120Koyo, food, unidentified seed.Kozidiimp:, no use, Chaenactis neva-densis.Kuha, food, MentzeUa dispersa.Kuhwa, food, MentzeUa dispersa.Kuia, kuiyu, kuiya, food, probablyValeriana edulis.Kurga, kur)ga'^ food, a small speciesof Allium.Kunk, same as guqga.Kunugi', kunugip, food, SamVticua.Kusiak :, food, Helianthus annuus.Kutcimbogo, Legume sp.Kutcindambono, Legume sp.Kutzu', food, unidentified seed plant.Ku :'", food, MentzeUa dispersa.Kiiyu, food, see Kuia.Kwasinab :, food, Sitamon Jiystrioo.Kwasinab :", food, Poa nevadensis.Kwiitciani, food, Holodiscus dumosa.Mahavit, food, probably Eleocharis.Mono, food, Eragrostis secundifiora.Mubiep:, no use, Orayia spinosa.Muduniip, no use, Atriplex nuttallii.Miiga'ta, no use, Chylismia trevipes.Miigii'bump, food, Anisocoma acaulis.Muh, same as amuh, food.Miita, same as muts, food.Mutcuki, mutcuk,', unidentified plantused as greens.Miits, muts :, food, a large round cactus.Mutwanz, no use, Erodium cicutarium.Nadii'mb : ?, nadu'mp : ", food, Poanevadensis.Naba'tap', NP-LnPn, probably same asmahavita.Nap :, food, unidentified root.NeviQgu'nu, food, unidentified, probablyseeds, S-DthV.Nunsuad, any "weed" (S-Elko).Niiwiinoko, food and med., Rumexcrispus.Oakap :, med., Grindelia sguarrosa.Osiiik:, any leaf (S-Elko).Ovi, food, Prosopis glandulosa.Ovii'ha, food, Gilia micromeria.Padonzia, med., Achillea millefolium.Padii'z, food, Allium.Pagwiamp:, same as pagwinump.Pagwinump, the plant of Artemisiatridentata.Pak :, pak :, food, Selianthus annuus.
Paqwabuih*", food, Rihes aureum.Pa'nodop, food, foxtail.Pasawi' :jab', no use, Chrysothamnusstenophyllus.Pasawitiimb :, med., Chrysothamnus sp.PasI, food, "spruce."Pasida, food. Salvia colunibariae.Pasigo, food, same as sigo( ?).Pasonip, food, the plant of Elymus conrdensatus.Paso'pi, food, grass like red top.Pasowii", med., unidentified.Paui'o, food, Rumex crispus; also,Agrostis.Pauwiya, food and med., Rumexcrispus.Pawa''", food, unidentified seed; NP-FLk.Pavohop :, med., Artemisia gnaphalodes.Pa'wa, food, same as pauwiya (?).Pawatsiva, food. Aster (?).Pawa'ziba, med., Aster canadensis.Payamp :, food, unidentified root.Paziin , food, Cirsium, pei'haps neomex-icanum.Pit :sogo, food, unidentified root.Pohovi, the plant of Artemisia tri-dentata.Poia, poia, food, SopMa sonnei.Poina, food, Sophia sonnei.Poovi, food, Artemisia tridentata.Puipahmo, smoke, Nicotiana attenuata.(See vocabularies for other names.)Punib :, see hunib.Puwiba, puwipa, see Puipahmo.Sagiap:, manuf., Salix amygdaloides.Saip :, food, Juncus parous.Sawab", food, Artemisia tridentata.Sawavi, same as sawab**.Sego, food, Brodiaea ( ?)Seguyup, no use, Eriogonum.Sicop, no use, Kochia vestita.Sigo, si :go, food, Calochortus gun-nisonii, also Hookera sp.Sihu, food, red-top grass.Sii, food, Allium sp.Simu, food, see sihu.Sipiimb :, no use, Chrysothamnus nause-osus (?).Siup:, food, Poa nevadensis.Sivap: sivap:', no use, Chrysothamnusprobably nauseosus ; Tetradymia gla-brata and several other species.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 309Siwap:, probably chewing gum, Chry-sothamnus stenophyllus.Sobi', food, Hilaria jamesii.Sogodiiimb :, no use, Eriogonumthomasii.Sohna, food, Lappula occidentalis.Soiga, food, uuidentified root.Sonebehe (NP-Ban), food, same ashuki.Sonip :, any grass ; also, Hilaria jamesii,food.Sowik, probably same as soiga.SugQp:, manuf., Salix amygdaloides.Suhuvi, manuf., various sp. of Saliw.Suqgavi, manuf.Sunii, food, Lappula occidentalis.Sunu, su:na, food, Lappula occiden-talis.Sunu, siinu'", food seeds, Atriplex ar-gentea; also, unidentified root (S-Elko).Su :w8p ;, food, Chrysothamnus steno-phyllus.Tagii, food, same as dagu.Tahonadz', food, unidentified species,like small cattail.Takii, food, unidentified root.Tasum, food, a small round cactus.Tatsip, no use, Symphoricarpos vac-cinioides.Tafiniip:, no use, Lupinus kingii.Taveciwap :, med., Chrysothamnus tor-tifolius.Tavowap, no use, Tetradymia glahrata.Tavwa, any flower (S-Elko).Tawisiw p, med., Eriogonum sp.Taziip, med., see dagup.Tci'wi, food, Anisocoma aeaulis.TiQgambogo', food, unidentified greens,probably Cirsium.Tiiiga, food, unidentified S-Kawich.To :dz&p, med., unidentified.Togoa, yuqgiimii, med., unidentified.Toi', to'i, food, Typha latifolia.Tonumbi, food, Prunus sp.Tonopuda, food, unidentified seed, S-LtLk.Tonovi, manuf., Sarcobatus vermicula-tus.To'ocawi, food, Prunus sp.Topoi, food, uiiidentitied root.Tosa'mbi, no use, ChryHothamnus sten-ophyllus.60285?38 21
To :t8mb :, to :t9mb', food unidentifiedberry.Towoiyuqkha, med., Achillea millefol-ium.ToyasiwQp, no use, Tetradymia glah-rata.Toyaciwap, toyaziwep :, no use, Chryso-thamnus, probably nuuseosus.Tsiabi, tsiamb :, tsiavi, food, Rosacalifomica {R. ultramontana)
.
Tsin :, food, same as dzin :, probablyCirsium.Tsinambogo, same as tirigambogo' ; un-identified greens, probably Cirsium.Tsogodzidzina, food, unidentified roots.Tsowiga, food, same as dzowiga, ; un-identified.Tsiin', food, probably Cirsium.Tuba, food, Pinus monophylla, the seed.Tiibuwi, food, see dubwi'.Tuambi, tuamb :, food and manuf.,Amelanchier aln ifolia.Tuhiumbi, food, Sunihvcus, elderberry.Tuhuva'p, no use, Eriogonum.Tui, food ; unidentified root.Tii'mii, food and med., Rumex crispus.Tuna, food, see duna.Tiinambe, manuf., Cercocarpus ledifol-ius.Tiipiisi", food, Jirodiaca capitata (?).Tutumbi, food, Ephedra viridis.Tutemb :, food. Ephedra prob., viridis.Tutu'mbip, food and med., Ephedranevadensis.Tutu'p:"*, food. Ephedra nevadensis.Tu :uyiimba, food, Sambucus micro-hotrys.Tuvuwap, food, Pinus monophylla, thetree.Tiiwi'p:, no use, Cryptanthe racemosa.Tuwiiip:', plant or flower.Uap: iiapi, food, Chenopodium album.Umbeh, any seed (S-Elko).Utciip, food and manuf., Rhus trilobata.Uyiip '?! food, probably same as tJap :.Waciiip :, food, unidentified seed, S-Lida.Wada, food, unidentified seed.Wadunzi, the plant of Elymus conden-satus; seeds called Wa:vi; possiblysame as wadzovi.Wadzovi, wadzovi", food, Dondia erecta.Wa : gova, unidentified root.
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULI.. 120Wahavi, same as wa : vi.Wai, food, Oryzopsis hymenoidea.Waiya''*, same as wa : vi.Wakaba, food, NP-FLk; unidentifiedberry.Wana, manuf., Apocynum cannabinum.Wa : vi, vaavi, food, seeds of Elymuscondensatus.Waya, see waiya'".Wayabim:, see vs^aiya".Wayavimp, probably same as waya-bim:.Winigo, food, unidentified roots, per-haps Fritillaria pudica.Wipuda tumbi, no use, Ephedra neva-densis.Wiya, food, acorns, Quercus, NP-FLk,NP-Owens Valley, S-LtLk.Wiyubimp, no use, Erodium cicutarium.Wiyumb :, wi : yumbi, food, unidentifiedberry, Shepherdia or Lepargijrea.
