Lapps and labyrinths : Saami prehistory, colonization and cultural resilience

1. Lapps and labyrinths : Saami prehistory, colonization and cultural resilience

2. Table of Contents

Lapps and labyrinths : Saami prehistory, colonization and cultural resilience

Broadbent, Noel

Storå, Jan

Arctic Studies Center (National Museum of Natural History)

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Lapps and Labyrinths

Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience

Noel D. Broadbent

With contribution by Jan Stora

Lapps and Labyrinths is a detailed analysisof Saami prehistory from 5000 B.C. toA.D. 1500 along 500 kilometers of theBothnian coast in northern Sweden. TheSaami were highly specialized seal hunterswho also practiced animal husbandry,farming and metallurgy in ways analogousto the Norse. In the early fourteenthcentury they were assimilated by theSwedish state, Christianized and driveninland where many later became nomadicreindeer herders. Their land-uses, place-names, technologies and spiritual ideashave strongly impacted north Swedishsociety and left an indelible, and yet littleappreciated, imprint on Nordic culture.

Contributions to Circumpolar Anthropology 8

For information and to order volumes in theContributions to Circumpolar Anthropologyseries, please contact:

Department of AnthropologyNational Museum of Natural HistorySmithsonian Institution10th and Constitution Avenue, NWMRC 112

Washington, D.C. 20013-7012

Phone: (202) 633-1887Fax: (202) 357-2684www.mnh.si.edu/arctic

Lapps and Labyrinths

Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience

Contents

xi DIRECTOR'S NOTEWilliam W. Fitzhughxiii FOREWORD

Inger ZachrissonXV PREFACExvii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSxix LIST OF FIGURESxxv LIST OF TABLES

1

1 INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT

2 Vikings, Dwarves and Giants

3 What Is the Cultural Identity of the Saami?

4 The Testimony of a Bear . . .

4 The Power of Historical Narratives7 Archaeology and the Welfare State9 The Means to an End9 Notes

2

II CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

II The Historical-Ecological Setting

II The Importance of the Coastal Zone

13 The Saami People

19 Human-Environmental Relations

22 Glacial Topography and Settlement

23 Climate, Ice and Seal Oil

24 Periodicity and Settlement Cycles

24 World Systems and Northern Ecology26 Punctuated Sedentism

26 Resilience Theory

27 Five Hypotheses

3

29 PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

29 The Early and Late Stone Ages

31 Rock Art

32 New Ideologies, New Technologies

33 The Early and Late Metal Ages

35 Cairn Graves

36 Iron

36 Animal Husbandry and Cultivation

37 Artifacts in Context

40 Summary /g^HSO/vJJwN.40 Economy / \

( riAKObZOIO^J

4o

Settlement

41

Technology —

41

Ideology and Religion

41

Conclusions

4

43

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

43

Surveys

43

Site Investigations

44

Elevations

46

Excavations

46

Sampling

46

Soil Chemistry

46

Animal Osteology

47

Charcoal Analysis

47

Macrofossils

47

Radiocarbon Dates

47

Metallurgy

47

Shoreline Displacement

49

Lichen Growth on Uplifted Beaches

51

A Glossaiy of Archaeological Features

52

Huts

53

Cairns

53

Caches

53

Alignments

53

Circles f

54

Labyrinths '

54

Compass Roses

54

"Russian" Ovens

54

Shooting Blinds

54

Engravings

5

57

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

57

Regional History

59

Bjuroklubb and Bjuron

60

Jungfrugraven, Site 79

63

Site 64

63

Site 65

63

Site 67

65

Site 68

65

Site 70

66

Jungfruhamn, Sites 138-139

66

Huts A, B and C

68

Lappsandberget, Site 144

72

Grundskatan, Site 78

72

Feature i, Hut

73

Feature 2, Hut

75 Feature 3, Hut

77 Feature 4, Hut (Bear Burial)

83 Feature 5, Hut

83 Feature 6, Hut

83 Feature 7, Hut

84 Phosphate Mapping

85 Feature 8, Cairn85 Feature 9, Cairn

85 Feature 10, Baking Oven ("Russian" Oven)

86 Feature 11, Hut

87 Feature 12, Hut

87 Feature 13, Hut

88 Feature 14, Hut and Labyrinth

89 Feature 15, Pit

90 Feature 16, Stone Circle

91 Feature 17, Cache and Hut

91 Summary

92 Stora Fjaderagg Island

94 Archaeology of Stora Fjaderagg Island

95 Hut A

96 Hut B105 Hut C

108 Hut D

109 Circular Features

112 Gamla Hamnen

113 Summary Discussion

113 Comparative Analysis of the Osteological Material (by ]an Stora)113 Harp Seal Populations

121 Snoan Island

122 Site 49

123 Site 92

123 Site 53

124 Conclusions124 Stor-Rebben Island

126 Hut A

127 Hut B

127 Hut C

128 Hut D

130 Summary

131 Hornslandsudde

132 Feature 5, Hut

134 Features 12-14, Double Hut and Enclosure

136 Feature 15, Hut

136 Features 19 and 25, Stone Alignments

136 Site 132

138 Caches

139 Summary and Discussion

6

141

CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE

141

Source Criticism

142

Site Comparisons

144

The Start Dates

144

The End Dates ,

^siiTTiTTiprv pnrl Oi'sni'^'^inri

Li 11 111 idx y fXii\A. H-J J i\j Li

145

What Do the Artifacts Tell Us?

147

The Medieval Transition

149

Cycles of Change

7

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

Architecture

Site Structure

156

Storage and Surplus

Corrals and Fences

158

Seals, Seasonality and Animal Husbandry

Place-Name Evidence of Reindeer Husbandry

160

Pastoralism and Heterarchy

163

Discussion

165

Metallurgy

166

Three Iron Forges

166

Bjuroklubb 67

166

Grundskatan 78, Hut 11

Hom^l^inrl'snrlHp Sitp tto

1 IWl llOlCtl 1V_1 l3 Ll\-it_i j kJ 1 1 1

168

Smithing and Shamanism

171

Volundr and the North

171

Conclusions

8

173

RITUALS AND RELIGION

176

The Wild and the Domesticated

177

The Bear Burial

180

The Grundskatan Find

181

The Setting and Social Context

181

The Economy and Timing

181

The Dwelling as the Saami Cosmos

183

The Tree of Death and Rebirth

183

Conclusions

184

Circular Sacrificial Features

187

Hornslandet and Yttre Bergon, Halsingland

188

Lappsandberget, Vasterbotten

188

Jungfrugraven, Vasterbotten

189

Stora Ejaderagg, Vasterbotten

189

Grundskatan, Vasterbotten

189

Overall Chronology

190

Social Context

191

Siunmary

193 PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

193 Place-Names

197 The Geography of "Lapp" Place-Names

199 Lapp Place-Names in Sweden

201 Conclusions about Place-Names

201 A Model for Coastal Settlement in Lovanger

204 The Church Town

207 Assimilation and Change

208 Summary and Discussion

211 THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR

217 SYNTHESIS

220 Summary of Results

222 Einal Thoughts

225 APPENDIX i: Osteological Material

229 APPENDIX 2: Radiocarbon and AMS Dates

231 REFERENCES

257 INDEX

269 ABOUTTHE AUTHOR

Director's Note

Scandinavian archaeology has a long and revered history leading back to the foundation ofscientific archaeology pioneered by Christian Thomson, a Dane who devised the three-ageclassification system (Stone, Bronze, Iron Ages) and Oscar Montelius, a Svv'ede who first de-veloped the seriation method of relative dating based on style-change through time. In the 1940sGutorm Gjessing, a Norwegian, was one of the first to begin promoting social interpretation ofarchaeological remains, a view later developed by Frederik Barth, a Norwegian, by developing theanthropological theory of social boundaries as expressed in visible signaling of material culture,style and design. In Lapps and Labyrinths Noel Broadbent, an American who lived and taught formany years in Sweden, carries this tradition of archaeological innovation into the problematic fieldof historical ethnicity - in this case the social and territorial history of the Swedish Saami.

I visited many of the sites discussed in this book with Noel in 1984, before their significancehad become obvious from his excavations of the past decade. Like Noel, I spent many years conduct-ing "boulder-field" archaeology in a similar subarctic environment, central and northern Labrador.I had found this work exceedingly frustrating because the corrosive nature of subarctic soils andtransient nature of the sites resulted in poor artifact preservation and recovery. One was often leftwith elaborate maps of sites and structures of a people whose culture and identity remained un-known or conjectural. One could easily describe the architectural forms, but determining who theywere was frequently elusive. Broadbent's careful excavation techniques and ingenious analyticalmethods have turned the archaeology of boulder-field sites from a confusing conundrum to a coher-ent picture that overturns a century of conventional archaeological wisdom about Saami origins,settlement systems and adaptation. For the first time the ubiquitous but inscrutable boulder siteslining the raised beaches and terraces of Sweden's northern Baltic coast sites have been shown to bethe remains not of recent Germanic pioneers but of people who must have been ethnic Saami - butSaami living a very different life than known from historical records.

Integrating archaeological finds with an array of anthropological data, place-names, history,religion, geography and ecology, Broadbent has produced a revolutionary new synthesis that indi-cates a former, long-term Saami occupancy of the North Swedish coast and outlines a model of cul-ture change and acculturation stimulated by the northward advance of Germanic-Swedish farmersand fishermen. Rather then viewing this history as one of ethnic confrontation and geographic andpolitical isolation - processes that have characterized Saami relations with the Swedish state duringrecent centuries and continue today - Broadbent reconstructs a Late Medieval period characterized

XI

by processes of accommodation, cultural exchange and demographic mixing. Only later did insti-tutionalized nation-state policies begin to exclude Saami rights from traditional coastal territoriesand resources. In time those policies resulted in the re-definition of Saami ethnicity and identityinto the reindeer herder of the upper river valleys, interior lakes and mountain zones where mostSaami had lived exclusively since the 1700s.

Noel Broadbent's research raises many questions that call for further study. More data areneeded from other regions of the Baltic coast; correlations are needed between archaeological re-mains and Lappish place-names in Sweden south of the study area. Relations between traditionalSaami shamanic religion, bear cults and medieval Christian practices need exploring. Coastal andinterior archaeological sites need more comparative study. Broadbent's work lays out a new para-digm that powerfully calls into question the established version of Swedish and Saami histories asseparate and apart; it sets forth a new conception of social history for the North Baltic, and perhapseven the greater North Nordic region, in which the Saami have to be seen as more important play-ers in the history of their respective modern states than previously accorded through history andethnology.

For these reasons this work should be of interest not only to archaeologists and culture histo-rians of northern regions but to students of anthropology, history, linguistics, political science andnative studies. It is a work in the broadest of anthropological tradition and breaks new ground inthe application of archaeological and anthropological methods to issues of modern concern. Whiledealing with the history of a small Saami population in a restricted area of the northwestern Baltic,the historical situation that transpired following the appearance of newcomers in their lands hasbeen experienced by many indigenous peoples around the world. In this sense Broadbent's Lappsand Labyrinths has broad application and demonstrates the value of anthropological studies for bal-ancing the dominance of history in native studies. This work is in the best tradition of Scandinavianarchaeology and breaks new ground for science and society.

William W. Fitzhugh, DirectorArctic Studies CenterSmithsonian Institution

xii

DIRECTOR'S NOTE

Foreword

Saami bear burials seem to retain their magic, even today. They are eye-openers, being suchexplicit expressions of Saami identity. They clearly tell that the Saami were here! This insightgave Noel Broadbent a new direction in his research - one that he had not expected. Thesame befell me in 1970. As the archaeologist in charge at Vasterbotten County Museum in Umea,northern Sweden, I was commissioned to investigate a bone find on an island in Lake Storumanin Lapland. This turned out to be a well-preserved bear burial, not older than 250 years. Up to thenI was specialised in the metal techniques of the Scandinavian Viking Age. But just like Noel, Ibecame fascinated by Saami cultural history. A totally new world opened up before me. I still havethat fascination, and it surprises me that more Swedish archaeologists have not been affected inthe same way. Since then, I have worked with Saami archaeological material and its relationshipto Scandinavian culture, initially with material from undisputed Saami areas - that is, the inlandregions north of the River Angermanalven. But in 1982, I realised that a cemetery from the elev-enth and twelfth centuries, much further south at Vivallen in northwestern Harjedalen (excavatedin 1913), must also be Saami - nobody was more astonished than myself Two hearths from theninth and thirteenth centuries typical of Saami huts were found nearby and we excavated a hutfoundation as well as other remains from the eleventh century. This led to an interdisciplinaryproject of early Saami culture and its relationship to the Scandinavian (Germanic/Nordic) culturein the central part of the Scandinavian Peninsula. This project showed that the Saami had beenthere at least 2,000 years and had extended south of there to about the 60th parallel. The bookMoten i gmnsland: samer och germaner i Mellanskandinavien (Encounters in Border Country: Saamiand Germanic Peoples in Central Scandinavia) was published by the Swedish Museum of NationalAntiquities in 1997.

The history of the Saami in central Scandinavia has also become important regarding one ofthe most extensive court cases in Sweden, about the rights of the Saami in Harjedalen to let theirreindeer graze in winter on private land. The Saami lost their case in 1996 and on appeal in 2002,but this case has recently (2009) been accepted by the European court of justice. For over a century,the dominant standpoint had been that the Saami had only relatively recently immigrated into thisarea and that they had not reached their southernmost territories until the eighteenth century. Anewer view, and the role of the Saami in Swedish prehistory, is possible today. This is in reality areturn to views prevalent for most of the nineteenth century, namely that the Saami have a very longhistory, not only in northern, but also in central Scandinavia. All available source materials lead to

XIII

the conclusion that Saami cultures emerged out of local hunter-gatherer cultures, just as Noel hasargued for coastal Vasterbotten. New genetic research tells its own story, showing that there aremany connections between today's Saami and the first people to arrive in Scandinavia more than10,000 years ago.