Wiyup', food, "buck berry."Woaku, wo : aku, food, Helianthus an-nutis; also, H. aridtis.Wogavi, food, Opuntia.Woqgoduba, food, Pinus.Wotsap, manuf., Syniplioricarpus vac-cinioides.Wiiciiip, food, Sitanion hystrix.Wii : sia, food, probably Sita^tion hys-trix.Wiisiiip :, same as wuciup.Yampa, yamp :, food, see Yomba.Yubikua, no use, Chilismia.Yuhu'ak :, food, probably Helianthus(NP-Ban).Yiimb :, yiimb ;, see yomba.Yomba, food, Caruni gairdneri.Yutavo'", food, unidentified root.Yurihuva, food, unidentified ; s-Bty.Winiinu, food, greens, S-Lida.Wiips, any tree, S-Elko.Appendix E.?Miscellaneous Uses of PlantsMEDICINAL plantsAchillea millefolium, yarrow. Padonzia or towoiyuqkba (serrate leaf),S-SnRv and Oyhee. Leaf mashed and applied to sores. Root boiled and drunkto cure indigestion, but is not cathartic.Argemone hispida, pricklepoppy. Artemisia and pinyon belts. S-Lida (PF),seeds ground and boiled for physic. No name or use, S-Elko.Artemisia gnaphalodcs, sage. Throughout area in artemisia to yellow pinebelts. Pavohop:, S-Owyhee (CT) ; whole plant boiled for drink or for bath forsmall children with fever. Bavop, S-Elko ; whole plant except roots boiled anddrunk for colds. Babahovi, S-RubV (BM), whole plant boiled with taveciwap(rabbitbrush) and drunk for colds. S-Lemhi, pavohop, probably same; rootjuice used for sore eyes.Artemisia spinescens, bud sagebrush. In artemisia belt throughout. Hunatsi,S-Hmlt, S-DiaV; fast 5 days, boil whole plant and drink for physic. Hunai,S-Elko ; mix with pitch and apply externally or drink for physic, especially forvenereal disease; person using this may not eat meat. Unknown, S-Lida (PF)and S-Rubv.Asclepias cryptoceras, milkweed. Artemisia and pinyon belts, probablythroughout area. Ana (translated as "white" but more probably "red") tsu(medicine), S-Elko; roots mashed and applied to major cuts and wounds.Not recognized by BM, S-Elko,Aster canadensis (A. canescensf) . Pawa'ziba, NP-LnPn, boil root and drinkto facilitate urination with venereal disease.Chaenactis nevadensis. Spruce and alpine belts; not known in southernpart of area. Hunai (?), S-Elko; boiled into tea for physic to stop diarrhea.Not identified, S-RubV. Kozidiimp, S-LtLk, not used.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 311Chrysothatnnus sp. Pasawitiimb :, S-Lida; whole plant boiled for liniment.Not identified, S-RubV.Chrysothamnus tortifolius, rabbitbrush. Plains, mountain sides, and canyonsup to 8,000 feet. Tave (rabbit) ciwap: (brush), S-RubV (BM) ; whole plantboiled and drunk for colds, measles, smallpox, and swellings. Awadaviciwup,S-Elko.Cowania stansburiayia, cliffrose. Artemisia and pinyon belts throughout.Hiinab', S-Lida (PF), boil whole brush for physic. Hunavi (huna, badger),S-DiaV. S-Elko; boil whole plant and drink for measles and smallpox.Hiinabi, S-RubV (BM) ; same use as S-Elko. This is probably the S-Lemhihunap:, used for sore eyes.Enceliopsis ayrophylla. Covillea belt, southern part of area. Aqgagwu'p(red brush), S-Lida (JS) ; tea for stomach disorders.Ephedra nevadcnsis. Tutu'mbip, S-LtLk, tea, especially for kidney disorders.See also "Food Plants."Eriogonuni sp. Tawisiwap, S-SprV ; boil flower and drink for stomach dis-order. S-Elko, also for stomach disorder. Not recognized, S-RubV (BM).Qrindelia squarrosa, gumweed. Artemisia to yellow pine belts, throughout^Oakap:, S-RubV (BM) ; used for smallpox.Helianthus. A species called pi : akanzip :, S-Lemhi ; root boiled and drunkfor physic and emetic.Eelenium montaniim, sneezeweed. Artemisia to yellow pine belts. S-Elko,roots used for gonorrhea. S-RubV, not recognized.Pentstemon palmeri. S-Lida (PF) ; leaf ground and put on burn.Rumex crispus, dock. Around settlements ; introduced from Europe. Niiwii-noko or pauwiya, S-Elko ; roots mashed and applied to swellings. Banwiyaor tiimii, S-RsRi (GJ), same use. Niiwiinoko, S-RubV, made into tea. Seealso "Food plants."Rumex mexicanus, dock. Everywhere, especially in wet places. Aqga (red)bauwiya, S-Owyhee (TP) and S-SnRv. Roots mashed and applied to cutsand sores.Salix. A species called agai (salmon) suhu, burned and applied to soreeyes, S-Lemhi.Salvia carnosa, sage. Covillea to pinyon belt, throughout. Kaibasi'tum,S-LtLk; tea for stomach trouble. S-Lida, same use. Kaiuhava (?), NP-FLk,use unknown. Ka (wood rat) r)gwana (smells), S-Elko; tops boiled into teafor blood tonic. Not identified, S-RubV.Symphoricarpos vaccinioides, snowberry. Yellow pine and aspen belts ; north.Ija (ijap, coyote) hua, S-Elko; whole plant boiled for eyes. Tatsip, S-RubV(BM), no use. See also "Plants used in manufacturing."Rumex niexicanvs, dock. Everywhere, especially in wet places. A ga (red)Welwitschia diffusa. Covillea belt; south only. NP-FLk, boil for tea foremetic. UNIDENTTFIED MEDICINAL PLANTSBiji (milk) dubuwi (any greens), S-Elko; roots mashed and applied tominor cuts.Dagiip, S-SprV ; taziip, S-Elko ; a long, whitish root, mixed with tobacco.and smoked to cure a cold.Togoa yurjgiiwii, S-Lemhi ; roots used for physic.
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120PLANTS USED IN MANUFACTURINGAmelanchier glabra and, probably more generally, A. alnifoUa, service berry.In important quantities only in northern portion of area. Diihavi, S-DiaV,S-Elko, used for bows. Probably used for bows elsewhere. Also, basket rims,digging sticks.Apocynum androsaetnifolium, dogbane. Mountain sides and canyons up toaspen belt Ar)ga (red) wana (string, net), S-Elko, S-RubV. Bark used forstring.Apocynum carmablnum, dogbane. Covillea and artemisia belts. Wana,S-RsRi, S-RubV; bark dried and used for string.Artemisia tridentata, sagebrush. Throughout area. Bohovi, Shoshoni
;
sawavi, NP-MC. Wood for fire drill and hearth ; bark for tinder. Bark alsofor twined bags and garments, especially in north.Cercocarpus ledifolius, mountain mahogany. Upper piuyon, yellow pine, andaspen belts, throughout. Tiinambe, diiuambi, S-Lida, S-Elko, S-RubV, andelsewhere. Used for digging stick ; by S-Lida for arrows ; GS-DpCr, for bows.Echinocactus polycephalus, devil's pincushion. Needles vised for awls,southern part of area. (See Coville, 1892.)Elymns condensatus and probably other species. Used for house thatchingand beds, especially in north.Epicampes rigens, grass. Southern part of area. Foundation for somecoiled basketry (Coville, 1802).Junipervs utahensis juniper or "cedar." Characteristic tree of the pinyonbelt. Used for bow. Branches for houses.Martynia proboscidea, devil's horn, unicorn plant, devil's claw. Used forblack in basketry, southern portion of area. (See also Coville, 1892.)Pinus monphylla, pinyon or pine nut tree. Limbs for houses; boughs forhouse covering in mountains.Phragmites communis (P. vulgaris), reed or cane. Hugapi, hugapi: Shoshoni.Stems used for arrow shafts.Rhus triJobata, sumac. S-DthV and S-Pan, used for white in basketry(Coville, 1892.)Ribes incbrians, currant. Duqwip, S-DiaV, stems used for arrows. ButS-Elko said duqwip applied to another plant, calling R. inebrians bogunap:.S-RubV, bambigama ; not used.Salix amygdaloides, peachleaf willow. Along streams of the artemisia,pinyon, and yellow pine belts. Sugap:, S-Elko; sag p:. S-RubV; basketrymaterials.Balix lasiandra, willow. Along streams up to yellow pine belt, throngliout.Used for basketry in S-DthV (Coville, 1892) and probably elsewhere. This isprobably the species generally called suhuvi, Shoshoni.Sambucus, elder. Used for flutes.Sarcobatus vermiculatus, greasewood. Abundant in Covillea and artemisiabelts. Tonovi, Shoshoni, NP-MC. Used for arrow foreshafts, sometimes fordigging sticks and other purposes requiring hardwood.Sphaeralcea ambigua, desert mallow. Southern portion of area. S-DthVboiled and syrup mixed with potter's clay (Steward, 1933:266, Owens ValleyPaiute used S. fremontii). Gwidegomb:, LtLk ; gubanap, SP-Ash ; not used.S-Lida not used.Symphoricarpos vaccinoides, snow berry. Wotsop or ijap: (coyote) wana(string or net), S-DiaV; bark used for string.
BTEWABD] APPENDICES 313PLANTS USED IN SMOKINGApocynum cannahinum, dog bane. Bahunduwaya' ", S-Elko ; bark mixedwith tobacco. Elsewhere, used for string.Arctostaphylos platyphylla. In pinyon to aspen belts, throughout. Bia (big)dumaya, S-RsRi, S-Elko, S-RubV. Bark mixed with tobacco. Another plantsimilarly used called dumaya, S-RsRi.Comns, dogwood. Nevada Shoshoni (Remy and Brenchley, 1861, p. 129)used the bark of a species of Cormis.Nicotiana attentiata, wild tobacco. Artemisia to yellow pine belts, through-out. Leaf dried for smoking. Hoffman (1878, p. 467) mentions this speciesfor southern Nevada.For smoking, see also, Chamberlin, 1911 : 34-35 ; Steward, 1933 : 319-320.Vaccinium, blueberry. Nevada Shoshoni used the bark of a species ofVaccinium. (Remy and Brenchley, 1861, pp. 129-130).NAMES OF SOME PLANTS NOT USEDAdenostegia sp., tuwii'ip: (any plant or flower), S-LtLk.Amaranthus hlitoides.Atriplex nuttalUi, mound salthrush. Muduniip, S-Lida (PF).Atriplex confertifoUa, shadscale. Large colonies of the Covillea, artemisia,and pinyon belts. Bokumbi, S-Elko, S-RubV (BM).Aploppapus linearifolius interior.Bassia hyssopifolia. Introduced from Asia. Not identified.Castilleja angustifolia, painted-cup, paintbrush. Aqa (red) kwiwi'tum, S-LtLk; anabimotoymup, SP-Ash.Chrysothamnus nanseosus, rabbitbrush. Very common in artemisia belt.Sipiimb:, S- i<ia (PF); sivap:* or toyaziwap:, S-Elko; toyaciwap, S-RubV.Cryptanthe racemosa. Tiiwi'p:, S-LtLk.Chylismia brevipes. Arid areas in Covillea belt. Miiga'ta, S-LtLk.Chylismia sp. (?), Yubiku'a, S-Tonopah.Dithyrea wislizeni. Not identified.Eremalche rottindifolia. Deserts, Covillea belt.Ephedra nevadensis, jointfir. Wipuda tumbi, S-Lida (PF). E. viridis,tutumbi, used by S-Lida for tea. See Ephedra, under "Food plants."Erodlum cicutarium, alifileria or storksbill. Introduced from Europe.Mutwanz (from mutu^mazap, humming bird), S-LtLk; wiyubimp, SP-Ash.Eriogonum thomasii. Desert areas of Covillea belt, but collected in artemisiabelt. Sogodiumb:, S-SprV, S-RubV.Eriogonum sp. Tuhuva'p, SP-Ash; segu'yuP. S-LtLk.Eurotia lanata. Plains and arid areas, Covillea to pinyon belts. Cicap:,S-Elko, S-RubV ; good only for stock feed.Orayia spinosa, hopsage. Pakiimbi, S-LtLk.Kochia vestita, gray molly. Sicap, S-RubV.Layia douglasii. Not identified.Legume sp. Kutcindambono, S-Elko ; kutcimbogo, S-RubV.Lupinus irevicaulis, lupine. Not identified.Lupinus kingii, lupine. Ta niip :, S-LtLk.Mentzelia laevis. Not recognized, S-Elko ; S-RubV.Norta altissima, introduced from Europe. Not identified.Phacelia crenulata. Mubiap:, S-LtLk.