Swedish archaeology developed out of the seventeenth century goal of demonstrating ournational greatness. Unfortunately, there are still attitudes within Swedish archaeology that can becharacterized as ethnocentric, nationalistic and chauvinistic. The ethnic pluralism that once existedin Sweden has all too often been overlooked in favour of a one-sided focus on "Swedish" prehis-tory. As a consequence, people without their own written histories are often left defenceless in thecourts. Many Swedish archaeologists still look upon Saami culture as static and inferior - even asnon-definable. If the archaeological material does not coincide with historically known Saami cul-ture, they find it hard to imagine that it can be Saami. It will be a long time before the "new" waysof looking at the role of the Saami in the historical process filters through to the government andthe general public. The museums - and even more so, the schools - have much to do in this regard.Even in local archaeological exhibits in northern Sweden the Saami are most often presented as anexotic minority of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, while the visitor gets the impressionthat it is the Scandinavian farmer whose culture extends back to the Stone Age - not the other wayaround.

The research work mentioned above has up till now almost totally concentrated on mountainand forest areas in the inland of Scandinavia. The Bothnian coast(land) in Sweden and its Saamiconnections were on the whole unknown. The research results by Professor Broadbent and his col-leagues are therefore a minor revolution in our knowledge of the Saami past. Lapps and Labyrinthspresents new interpretations of Saami prehistory in Sweden as well as innovative interdisciplinarymethods and theoretical approaches to the study of ethnicity in archaeology. A large number of sur-veys, excavations and analyses are put into the context of long-term ecological and cultural changes.The study of Lapp place-names has not previously been the object of this kind of project and opensthe door to much future archaeological research.

Lapps and Labyrinths is easy to read, and the hypotheses and conclusions are well arguedin simple to understand language. The excellent illustrations are in no small measure part of thebook's impact - they are pedagogical enough to be accessible to the broader public and for use inschools. To conclude, Lapps and Labyrinths is an important contribution to Saami and Swedish pre-history, to the history of northern Europe and to indigenous studies everywhere.

Inger Zachrisson, Ph.D.

Associate Professor of Archaeology and Curator emerita

Museum of National Antiquities

Stockholm

xiv

FOREWORD

Preface

This book is the culmination of an academic journey that started in 1979 when I completed mydoctoral dissertation at Uppsala University, followed by a seven-year stint as the Director of theCenter for Arctic Cultural Research at Umea University. My own academic ambitions took aback seat when I moved to Washington, D.C., in 1990, and for six years I managed other people'sresearch at the National Science Foundation (NSF). Three individuals that deserve my appreciationfor those amazing years are the late Dr. Peter Wilkniss (Director, Polar Programs), Dr. lerry Brown(Head, Arctic Section), and Dr. Robert Corell (Director, Geoscience).

In 1996,1 was awarded the Chair of Archaeology at Umea (later merged with Saami Studies)and for seven years commuted between Umea and Washington, D.C. Many exciting things hap-pened during my tenure, one of which was the Northern Crossroads (Motm i norr) Project. ThisBank of Sweden-funded project energized the department on multiple fronts and provided full-time salaries for a post-doctoral position and nine doctoral students (including one in Stockholmand one in Lund), but unfortunately, once again, left me with little research time of my own. Ichose to finally resign that position late in 2003, a decision that ironically brought my own originalresearch ambitions back to life. With the generous support of NSF starting in 2004, I could moveforward at last, and this has resulted in the book you now hold in your hands.

I came to know and work with many Nordic Saami and Saami organizations such as theNordic Saami Council and the Swedish Saami National Organization (SSR), and through theNSF Office of Polar Programs, I was able to travel widely in Alaska. In the latter instance, I wouldlike to acknowledge Julie Kitka, President of the Alaska Federation of Natives; Dr. Ray Barnhardtand Dr. Oscar Kawagley, University of Alaska, Fairbanks; Caleb Pungowiyi (former president ofthe Inuit Circumpolar Conference); Amy Craver, Alaska Native Science Commission (now withthe National Park Service); and Patricia Cochran, Alaska Native Science Commission (formerpresident of the Inuit Circumpolar Conference). Thanks to these contacts my research started toevolve into a deeper appreciation of the meaning of knowledge to the people of the North. Thisis where my journey has led me. My scholarly life has literally been divided by worlds apart, bothgeographically and spiritually, and I have found peace in the wisdom that has now brought mefull circle, and to a more meaningful completion of this project than I had originally envisioned.I trust this can serve not only the interests of the archaeological community and the developmentof the field, but of those who are invested in understanding the past - teachers, policy makers andall who live in the North.

XV

Pronunciation and Saami Orthography

Swedish has three letters at the end of the alphabet that are unfamiliar to English speakers: "a" ispronounced like o in/ore (long) and like o in yonder (short); "a" is pronounced like ai in fair (long)and like e in best (short); "o"is pronounced like eu in the French deux, and before an r like u in fur, orlike an e in her. The "o" in Swedish is written as "0" in Danish and Norwegian and a can be writtenas aa in Danish. In order to avoid confusion regarding Saami spellings, which are often Swedishversions of Saami words in older literature (e.g., Manker i960), Lule Saami orthography, as sum-marized in Rydving (1995), has been used. Exceptions to this are quotations or references to NorthSaami sources, such as sijdda (South Saami) versus siida (North Saami).

xvi

PREFACE

Acknowledgements

There are many people I would like to thank in Sweden: Professor Bertil Almgren at UppsalaUniversity, who had so welcomed me to the Department of Nordic and Comparative Archaeol-ogy, and saw me through the completion of my dissertation; the late Docent Hans Christians-son, who brought me into the Swedish North; Professor Evert Baudou, who encouraged me to jointhe Department of Archaeology in Umea and was instrumental in the establishment of the Centerfor Arctic Cultural Research; Professor Lars Beckman, the late Umea University Rector; UmeaUniversity Director Dr. Dan Brandstrom, later Director of the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Fvmd;the late Professor Hakan Linderholm, M.D., with whom I helped organize the 7th InternationalConference on Circumpolar Health - all of whom truly understood the value of international re-search in Sweden.

Academic colleagues for whom I also feel a special fondness are Professor Ake Hyenstrand,Professor Phebe Fjellstrom and Professor Mats Maimer. These old friends are gone now, but notforgotten. I wish to also acknowledge Carina Lahti (the heart and soul of the Department of Ar-chaeology in Umea), Professor Bozena Werbart, Professor Birgit Arrhenius, Docent Anders Carls-son, Docent Patrik Lantto and Margareta Axelson, stalwart friends over the years. Dr. Lana Troy(Professor of Egyptology in Uppsala) has been my de facto editor-at-large, whipping me into gram-matical shape and maintaining my intellectual rigor. Film-maker and photographer Boris Ersson(Lulea) has been a great collaborator in recent years. Docent Inger Zachrisson (Swedish NationalHistorical Museum) is an icon of Saami archaeology in Sweden, having stood her ground whenmost others did not. I am honored by her foreword. Together with Dr. Inga-Maria Mulk (formerdirector of the Ajtte Mountain and Saami Museum, lokkmokk) and Dr. Ingela Bergman (directorof the Silver Museum in Arjeplog), she has laid the groundwork for this project and others like it.

The wonderful years and productive collaboration at the Center for Arctic Cultural Researchwere made possible by Professor Roger Kvist and Dr. Rabbe Sjoberg. Both made invaluable contribu-tions to this book through their research in the Seal Hunting Cultures Project, and Rabbe renderedmy field drawings into fine ink illustrations. Elaine Reiter, while a student at Northern VirginiaCommunity College, transformed many of the figures into Photoshop® masterpieces. My interns:Kim Consroe at George Washington University, Jacquelyn Graham at the University of Minnesota,together with Dr. Katherine Rusk helped produce great reconstructions and maps. Intern Aza Der-man. The Bronx, helped with my bibliography using EndNote®. Dr. Pam Stern (formerly of SterlingCollege) gave early critiques of my manuscript and has made many helpful suggestions; and Cara

XVII

Seitchek and especially Ginger Strader (Smithsonian Scholarly Publications Manager) worked onthe final edits. Unless otherwise noted, all translations, figures, tables, and photographs and con-clusions are by the author, who is solely responsible for their content. The aerial photographs arepublished with the permission of the Swedish Department of Defense.

Special thanks naturally go to my colleagues Britta Wennstedt Edvinger, and Jan Stora (Os-teological Research Laboratory, Stockholm University). Britta and Kjell Edvinger (Arkeologicentrumi Skandinavien AB) facilitated new excavations at Grundskatan in 2004 and an international fieldschool at Hornslandsudde in 2005. Britta and I have co-authored a number of articles throughthis project and her knowledge of Saami prehistory has been invaluable. Her contributions areparticularly important in Chapter 8 (Rituals and Religion). Jan has done wonders with the animalbones, bringing many aspects of the investigation to life. He has made a major contribution tothis book and all the osteological tables, figures and analyses are his work, none of which havebeen published before. Eva Hjarthner-Holdar, Director of the Geoarkeologiska Laboratoriet, andher colleagues in Uppsala (Eva Grandin, Emma Gronberg and Daniel Andersson) have advancedour knowledge of northern iron working through their analytical reports. Imogen Poole (Utrecht)and David Black (University of Western Michigan) have revealed the identities of trees hidden inbits of charcoal, Johan Linderholm, soil chemistry, and Karin Viklund, macrofossils (both UmeaUniversity). Thanks also to Ulf Lundstrom (Skelleftea Museum) for his inspirational manuscripton Saami place-names and eskers in Skelleftea.

There are a number of people to thank here at the Smithsonian, many of whom have readmy texts: Dr. Dan Rogers, Dr. Don Ortner, Dr. Bill Honeychurch (now at Yale), Dr. Torben Rick,Dr. Mary Jo Arnoldi, Dr. Bruno Frolich, Dr. Candace Greene, Dr. Mindy Zeder, Ann Kaupp andKathleen Adio. Marcia Bakry helped with the illustrations, as did Beatrix Arendt. My sinceregratitude also goes to my colleagues of many years at the Arctic Studies Center: Dr. Bill Fitzhugh,Dr. Stephen Loring and Dr. Igor Krupnik. For the financial support that made this all possible,the National Science Foundation's Arctic Social Sciences Program and its Director Anna Kerttula.These years at the Department of Anthropology and the National Museum of Natural History havebeen among the most enjoyable and stimulating of my career. Finally last, but hardly least, thanksto my patient wife Elaine and our daughter Rosanna, who was born in Uppsala and has been onSwedish archaeological sites before she could walk, and Greg Lavallee, who has been my in situinformation technology expert.

Thank you one and all!

Noel D. BroadbentWashington D.C.

XVlil

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

List of Figures

Fi^

Jure

I.

View of sealer's hut, Stora Fiaderagg Island.

xxviii

Fij

Jure

2.

Front plate of Sven Nilssoris The Aboriginal Population of Nordic Scandinavia.

6

Fij

Jure

J

Eskimo igloo and artifacts (Nilsson 1866).

7

Fii

Jure

4.

The Circumpolar Region and the area of study.

10

Fi^

Jure

5.

Main river drainages of Sweden into the Gulf of Bothnia.

12

Fi^

Jure

6.

Provinces and counties of Sweden.

13

Figure

7.

Carta Marina map by Olaus Magnus from 1539.

14

Figure

8.

Saami summer camp in North Norway.

15

Fi^

Jure

9-

Present Saami territory and language areas.

16

Fi^

Jure

10.

Map based on a description of the Nordic region by Adam of Bremen.

17

Figure

II.

Visual cross section of North Swedish biogeography.

20

Fi^

Jure

12.

Map showing the oak limit, alpine and Bothnian ice regions.

21

Fi^

Jure

J

Numbers of seals taken by county and by length of coastline.

22

Fi^

Jure

14.

Map showing the mtDNA of voles (and viruses) in northern Sweden.

23

Fi^

Jure

15-

Cycles of moose populations in the taiga and cycles of coastal settlement.

26

Fi^

Jure

16.

Environmental changes, stray finds, site aggregations and agrarian indicationsin Vasterbotten.

28

Figure

17-

Stone artifact types from Lundfors.

31

Fi^

Jure

18.

Lundfors inlet and the locations of the sites and lines of seal nets.

31

Fi^

Jure

19.

An "x-ray" rock carving at Stornorrfors in coastal Vasterbotten.

32

Fi^

Jure

20.

Unused thick-butted flint adzes from the Bjurselet site.

33

Fi^

Jure

21.

A wooden spear shaft from Ostra Abyn in Bygdea parish.

33

Fi^

Jure

22.

Map showing the spread of related technologies into the Nordic region.

34

Fi^

Jure

23.

Sketch of both large and small grave cairns in Vasterbotten.

35

Fi^

Jure

24.

Distribution of asbestos-tempered vessels.

36

Fij

Jure

25-

Ananino mold for a socketed axe.

37

Fi^

Jure

26.

Iron Age artifacts from coastal Vasterbotten.

38

Fi^

Jure

27.

Two decorated Viking Age Saami skis from Vasterbotten.

39

Fi|

Jure

28.

Eskers, sites mentioned in the text, and economic zones.

40

Fi^

Jure

29.

North to south transect along the Bothnian coast.

42

Fi^

Jure

30.

Distribution of Iron Age huts along the Bothnian coast.

44

xix

Fi^

^ure

31-

Detail of Gulf of Bothnia and the locations of the investigated sites.

44

Fi^

'lire

32.

Aerial view of the uplifted fishing harbor at Bjuroklubb.

45

Fi^

Jure

33-

Watermark at Ratan, 40 km north of the Umea.

48

Fij

^ure

34.

Shoreline displacement curve for Vasterbotten.

49

Fi^

Jure

35-

Rhizocarpon geographicum lichens. (Lovanger Church and Bjuroklubb)

50

Fi^

Jure

36.

Maximum diameters of R. geographicum on seven beaches.

51

Fi^

Jure

37-

Hut foundation at the Grundskatan site (Site 78, Fiut 3).

52

Fi^

Jure

38.

Small cache beside a hut on Stora Fjaderagg Island (Sites 31-32).

53

Fi^

Jure

39-

Stone alignment at the Grundskatan site.

53

Fi^

Jure

40.

Labyrinth at Ratan in Vasterbotten.

54

Fi^

Jure

41.

Compass rose on Snoan Island.

54

Fi^

Jure

42.

Large intact Russian Oven in Osterbotten, Finland.

54

Fi^

Jure

43-

Watermark at Ratan in Vasterbotten carved during the reign of Gustav III.

55

Fi^

Jure

44.

Engraved names, ownership marks and dates carved by sealers fromOsterbotten.

55

Fi^

Jure

45.

Aerial view of Stor-Rebben Island.

56

Fi^

Jure

46.

The Ume and Pite Lappmarks and Skellefte and Lovanger parishes.

58

Fi^

Jure

47.

Lovanger church town.

59

Fi^

Jure

48.

Woodcut of Bjuroklubb from 1555.

59

Fi^

Jure

49.

Aerial view of Bjuroklubb.

61

Fi^

Jure

50.

Map of site locales on Bjuron and the 10 m elevation.

61

Fi^

Jure

51-

Photo at Jungfrugraven.

62

Fi^

Jure

52.

Map showing the walls and cairn stones at lungfrugraven.

62

Fi^

Jure

53-

Aerial view of Site 64. (Bjuroklubb)

63

Fi^

Jure

54.

Sketch map of Site 65. (Bjuroklubb)

63

Fi^

Jure

55-

Sketch map of Site 67. (Bjuroklubb)

64

Fi^

Jure

56.

Plan of excavation of Hut, Site 67. (Bjuroklubb)

64

Fi^

Jure

57-

Plan of hearth excavated near Site 67. (Bjuroklubb)

65

Fi^

Jure

58.

Sketch map of hut row, Site 68. (Bjuroklubb)

65

Fi^

Jure

59-

Map of Site 70 and three adjacent huts and wall alignments. (Bjuroklubb)

65

Fi^

Jure

60.

Phosphate sampling of Site 138. (Jungfruhamn)

66

Fi^

Jure

61.

Detailed maps of Huts A and B. (Jungfruhamn)

67

Fi^

Jure

62.

Profile drawn diagonally through Hut A hearth. (Jungfruhamn)

67

Fi^

Jure

63.

Map of Site 144 and excavated areas. (Lappsandberget)

68

Fi^

Jure

64.

Exposed surface within the stone circle. (Lappsandberget)

69

Fi^

Jure

65.

Close-up of one of three lichens growing on the stone circle. (Lappsandberget)

69

Fi^

Jure

66.

Map of stone circle showing soil deposits. (Lappsandberget)

70

Fi^

Jure

67.

Aerial view of wave-washed moraine beaches at the Grundskatan site.

70

Fi^

Jure

68.

Map showing archaeological features at the Grundskatan site.

71

Fi^

Jure

69.

Aerial view of the Grundskatan site.

71

Fi^

Jure

70.

Map showing Hut i. (Grundskatan)

72

Fi^

Jure

71-

Maps and profiles of Hut 2. (Grundskatan)

74

Fi^

Jure

72.

Map of Hut 3 with section of a small posthole. (Grundskatan)

75

XX

LIST OF FIGURES

t

mre

/ J

Map of the central area of the Grundskatan site with feature numbers.

77

Fif

t

^ure

74.

Map and profile of Hut 4. (Grundskatan)

77

nire

Photograph of Hut 4 during excavation. (Grundskatan)

78

Fu

c

^ure

76.

Map of the cairn and bear bone finds in the southeast corner of Hut 4.

(Grundskatan)

79

Fi^

Jure

77.

Calibrated dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4. (Grundskatan)

79

Fit

Jure

78.

Map of southeast corner of Hut 4. (Grundskatan)

80

Vk

c

mre

79-

Map of southeast corner of Hut 4 showing location of bear bone deposition.

(Grundskatan)

80

Fi^

Jure

80.

Three profiles through Hut 4. (Grundskatan)

81

Fi^

mre

81.

Map of Hut 5. (Grundskatan)

82

Fi^

Jure

82.

Map of Hut 6. (Grundskatan)

83

Fi£

Jure

83.

Map of Hut 7. (Grundskatan)

83

Fi^

mre

84.

Phosphate map. (Grundskatan)

84

Fi^

Jure

85.

Map of Feature 8. (Grundskatan)

84

Fi^

Jure

86.

Map of Feature 9. (Grundskatan)

85

Fi^

mre

87.

Photo of Russian Oven (Feature 10) at Grundskatan.

85

Fi^

mre

88.

Map of Hut II and profiles through the hearth. (Grundskatan)

86

Fi^

Jure

89.

Map of Hut 12 and profile of the hearth. (Grundskatan)

86

Fi^

Jure

go.

Map of Hut 13. (Grundskatan)

87

Fi^

Jure

91.

Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hut 13. (Grundskatan)

87

Fi^

mre

92.

Map of labyrinth and hut wall at Grvuidskatan, Feature 14.

88

Fif

Jure

J J

Profile of the hearth under the labyrinth in Feature 14. (Grvuidskatan)

88

Fi^

mre

94.

Greg Lavallee standing in Feature k. (Grundskatan)

89

Fi^

mre

Map of Feature 16. (Grundskatan)

90

Fi^

Jure

96.

Photo and drawing of Feature 17. (Grundskatan)

90

Fi^

Jure

97.

Radiocarbon dates from the Grundskatan site.

91

Fi^

Jure

98.

Three-dimensional rendition of topography of Stora Fiaderagg Island and

map showing locations of investigated huts and labyrinths.

93

Fi^

Jure

99.

Map of Sites 31-33. (Stora Fiaderagg)

94

Fi^

Jure

100.

Map of Hut A. (Stora Fjaderagg)

94

Fi^

Jure

lOI.

Map of Hut B excavation and locations of profiles. (Stora Fjaderagg)

95

Fi^

Jure

102.

Anatomical representation by numbers of identified specimens. (Stora

Fjaderagg)

lOI

Fi^

Jure

103.

Anatomical representation in the floor area. (Stora Fjaderagg)

103

Figure

104.

Anatomical representation in the hearth. (Stora Fjaderagg)

103

Fi^

Jure

los-

Anatomical representation in the storage pit. (Stora Fjaderagg)

10^

Fi^

Jure

106.

Map of Hut C with alignments, huts and a storage cache. (Stora Fjaderagg)

107

Fi^

Jure

107.

Map of Hut D. (Stora Fjaderagg)

108

Fi^

Jure

108.

Sketch map of Site 33. (Stora Fjaderagg)

no

Fi^

Jure

109.

Photos of features at Site 33. (Stora Fjaderagg)

no

Fi^

Jure

no.

Maps of huts (A-B) by Gamla Hamnen.

III

Fi^

Jure

III.

Map of Gamla Hamnen.

III

LIST OF FIGURES

Fi^

Jure

112.

Aerial view of Gamla Hamnen.

112

Fi^

Jure

113.

Calibrated dates of huts at Sites 31-32. (Stora Fjaderagg)

113

Fi^

Jure

114.

Level of epiphyseal fusion of finger and toe bones in seals. (Stora Fjaderagg)

114

Fij

Jure

115.

Size comparison of two temporal bones from Stora Fjaderagg.

114

Figure

116.

Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B. (Stora Fjaderagg)

118

Fi^

Jure

117.

Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B, by weight. (Stora Fjaderagg'

Fi^

Jure

118.

Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B and Hut D according toMAU (minimum anatomical units). (Stora Fjaderagg)

119

Fi^

Jure

119.

Three-dimensional rendition of Snoan Island with radiocarbon dates.

120

Fi^

Jure

120.

Map of Snoan Island.

121

Fi^

Jure

121.

Map of Site 49. (Snoan Island)

121

Fi^

Jure

122.

Photo of Hut B with distinctive hearth. (Snoan Island)

121

Fi^

Jure

123.

Map of fishing harbor, Site 92. (Snoan Island)

122

Fi^

Jure

124.

Map of fishing harbor area, Site 53. (Snoan Island)

123

Fi^

Jure

125.

Calibrated dates from Snoan Island.

123

Fi^

Jure

126.

Photo of Hut A. (Stor-Rebben Island)

124

r

Fi^

Jure

127.

Map showing investigated huts on Stor-Rebben Island.

124

Fi^

Jure

128.

Ann Wastesson and Ann-Christin Nilsson excavating. (Stor-Rebben Island)

I2S

J

Fi^

Jure

129.

Map of Hut A at Stor-Rebben.

125

Fi^

Jure

130.

Profile of trench through Hut A. (Stor-Rebben Island)

125

Fi^

Jure

131.

Map of Hut B and three labyrinths. (Stor-Rebben Island)

126

Fi^

Jure

132.

Excavation unit in Hut B. (Stor-Rebben Island)

126

Figure

133-

Profile of the hearth in Hut B. (Stor-Rebben Island)

126

Fi^

Jure

134.

Map of Hut C. (Stor-Rebben Island)

127

Fi^

Jure

135.

Calibrated radiocarbon dates of huts on Stor-Rebben Island.

128

Fi^

Jure

136.

Map showing location of Hornslandsudde, Sites 119 and 1^2.

129

Fi^

Jure

137-

Hornslandsudde site area based on photogrammetry (Eriksson 1975).

130

Fi^

Jure

138.

Hut 5, showing double wall lines. (Hornslandsudde)

132

Fi^

Jure

139.

Excavated area in Hut 5. (Hornslandsudde)

132

Fi^

Jure

140.

Trench through Feature 13. (Hornslandsudde)

133

Fi^

Jure

141.

Section through connecting wall between Huts 12-13. (Hornslandsudde)

133

Fi^

Jure

142.

Features 12-14 showing soil samples. (Hornslandsudde)

133

Fi^

Jure

143.

Excavation of Hut 15. (Hornslandsudde)

134

Figure

144.

Map of sections of two stone alignments. (Hornslandsudde)

134

Fi^

Jure

145.

Site 132, Hut A. (Hornslandsudde)

135

Fi^

Jure

146.

Site 132, Hut B. (Hornslandsudde)

135

Figure

147.

Map of Site 132 showing Hut A, Hut B and a cache. (Hornslandsudde)

135

Figure

148.

Cairn by Site 132, Hut B. (Hornslandsudde)

136

J

Fi^

Jure

149.

Reconstruction of Hut B, lean-to and storage cairn at Site 132.(Hornslandsudde)

136

Fi^

Jure

150.

Cache #4 next to bedrock outcrop. (Hornslandsudde)

137

Fi^

Jure

151.

Cache #1 in wave-washed moraine field. (Hornslandsudde)

137

Fi^

Jure

152.

Map of cache locations. Sites 119 and 132. (Hornslandsudde)

137

xxii

LIST OF FIGURES

Jure

153-

Calibrated dates from Hornslandsudde.

137

Fi{

^ure

154.

Map of excavation of Huts 12-13 Hornslandsudde, Site 119.

138

Fi|

'ure

155-

Diagram illustrating the elevations of radiocarbon dates.

140

Fi|

Jure

156.

Representative sample of 24 C-14 dates.

143

Fi^

Jure

157-

Numbers of dates of Bothnian sealing huts.

144

Fi^

Jure

158.

Graphic distributions of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, a farmsteadlocale and a Saami hearth from Bjuroldubb.

148

Fij

Jure

159.

Calibrated dates of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, the Bole farmstead site,Gamla Hamnen on Stora Fjaderagg Island and a Saami hearth on Bjuroklubb.

148

Figure

160.

Chronology of Bothnian sealing huts.

150

Fi^

Jure

161.

Lengths and widths of Bothnian huts.

152

Fi^

Jure

162.

Hut forms by radiocarbon date.

152

Fij

Jure

163.

Saami goat hut.

152

Fi^

Jure

164.

Coastal hut forms in North Norway and the Kola Peninsula.

153

Fi^

Jure

165.

Clustering of huts at Grundskatan.

154

Fi^

Jure

166.

Clustering of huts at Stora Fjaderagg.

155

Fi^

Jure

167.

Clustering of huts at Hornslandsudde.

155

Fi^

Jure

168.

Typical clustering of 5 dwellings.

156

Fi^

Jure

169.

Reconstruction of site complex near Site 70 on Bjuron.

156

Fi^

Jure

170.

Various possible hut forms and constructions at Grundskatan.

157

Fi^

Jure

171.

Numbers of place-names with the prefix ren (reindeer) and rmgard (reindeercorral).

160

Fi^

Jure

172.

Bjuroklubb 67.

167

Fi^

Jure

173-

Vent in Bjuroklubb 67.

167

Fi^

Jure

174.

Map of Hut II at Grundskatan.

168

Fi^

Jure

175-

Reconstruction of Huts 12-1}. (Hornslandsudde)

168

Fi^

Jure

176.