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bui^ 120Sphaerostigma decorticans. Southern area. Not identified.Sphaerostigma veitchianum. Soutliern Area. Not identified.Syntrichopappus fremontii. Southern area. Not identified.Tetradymia glabrata. Throughout artemisia belt. Tavowap, S-Lida (PF) ;toyasiwap, S-EIko; sivap:, S-RubV (BM).Appendix F.?MH's BiographyMary H was born in Hamil Valley at a place called Tepo'siinatii, where herfamily lived in a grass house. Sometimes her folks visited the villages atBishop where her grandparents had lived.When Mary was a small girl her maternal grandfather fell from a cliff andwas killed while hunting eagles in the White Mountains. Desiring to goaway because of their sorrow at his death, her parents took Mary and herbrother to Geroux Ranch (Tu:na'va) in Fish Lake Valley to live. For manyyears they made this their winter home.Mary first heard of white men when she was about 6 years old. The reportthat two white men with pack animals were passing through the country sofrightened her people that they fled to the mountains and hid.When Mary was about 16 or 17 years old she met her husband, CaptainHarry, at a festival. The dance was near Pigeon Springs at pine-nut time(tuba, pine nut, niigatii, dance). The Fish Lake Valley chief had announcedthe time, place, and duration of the dance and had invited Shoshoni from thevicinity of Lida. Captain Harry attended with the Shoshoni. Mary's father(her mother had died) and Captain Harry's parents agreed that they shouldmarry and, after the festival, the requisite exchange of presents was made.Captain Harry's father gave money (netavi) to Mary's father who later recipro-cated with pine nuts. Then Harry came to Mary's village bringing deer meatHe remained and the marriage was consummated without ceremony. This wasHarry's second marriage. His Shoshoni wife had died.Ordinarily, a young married couple lived for some time with the wife'sfamily until they learned to provide for themselves. But as Harry was nearly80 years old and a good hunter, this was unnecessary. They remained atTu:na'va for about 2 weeks, then went to Oasis where they built their ownhouse.Mary and Harry lived at Oasis for about 3 years. During the second yeartheir first child, a daughter, was born. Mary was taken to a small house whereshe remained for five days, cared for by her maternal grandmother who de-livered the baby. After the birth her grandmother bathed her and "talked"that Mary should not be a lazy mother. Five days later, before Mary returnedto her dwelling, her grandmother bathed her and prayed again, then advisedher to refrain from meat for 8 or 10 days. Mary gave all her clothes to hergrandmother and received new ones upon returning home. Meanwhile, Harry,who had not gone hunting for 5 days, was bathed on the fifth day after thebirth. He gave his old clothes to the man who performed this service. Hethen went hunting and killed a deer, but gave all of it away.A child was usually named by its paternal grandfather if it were a boy andby its paternal grandmother if it were a girl. In this case, when she was abouta year old, Harry named his daughter Wiuo'hekiiwa"" after his sister.White people had now entered Fish Lake Valley aud made the Oasis, Pat-terson, and McFee ranches. While Harry was working at the last andWino'hekiiwa'* was about 3 years old, their son Rob was born.
STEWARD] APPENDICES 315Some time after this, they went to Ozagwin:' to visit Harry's sister for amonth, and bacl? to McFee ranch. Another son was born.Several years later they moved over to Deep Springs, where they were wel-come to live, hunt, and gather seeds. When Deep Springs Ranch was founded,Harry worked from time to time, living nearby. After his death in 1919, Maryburned their camp and all of Harry's possessions and moved to Big Pine whereshe has lived since with her daughter's family.Appendix G.?Status TermsVery young babies of both sexes are called oha or ohwa in Shoshoni, de-scriptive of the peculiar cry of a newborn.Terms for older persons are not definitely fixed with reference to puberty,marriage, or parenthood. Little girl was naivitci, diminutive of naivi. Naiviwas used by S-Lemhi for a girl who had begun to menstruate. This is prob-ably the general meaning, though duepiidli (child) naivi was sometimes usedfor pre-adolescent girls. S-GrsCr's equivalent for little girl, waiputsi duepiidli,means "little woman child." Naivi was sometimes carried over to the marriedstatus, though waip, woman, was generally used. S-Lemhi used tambia, "themother," for a young married woman. Huvijo'" or huvidzo' for old women isa combination of huvijiji, old woman, and dzo'?, great-grandparent, meaningliterally, "feeble."S-SnRv used duiniip:** for a very small boy, bihia for one slightly larger,and davici still larger who did not yet dress or wear a breechclout The termdenu : or dainap for man is derived from tenapii'fl, S-SnRv, any full-grown male.This generally replaced tuivitc, boy, at about the time of his marriage.
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 120
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BIBLIOGRAPHY[The following list does not purport to be an exhaustive bibliography of the Basin-Plateau area, but does include the more important sources, especially on the Shoshoni.]Aldous, a. B., and Shantz, H. L.1924 Types of Vegetation in the Semiarid Portions of the United Statesand their Economic Significance. U. S. Dept. Agr., Journ. Agric.Research, vol. 28, No. 2, Washington, 1924.Alter, J. Cex;il.1925 James Bridger. Salt Lake City, 1925.1928 Some Useful Early Utah Indian References. Utah Hist. Quart.,1 : 2(>-32, 52-56.1928 Father Escalaute and the Utah Indians. Utah Hist. Quart, 1: 75-86,106-113 ; 2 : 18-25, 46-54.1934-35 In the Beginning. Publ. daily in the Salt Lake Telegram.Abmstrono, Geokge W.1856 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1855, pp. 204-206,Washington, 1856.Ashlet-Smith Nakratives. See Dale, Harrison C.AvESON, Robert.1854 Eventful Narratives. The Thirteenth Book of the Faith-PromotingSeries. Juvenile Instructor Office. Salt Lake City, 1854.Ballard, David W.1886 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1866, pp. 190-192,Washington, 1866.Bancroft, Hubeet Howe.1886-1890 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft. Vols, i-xxxix. SanFrancisco, 1886-90. Vol. i, Native Races, 1886. Vol. xxv, Historyof Nevada, Colorado, and Wyoming, 1890. Vol. xxvi. History ofUtah, 1889. Vols, xxix-xxx, History of Oregon, 1886-88. Vol. xxxi,History of Washington, Idaho, and Montana, 1890.Barber, Edwin A.1876 Language and Utensils of the Modern Utes. U. S. Geol. and Geog.Survey of the Territories, 2 : 71-76, 1876.1877 Gaming Among the Utah Indians. Amer. Naturalist, 11: 351-353,1877.Barnes, Clatjde T.1927 Utah Mammals. Univ. of Utah Bull., vol. 17, no. 12, 1927.Beals, Ralph L.1935 Ethnology of Rocky Mountain National Park. The Ute and Arapaho.U. S. Dept. Interior, Natl. Parks Service, Field Div. of Educ,Berkeley, Calif., 1935.Bectkwith, E. G.1855 Report of Explorations for a Route for the Pacific Railroad byCapt. J. W. Gunnison, Topographical Engineers, near the Thirty-eighth and Thirty-ninth Parallels. 7w Reports Explor. andSurv. ... for a Railroad ... to the Pacific. 1853-54. Vol. II,pp. lg-128. (Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 78, 33d Cong., 2d sess., Wash-ington, 1855.)1855a Report of Explorations for a Route for the Pacific Railroad on theline of the Forty-first Parallel. Ibid., pp. lb-132. 317
3X8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Beckwoueth, James P. See Bonner, T. D.Beeeeman, Joel V.1937 Tribal Distribution in Oregon. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., No. 47,1937.BiDWELL, John.1928 Echoes of the Past About California. Edited by M. M. Quaife.Chicago, 1928.Bonner, T. D.1856 The Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourtb. Written fromhis own dictation. New York, 1856.Bonneville, Captain. See Irving, Washington, 1898.Bryant, Edwin.1848 What I saw in California. New York and Phila., 1848.Bueche, John C.1865 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1864, pp. 144-148,Washington, 1865.BtjETON, Richard F.1862 The City of the Saints. New York, 1862.CAMPBE3X, FrANKUN.1866 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1806, pp. 117-120,Washington, 1866.Chalfant, W. a.19.33 The Story of Inyo. 2d edition. Bishop, Calif., 1933.Chambeelin, Ralph V.1908 Animal names and anatomical terms of the Goshute Indians. Acad.Nat. Scl. Phila., Proc, vol. lx, pp. 74-103, Phila., 1908-1909.1909 Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians. Amer. Anthrop., n. s. 11:27-40, 1909.1911 The Ethno-botany of the Gosiute Indians. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila.,Proc, vol. Lxm, pp. 24-99, Phila., 1911-1912.CoviLLB, Frederick V.1892 The Panamint Indians of California. Amer. Anthrop., 5: 351-361,1892.CtTLiN, Stewart.1901 A Summer Trip Among the Western Indians. Univ. of Pa. FreeMus. of Sci. and Art, Dept. of Arch., Bull. 3, 1901.1907 Games of the North American Indians. Twenty-fourth Ann. Rept.Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1907.Curtis, Edward S.1926 The North American Indian. Vol. 15. Norwood, Mass., 1926.Dale, Habrison, C, Editor.1918 The Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of a Central Routeto the Pacific, 1822-29, with the original Journals. Cleveland, 1918.Danilson, W. H.1870 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1869, pp. 287-288,Washington, 1870.Davies, Benjamin.1861 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1861, pp. 129-134,Washington, 1861.De ANGtTLo, Jaime, and Freeland, L. S.1929 Notes on the Northern Paiute of California. Journ. Soc. Am6r. deParis, n. s. 21 : 313-335, 1929.