Detail of forging hearth in Hut 12, Hornslandsudde.

169

Fi^

Jure

177.

Slag from Grundskatan Site 78, Hut 11.

169

Fi^

Jure

178.

Iron scales, ropey iron and sphericals from Grundskatan Site 78, Hut 11.

169

Fi^

Jure

179.

Furnace clay from Bjuroklubb 67.

169

Fi^

Jure

180.

Map showing general distribution of documented bear burials and bonedepositions in Sweden and Norway.

172

Fi^

Jure

181.

A Saami at an offer site with a stone seite and antlers.

175

Fi^

Jure

182.

Animal offerings at 357 sites.

176

Fi^

Jure

183.

Find-places of bear burials and bone depositions in Norway and Sweden.

178

Fi^

Jure

184.

Percentages of bear burials and bone depositions by landscape feature.

179

Fi^

Jure

185.

Bear burials by date.

179

Fi^

Jure

186.

Bear bones from Hut 4 at Grundskatan.

180

Fi^

Jure

187.

Map of circular sacrificial sites in Sweden and Norway.

185

Fi^

Jure

188.

Photo of a circular feature at Gagsmark.

187

Fi^

Jure

189.

Circular sacrificial feature. Site 133, Hornslandet.

188

Fi^

Jure

190.

Circular features in their social context.

190

Fi^

Jure

191.

Late Iron Age coastline and place-names referred to in the text.

192

LIST OF FIGURES

XXIli

Fi^

Jure

192.

Map of some Saami place-names and characteristic Lapp place-names nearSkelletftea and Umea.

194

Fi^

Jure

193.

Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" in Upper Norrland.

195

Fi^

Jure

194.

Map of Lovanger church town.

197

Fi^

Jure

195.

Distribution of 1,147 Lapp place-names in Sweden.

200

Fi^

Jure

196.

Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" by county.

200

Fi^

Jure

197.

Map and profile drawing of the earth wall at Broange.

203

Fi^

Jure

198.

Sixteenth-century seal-netting areas of Lovanger parish.

205

Figure

199.

Map of villages and coastal economic zones.

205

Figure

200.

Reconstructed sijdda village territories in Lovanger.

207

Fij

Jure

201.

Map of Nordic labyrinths.

210

Fi^

Jure

202.

Displacement of the Saami from the Bothnian coastland.

212

Fi^

Jure

203.

Half built labyrinth at Svarthallviken on Bjuron.

212

Fi^

Jure

204.

Saint Olav statue from Enanger Church in Halsingland.

214

Fi^

Jure

205.

The labyrinth and the Bronze Age cairn at lavre.

215

XXIV

LIST OF FIGURES

List of Tables

Table i. Chronological periods in Sweden and Norway. 30

Table 2. Investigated sites. 45

Table 3. Calculated rates of shoreline displacement in Vasterbotten County. 48

Table 4. Hut 67: Osteological finds. 64

Table 5. Site 138. Species by weight. 67

Table 6. Site 138. Species by fragment. 67

Table 7. Site 138, Hut A: Anatomical distribution of burned bone fragments from seals. 68

Table 8. Site 138, Hut B: Anatomical distribution of burned bone fragments. 68

Table 9. Grundskatan, Hut i: Anatomical distribution of bones. 73

Table 10. Grundskatan, Hut i: Macrofossils. 73

Table 11. Grundskatan, Hut 2: Macrofossils. 75

Table 12. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Bones (fragments). 76

Table 13. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Anatomical representation for ringed and indeterminate

seals on the floor and in the hearth, burned bones (fragments). 76

Table 14. Grundskatan, Hut 4: Identified species based on numbers of fragments and

weights for burned bones in hearth. 78

Table 15. Bear (Ursus arctos) bones by weight. 81

Table 16. Bear bones by fragment. 82

Table 17. Bear bones by anatomy. 82

Table 18. Sites 31-32, Hut A: Faunal remains by weight. 95

Table 19. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones recovered in different areas, by weight. 96

Table 20. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species by weight. 97

Table 21. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species, based on numbers of identified specimens. 97

Table 22. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the floor area. 97

Table 23. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the hearth. 98

Table 24. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the i m^ pit. 98

Table 25. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 98

Table 26. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, charred bones. 99

Table 27. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, burned bones. 100

Table 28. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 102

XXV

Table

7 Ci

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut B:

Auatomiral renreseritatinri foT seals bv MAIJ (rninirnum

anatomical unit).

102

Table

j^-

Sites 31-

j^'

Hut B:

Anatomical renTesentation foT seals

104

Table

j'--

Sites 31-

J '

Hut B:

Anatomicnl representation for seals by weight.

104

Table

7 9

Sites 31-

J '

Hut B:

T n t;

Table

Sites 31-

J '

Hut B:

Burned bones, anatomical representation for seals by weight.

Table

T.A

Sites 31-

J '

Hut B:

Unburned bones, anatomical representation for seals.

106

Table

2 CJJ-

Sites 31-

-^2J^'

Hut B:

Unburned bones, anatomical representation for seals, by

weight.

106

Table

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut B:

r^Vi^^VTPr] linrip*^ ;^ri^itnTnirpl TpnrpQpnt^tinn For <^:p^i1<x

Vjlldi J-Vw, L'Wllv_0, dlldLWimV_dl i L/i C oC^l 1 Ld 11*^11 ivJi OVidlO.

106

Table

j/-

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut B:

r^n^iTTPn linnp's pn^itomir;^] TPnTPc:pTitatinri for *sp:^1's liv wpiont

V_/l id± i \_ \J. L/WilV-O, dlldLWllllV^dl XV—L'lV„iZ5V_.llLd Ul Wl 1 oV-dlO J VV l_ L.

TO'7

Table

j^

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut B:

Bones exhibiting marks of butchery.

107

Table

39-

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut D:

Identified species.

108

Table

40.

Sites 31-

-32,

Hut D:

Anatomical representation for indeterminate seals, burned

bones.

109

Table

41.

Sites 31-

-32,

HutD:

Anatomical representation for seals by MAU.

109

Table 42. Stora Fjaderagg: Bones from Gamla Hamnen. 112

Table 43. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species by weight. 115

Table 44. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species. 115

Table 45. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined burned bones by species. 116

Table 46. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined unburned bones by species. 116

Table 47. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined charred bones by species. 116

Table 48. Stor-Rebben: Bones in Huts A and B. 122

Table 49. Stor-Rebben: Unburned bones by fragment. 128

Table 50. Stor-Rebben: Anatomical breakdown of bones. 129

Table 51. Chronological horizons by site. 142

Table 52. Clusters of hut dates (weighted averages). 143

Table 53. End-dates of the sealing sites. 144

Table 54. Finds and dates of domesticated animals. 159

Table 55. Finds of iron slag, clay and iron furnaces. 165

Table 56. Low-lying Lapp place-names in Lovanger parish. 196

Table 57. Lapp place-names in Vasterbotten County. 198

Table 58. Place-name associations by county. 198

Table 59. Distances traveled between farmsteads and church towns. 204

Table 60. The villages of Lovanger parish. 206

xxvl

LIST OF TABLES

Lapps and Labyrinths

Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience

Figure i. View of seal hunters' dwelling (Hut B) lying ig meters above present sea level on Stora Fjaderagg Island, Vdsterbotten.

Introduction and Narrative Context

The Viking Age (ca. A.D. 700-1100) is one of the most fascinating periods of European history.This was the juncture between prehistory and written history in northern Europe and for thefirst time we could know more about these ancient societies than mere artifacts could convey.The Norse Sagas and other accounts tell us not only about Scandinavian exploits, but also about theindigenous reindeer people of the north they called Lapps. These people, whose self-designationis Saami, were experts in northern travel technologies, including skis, sleds and sewn and rivetedboats of the types that brought the Swedish Vikings down Russian rivers to Constantinople, andthat were still used by coastal fishermen in Norway and sealers on the Gulf of Bothnia in the twen-tieth century (Schefferus 1673:280-282; Bonns 1988; Eldjarn and Godal 1988; Westerdahl 1995a;Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 20063:65-79).

Far from being a marginalized backwater, most of the forces of European history and me-dieval mercantilism played out in this northern region of hiuiter-gatherers, herders, farmers andtraders. Flexible patterns of kinship and social alliances, diverse economic strategies and highlyeffective travel technologies facilitated remarkable contacts with the outside world; hundreds ofViking Age objects that reflect a vast Eurasian trading network have been found at Saami offer sitesin Swedish Lapland (cf Serning 1956; Zachrisson 1984).

The interplay of different cultural influences, with impulses coming from both the east andthe south, is what makes the Nordic region among the most dynamic of the Circumpolar North.'These interactions are the key to understanding Saami origins, locked not into antiquated ideasof great migrations, but of indigenous societies that pursued their own historical destinies andadapted over thousands of years to environmental, technological and cultural changes.

The maritime perspective is in equal measure essential for understanding Nordic prehistoryand history. Seas almost completely encompass the Scandinavian Peninsula (Norway and Sweden)and extend along most of the length and breadth of Finland. The coasts and larger waterways werethe principal means of travel to the north, south and east, and the thousands of lakes, streams andrivers were the arteries that sustained Nordic life. These bodies of water provided abundant sourcesof fish and marine mammals and the ameliorating effects of the maritime climate made the Nordicregion, at the same latitude as Alaska, a part of agrarian Europe.

The Saami are best known today as nomadic herders living in the interior and in northernmostregions of Norway, Sweden, Finland and northwestern Russia - but this was not always the case. Thisbook addresses the issue of Saami ethnogenesis, the origins of Saami cultural identities, through the

1

archaeology of the Swedish Bothnian coast. The title of this book introduces two terms that bring theseSaami origins to the forefront. The first of these is "Lapp." The existence of more than i,ioo place-names referring to Lapps in Sweden, of which 87% are on the Bothnian coast, is a reflection of thehistory of contacts between the Saami and other groups. These places are of great importance for under-standing the development of modern Saami identity (refer Chapter 2 regarding the origin of this name).

The second term is "Labyrinth," referring to hundreds of stone circles found around the Gulfof Bothnia. The labyrinths were Christian symbols in this region and are associated with medievaland later historic fishing sites. They were manifestations of Swedish colonization, the power of thechurch that came with it, and the point at which a balanced relationship started to turn into one ofsuppression, setting the pattern that changed the course of northern history from the fourteenthcentury onward. This linguistic and cultural evidence helps to frame the archaeological narrativein both time and space.

The archaeological project focuses on the County of Vasterbotten about 800 km north ofStockholm. Comparisons are also made at sites along a 500 km stretch of the Bothnian coast towithin 300 km of Stockholm. This north to south transect encompasses areas of likely Saami settle-ment and extends to areas of Germanic/Scandinavian settlement during the period A.D. 1-1500.This line also intersects the Mid-Nordic region, which spans across the Scandinavian Peninsulafrom the Norwegian coast in the west to Finland in the east. The northern part of this coastal regionhas been discussed by other authors (Grundberg 2001, 2006), primarily with regard to Germanicand medieval history, but also as "Saamiland" (cf Bergvall and Persson 2004; Ahren 2004:63-89;Erikson 2004:151-186; Westerdahl 2004:111-139). This was a major zone of cultural interactionwith both Saami and Germanic settlements (cf Ramqvist 1983; Liedgren 1992; Gullberg 1994;Zachrisson 1988, 1991, 1992, 1995, et al. 1997a).

Many ideas about the Saami have derived from evolutionary theories that held that societiesnot only evolved from the primitive to the civilized - nomadic herders were intermediate betweenhunters and farmers - but that these cultures still exist as living fossils. The Saami were conse-quently seen as an exotic society, representing a second stage of cultural development. The interac-tions of northern peoples over thousands of years challenge these evolutionary ideas in a multitudeof ways. Resiliency, the ability to adapt to change, has entailed cultural and economic heterogeneity.The harsh environments of the north have necessitated economic diversity, collaboration betweengroups, and shifts from sedentary to more mobile settlement systems and back again. The same istrue regarding technologies, and it is among the northern hunter-gatherers, for example, that wefind some of the first metallurgy of the Nordic region (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993). Saami prehistory isa remarkable example of northern resiliency, and resilience theory is central to this archaeologicalanalysis, including discussions of long-term human environmental interactions and social change.

Vikings, Dwarves and Giants

Worldviews also met and merged as the shamanistic beliefs of the circumpolar world becamedeeply entrenched in the Nordic psyche, finding form in the religion of the Vikings (Dubois 1999;Price 2002). There are also examples where the meeting of these two peoples resulted in the stuff offolklore. The Nordic fascination with dwarves, trolls and giants may have grown out of early contactsbetween the Saami and the Norse (Nilsson 1866:153-157; Saressalo 1987). The master ironsmithof Norse mythology, Vokmdr/Weland, was descended from dwarves and was the son of the Finn

2

CHAPTER 1

[Saami] King. He made the magic sword, Gram, and the rings, which were portals to other worlds,^as popularized in Tolkien's Lord of the Rings. Volundr was also a shaman who hunted reindeer, andpresumably bears, on skis (Bseksted 1970:228-231).

Giants entered the academic discourse as late as the 1970s in a discussion of the "Stalo" crea-tures of Saami folklore. The Stalo were interpreted as steel-using Norse giants involved in reindeerhunting in the mountain foothills of Sweden and Norway (Kjellstrom 1976). Although the Saamiand the Norse were almost certainly actively involved with each other in the exploitation of thesealpine resources (cf Sommerseth 2004; Bergstol 2004), there is little reason to assume that thiskind of interaction inevitably involved hostilities and subordination. On the contrary, there is muchevidence of interdependencies, not least in hunting, but also in religion.

What Is the Cuhural Identity of the Saami?

Nomadic reindeer herding, the dominant symbol of Saami identity today, is the legal basis for theirrecognition as a cultural group by Swedish authorities. But what happens to Saami rights whennomadic herding, considered as an economic sector on par with forestry and tourism in Sweden(Broadbent and Lantto 2008), is not part of the equation.^ Above all, how do our misconceptionsabout the past influence the policies and decisions of lawmakers, courts and governments.^

The more information we have about Saami culture, the more complex the question of "Saa-miness" becomes, and there are no simple answers. That there are nine Saami languages acrossfour nations suggest that there could be just as many answers as to where and how Saami identitieswere formed. Archaeological analysis does not deal with living individuals but rather with physi-cal remains, and there are many opinions regarding the difficulties of connecting archaeologicalevidence to Saami ethnicity (Kleppe 1977; Reymert 1980; Odner 1983; Werbart 2002; Hansen andOlsen 2004; Wallerstrom 2006). Although there is much controversy regarding the issue, nearlyall agree that the most relevant question is not "who was first," but how did the Saami and thenorth Scandinavians become who they are today.^ The criteria of Saami identity in archaeology,notwithstanding genetic and linguistic arguments, most often encompass economies (hunters/herders versus farmers); religious expressions, such as burial practices and grave forms, offer sitesand other types of sacred places; material culture (artifacts, dress, etc.); social organization, espe-cially the so-called sijdda/siida (a basic settlement unit of Saami society); dwelling types, the kdta/goahU; and common territory (Rank 1948; Reymert 1980; Yates 1989; Zachrisson i997b:i89-22o;Hansen and Olsen 2004:18-45). These criteria can be somewhat self-fulfilling, however, as they arepartly based on historically known Saami culture in Lapland. They tend to reinforce the idea thatthis culture was relatively recent, uniform and limited in extent.

Ethnic membership is often based on subjective, non-empirical, arbitrary and emotionalprinciples or issues, sometimes in ways that outsiders cannot understand (Kent 2002:4-5). Whileethnicity may rest on a universal predilection of humans to select positively in favor of their ownkinsman, it is also variable because of the diverse cultural meanings that people in different histori-cal circumstances have drawn upon in interpreting this predilection (Keyes 1981:6-8). The culturalcharacteristics marked as emblematic of ethnic identity also depend upon interpretations of mythi-cal ancestors and symbolic beings, including animals. In this respect, consideration of spiritualentities becomes an essential part of analysis, at least from the archaeological perspective, of thephysical by-products of ritual behaviors.

INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT

3

The Testimony of a Bear . . .

My archaeological investigations started out as a straightforward study of seal hunting during theIron Age in the North Bothnian region of Sweden and Finland (Broadbent 1987a, 1987b, 1989a,1989b, 1991, 2000). As this region is outside of Lapland, I admittedly initially gave little thought toSaami prehistory. In fact, Saami archaeology in Sweden seemed at the time to be an exotic field con-nected with interior and alpine regions and with reindeer, not with seals. It took a second researchproject to fully connect this coastal material to the Saami past (Broadbent 2004b, 2006; WennstedtEdvinger and Broadbent 2006; Broadbent and Wennstedt Edvinger n.d.).

The turning point in my own thinking grew out of a single archaeological discovery. Thisfind, buried in the corner of a Viking Age dwelling on the North Bothnian coast, consisted of thebones of a brown bear (Broadbent and Stora 2003). These bones were not ordinary food residues asfound in cooking hearths, but bones that had been carefully selected, systematically placed and thensealed under a stone cairn on the floor of a dwelling. This deposition of bones seemed incongruousand yet, as I came to realize when they proved contemporary with the hearth, was one of the mostrevealing finds of the project. This was a ritual bear burial of South Saami type.

Bear ceremonialism was widespread in the Circumpolar Region and is well documentedamong Finno-Ugrian hunters and herders (Schefferus 1673; Reuterskiold 1912; Hallowell 1926;Haavio 1952; Paproth 1964; Zachrisson and Iregren 1974; Backman and Hultkrantz 1978; Edsman1994; Mebius 2003). The bear also figured in Germanic Iron Age funerary contexts in middle Swe-den, Gotland, Oland, southwest Norway and the Aland Islands, where the dead were sometimesburied lying on or wrapped in bear skins, of which only phalanges remain (Petre 1980). This prac-tice was common over much of Northern Europe and has been associated with the graves of elites(Schonfelder 1994). Post-mortem bear rites and burials, as practiced by the Saami, were an entirelydifferent kind of phenomenon conducted out of respect for the animal, to ask for forgiveness for thekilling, for the protection of the body and, ultimately, for rebirth and renewal (Hallowell 1926:154).Saami bear burials connected the human and animal worlds through this cult. They have beendated to as early as A.D. 200 and as recently as the nineteenth century (Myrstad 1996), but thesebear rites may be thousands of years older in the Nordic region.

So what were these Saami doing on the Bothnian coast, and what happened to them.^ Thiswas a culture that disappeared a century before the demise of the Norse settlers on Greenland, andtwo centuries before Columbus sailed into the New World. This is also a contested landscape, inreality and in peoples' minds. The fate of these Saami is one of the most fascinating questions ofthe investigation.

The Power of Historical Narratives

Saami and Scandinavian relations are not just an academic matter, however, and relate to historicalnarratives and the formation of the Swedish state. The Saami, like most indigenous peoples, havebeen characterized more by history than by prehistory (Olsen 1994:20-30, 1998). Historical nar-ratives and myths were nearly always created to sanctify unity and establish historical precedencein the nation-building process (Carr 1986; Hodder 1991; Richards 1992; Kramer 1997), and the be-ginnings of Nordic archaeology were intimately connected with this political process. In the seven-teenth century, the father of Swedish antiquarianism, Olof Rudbeck, went so far as to propose thatthe Nordic Peninsula had been an island, and that Sweden was the mythical Atlantis. A national

4

CHAPTER 1

registry of rune stones, grave mounds and antiquities was initiated as evidence of a glorious Nordicpast (Klindt-Jensen 1975; Baudou 2004). Sweden had been embroiled in the Thirty Year's War andtheir prowess in warfare was believed by German Catholics to be due to Saami sorcery, and indeed,the Saami had been feared since Viking times for their supposed witchcraft. Trials of Saami sus-pected of sorcery were initiated in the seventeenth century and later (Skold 1993:64-81). JohannesSchefferus' Lapponia (The History of Lapland) published in 1673 and later translated into Germanand English in 1673-1682, was undertaken as a response to such allegations and to facilitate theChristian mission. Schefferus was not an historian per se, but a professor of rhetoric and, signifi-cantly, government at Uppsala University.

Prominent nineteenth-century Swedish prehistorians were otherwise quite open to the legiti-macy of the Saami past. Sven Nilsson, who was a professor of Natural History at Lund University,is credited with one of the first scientific studies of prehistory in the country. In his SkandinaviskaNordens Ur-Invdnare (The Aboriginal Populations of Nordic Scandinavia), Nilsson wrote:

After numerous investigations, I came to the conclusion that the people who used the stone toolswere a Hyper-boreal (polar) tribe, to which I count the Lapps and that these peoples lived on thecoasts of southern Sweden in a manner similar to that of the Greenlanders and other Eskimos inAmerica. These peoples, of which the Lapps are the last suwivors, were forced into the mountainsof the Scandinavian North, but had in the most ancient times not only lived in the southern partsof this country, but probably in the rest of northern and Western Europe, Denmark, northernGermany, the British Isles and parts of France. (1866:106)

These ideas were followed up on and given better focus by Oscar Montelius in three papers atthe International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology in Stockholm (Montelius1876a, 1876b, 1876c). Montelius and Hans Hildebrand in Sweden and Oluf Rygh in Norway coinedthe terms "Arctic Stone Age" and "Lappish Stone Age" with regard to the slate and quartz culturesof the northern parts of both countries. Montelius charted the north to south distributions of flint,slate and bronze artifacts in order to demonstrate the existence of two cultural regions (18763:191,1876c: 511). With reference to von Diiben's Om Lappar och Lappland (On Lapps and Lapland) from1873, Montelius rejected the idea that the Lapps were all over southern Sweden and Europe, andinstead believed they came in from the far north and around the Gulf of Bothnia during the periodthey were using bone, quartz and slate tools. With the acquisition of metallurgy they expandedsouthward to the 6ist parallel and reached their maximum territorial extent following the BlackDeath in 1350. They were subsequently largely assimilated, while others retreated into the mountainregions in the west (Montelius 18763:195). Montelius's ideas were remarkably perceptive for his day.

Inger Zachrisson (19973:11-20) has divided the history of ideas about Saami prehistory intofour phases. In the period 1820-1860, scholars like Nilsson believed that the Lapps were a Nordicurbefolking who once lived all over Scandinavi3. The period 1860-1900 was characterized by ideasabout "two Stone Age cultures," one in the north and one in the south. The third phase (1900-1970S)had more racial overtones. In 1919, Oscar Montelius shifted from his earlier cultural-historical ideasto seeing the Lapps as a race (Montelius 1919). Another of the early pioneers of Swedish archaeology,Gustaf Hallstrom, was convinced that the Stone Age cultures of northern Sweden were of Scandi-navian origin and that the Lapps had immigrated much later (Hallstrom 1929).

INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT

5

SKANDINAVI8KA

NORDENS UR-INUANARE,

ett forsok i komparativa Etlmografien

ett bidrag till menniBkoslagtete utvecklings historia;

SVEN NILSSON,

. I>.. F'fofCBSor naieritao; J, af K. VcwivBk, , (if K. Vii1 Ortlfborn; Ltd. iif V^-i.-f-urioa.; LTmp. cl R. A... ,r» in PhiladclpLiii: Tli- \; N&turwtM. In Marburi-'lb, Oewh. a. Alterth ii.'uunlc* I BeUlngfors eaait

f K. NordBiJ. Ord^ Liut. af K. \Va»n Ord,, Kommend. af K. D. Danocbrogs Ord.

nllqv.-Akad.,1 T'hvaloffT Kall^k. i f.iio !

ikila Vallc Tiberiii.i 't ■r i.oDdon membr. bi'in r

I am Mayn. GOrlll/- r pbya. Turki Nor<l.;. Altcnb. til ZUricb n.LU,!

K. VticDBk. o.ViUorh--1 K riiii iitinvB; A>:ad. Cn-a. Leop. Carol.I, i-i^iiion; Tbe Aeadcmy of Natural!■ / BerllDi WeUer-GflseUsch. in

Kj..i. I r...ui^ Slllsk. pro Fauna «t I'loraSi.i'iety of Loadnu, Coircup.

fOrsta BANDET.S t e n a 1 d e r n.

Aiidra I'pplagaii,

MID AVMABKNIliGAR Ol 11 TILLAGG, SAMT 6;TID K-VPITLET (OM BKOKSKUl.TUREN!! IIRIENTM.1 URSPUlTIGjOMAEBETADT. KliR^EDD MEU XVl.OGRAHER OCH EN MANGD LlTOGHAFIERAl'E UGLUEK.

Figure 2. Front plate of Vol. I (The Stone Age) of Sven Nilsson's The AboriginalPopulation of Nordic Scandinavia: An Attempt at Comparative Ethnography and aContribution to Humankind's Evolutionary History (second edition, 1866).

In the 1980s, new ideas started developing in Norway inspired by social anthropology. KnutOdner and Bjornar Olsen, influenced by the theories of Frederik Barth (1969), began character-izing Saami ethnogenesis as the result of cultural interactions, including collaboration and conflict(Odner 1983; cf Olsen 1994) - more specifically, local hunters in North Norway and Finland withmetal-producing agrarian groups from central and eastern Russia (Jorgensen 1986; j0rgensen andOlsen 1988). Hansen and Olsen (2004:36-42) pushed this process of "cultural consolidation" backto the Early Metal Age/Bronze Age.

6

CHAPTER 1

Against this background,I have been struck by how muchSaami and Nordic cultures hadin common in northern Swe-den, and how much the Saamihad contributed to Swedish cul-ture. Many Saami offer ritesand ritual practices, for in-stance, mirror Germanic IronAge practices, and vice versa.Hunting and land-use patternsare remarkably similar through-out the Stone, Bronze and IronAges. The northern hunter-gatherer past is even expressedin historic times by the orga-nization of farmsteads on theBothnian coast (Roeck-Hansen2002) and through beliefs aboutforest spirits (Rathje 2001:162-174). There is abundant evidence of long-term continuity in coastalVasterbotten.

Cultures can change relatively quickly but still retain cognitive structures that transcend race,economy, material culture and even religion (Goody 1977; Banton 1981; Lloyd 1990; D'Andrade1995). The ways northern societies related to their environments, both natural and human, aretherefore central to our understanding of the origins of identities (Berkes and Folke 1998; Berkes1999; Ingold 2000). Oral histories, stories, myths and sagas are the verbal repositories of thesememories. The bear rites and stories about dwarves and Stalo giants are examples of this phenom-enon. They are so-called longue duree manifestations of cultural identity (cf Braudel 1949; Thomas1996; Redman and Kinzig 2003). Long-term continuities have also been described as the "culturaltrajectories" of local societies, and these can sometimes converge with those of majority societiesbecause of common interests (Wolf 1997:23).

The Saami have, nevertheless, been viewed as a dilemma and as peripheral in Nordic ar-chaeology. There have been both racial and evolutionary overtones in the discussions and, in spiteof the social anthropological interpretations regarding the origins of ethnic/cultural identities, thenarratives inevitably break down to minority and majority power relations (Eriksen 1993).