STEWARD] BIBLIOGRAPHY 3^9De Smet, p. J.1843 Letters and Sketches : With a Narrative of a Year's Residence amongthe Indian Tribes of the Rocky Mountains. Phila., 1843. Reprintedin Thwaite's Early Western Travels, vol. 27: 123-411, Cleveland,1906.Delano, Alonzo.1857 Life on the plains and among the diggings; being scenes and adven-tures of an overland journey to California. New York, 1857.Dellenbaxtgh, Fbederick S.1908 A Canyon Voyage. The Narrative of the Second Powell Expeditiondown the Green-Colorado River from Wyoming and the Explora-tions on Land in the Years 1871 and 1872. New York, 1908.Dennison, a. P.1858 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1858, pp. 262-265,Washington, 185&Densmorb, Frances.1922 Northern Ute Music. Bull. 75, Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1922.Domenech, Abb6 Emmanuel.1860 Seven Years' Residence in the Great Deserts of North America.2 vols. Loudon, 1860.DoKSEY, George A.1901 The Shoshouean Game of Na-wa'ta-pi. Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 14:24-25, 1901,Doty, James Duanb.1863 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1862, pp. 210-212,Washington, 1863.1865 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1864, pp. 173-176,Washington, 1865.DOUGLAB, F. H.1930 The Ute Indians. Denver Art Mus., Leaflet No. 10, 1930.Douglas, H.1870 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1870, pp. 94-101,Washington, 1870.DUTCHEB, B. H.1893 Piuon Gathering among the Panamint Indians. Amer. Anthrop.,6: 377-380, 1893.Egan, Majob Howard and Howard R.1917 Pioneering the West, 1846 to 1878. William M. Egan, Editor. SaltLake City, 1917.Escalantb, Fray Silvestbb Velez db. See Harris, W. R.Evermann, B. W.1896 A Preliminary Report Upon Salmon Investigations in Idaho in 1894.Bull. U. S. Fish Comm. for 1895, vol. 15, pp. 253-284, 1896.1897 A Report Upon Salmon Investigations in the Headwaters of theColumbia River and in the State of Idaho in 1895. Bull. U. S.Fish Comm. for 1896, vol. 16, pp. 151-202, 1897.Fabnham, Thomas J.1843 Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Anahuac and RockyMountains and in the Oregon Territory. 2 vols. London, 1843.Reprinted in part in Thwaite's Early Western Travels, vol. 28,Cleveland, 1906.1849 Life, Adventures, and Travels in California. New York, 1849.
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328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Simpson, Capt. J. H.1876 Report of Explorations across the Great Basin of the Territory ofUtah for a Direct Wagon-Route from Camp Floyd to Genoa, inCarson "S'alley, in 1859. U. S. Army, Engineer. Dept., Washington,1876.Smith, A. I.1872 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1871, p. 432, Wash-ington, 1872.Snow, William J.1929 Utah Indians and Spanish Slave Trade. Utah Hist. Quart., 2:67-73, 1929.Sntdee, J. O.1917 The Fishes of the Lahontan System of Nevada and NortheasternCalifornia. U. S. Bur. Fisheries, Doc. 843, Bull. 35 : 31-86, 1915-16,Washington, 1917.1919 An Account of Some Fishes from Owens River, California. U. S.Nat. Mus., Proc, 54 (no. 2233) : 201-205, 1917.Spieb, Leslie.1928 Havasupai Ethnography. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Papers29 : 81-392, 1928.1935 The Prophet Dance of the Northwest and its Derivatives: The Sourceof the Ghost Dance. Gen. Ser. in Anthrop., 1. Meuasha, Wis., 1935.1936 Cultural Relations of the Gila and Lower Colorado River Trihes.Yale Univ. Puhl. in Anthrop., 3 : 1-22, 1936.Spinden, Herbekt J.1908 The Nez Perc(5 Indians. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc, 2: 167-328,1908,Spurb, Josiah Edward.
"1903 Descriptive Geology of Nevada South of the Fortieth Parallel andAdjacent Portions of California. U. S. Geol. Surv., Bull. 208,ser. B, Descriptive Geology, 27. Washington, 1903.St. Claib, H. H. (Robert H. Lowib, Ed.)1909 Shoshone and Comanche Tales. Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, 22: 26.5-282,1909.Stansbtjry, Howard.1852 Exploration and Survey of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake of Utah,including a Reconnaissance of a New Route through the RockyMountains. Senate Ex. Doc, No. 3, Special sess., March 1851.Philadelphia, 18.52.Steward, Julian H.1930 Irrigation without Agriculture. Mich. Acad. Sci., 12: 149-1.56, 1930.1932 The Uintah Ute Bear Dance, March 21-29, 1931. Amer. Anthrop.,n. s. 34: 263-273, 1932.1933 Ethnography of the Owens Valley Piaute. Univ. Cal. Publ. Amer.Arch, and Ethn., 33: 233-350, 1933.1933a Aborigines of Utah. In "Utah?Resources and Activities", pp.161-167. Dept. of Public Instruction, Salt Lake City, 1933.1934 Two Piaute Autobiographies. Univ. Cal. Publ. Amer. Arch, andEthn., 33 : 423-438, 1934.1936 Myths of the Owens Valley Piaute. Ibid., 34: 355-440, 1986.1936a Shoshoni Polyandry. Amer. Anthrop., n. s. 38: 561-564, 1936.1936b Pueblo Material Culture in Western Utah. Univ. New Mex., Bull.287 (Anthrop. ser. 1) pp. 1-63, 1936.
STEWARD] BIBLIOGRAPHY 3291936c The Ecouomic and Social Basis of Primative Bauds. In Essays inAnthropology presented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 331-350, Berkeley,Calif., 1936.1937 Linguistic Distributions and Political groups of the Great BasinShoshoneans. Amer. Anthrop., n. s. 39: 62.>-634, 1937.1937a Ecological Aspects of Southwestern Society. Anthropos, 32: 87-104, 1937.1937b Ancient Caves of the Great Salt Lake Region. Bull. 116, Bur. Amer.Ethn., Washington, 1937.Stewart, Omeb C.1937 Northern Paiute Polyandry. Amer. Anthrop. n. s. 39: 368-369, 1937.StTDWOETH, George B.1917 The Pine Trees of the Rocky Mountain Region. U. S. Dept. Agr.,Bull. 460, Washington, 1917.SinxivAN Maurice S.1934 The Travels of Jedediah Smith. A Documentary Outline includingthe Journal of the Great American Pathfinder. Santa Ana, Calif.,1934.StTLLY, ALFliED.1870 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1869, pp. 289-293,Washington, 1870.Tanner, Vasco M.1936 A Study of the Fishes of Utah. Brighani Young Univ. Contr.Dept. of Zool. and Ento., No. 39. Also, Proc. Utah Acad. Sci.,Arts and Letters, 13 : 155-184, Provo, Utah, 1936.Telt, James A.J928 The Middle Columbia Salish. Univ. Wash. Publ. in Anthrop.,2 : 83-128, 1928.1930 The Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus (Franz Boas, Editor).Forty-fifth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 23-396, Washington,1930.Thompson, Daxtd.1916 David Thompson's Narrative of his Explorations in Western America,17&4-1812. J. B. Tyrell, Editor. Toronto, 1916.Tedesteom, Ivae.1925 Flora of Utah and Nevada. U. S. Nat. Mus., Natl. Herbarium, Contr.,vol. 25, Washington, 1925.TotTBTELLOTTE, J. E.1870 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1869, pp. 229-231,Washington, 1870.Townsend, John K.1839 Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains to the ColumbiaRiver. Phila., 1839. Reprinted in part in Thwaites "Early WesternTravels," vol. 21, pp. 113-369, Cleveland, 1905.Vaile, H. M.1863 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1862, pp. 232-238,Washington, 1863.Wasson, Warren.1863 [Communication in] Rept. Cora. Ind. Affairs for 1862, pp. 222-227,Washington, 1863.
330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 120Waterman, T. T.1911 The Phonetic Elements of the Northern Paiute Language. Univ. Cal.Publ. Amer. Arch, and Ethn., 10 : 13-44, 1911.Weav^, J. E.1917 A Study of the vegetation of Southeastern Washington and adjacentIdaho. Univ. Nebraska, Univ. Studies, vol. 17, No. 1, 1917.Whebxek, Geokge M.1875 Preliminary Report upon a Reconnaissance through Southern andSoutheastern Nevada, 1869. U. S. Army, Engineering Department.1879 Report upon United States Geographical Surveys west of the OneHundredth Meridian. Vol. 7, Archaeology. Washington, 1879.Whipple, A. W., Ewbank, Thomas, and Tubner, Wuxiam M.1856 Report upon the Indian Tribes. U. S. War Dept. Repts. of Ex-plorations and Surveys . . . for a Railroad from the MississippiRiver to the Pacific Ocean, 1853-54. Vol. 3, Washington, 1856.Whorf, B. L.1935 The Comparative Linguistics of Uto-Aztecan. Amer. Authrop., n. s.37: 606-608, 1935.Wilkes, Charles.1845 Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, 1838 to 1842.Vol. 4, pp. 471-474; Phila., 1845; also in Utah Hist. Quart., 2:73-75, 1929.Williams, P. L.1928 Personal Recollections of Wash-a-kie, Chief of the Shoshones. UtahHist. Quart., 1 : 101-106, 1928.Wilson, B. M.1919 The White Indian Boy. The Story of Uncle Nick Among the Sho-shones. Revised and edited by Howard R. Driggs, Yonkers-on-Hudson, N. Y., 1919.Wilson, John.1850 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1849-50, pp. 66-68,Washington, 1850.WiSSLER, Clabk.1914 The Influence of the Horse in the Development of Plains Culture.Amer. Anthrop., n. s. 16: 1-25, 1914.1922 The American Indian. 2d edition. New York, 1922.WoonBUBY, Angus M.1931 A Descriptive Catalogue of the Reptiles of Utah. Univ. of Utah,Bull. 21, No. 5, 1931.Wooton, E. O.1932 The Public Domain of Nevada and Factors Affecting its Use. U. S.Dept. Agr., Technical Bull. 301. Washington, 1932.WoEK. John. See Lewis and Phillips.Wyeth, Nathaniel J.1851 Indian Tribes of the South Pass of the Rocky Mountains; the SaltLake Basin ; the Valley of the Great Sjiaptin, or Lewis' River,and the Pacific Coasts of Oregon. In Schoolcraft, vol. 1, pp.204-228, Phila., 1851.Young, Bbigham.1852 [Communication in] Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs for 1852, pp. 147-149,Washington, 1852.
INDEX
PageAbbreviations, key to ix-xiAbduction, marriage by 109,140-141, 144, 151, 160, 1&4, 195,214, 243-244.Ads-Sin, Gosiute head chief? 139Adultery, punishment for 216Agaiduka :application of tlie name 186mention of 172Aged and infirm, treatment of? 135Agriculture. See Crops ; Horti-culture.Amagrosa Desert, brief descrip-tion of 93Ama-ketsa, chief of the War-are-reekas 206Am-a-ro-ko, Chief, meaning ofthe name 173Animals :as food, discussion of 33-34carnivorous, low value of 34Antelope, hunting of 33,34, 81-82, 163Antelope hunts :ceremony connected with 122description of 34?36in Railroad Valley 120seasons for 175Antelope shaman :mention of 70,105, 108, 128, 142, 147, 163power of 34Antelope Valley :people of 128population density of 49population of 123, 124villages of 129Arapaho, hostile to Shoshoni 208Ash Meadows:mixed population of 182people of 92Astoria party, explorations of 6
Austin : Pagea Shoshoni center 107chiefs in vicinity of 108Badger, use made of 40Band council, functions of 210-211Band organization, functionalbasis of 51Bands :composite type of 259-260development and disintegra-tion of 202,248-250formation of 257-258land ownership by 255-256, 258-259stable constituents of 251unilineal type of 259Bannock :discussion of the name 199end of warfare with 8Flathead name for 202Fort Hall, affiliations of___ 204Fort Hall, discussion of? 198-216Fort Hall, names for 198Fort Hall, population densityof 49location of 198,271mention of 173moving camps of 206organization of 201population of 199raids of, on whites 208relations of, with Sho-shoni 200, 207separation of, from NorthernPaiute 200subdivisions of 265-266territory occupied by-_ 265, 257-268trade of, with Nez Perce 206traveling customs of 206union of, with Shoshoni 202Bannock Crebiv people, namesapplied to 17T331
332 INDEXPageBannock Creek Shoshoni, calledKamudiika (q. v.) 217JBaee Mountain, altitude of 93Basin-Plateau area, history of_ 3-10Basin-Pi^\teau people :culture of 1-2use of the term ixBasket Maker-Pueblo culture,spread of 4Basketry - gathering complex,spread of 32Battle Mountain and vicinity,Indians of 161-164Bead money :measure of 45use of, as ornaments 45use of, in trade 45values estimated in 45Bear Dance, reference to 228,237Bear Hunter, mention of 218Bear Lake, fish of 41Bear River, fish of 42Bear River Valley, occupantsof 218Beatty:camps in vicinity of 94population density of 48Be:atty region :camps of 94name of people of 94people of 93Belmont, center of population 110Belted Mountain region :people of 93population density of 48Bet^ted Range:altitude of 93camps of 94Berries, varieties of, used forfood 104-105Big Horse, a Gosiute chief 139Big Mouth Tom :activities of 61mention of 61, 70Big Pine, mention of village at_ 50Biography of M. H 314-315Bishop, mention of village at 50Bison See Buffalo.Black-EYE, chief in RailroadValley 120
_i
Blackieeh: : Pagemention of 187,204mention of raids of 207raids made by 192Blackhawk, Chief, mentionedby Wheeler 130Black Hawks, raids of 229Black Rock, reference to 3
"Boise," population density of 49Boise River vicinity, Indiansof 172-173Bonack, Wyeth's use of thename 202Bonneville, Captain, mentionof 6Borax works, location of 92Bowers, Joe, Deep Springs chief. 61
"Bkoken-mocoasins," identifica-tion of 187
"Bruneau," population densityof 49Buffalo:effect of, in Indian ecology 235extermination of 200hunting of 33, 191, 203-204in Promontory Point area 178range of 37-38value of 37Bullen, Bill, mention of 92Bullfrog Range, altitude of 93Butcherman, Jim, temporarychief 108Cache Vaxley Shoshoni, de-scription of 218-219Cactus Flat, altitude of 93Cactus Mountains, altitude of? 93Caesar :a Saline Valley chief 76mention of 77Camas Prairie:a trading place 191trips to 167,191,203Camass :preservation of 167value of, in trade 45Camp circle, arrangement of 213Camp sites, of Reese River Val-ley 101-103Campbell, Franklin, Shoshone-ans described by 9
INDEX 33aCamps : PageBannock and Shoshoni 204temporary character of 205See also Encampments.Captain John, festivals directedby 110Cablin, people of 155Carrol Creek, Paiute village on_ 52Cave, legend concerning 131Cave Vallet, people of 131Caves, Promontory Point, occu-pation of 178Census :of Grouse Creek area 174r-175of Railroad Valley camps? 118Ceremony :round dance, object of 45See also Dances; Festivals.CHAMBEaojN, Ralph V., mentionof works of 21Chiefs :authority of 246, 251Bannock and Shoshoni, listof 212Battle Mountain region 163-164election of 137functions of 55,76, 126-127, 210, 251lack of need for 160listed by Powell and IngallS- 149messenger of 67of Reese River Valley 108Pahvant, list of 228ranking of 143Utah Lake, list of 226Ute, list of 224-225, 226Chieftainship :among Snake River Sho-shoni 170among the Gosiute 139among the Lemhi 193among the Tukadiika 193general discussion of 246-253in Deep Springs Valley 61in Fish Lake Valley 6G-67succession in 56, 67,76, 108, 143, 148-149, 180, 210Chokecherries, preparation of? 168Clothing, of Utah Lake Utes?_ 226Cold Mountain Jack, activitiesof family of 88,89Comanches :raids of, on the Ute 222Ute fear of 226
PageCottam, Dr. Walteir P., acknowl-edgment to 21Cottontail rabkit, hunting of 39Cottonwood Creek, Paiute vil-lage on 52Courtship, among Lemhi Sho-shoni 195Crops :cultivation of 183destruction of, at death ofowner 183Crow Indians :location of 187Shoshoni relations with 208Culture, Shoshonean, basis of? 46Daint, application of the name? 131Dances :among the Northern Sho-shoni 237leadership of 211occasion for 45-46of Lemhi Shoshoni 193of Snake River Shoshoni? 169-170Dancing. See Festivals.Death Valley:activities in 76linguistic groups of centraland southern 91-92name for people of 92northern, description of 85-80population density of 48population of 86Shoshoni location in 71trade of people of 45villages of 86Deep Creek Valley :Indian reservation in 137pine-nut gathering in 137-138Deep Springs Valley:population density of 48population of 58village life of 57-61Deer :driven over cliffs 179mule or blacktail, hunting of_ 36Deer hides, value of, in trade 45Deeth, people of 156-157Dialects, Shoshonean, similar-ity of 5Diamond Valley :Indian life in 141-144population density of 49
334 INDEXDiggers : Pageapplication of the name 6,199, 263-264described by Beckwith 146described by Domenech 9described by Leonard 9habitations of 199See also Root Diggers.Districts of Humboldt River re-gion 153-155Division Creek, Paiute villageon 51Divorce, frequency of 239Dixie Vaixet, people of 155Dock:activities of family of 88rabbit drives directed by 76Domenech, Shoshoneans describedby 9DosAMAsiDu', festivals directedby 116Dttck Creek Charley, festivalsdirected by 122,123Duck driv'es, communal, mentionof 179Duckwater :communal hunts at 119-120description of 119festivals at 120Dukwatsugu', an antelope sha-man 115Ecological determinants, discus-sion of 230-237Ecology, human :in Basin-Plateau area 2-3in cultural studies 260-262Economic system, discussion of_ 44-46Editawump, a Gosiute chief 139Edwards Creeic Valley, villagesof 103Egan, Maj. Howard, mention of_ 222Eoan Canyon, Indian life in__ 146-147Elk, habitat of 38Elk Mountain band :a Ute band 225location of 225Elk Mountain Ute:population of 229travels of 228Elko, people of 155Ely, village at 121
Encampments : Pagein Kawich Mountain area_ 111-112Snake River 165-166winter, sites of 232See also Camps.Environment :geographical, discussion of_ 10-46influence of, on social groups. 230Escalante, in Shoshonean area. 5EuREH^A Valley, Shoshoni loca-tion in 71Explorers, early, in Shoshoneanarea 5-6Families, association of, in foodquest 232Family :as an economic unit 2-3,230-231, 236See also Househoij).Family relationships, discus-sion of 197Farnham, Thomas J., Shosho-neans described by 9Festivals :as social determinants 237at Beatty 98Battle Mountain 163dancing at 122Gosiute 139in Death Valley 90in Deep Springs Valley 60in Kawich Mountains 112in Railroad Valley 120in Ruby Valley area 148lone, Reese River, and SmithCreek Valleys 106-107Little Smoky Valley region 115-116Northern Paiute 54, 60of Antelope Valley 129of Humboldt River people 159of Lida region 70purpose of 45-46Shoshoni, eastern Califor-nia 74-75Southern Paiute 184Fish :effect of rainfall on 41list and description of 40-43methods used for taking 41relative importance of 33Salmon River, list of, withShoshoni names 190
INDEX 335PageFish drives, mention of 130Fish Lake3 Valley :census of 62-63description of 61-62population density of 48Fish Lake Valley band, loose or-ganization of 62Fish Spbing Valley, census of? 114Fish Springs, mention of villageat 50Fish Springs Greek, Paiute vil-lage on 52Fish Utevs:a Ute band 225location of 225Fishing :Humboldt River 159methods used in 179, 190-191Fishing sites, ownership of 255Flathead Indians:location of 187reference to 201Flora, Shoshonean, importanceof 14Floristic zones, plants of 14-18Food:animal, discussion of 33-44of Boise River Shoshoni 173of Humboldt Valley Indians- 152of Ko'? villagers 77-78plants used for 14-32See also Subsistence activi-ties.Food areas, property rights in? 73-74Food gathering, effect of, uponactivities 19-20Food plants :cultivation of 32-33, 89destruction of, at owner'sdeath 89gathering of 230-231list of 21-32of Lida region 70Shoshoni, list of 189unidentified, list of 31Food supply, residence deter-mined by 131Fort Boise Pannachs, mentionof 173
Fort Hall: Pagecountry surrounding 200Indians encamped at 204Shoshoni and Bannock of? 198-218P'ort Hall Bannock, populationdensity of 49FoKT Hall Shoshoni, populationdensity of 49Fort Independencb:, Paiute vil-lage at 51Fort Ruby, erection of 7Fremont, J. C.