Archaeology and the Welfare State

While the methods of modern archaeology are the same everywhere, there is a fundamental dif-ference between European archaeology and the "archaeology as anthropology" paradigm thatcharacterizes North American archaeology. Anthropological archaeology grew out of the colonialexperience of Europeans in North and South America, Africa, Australia and Asia. European ar-chaeology has focused instead on national identities and has had the political goal of asserting theorigins and histories of those societies. Social interpretations, particularly since the 1970s, have

Figure ]. Plate VIII showing artifacts from Sweden, Ireland, Mexico, Greenlandand Pennsylvania together with an Eskimo igloo (Sven Nilsson 1866).

INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT

7

consequently often been based on European political, economic and sociological theory (cf. Gid-dens 1977) and especially Neo-Marxism, including World Systems Theory (Wallerstein 1974) andthe French Annales School of Historiography (cf Braudel 1949; Bourdieu 1977). Although I havefound these theories very useful in my own research, they have also led many Nordic scholars, inmy opinion, to an overemphasis on the explanatory importance of conflicts and crises, a perspectivethat still dominates interpretations of northern prehistory. Curiously, although northern Swedenhas clearly been subjected to internal colonialism (cf Loeffler 2005), this has manifested itselfpolitically as the victimization of the Swedish settlers, hydroelectric-, forest- and mine workers bythe state, and who resent the outflow of capital to Stockholm more than the plight of the Saami.

But, even in its most benign forms, nationalistic archaeology has rendered the rights of mi-nority societies problematic. This was complicated in Sweden by the development of the welfarestate system in the 1930s. Racial hygiene (eugenics) and education were among the core principlesof this social engineering effort. Sweden had already been the first country in Europe to establisha State Institute of Racial Biology [1921]. The Sterilization Act, implemented in 1941 and affectingsome 63,000 Swedish citizens, mostly women, was only discontinued in 1975, 30 years after WWII(Broberg and Roll-Hansen 2005; Broberg and Tyden 2005:77-149).

As early as 1913, special nomadic schools were established for Saami children to help preservethe nomadic lifestyle and perpetuate the stereotype of the Saami as primitive, vulnerable and con-sequently needing the protection of the state (Lundmark 1998, 2002:40-41). It was believed thatthe Saami were even physically predisposed for reindeer nomadism. These ideas have been referredto as "a Lapp shall remain a Lapp" policy (Lundmark 2002:63-75). The Germans, while occupyingNorway from 1940, seem to have shared this patronizing view, allowing the Saami, for example, tocontinue with trans-border herding (Lantto 2005). These social goals have had, and still have, majorpolitical, economic and cultural consequences. "Real" (nomadic reindeer herding) Saami were putunder state protection and Saami land was, and still is, state-owned. The remaining 90% of theSaami in Sweden, the non-reindeer-owners, have been viewed as assimilated (cf Morkenstam 1999).

Ironically, in spite of the protectionist ideology for the herders and international solidarityregarding human rights and the support of archaeology in developing countries through the Swed-ish International Development Agency, the Swedish government still refuses to acknowledge theSaami, including the herders, as indigenous people in accordance with United Nation policies (ILOnr. 169, 1989). Convention 169 comprises the principles, guidelines and obligations for the protec-tion of indigenous peoples, including their institutions, properties, lands and culture. Indigenouspeople are defined under these provisions as people having their origins in ethnic groups that livedin the country when national borders were formed, and who have wholly or partly retained theirsocial, economic, cultural and political organizations.

The situation has been exacerbated by an unreflective projection of majority culture in Nordicmuseums (cf Goodnow and Akman 2008). In her study regarding Saami representations in Swed-ish and Finnish museums, Janet E. Levy found while Nordic continuities with the Viking past arestill presented as an almost foregone conclusion, there is at the same time an earnest desire to "de-politicize" archaeology and to not discuss ethnicity (Levy 2006). Unfortunately, this non-committalposition de facto relegates the question of Saami origins to that of a prehistoric wilderness, almostthe same attitude toward these people and their "unoccupied" lands as expressed by the SwedishCrown in 1328 (cf Steckzen 1964:119-128).

8

CHAPTER 1

Intellectual polarity can go both ways but the majority (master) narrative always has a distinctadvantage on the national stage (cf. Zachrisson 2004). This study aims to create a more balancedpicture of prehistory. While it should be obvious that one cannot take identities of the present and un-critically apply them to the past, it is equally obvious that these identities have pasts and we have anobligation to understand their origins, particularly when these affect policies today (cf Ojala 2006).

The Means to an End

This book is intended to be accessible to a broad professional readership and an international pub-lic who have an interest in archaeology, climate change, Nordic prehistory and history, culturalresiliency and northern indigenous issues. One immediate goal has been to publish the originalarchaeological data from the project, but this is also very much a book of ideas. I have long arguedthat the Nordic region is one of the best places in the world to study long-term cultural interactions,not only because of the meeting of two great cultural-ecological systems, but because of the socio-economic complexities not often seen this far north (Broadbent 2000).

This is also a highly interdisciplinary study. Like the issue of Saami ethnogenesis itself, itis often at the "borderlands" that the greatest dynamics of systems occur, be they cultural and/orecological, and where the causes and effects of change are most easily observed and understood(Broadbent 1997). Archaeological data are always fragmentary and to overcome these limitationsI have turned to the ecology of lichens, geophysics, chemical analyses, organization of northernchurch towns, place-name distributions, tax records and so forth in order to fill in the many blanks.From this web of information emerges a picture of the past much like a photograph in a developingtray. This picture is the subject of the book. The narrative is the interpretation of this picture andits origins in 7,000 years of prehistory (cf. Carlsson 1998).

Historian Eric R. Wolf has best described this search for a past:

We can no longer be content writing the histoiy of the victorious elites, or with documenting thesubjugation of dominated ethnic groups . . . we thus need to uncover the "people without his-tory . . ." (iggy.xvi)

Of course, there are no people without histories of their own, and I trust I have moved uscloser toward illuminating the Saami past through this interdisciplinary archaeological effort. Thelast chapter is a synthesis of the conclusions of the study and offers some perspectives on whatwe can learn from prehistory about resiliency and the value of cultural diversity in contemporarysociety.

Notes

1. The term circumpolar refers to the northern lands encompassing the Arctic Ocean and hav-ing Arctic and Sub-Arctic climates, plants, animals and cultures.

2. A large iron ring with the oldest Nordic law code written in runes was found spiked to thedoor of Forsa Church in Halsingland, northern Sweden. It was probably taken from a pre-Christiancult site or temple in the region ("Ringen fran Forsa." Catalogue edited by Ian Lundell and LarsNylander, Halsinglands museum-Hudiksvall 2005).

INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT

9

Figure 4. The Circumpolar Region. The Nordic region is the northwestern corner of the Eurasian continent and a long-term meeting-ground of circumpolar and European plants, animals and peoples. The capital cities of Oslo, Stockholm andHelsinki coincide with the Goth parallel and the ecological boundary between these two worlds.

Culture and Ecology

The Historical-Ecological Setting

Scandinavia includes the kingdoms of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. The Nordic countries bydefinition also include Finland, Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands in the North Atlantic.The Nordic region is a meeting ground of two great human-environmental systems: the North Eu-ropean and the circumpolar worlds. The borderland between these two biogeographical regions inSweden is called Limes noniandicus, the Norrland (North Land) border, and coincides roughly withthe Dal River (Dalalven) and the Goth parallel, which runs just north of the capital cities of Osloand Stockholm and south of Helsinki (Figure 4).

Human history in Sweden and Norway plays out against the background of major envi-ronmental changes on land and in the seas within the confines of a ca. 400 km wide peninsulabetween the North Atlantic and the Baltic Sea. The northern boreal forest (taiga) extends eastwardfrom Norway and Eurasia to the Bering Straits and across Alaska to Canada. The high latitudesand environments make the Nordic North an indisputable part of the circumpolar world. Manyindigenous peoples, such as the Saami, developed cultural adaptations and survival strategies thatare unique to these northern forest, tundra and maritime environments (Gjessing 1944).

The Importance of the Coastal Zone

The significance of the Bothnian coast in Saami prehistory has been little discussed in Sweden,even though the idea is not new. Birger Steckzen (1964), an historian and archivist, speculated thatthe disappearance of the Saami from this coastland was due to brutal taxation by the Birkarls, state-sanctioned tax collectors operating in the fourteenth century. He was well aware of the Iron Age hutsites, but none of this material had been excavated. Gustaf Hallstrom, who had mapped many ofthe coastal sites in Vasterbotten, had commented on their similarities to the so-called "Stalo huts"in the sub-alpine regions of Sweden (1949:76). In 1965, Skelleftea Museum director Ernst Wester-lund rejected the idea of coastal Saami in Vasterbotten, rebutting Steckzen (1964), and ascribingthe sites to seasonal sealers and fishermen from the south, or even to Swedish settlers (Westerlund1965). The idea of a "local" culture has also been argued (cf Rathje 2001). Westerlund's view hasbeen a commonly held opinion (cf Westin 1962; Norman 1993; Lindstrom and Olofsson 1993), andthere has been little interest, and even an aversion, by any but a handful of Swedish archaeologistsin arguing otherwise.

11

In other respects, themaritime connection has de-fined Nordic prehistory morethan any other single environ-mental or geographic factor.The Nordic Peninsula is cir-cumscribed by the North Atlan-tic and Baltic seas, marked bylarge lake systems and cross-cutby rivers and river valleys. Prox-imity to water routes was oneof the key elements conveyingeconomic advantages in Eurasiaand the European Peninsula asa World System (Wolf 1997:31).The Norwegian and the Both-nian coasts were major culturalmeeting grounds and coastalwaters were the best way totravel to and from the north inboth countries; traveling alongthe shore of the Swedish coast

rather than by land made it

■ 11. -J . . Figure ^. Main river drainages of Sweden into the Gulf of Bothnia.

possible to avoid 12 ma]or river & j & j j j

crossings (Figure 5).

In addition to the direct effects on Nordic climate, marine food resources laid the founda-tions for larger hunter-gatherer populations and more settled lives that opened the door to cultiva-tion and animal husbandry at these latitudes. Coastal zones were also critically important becauseof the reliability and accessibility of their resources, including birds, shellfish, fish and fuel thatall the members of these communities, including the elderly and the young, could gather on adaily basis.

One of the most fascinating aspects of Bothnian economy is that it involved high arctic icehunting (cf Gustafsson 1971,1988,1990; Westerberg 1988; Kvist 1987,1988,1990; Nystrom 1988,2000; Nilsson 1989; Edlund 1989; Olsson 1990). Seal hunting also has a long history in the region(Ekman 1910:222-260; Hamalainen 1930; Clark 1946; Forsten 1972; Broadbent 1979; Stora andLougas 2005), and there is a rich Swedish vocabulary referring to seals and sea ice (Edlund 1989,2000). Ice hunting continued into historic times, and for three months of the year a large percent-age of the male population of "Norrabotten" (the Mare Botnicum or Bay of Bothnia) was recordedas going out on the ice. As many as 15,000 seals were taken in one year in the sixteenth century(Westin 1962; Tegengren 1965; Kvist 1991). Olaus Magnus, the last Catholic Archbishop of Sweden,illustrated the organized mercantile hunting of seals by northern peasants on his Carta Marinamap from 1539 (Figure 7).

12

CHAPTER 2

Figure 6. (left) Provinces of Sweden, (right) Counties of Sweden. The county system (Idn) was established in 16]^ and supersededthe older provincial system of administration. The county system is used with reference to archaeological sites, place-names andother data presented in this study.

The Saami People

The Saami are the people of Sdpmi (Saamiland). This name Saami (alt. Sami) is recorded from thethirteenth century but is probably much older (Zachrisson I997a:i74). The Saami were also called,sometimes derogatively, "Lapps." The name "Saami" occurs in all Saami languages and, wheneverpossible, this self-designation will be used in this text, although the term "Lapp" is employed con-cerning administrative areas, place-names or historical documents.

The Saami number approximately 80,000 people today. About 17,000 Saami live in Sweden,of whom 2,000 are involved in reindeer herding. Their ancestors were referred to in the oldestwritten sources as the Fenni, and as Skrid-finnar (Ski-Finns). In Norway, Lapland is still referredto as "Finnmark." In 1673 Johannes Schefferus speculated that the Saami had even come fromFinland:

The Lapps derive without doubt their origin from the Finns, were horn among them, hut had beendriven away and exiled from Finland . . . after leaving their homeland they withdrew as exilesand this is the origin of the name. They did not themselves use this name [Lapp]. . . but that oftheir former countrymen, the Finns. (iGj^^o)

The Roman historian Tacitus had described the Fenni as early as A.D. 98:

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

13

Figure 7. Carta Marina map by Olaus Magnus from 3539. This portion of the map shows the North Bothnian coast,hunters spearing gray seals and sleds pulled by reindeer and horses. A Saami woman north of the Ume River inVdsterhotten is milking a reindeer. Original in the Carolina Rediviva Library in Uppsala.

Hie Fenni are astonishingly wild and horribly poor. They have no arms [weapons], no horses, nohomes. They eat grass, dress in skins and sleep on the ground. Their only hope is in their arrows,which, for lack of iron, they tip with bone. The same hunt provides food for men and womenalike; for the women go everywhere with the men and claim a share in securing the prey. Theonly way they can protect their babies against wild beasts or foul weather is to hide them undera makeshift network of branches. This is the hovel to which young men come back; this is where

14

CHAPTER 2

the old must die. And yet they count their lot happier than that of others who groan over fieldlabor, sweat over house building, or hazard their own or other men's fortunes in the wild lotteryof hope and fear. They care for nobody, man or god, and have gained the ultimate release: theyhave nothing to pray for. What comes after them is the stuff of fables—Hellusii and Oxiones withthe faces and features of men, but the bodies and limbs of animals. On such unverifiable storiesI will express no opinion.