:
mention of 6Shoshoneans described by
?
8Friendship, Shoshoni basis of? 216Furnace Creek, Shoshoni head-quarters 92Furnace Creek people, subsist-ence area for 92Game:community rights in 74division of 120,184,205relative importance of 33See also Hunting.Gathering of seeds, roots, andnuts 19-20George's Creek, Paiute villageon 51Gilbert, Aleck, reference to 108Gilbert, Capt. Joe, reference to- 108Gold Flat, altitude of 93Goodale Creek, Paiute villageon 51Gophers, trapping of 138-139GosiuTE
:
called Deep Creek Shoshoni- 129country occupied by 134depredations of 7described by Powell and In-galls 132discussion of identity of? 132-133divisions of 132groups and villages of 135-137identified as Shoshoni 123, 133origin of name of 132population density of 49, 134population of 132poverty of 134relations of, with Shoshoni__ 128synonyms of 132-133territory occupied by 132-133
336 INDEXPageGosiUTE LOCALITY, edible plantsof 19GosiUTE Shoshoni, mention of__ 173Grass dance, mention of 211Great Salt Lake Desert, briefdescription of 134Great Smoky Valley :description of 109Shoshoni life in 110Ground-eats, trapping of 138-139Groups, sociopolitical, develop-ment of 3Grouse Creek area :Indians of 173-177population density of 49Gypsum Cave, evidence yieldedby 3Habitations of Deep SpringsValley Paiute 58Halleck, people of 156HAruTANs', location of 84Headman :duties of 247title of 247Hodge, F. W., cited 265Hogback Creek, Paiute villageon 52Horses :as a cause of warfare 202as a factor in Indian ecol-ogy 235, 236as an economic factor 232effect of introduction of 46, 201possession of, by Shoshoni__ 201possession of, by Utes 223scarcity of, in HumboldtRiver region 153use of, for food 152, 181use of, in hunting antelopes- 36wives exchanged for 177HorticxHjTure :as an ecological determi-nant 234-233in Spring Valley 128introduction of, in SteptoeValley 122practice of 128Hot Springs, mention of villageat 50Household :as an economic unit 239-240composition of 239-240division of labor in 240
PageHuKUNDiJKA, application of thename 177Humboldt Rtver:fish of 41^2Indians on 268-269North Fork, people of 156Humboldt River region :districts and villages of 153-157Indians of 152-161population density of 49Humboldt Valley, description of_ 153Humboldt Valley Indians,poverty of 152Hunter, Tom :a Saline Valley chief 76mention of 77Hunting :along Humboldt River 158among the Gosiute 138among the Southern Paiute- 184Bannock and Shoshoni 205communal 34, 3S-39,105, 119-120, 163, 231, 233customs connected with 60,128, 129, 231division of game in 115in Beatty and Belted Rangearea 97-98in Death Valley 89-90in Fish Lake Valley 66in Lida region 70in Pine Creek and DiamondValleys 142-143in Ruby Valley area 147in Spring, Snake, and Ante-lope Valleys 128Lemhi and Tukadiika 190methods of 33Northern Paiute 53-54Hunting grounds, ownershipof 254-255Hunting rights. NorthernPaiute 54Huntington Valley :people of 155population, density of 49villages of 156Jcamba village, location of 79Idaho:central, inhabitants of 186-198classification of Shoshoniof 264-268western, tribes of 268
INDEX 337PageImmigration into Shoshoneaiiarea 6Independence, Paiute village at_ 51Indkpendewce Vali.et, people of- 155Indian Office, reference to 46Indian Sam, festivals directedby 123Infidelity :attitude toward 196retaliation for 196Inheritance :of farm plots 128question of 74Insects, use of, as food 34Ione Valley, inhabitants of 100-109Irrigation :in Owens Valley, mention of- 231practiced by Paiute 53Jack rabbit:hunting of 38-39usefulness of 38Jakes Valley, little informationon 147Joking relationship, discussionof 197Kaich, mention of 76Kamuduka :description of 217mention of 174, 175other names for 217use of the name 177Kanosh, a Pahvant chief 228KAWAiistt
:
identical with Muguniiwii
?
71in Panamint Valley 84mixed groups in 76other names for 92Kawatc, chief of Kawich Moun-tain group 113Kawich, Bill, director of rab-bit drives 110Kawich, Chief, festivals at-tended by 120Kawich Mountain area, censusof settlements of 111-112Kawich Mountains, populationdensity of 49Kawich Range, aridity of areaof 110-111Kawich Valley, altitude of 93
Kinship: Pageextent of 244in the sociopolitical group- 238-239responsibilities of 240-241ties of 197-257Kinship terms :discussion of 284-806Shoshoni 164Ko'? village :families of 78-79food of inhabitants of 77-78location of 77meaning of the name 77population of 79Ko'oNzi, Saline Valley people 77Kosho, mention of 70Koso:meaning of the word 76mention of ^_ 76Koso Mountain region, Sho-shoni occupation of 71Kroeber, a. L. :bands listed by 76population density estimatedby 48reference to vocabulary by- 71KucYUT, Kroeber's name for Go-siute 133KuHWiji
:
district of 80-84place names in 81subsistence activities in 81-83villages of 81Kumumbar, a name for the Go-siute 132KwiiTS, mention of 76Kwatsugu', an antelope shaman- 115Labor, division of 44Land ownership:by bands 255-256development of concept of? 235discussion of 254-256"Land Pitches" described byFarnham 9Las Vegas band :boundaries of 92composition of 181Las Vegas region:life of Indians of 182-185population density of 49size and population of 182Lehi, mention of 218
338 INDEXLemhi : Pageapplication of tlie name 187neighboring tribes of 187Lemhi and central Idaho:population density of 49population of 49Lemhi locality, edible plants of_ 10Lemhi Shoshoni, reference to
?