P. Cornelius Tacitus, GermaniaTranslated by H. Mattingly (1948:140)

This account paints a dismal picture and one should view such descriptions with skepticism(Whitaker 1980). In fact, the characterization of hunter-gatherers or nomadic people as wretched isquite common (Sahlins 1972; Cribb 1991). The expression fattig lapp "poor Lapp" still has this col-loquial meaning in Scandinavia. The ethnonym Lapp has an east Nordic origin and probably derivesfrom the Finnish Lappi (Lappalainen means "Laplander") - or may even derive from the word fora patch of cloth or hide (lapp). In Russia, the name lop and lops is known from chronicles dating toca. A.D. 1000 (Hansen and Olsen 2004:49-50). According to von Diiben (1873:376), the term alsohas reference to magic and witchcraft.

The ethnonym Lapp appears in the Gesta Danorum (History of Denmark), written by SaxoGrammaticus in A.D. 1190 (Schefferus 1673:42), and also in the Icelandic Orkneyinga Saga, writ-ten down as a revised text in the 1200s (Zachrisson i997a:i59). The place-name Lappi has beenassociated with Saami settlements at more than 575 places all over Finland (Itkonen 1951:33). Theterm lappar was first used in an official Swedish document in the Talje statutes from September5, 1328. By my count, there are 1,147 place-names with the prefix Lapp in Sweden, based on theNational Land Survey place-name registry (Chapter 9, Figure 195). These place-names have thus farbeen given little attention in Sweden but are invaluable sources regarding former Saami territory.

The Saami speak nine languages of the Finno-Urgric (Uralic) language family (CoUinder 1953;Nickel 1990) (Figure 9), and their mtDNA and Y chromosomes indicate that they are an ancientEuropean population (Beckman 1996: Tambets et al. 2004). The Finno-Ugrian languages probablyspread from central Russia and the southern Urals to the Nordic region as early as the Stone Age, and

Figure 8. Saami summer camp in North Norway. Photo: Fred Ivar Utsi Klemetsen.

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 15

the Finnish language developedlater through contacts with otherFinno-Ugrian speakers from thesouth Baltic. This linguistic dif-ferentiation is believed to haveoccurred during the Bronze Age/Arctic Bronze Age, some 4,000years ago (Strade 1997:183; Car-pelan et al. 2001). However, onthe basis of "Paleo-Lappish sub-strate" words, such as the wordfor seal (morsa), Aikio (2004) ar-gues for a later date.

Saami territory in Norwayand the Kola Peninsula in Rus-sia extends along a thousandkilometers of northern coasts(Figure 9). According to the Icelandic and Norwegian Sagas from 1100-1200S, the Saami alsolived as far south as Hadeland, some 20 km north of Oslo, and throughout southern Norrland andas far south as Svealand in Sweden (Zachrisson 1987:26, i997a:i7i). The latter is even implied bymtDNA at the iconic Late Iron Age boat burial site of Tuna in Alsike between Uppsala and Stock-holm (Gotherstrom 2001:25-26). The ancestors of the Saami were also known as far south as theWestern Dvina (Daugava) River in Latvia (Itkonen 1947; Eidlitz-Kuoljok 1991:32) (Figure 29).

In 1911, Johan Turi, a Swedish Saami reindeer herder and author of one of the first indigenousethnographies ever written, Muittalus Samid Birra (A Book on Lappish Life), wrote the followingregarding Saami origins and settlement:

Figure g. Present Saami territory and language areas. Asterisk shows the mainarea of study. Map adapted from Nickel (iggo).

It has not been said that the Lapp came from somewhere else. The Lapp was settled all over Lap-land and the Lapp lived on the seacoast and there were no other dwellers besides themselves, andthat was a good time for the Lapps. And the Lapp also lived everywhere on the Swedish side andthere were no settlers anywhere; the Lapps did not know there were other people besides themselves.{1911:2}

This view is reiterated by most Saami scholars today (cf Kuoljok 1996; Haetta 2002; Solbakk2004; Lehtola 2004), although Sdpmi in Sweden and Finland is invariably shown as coincidingwith inland herding areas.

The Germanic speaking groups of Sweden and Norway were referred to as Svear and Nor-dmenn in sources such as Adam of Bremen's History of the Archbishops of Hamburg- Bremen (ca.A.D. 1081). The Svear settled only as far north as 63°N on the Bothnian coast and as far as Jamtlandand Harjedalen in the interior. The Nordmenn occupied the coast of Norway up to Malangen atabout 70°N (Odner 1983). Orosius (Othere from Halogaland), who lived in North Norway in the lateninth century, described the Fenni, Terfenni and the Bjarmi - all Finno-Ugrian speakers - in hisaccount to the English King Alfred the Great (Bosworth 1885). In the Historia Norvegiae (A.D. 1195),

16

CHAPTER 2

mention is made of another group, the Kveni, who hved on tlie north Bothnian shores. Egil's Saga,written down in the 1200s, also mentions Kvenland (Paulsson and Edwards 1976). Adam of Bre-men referred to these Kveni as "Amazons," but the designation was probably his confusion overkvenerlandet (the land of the Kvens) with kvinderlandet, which means "the land of the women" inDanish (Lund 1978:68). It has, nevertheless, been speculated that the "Amazon" description relatedto large-scale sealing expeditions that left Bothnian farming settlements populated by only womenand children for three to four months of each year (Tegengren 1965). This curious tale originatedamong travelers going north who had actually encountered these villages of women (according toAdam). Adam had also written that the people north of the Svear were ruled by a woman. LillianRathje (2001) has emphasized the important role that women had in northern agrarian economieswhile the men were off hunting and fishing.

The Ski-Finns are identified as living south and west of the Amazons and north of the Svear(Figure 10). This description is fairly accurate, and Kvenland could actually thus refer to Finland (lulku1986). Amazons notwithstanding, there is little doubt that seal hunting was of considerable economic

I ,\KTi rF.ST NORTHOCEAN OF DARKNESS AND ICE

£LEiaillO£RNCA

I GREENLANDTHE NORTHERN OCEAN

^ f^^T—\ M-i'-iwi^ G6TLAMD *S^

-tiAMAZONS^A-LANER-r^-^

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to V-J

X "SACHSEN "VM.«a.i..rt

KURLAND

BALTIC SEA

P MME.RANEftE

SKIJTEP.TURKEa

o^ardRUSSIA

POLAND

NULER.

""TjTIVsWTRAVEL'

Figure 10. Map based on a description of the Nordic region by Adam of Bremen (ca. A.D.1081). The Saami are referred to as Skridfinner (Ski-Finns) and Hved in Halsingland. Tlie"Amazons" lived on the Baltic coast of what was probably Finland. Even Vinland is alsomentioned in this early account. Map adaptedfivm Lund (igyS).

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

17

importance from the earliest times and into the modern era. Swedish Bothnian seahng sites from theIron Age have been previously discussed by a number of archaeologists and historians: Hallstrom(1942, 1949). Varenius (1964, 1978), Westin (1962), Steckzen (1964), Westberg (1964), Westerlund(1965), Nilsson (1989), Norman (1993), and Rathje (2001). Four cultural entities have been considered:the Kvens, the Finns, the Saami (Lapps) and Germanic Iron Age settlers (Scandinavian speakers).

Othere from Halogaland (ca. A.D. 900), Adam of Bremen (ca. A.D. 1081), the Historia Nor-wegiae (ca. A.D. 1195) and Egil's Saga (ca. A.D. 1200) state that the North Bothnian groups wereFinno-Ugric, not Germanic peoples. Adam wrote that Halsingland was Saami territory. Duringthose times Halsingland extended around the Bay of Bothnia and down to the Ule River in Finland.

The northern limit of Germanic settlement in Sweden extended only as far as Arnas in Anger-manland (Figure 12). This is the northernmost limit for Iron Age forts, rune stones, tumulus cemeter-ies, Nordic long houses and the kdung maritime defense system (Westerdahl 1989). Diagnostic LateIron Age settlement place-names, such as those with the name elements -sta, -hem and vin-, are notfound north of there either (Edlund 1988). Nordic linguists have given considerable attention to thesesettlement names (Franzen 1939; Holm 1949; Stahl 1976; Wahlberg 2003). The name hem means"home" today, but originally referred to a village settlement and was often a first, or landnam, name.The term landnam is associated with the first landings by the Norse in Iceland, and this coloniza-tion phase usually leaves a distinctive environmental signature on vegetation surrounding northernsettlements because of grazing, burning, removal of trees and the introduction of cultivated plantsand weeds (cf Hicks 1988, 1994; Aronsson 1991; Karlsson 2006). Vin probably referred to grazingland and also indicates that this was a homestead site. Sta originally referred to boat-landing places butwas later applied to towns that had developed because there were harbors at these places [stad means"town" today). All three names date back to the period A.D. 800 to iioo in Sweden. These namesconcentrate in Jamtland, Medelpad and Angermanland in northern Sweden (Selinge 1997). The nameelements hole and mark are, by contrast, common in northern Vasterbotten and are associated withthe expansion of Scandinavian farmers starting in the fourteenth century (Holm 1949:94).

In an analysis of the Kven issue regarding potential recognition under ILO 169 (the Interna-tional Labour Organization's 1989 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention), Swedish historianLennart Lundmark came to the conclusion that the Kvens were not an indigenous cultural group at all,but were Finnish middlemen for the Novgorod fur trade (Lundmark 2007). They were later formallyrecognized by the Swedish state as Saami tax collectors, the Birkarls. Thomas Wallerstrom, a Swedishhistorian and archaeologist, had earlier reached the same conclusion (1995). Assuming they are right,and I think they are, the Kvens can be discounted as having anything to do with the Iron Age sealingsites. The Kvens seem to have had their operations and farms in the northernmost parts of the Bay ofBothnia and on the Swedish coast only as far south as the Skellefte-Byske Rivers, an area with manyFinnish connections (Fjellstrom 1988). Having eliminated the Kvens from serious consideration,the remaining alternative for these seal hunters is that of an indigenous, but non-Germanic culture.

One complication in all of this is that these two cultural-linguistic entities, the Finno-Ugricand the Germanic, with languages that are as far apart as any on earth, existed side by side for thou-sands of years. This situation is nothing like North America, where the sudden impacts of Europeancolonialism starting 500 years ago transformed whole continents, and whose diseases, animals andplants almost annihilated indigenous populations (Crosby 1986). In the Nordic region there was,on the contrary, continuous interaction and a slow process of give-and-take. There is considerable

18

CHAPTER 2

evidence that there were mostly peaceful and symbiotic relations between Germanic, Finnish andSaami groups (Mundal 1996; Zachrisson i997a:22i-234; Olsen 2000; Price 2000). Cultures withsuch a long history of interaction inevitably overlap in numerous ways. It is also likely that thesepre-literate people were multilingual. This implies that instead of sharp boundaries between themwe are in reality dealing with overlapping cultural and linguistic topographies.

Although people certainly have identities independently of outsiders, this meeting of cultureswas itself a potent force of ethnogenesis (Barth 1969, 1994), and a key to the formation of manydistinctive Saami ethnic markers as seen by dress, rituals and other practices (cf. Kleppe 1977;Reymert 1980; Baudou 1987; Zachrisson 1987b; Zachrisson i997a:i89-22o). Metal artifacts, suchas brooches, were produced in many different regions and were readily incorporated into Saamidress. Christian crosses and symbols, as well as decorative styles (e.g., Nordic plaited band designs),were also used by the Saami.

The concept of cultural clines, comparable to population studies, and "seamless cultural topog-raphies" (Caulkins 2001:121), helps conceptualize Saami prehistory as an integrated part of Nordicprehistory. This not only de-marginalizes the narrative, it connects the discourse to the formation ofall northern cultural identities. The Early Metal Age, which corresponds to the Scandinavian BronzeAge and the so-called 'Arctic Bronze Age" (Tallgren 1949; Bakka 1976), was the period duringwhich Saami ethnicity (as we know it) is believed by many archaeologists to have developed throughcontacts between "Proto-Saami" and other groups (cf Carpelan 1975b; Baudou 1987; Olsen 1994).

Human-Environmental Relations

The Nordic region is situated in the far northwestern corner of the Eurasian continent and stretchessome 2,000 km between latitudes 54°N to 72°N, as far north as the North Slope of Alaska, BaffinIsland in Canada and northern Siberia. This shoulder of land juts far out into the North Atlanticwhere it intercepts the warm and salty waters of the Gulf Stream. The climate-mitigating influencesof the Gulf Stream have had profound effects on ecology and settlement. Agrarian economies weremade possible farther north and earlier than anywhere else in the Arctic and the rich Sub-Arcticwaters have been among the most productive fishing regions of the world (Dunbar 1954, 1968).Seals, salmon, whitefish, cod, herring and shellfish have drawn people to these shores from theearliest times, and most Nordic populations still live within 20 km of the coast. The ScandinavianPeninsula is furthermore separated from Finland for most of its length by the Baltic Sea and theGulf of Bothnia. This body of water cuts deeply into the continent and extends about 1,400 kmfrom north to south. It separates the two regions by 100 km or more of open water today, but hadonce been twice as wide.