201Lemhi Valley :names for people of 186occupants of 186-198Leonard, Zbnas:mention of 6Shoshoneans described by 9Levirate, observance of 56,84, 91, 99, 109, 117, 121, 164.176, 216, 244Lewis and Clark, in Shoshoneanarea 5-6LiDA, location of 68LIDA EEX3ION :description of 68-69group occupying 68Linguistic groups of PlateauShoshoni 263Little Lake and Koso Moun-tains, district of 80-84Little Smoky Vallety:language of 113life of people of 113-117population density of 49Lone Pine Creek, Paiute villageon 52LovELooK Cave, evidence yieldedby 3Malad Valleiy band, calledPromontory band 220Marmot, use made of 40Marriage :age of girls at 195arranged by parents 108by abduction 109,140-141, 144, 151, 160, 164, 195,214, 243-244by personal combat 109contradictory elements in_ 245-246cross-cousin 108,123, 130, 140, 213, 245discussion of 241-246pscudo cross-cousin 194,245three forms of, described 213-215
Marriage customs : pag*at Beatty and Belted Range- 99Battle Mountain region 164Fort Hall Bannock and Sho-shoni 213-214Gosiute 140-141Humboldt River region 160-161in Fish Lake VaUey 67-68in Grouse Creek region 176in Kuhwiji 83-84in Lida region 70in Northern Death Valley 91in Panamint Valley 85in Pine Creek and DiamondValleys 143-144in Railroad Valley 121in Ruby Valley area 150-151in Snake Valley 130-131in Steptoe Valley 123Lemhi Shoshoni 194-196Little Smoky Valley region. 116Northern Paiute 56Promontory Point 180Snake River Shoshoni 171-172Southern Paiute 185Mesquitb, gathering of 82Moh-vpoom-hah, a Shoshoni chief. 209Mo.TAX'E Desert, Shoshoni loca-tion on 71Monitor Valley, brief descrip-tion of 110Mono-Bannock :a linguistic gi'oup 263name used for xiMontata, classification of Sho-shoni of 264r-268Morby Jack, rabbit drives di-rected by 115Mormon occupation, effect of,on Indians 14"Mormon Snakes," a name forthe Gosiute 135Moktars, stone, occurrence of? 80
"MosE," a Ruby Valley chief 149Mother-in-law :man's relations with 215taboo concerning 57Mountain coat, habitat of 37Mountain sheep, hunting of 37Mourning, ceremony of 55Mourning customs in Kuhwiji? 83Mud hens, hunting of 127
INDEX 339MuGUNUwiJ
:
Pageapplication of the name 71derivation of the name 71identical with Kawaiisii 71Names, derived from food 100Naming custom, connected withfood 100Nanavadzi, chief village ofPromontory Point 178Natural resources, Shoshoni at-titude regarding 253Nelson, E. W.. reference to SONevada :eastern, tribes of 268-2G9population density of 48southern, Indians of 269, 272western, Indians of 271Nez Perc^ :country traveled by 187location of 187reference to 201relations of, with Shoshoni- 208Nomenclature for area andgroups, discussion of xi-xiiNoETHKRN Paiute:and Shoshoni, boundary be-tween 100clashes with 7food quest of 52-54independent, villages of 57-68Owens Valley, environmentof 50Northern Shoshoni bands, dis-cussion of 186-222Ogden, Petek Skene :mention of journeys of 6Shoshoneans described by 9Ogden band, identification of 220Olancha, Paiute village at 52Old Buonaparte, a noted Lemhichief 194Old Joe, rabbit drives directedby 110Oregon, eastern, tribes of 269Owa'dzi, application of thename 71OvTENS Lake, Shoshoni locationon 71Owens River, fish of 40-41
Owens Vaixey : Pagedescription of 50edible plants of 19land ownership in 234,236, 255-256population density of 48subsistence activities in 52-54, 233-234trade in 44Ownership. See Land owner-ship; Property rights.Pahrump Valley, life of Indiansof 182-185Pahute Mesa, altitude of 93Pah-Utes :mixed with Snake Indians 130See also Paiute.Pahvant :a Ute band 224location of 224variant spellings of 224See also Pahvant Ute.Pahvant Ute:country occupied by__ 222,226-227Indian name of 227mixed with "Goships" 132reference to 7
-See also Pahvant.Pahvontees, a name for PahvantUte 132Paiute:called Paviotso 100conflict with 7derivation of the name 264described by Farnham 9intermarriage of, with Sho-shoni lOOjoined by Shoshoni on reser-vations 7land ownership among 234,236, 255-256location of 271-272mixed with Shoshoni 123relations of, with Shoshoni- 130Shoshoni names for 71social and political unit of__ 260Southern, organization of 252subsistence activities of 52-54, 233-234Scr alfto Northern Paiute;SouTHPEN Paiute.
340 INDEXPagePAitiTE VILLAGES in EdwardsCreek Valley 103Palisade, people of 155Palmetto Dick, mentiou of 70Panamint, mention of 76Panamint Valley:activities in 76Indians of 84Shoshoni location in 71subsistence activities in 84-85topography of 84Pannacks :reference to 201See also Bannock.Pakawat Yutas, mention of 229Parker, Samuel, Shoshoneans de-scribed by 9Pauwiji :food quest in 79location of 79Pavanduti, a name for the Pah-vant Ute 140Pavlotso, a name for the Paiute_ 100,152Pavogowunsin :a Ute band 225,228location of 225,228Pee-eye-em, a Wyoming chief 206Petkoglyphs, Nine Mile Canyon,mention of 37Pi-AN-NUMP, a Gosiute chief 140Pine Creek Valley, Indian lifein 141-144Pine-nut plots, ownership of 73Pine nuts:gathering of 27-28,65, 70, 82, 86-97, 142, 157, 182storage of 73Place names:in Death Valley vicinity 93in Little Lake and KosoMountain district 81in Panamint Valley 85in Shoshoni Mountain range- 103near Edwards Creek Valley- 103of Toyabe Mountain range? 103Paiute, in Deep Springs Val-ley 61Ruby Valley area 152
Plants : Pageclassified according to zones- 14-18edible, tabulation of 19medicinal 310-311native names of 306-310unidentified medicinal 311unused, names of 313use of, as food 14-32used for food, list of? 21-32, 189used in manufacturing 312used in smoking 313POCATELLO
:
a Shoshoni chief 217influence of 217,218mention of 212-213,218PocATETXO [town], Origin ofname of 218PoGANEAB, or Fish Captain, aUte chief 228l^OLICE :institution of 211Lemhi, recent introductionof 194I'OLITICAL GROUPS, Snake RiverShoshoni 169I'OLITICAL ORGANIZATION Idiscussion of 246-253in Beatty and Belted Rangedistrict 98-99in Grouse Creek area 176in lone, Reese River, andSmith Creek Valleys 107in Panamint Valley 85in Railroad Valley 120-121in Ruby Valley vicinity 148of Fort Hall Bannock andShoshoni 209of Kawich Mountain group? 113of Southern Paiute 184I'romontory Point 179-180Shoshoni, eastern California- 75-76Polyandry :among the Bannock 215cases of 171, 176discussion of 116-117,195-196, 242-243.practice of 109,121, 123, 131, 140, 143, 151, 160,164, ISO.
INDEX 341Polygyny : Page
' discussion of 242-243practice of 131,140, 143, 151, 160, 164, 171, 195,215.Population :affected by environment 165affected by rainfall 48Antelope Valley 123,124effect of physical featureson 13-14effect on, of flora and fauna _ 14factors in distribution of? 232-234Fish Lake Valley 62Lemhi and Tukadiika 18S-189of Lida region 69of Pine Creek and DiamondValleys 141Ruby Valley 1^44Snake Valley 123,124sources of information on? 46Spring Valley 123, 124Population density :discussion of 46-49Kroeber's estimate of 48tables showing 48^9Population estimates, variabil-ity of 46Promontory band. See MaladValley band.Promontory Ca\^, evidence de-rived from 178Promontory Cave culture, un-like Shoshonean 5Promontory Point:evidence yielded by 3Indians of 177-180Proporty :community, discussion of? 253-254disposal of, among theLemhi 194elementary principle of 253See also Prope3!ty rights.Property Rights :among the Gosiute 138in fishing places 169in food areas 73-74in mesquite groves 183in pine-nut tracts 73, 183in Saline Valley 77-78in seed areas 52,60,105,119See also Land owneeshep.
PageProspectors, Shoshonean area in-vaded by 7Provo, gathering of Utes at 226Rabbit drhes :account of 82-83 ; 97-98 ; 179choice of director of 163joining of villages for 115main object of 98time for 122,176Rabbit-skin ropes :use of, in trade 45value of 45Rabbits. Sec Cottontail, rabbit ;Jack r-^bbit ; Rabbit drives ;Snowshoe rabbit.Railroad Valleiy :description of 117population density of 49Rainfall :effect of, on fish 41in Shoshonean area 11-12population affected by 48Rape, mari'iage after 215Reese Rivee Valley :chiefs in 108description of 100-101edible plants of 19inhabitants of 100-109population density of 49Relationship:joking, discussion of 197terms of 131See also Kinship.Remy and Brenchley, as asource of information 6Repth-es, use of, as food 40Reservations, Shoshoni on 7Residence, post-marital 176, 195, 243Richter Creek, Paiute villageon 52Rites of the Shoshoni 1 4."?-46Rodents, small, used for food 40Root Diggers :application of the name 209described by Parker 9reference to 202See also Diggers.Roots, A^alue of, in trade 45<Ross, Alexander, observationsby 6;Round dances, reference to 23T60285?38
342 INDEXRuby Valley: Pagedescription of 144population density of 49population of 144Sagwitch, mention of 218Saiduka, relations of, with Sho-shoni , 208Saline Valley:activities in 76description of 76-77place names in 79population density of 48Shoshoni occupation of 71villages of 77-80Salmon :spearing of 168varieties of 42Salmon fishing:cooperation of families in 234methods used in 167Salmon River, fish of 42-43Salmon River region, populationdensity of 49Salt, trade in 78Salt Lake City, Indians of Vicin-ity of 221Sai-t Lake Diggers, reference to- 201Salt Lake Valley, Indians of_ 219-222Sampits, brief description of 228Sanpitch :a Ute band 224location of 224mention of 218,223variant spellings of the name. 224See also Sampits.San'-pits, mention of 218Sarcobatus Flat, altitude of 93Sawmill Crei:k, Paiute villageon 51Scalp dance, mention of 211Seed gathering :account of 19,32-33customs connected with 52in Beatty region 95-96in Death Valley 89In Deep Springs Valley 59in Fish Lake Valley 64-66in lone and Reese River Val-leys 105-106in Kawich Range 112in Railroad Valley 118in Ruby Valley area 147
PageSevier Desert Ute. descriptionof 226-228Shamanism :in hunting 34See also Antelope shaman.Shebkretches :a Ute band 225location of 225Shepherd Creek, Paiute villageon 51Shikaich, mention of 76Shirry-dikas, mention of 206Shoshocoes :application of the name 271distinguished from Shoshoni_ 266,267, 267-268Shoshone, mention of 76Shoshone Mountains, altitudeof 93Shoshonean groups, unorganizedcondition of 252-253Shoshonean-speaking peoples,extent of territory of 270Shoshoneans, descriptions of 8-10Shoshoneb, application of thename 264Shoshoni :and Northern Paiute, bound-ary between 10<)Boise River, condition of__ 172-173condition of 166economic alliances among 234food of 72Fort Hall, affiliations of 204Fort Hall, discussion of___ 198-216Fort Hall, names for 198Fort Hall, population densityof 49gathering of, described byRoss 206Humboldt River, descriptionof 1.52-161in southern Nevada 93intermarriage of, withPaiute 100location of 152location of, in eastern Cali-fornia 71of eastern California 70-93Paiute names for 71Reese River, name of 100relations of, with Bannock__ 207
INDEX 343Shoshoni?Continued. Pagerelations of, with Crow 193relations of, with Paiute 161seven divisions of 267-268Sioux name for 202Snake River, names given to_ 165threefold grouping of 2G7wanderings of 207Wyoming, names for 187See also Shoshoni, Nobth-EBN ; Shoshoni, Western.Shoshoni. NoKTiiroiN
:
advantages of 236application of the name xiiShoshoni, Western :application of the name xiisubsistence activities of 232-233Skoshoni-Comanche :a linguistic group 263cultural divisions of xiiname used for xiShoshoni tereitoky :description of 10-14geographical variation in
?
72Shoshoni villagi s, western in-dependent 68-180SiGAI MOUNTAINS :location of 80villages of 80SiGAi people:activities of 80census of 80SiKAiuM. mention of 76Simpson, Capt. J. H., mentionof - 6SiPLus, a Gosiute chief 139Skikavitam, mention of 76Slaves, acquired by raids 140Smith, Jedediah, mention ofjourneys of 6Smith Creek Valley, inhabitantsof 100-109Snake Indians :application of the name 7,199called "Utes proper" 130camps of 205-206described by Domenech 9described by Parker 9discussion of the name 199encountered by Wheeler 130mixed with Pah-Utes 130synonym of Shoshoni 209
Snake Indians?Continued. Pageterritory occupied by 265,266, 267, 269, 270-271use of the name 264.269Snake Range, altitude of 124Snake Rive:r :fish of 42^3life of Indians of 16-5-172Snake River region, populationdensity of 49Snake Valley:population density of 49population of 123,124villages of 129Snowshoe BABBTi', scarclty of 39Social and political patterns,discussion of 239-258Social determinants, discussionof 237-239Sociopolitical groups:among hunters and gather-ers 258-260summary of determinants of 25^258Sororate, observance of 56,84, 91, 99, 109, 117, 121, 123,140, 164, 176, ISO, 244.Sosoni, mention of 76Southern Paiute:divisions of 181political organization of 185territory occupied by 180SowEiTE, chief of the Utah 229Spring Valley:population density of 49population of 123, 124Stansbury, Howard, mention of- 6Steptoe Valley:description of 121Indian name of 121massacre in 7Sturgeon, Columbia River, sizeof 43Subsistence, discussion of 10-46Subsistence activities :Beatty and Belted Moun-tains 95-98Death Valley 88Deep Springs Valley 59-60Fish Lake Valley 64-66Fort Hall Bannock a n dShoshoni 202-205
344 INDEXSubsistence activities?Contd. PageGosiute 137-138Grouse Creek area 175-176Humboldt River people 157-159lone Valley 103-105Kawich Range region 112Lemhi and Tukadiika 189-192Lida region 69-70Little Smoky Valley 114Pahrump Valley and AshMeadows 182I'ahvaut Ute 227Panamint Valley 84^5Pine Creek and DiamondValleys 142-143Promontory Point 178-179Railroad Valley 118-119Reese River 103-105Ruby Valley area 147-148Shoshoni 72r-73Smith Creek Valley 103-105Snake River Shoshoni 167-169Steptoe Valley 121-122Sun dance:introduction of 211reference to 237Sunflower seed, preservationof 168Sweat house:as a social determinant 237-238character of, in Death Val-ley 90commercial 54in Deep Springs Valley 60special significance of 55use of, at Beatty 98Symmes Creek, Paiute village on_ 51Tabechya, mention of 229Tabeguache. See Taii-bah-was-CHI.Tabehuachis, location of 229Taboo:mother-in-law 57on antelope hearts 120Taby Wb-pup, identification of? 139Tah-bah-was-chi :a Ute band 225location of 225Takoi>a, a Southern Paiute chief_ 185Tampa Ute:a Ute band 225location of 225Tash Yuta, mention of 229
PageTave, a Gosiute chief 139Temperatures, of the Shoshoneanarea 13Tenpenny Utahs, identified asUtah Lake Utes 222Tbn-toi, a noted Lemhi leader 194Terms, status 315-316TkKMS of P.ELATIONSHIP 57, 131See also Kinship teems.Thibaut Creek, Paiute villageon 51Thousand Springs Valiey, peo-ple of 157Timber Mountains, altitude of 93Tim-oak :a Ruby Valley chief 149See also Tumok.Timpanogas :a Ute band 224variant spellings of thename 224Tintic(k), Chief, mention of? 133ToANA SIountains, derivation ofthe name 152Tosawi, discussion of the name 162To-sho-win'-tso-go, a Ruby Val-ley chief 149ToTOi, CHIE3', extent of influenceof 100Totoi, Tom, reference to 108Trade :articles used in 203between Shoshoni andPaiute 45standard of values in 45Trading trips, of the LemhiShoshoni 191Treaty with Shoshoni 7Tribal distributions, discussionof 263-272Tribe, significance of the term 263Tribes, intermarriage among 67TuBADiJKA, application of thename 174TtJBATULABAL:location of 71other names for 71-72TUKADUKA
:
application of the name 187reference to 172TuKUARiKA, application of thename 186
INDEX 345PageTiJMBicA, a Death Valley village- !)2TuMOK, sketch of life of 149-150TuMOzo, a Grouse Creek chief 176TUKGWAINJUGO, ail a 11 t c 1 o p 6shaman 120TuTTLE Creek, Paiiite village oii_ o-TuTUWA (ToTOi) :a Reese River Valley chief lOSfollowers of 108TuTWANAiT, mention of 174Twin Fau.s, villages below 165-106Uinta:a Ute band 225location of 225Uintah Reservation, Utes on 222Uinta (H) Ute:area claimed by 222population density of 49reservation for 8Utah, NORTHEaiN. classification ofShoshoni of 264-268Utah, southern. Indians of 272Utah Lake:fish of 41,42held by true Ute 136Indians of, described 225-226Utahs, identification of 221-222Ute:advantages possessed by 236derivation of the name 264distinguished from GosinteShoshoni 223distinguished from SouthernPaiute 223organization of 252Plains traits acquired by 223political organization of 223property rights among 256relations of, with Shoshoni-- 208territory occupied by 221, 222See also Western Ute.Ute bands:gathering of 226list of, with chiefs 224-225Ute-Chemehuevi :a linguistic group 263name used for xiUte, Sampits, population densityof 49Ute, Sevier Lake, populationdensity of 49
PageUte, Utah Lake:, populationdensity of 49Village sites, of the ShoshoniMountains 102-103Villages :Antelope Valley 129band organization of 50-51Death Valley, census of 86-88Deep Springs Valley 57-(ildiscussion of composition of- 151Fish Lake Valley 62-64Gosiute, list of 136-137Grouse Creek area 174Humboldt River region 156-157independent NorthernPaiute 57-68naming of 247of Lida region 69of northern Shoshonibands 187-188Owens Valley, list of 51-52Pahvant Utes 227Pine Creek and Diamond Val-leys 141-142Promontory Point region 178relations between 76Ruby Valley and vicinity- 144-146Shoshoni, of Battle Mountainvicinity 161Snake Valley 129Spring Valley 124-128Steptoe Valley 121western independent Sho-shoni 68-180winter, location of 16, 17Villages anb bands, Owens Val-ley, location of 51Villages and caaips :of Little Smoky Valley 113-114of Railroad Valley 117-118VocABi laries :Ash Meadows SouthernPaiute 274-275Bannock Northern Paiute- 274-275Battle :Mountain Shoshoni- 282-283Deep Creek (Gosiute) Sho-shoni 178-179Egan Canyon Shoshoni___ 282-283Elko Shoshoni 282-283Fort Hall Shoshoni 276-277George's Creek NorthernPaiute 274-275
346 INDEXVocabularies?Continued. PageGrouse Creek Shoshoni 178-179K a w i c h Mountains Sho-shoni 280-281Las Vegas Southern Paiute- 276-277Lemhi Shoshoni 276-277Lida Shoshoni 280-281Little Lake Shoshoni 280-281Lower Snake River Sho-shoni 178-179Mill City Northern Paiute- 274-275Morey Shoshoni 280-281Pahvant Ute 276-277Panamint-Death Valley Sho-shoni 280-281Panamint Valley Kawaiisii 274-'275Promontory Point Shoshoni- 178-179Skull Valley (Gosiute) Sho-shoni 178-179Smith (^reek Shoshoni 282-283Utah Lake Ute 276-277WADADiJKA, name of Ruby Val-ley people 144Waimozo, Chie!f, famous danceleader 170Walker, Chief:brief biography of 229influence of 226raids of 223Walkicii Ammon, a Ute chief 228War implements, first encounterwith 130War-aee-reekas, mention of 206Warfare :as a social determinant 238as a unifying factor 149between Paiute and Sho-shoni 107between Shoshoni and Ute 116between whites and Indians- 7-8Death Valley 91Gosiute 140horses a cause of 202in Grouse Creek region 176In Kuhwiji S3Lemhi Shoshoni 192-193Paiute 55
Warfare?Continued. Pag*Promontory Point people 179Shoshoni 160Shoshoni-Banuock 2O7-2l09iWarm Springs, Indians at 84Washakie:influence of 211leadership of 251mention of 209Weaver, J E-, study of vegeta-tion by 18Weber, Tom, a Gosiute chief 139Wkher Utes:identification of 136, 220population of 220use of the name 133-134Wbli.s, people of 157Western Shoshone, social andpolitical imit of 260Western Ute, bands of 222-225
^^'HITB Knife people, origin ofthe name 162, 248AA'hite Sage Valley, little infor-mation on 147Wde ij<:ndin(;, custom of 244WiLDRosB Springs, Indians at 84Wives, sale of, for horses 177^V^INNEMTJCOA :activities in region of 68origin of name of 152
^^^OMBN
:
abduction of 140-141labor of 44sale of 140, 177See also Marriage ; WifeLENDING : Wl\TES.Wyeth, N. J., observations of 6Wyoming Shoshoni :language of 264reference to 201Yahanduka, name for BoiseRiver people 172Yampa :a Ute band 225location of 225variant spellings of thename 225Yampah Utes, brief account of- 228Yucca Range, altitude of 93Zones, floristic, plants of 14-18oP<J?iiB&





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