The Baltic has changed from being an ice-dammed freshwater lake 10,000 years ago, to anopen arm of the sea, back to a freshwater lake as a result of the many rivers that flow into it, only toonce again become a sea (Berglund et al. 1994). Today the Baltic is an intermediate brackish body ofwater. The most productive fishing-, hunting- and shellfish-collecting periods were when the Balticwas most open to the Atlantic Ocean, and this occurred during the Litorina Period (named after asaltwater mollusk) between approximately 5000 B.C. and 1000 B.C. Even today, powerful strokes ofsaline water into the Baltic have had immediate and positive effects on plankton, shellfish and sealpopulations lasting for up to five years (cf Segerstrale 1957:757). Sea level rises due to worldwideoceanic events would have had even longer-term effects.

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

19

Figure n. A visual cross section of north Swedish biogeography. Clockwise from top left: alpine birch forest and mountains,headwaters of the Skellefie River interior pine heath forest (with trapping pits for moose or reindeer), ice cover on the Bayof Bothnia in April, the Bay of Bothnia with wave-washed moraine beaches, interior lake and esker landscape.

Most of the vegetation above 6o°N in Sweden is classified as northern boreal forest witha sub-alpine birch region in the mountain foothills to the west. The boreal forest environmentbrought characteristic animals such as bears, moose, beavers, lynxes, wolverines, pine martens,otters, black grouses and hazel hens. During the warm Atlantic climate period, ca. 5000-2500B.C., there were more deciduous trees such as birch, alder and even elm, and this growth greatly

20

CHAPTER 2

stimulated beaver and moose populations, who fed on their leaves and bark. These are the mostcommonly found animal bones on archaeological sites in the interior (Ekman and Iregren 1984).The pine forests had changed into a mixture of pine and spruce forests by around 1000 B.C. (Engel-mark 1976; Berglund et al. 1994). Black spruce (Picea abies) is an eastern hybrid and grows on wet-ter ground at the expense of alder and birch. Colder and wetter conditions during the Sub-Atlanticperiod, starting around 2,400 years ago, led to an expansion of reindeer into the southern forests.Bogs increased and covered much greater land areas than earlier.

Although moose, beaver, reindeer and seals were important food resources, freshwater fishwere also of great economic value. Salmon, perch, whitefish, pike, burbot (a freshwater cod), troutand char were fished in the rivers and lakes. Starting in the thirteenth century, the Catholic Churchasserted ownership of northern salmon rivers. Taxes and salaries were paid using fish, and mostparish churches and homesteads in Lapland were established by fish-rich lakes (Campbell 1948).Medieval (Hanseatic) herring fisheries became a basis for many Bothnian coastal villages and towns.

The Gulf of Bothnia is a virtualheat reservoir in the fall that pullstemperature gradients northwardinto lines parallel with the shore-lines. But, unlike the North Atlanticcoast, it freezes over in winter andcreates a negative temperature anom-aly in the spring and summer. TheBothnian coast is ice-bound for upto 200 days per year north of 63°N,which also coincides with a changefrom a mountainous to a flat coastaltopography in Sweden (cf. Angstrom1968; Helmfrid 1994). This was, notsurprisingly, the northern limit forGermanic (Iron Age) agrarian settle-ment in Sweden, and therefore an im-portant cultural-ecological boundary(Figure 12). Although during warmerperiods these ice boundaries couldhave varied, the coastal topographykept the ice locked into the Bay ofBothnia because of the narrow bottle-neck of the Kvarken between Swedenand Finland. The 100-day ice ex-tended down to the Hornsland Pen-insula in Gavleborg County, which isthe most prominent peninsula south

Figure 12. Map showing the oak limit, alpine and Bothnian ice regions and Bjuroklubb. CoaStal topography

the northern Hmit of Germanic Iron Age setttlement. waS also leSS broken and with fewer

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

21

Norrbotten Vasterbotten Vasternorrland Gauleborg

Uppsala

islands south of there. Hornslandsuddewas therefore an ideally suited place toinvestigate the southern margins ofSaami sealing.

Hunting statistics from 1902 to1906 (Ekman 1910:262) show the re-lationship between numbers of sealskilled as well as numbers of seals killedper 10 km of Bothnian coast (Figure 13).These figures reflect the relationshipbetween ice conditions and topography.The more broken and island-rich thecoastline, the more stable the coastalice which, together with snow depth,conferred an advantage for ice-breedingseals and the survival of immatureseals that could drown if the ice meltedbefore they could swim. Vasterbottenwas a core area for sealing, and Bjuron,with many Iron Age sites, projects farout into the Bay of Bothnia where itintercepts the counter-clockwise gyrethat opens up as a drift-ice channelclose to shore. Specialized boat-basedseal hunting expeditions from Oster-

botten in Finland, referred to as the Falan (Cnieff 1757; Gustafsson 1971), sometimes put ashorewhen the channel was blocked. Many sealers carved their names on the rocks of Svartallviken onBjuron (Chapter 4, Figure 44).

Norrbotten Vasterbotten Vasternorrland Gavleborg

Uppsala

Figure i?. (top) Numbers of seals taken by county, north to south,(bottom) Numbers of seals taken by length of coastline (based on Ekman1^10:262).

Glacial Topography and Settlement

Nordic topography has been sculpted and planed down by the advances and retreats of glacial ice.Sweden and Finland consequently have low rolling landscapes, and Norway, which has a moremountainous topography and softer bedrock, deeply cut fjords. Northern Sweden is also transectedby numerous northwest to southeast running rivers, and Finland is speckled by lakes dammed upby a huge terminal moraine that runs north of Helsinki.

Crossing the land in the direction of glacial retreat are long alignments of moraine depositscalled "eskers" that mark the courses of former rivers in the ice. Eskers formed natural travel routesfor both animals and humans across the lakes and low and boggy expanses of the interior, and arenatural connectors between the interior and the coastlands. Most archaeological sites in northernSweden are found on or near them. Elongated teardrop glacial deposits, called drumlins from theIrish "little hill," formed settlement islands in interior lake and lowland areas, as well as coastal hillsand off-shore islands where sealing and fishing could be based.

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The Nordic region was de-glaciated startingabout 15,000 years ago and by 8,000 years agonorthern interior Sweden was completely ice free(Bergstrom 1968; Bergman et al. 2004). This wasone of the last places in Europe to be colonized byhumans. The process of glacial melting was sorapid that vast lowland regions of the North Euro-pean plain were inundated (Bjork 1995; Christian-sen 1995; Gornitz 2009b). It is likely that manyof the western and southern pioneer colonizersof Scandinavia were displaced hunters and gath-erers from what is now the bottom of the NorthSea between England, the Shetland Islands andthe Netherlands (cf. Fischer 1995; Knutsson 2005).This flooding, and related sudden events, seemsto have peaked around 6500-6000 B.C. (cf Bjorket al. 1996; Lamb 1977, 1995) and marks a majorpush into northern Sweden from the south, asseen by the introduction of micro-blade technology(cf Olofsson 1995, 2003). As the North Europeanhunters and the animals they hunted moved intoScandinavia from the southwest, other humangroups and animals moved in from the southeastand east, exploring the newly opened lands beforethem (cf Nunez 1997; Carpelan 2001; Bergman etal. 2004; Knutsson 2005). The mtDNA of every-thing from voles to bears shows these two groupsmet up about halfway down in Sweden, or at aboutlatitude 63°N (Jaarola et al. 1999) (Figure 14). Saami mtDNA and Y chromosomes extend southwardin an analogous distribution (Tambets et al. 2004).

The crust of the earth was not only flooded, it was depressed by the weight of more than a ki-lometer of ice and is still compensating following the release of that burden (called isostatic uplift).Land uplift is nearly a meter per century today in Vasterbotten (Bergqvist 1977), one of the highestrates in the world, and was perhaps as much as 10 m per year immediately following deglaciation.Shoreline displacement thus provides a unique opportunity for investigating this prehistory (Chap-ter 4, Figure 34).

Climate, Ice and Seal Oil

Nordic climate is classified in "Group D" - continental/microthermal - on the Koppen climateclassification system, with local maritime influences (Angstrom 1968). In winter the region ispositioned between high pressure areas in Siberia and Atlantic low pressure centers, resulting inwarm southwesterly winds. Inland lakes are frozen from about the beginning of November until

Figure 14. Map showing tht mtDNA of voles (and viruses)in Sweden (Jaarola et al. 3999 j. The migration ofterrestrial animals into the region following deglaciationis a good analogue for human colonization. Tlxe cultures,plants and animals of the Nordic North have always beetia mixture of these components, one from the south and onefrom the east, one European and the other circumpolar.

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

23

the middle of May. The Bay of Bothnia freezes over from the middle of November and usuallybreaks up by May 20. Snow cover averages 160 to 180 days per year. Precipitation on the outer coastis quite low, but just a few kilometers inland increases to 500 mm per year. During June there is anaverage of 350 hours of clear sunshine, and in December there are only about 18 hours of sunlight.The average growing season, which corresponds to 3°C, lasts only 160-170 days per year. The totalamount of solar energy at 6o°N is only a small percentage of what it is farther south, and survivalrequires taking advantage of food resources during very short growing and breeding seasons. Farm-ers must keep their livestock alive for six months or more without access to pasturage, and huntersmanage on scarce resources during a very long winter and a late spring. Marine mammal oil (sealsin the Baltic) was the main source of lighting for circumpolar hunter-gatherers, and seal oil wasone of the most important commodities across the Nordic region long before whale oil becamecommercially important in Europe.

Periodicity and Settlement Cycles

As defined thus far, three environmental perspectives provide focus in this study: the long-termecological perspective, the coastal or maritime perspective and the regional perspective. Becauseof the seasonal fluctuations of both terrestrial and marine resources, northern hunting peopleshad to depend on combinations of ecosystems for survival. Depending on geography, this could bedone through annual rounds or through sustained uses of particular regions. Economic efforts innorthern Sweden, as in most regions of the world, were concentrated during times of maximumproductivity, including spawning, breeding and growing seasons (cf Ekman 1910:455; Campbell1948:81-211). Hunter-gatherer/fisher societies were also dependent on longer-term resource fluc-tuations. It is now generally accepted, however, that far from always living in perfect harmony withthe environment even these societies could over-exploit and even wipe out game, particularly whenengaged in extensive trade. Over-exploitation is considered by some historians as having been a fac-tor in the transition to nomadic reindeer herding and farming, and over-grazing is still a problemin the interior (cf Hultblad 1968; Lundmark 1982).

Long-term human-environmental dependencies can be analyzed at the landscape level usingthe concept of historical ecology (Crumley 1994); this relates large-scale environmental changesto the level of human interaction and impacts on local ecosystems. Interactions on much largerscales have been discussed by archaeologists through World Systems Theory, which encompassesglobal climate change (Kristiansen 1994; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997; Kardulius 1999; Hornbergand Crumley 2007).

World Systems and Northern Ecology

The Circumpolar Region has not generally been discussed as a World System, and yet it is oneof the great cultural and ecological regions in which vast trading networks, as well as even moreintegrated economic systems, were operating. One of the first great world industries was the Rus-sian fur trade (Wolf 1997:158-194; Crowell 1997). This is also a region in which early bronze andiron metallurgy developed (Chernykh 1992; Hjarthner-Holdar 1993; Khlobystin 2005; Kuz'minykh2006). Trade had always played a part in Nordic prehistory but was operating on a Eurasian scalefrom at least the Bronze Age/Early Metal Age and reached a culmination during the Viking Periodaround A.D. 1000 (cf. Fedorova 2002). World Systems Theory emphasizes the redistribution of

24

CHAPTER 2

resources, such as furs for metal, between a periphery and a core. The "exporting" and the "receiv-ing" societies underwent recurring periods of expansion and regression due to environmental aswell as economic cycles (Wallerstein 1974; Modelski and Thompson 1999). Pulses of these kindsare particularly common in arctic regions, especially when there was heavy exploitation of resourcesthrough over-hunting, or when agriculture had been carried out at the limits of its sustainability(cf Martin 1982; McGovern 1988).

The brackish Gulf of Bothnia is a relatively species-poor marine system, although influxesof ocean water through global warming and worldwide sea level rises probably dramatically raisedproductivity. These warm periods are indirectly measurable through shoreline transgressions(flooding) in the south and are seen as increased beach erosion in the north. But they are also seenthrough settlement accumulations at these levels, hunters taking advantage of increases in seal andfish populations, and by agrarians expanding their settlements northward. These fluctuations arevery pronounced on the Vasterbotten coast (Chapter 3, Figure 16).

It is well known that Bothnian ice conditions were critical for the hunting of ice-breedingseals, particularly the ringed seal (Ekman 1910; Gustafsson 1990). Hunting statistics (Svensson1904; Hult 1943; Soderberg 1974a, b) and tax lists from the sixteenth century (Kvist 1988, 1990,1991), suggest that heavy ice conditions led to fewer hunting bounties being paid out and diminishedprofits in the seal oil trade. In general, the ringed seals were more widely distributed and harder tofind when ice cover was widespread, and the other seal species moved southward. Warmer winterconditions seem to have had the opposite effect. Less ice meant that the seals were more concen-trated in the north and sought out the stable ice of archipelagos. The seals came to the hunters. Thiscircumstance is described in Chukotka in Russia (Krupnik 1993), eastern Canada (McLaren 1958)and Greenland (Vibe 1970). Reduced ice cover and rises in temperatures at these latitudes also hadmajor effects on terrestrial growing periods, as seen by tree pollen, insects and macrofossils on theNorth Bothnian coast (Broadbent 1979:158-169). The most common response by hunter-gatherersto major fluctuations of these kinds has been settlement mobility, with moves to coastal regionsand then back to inland territories when conditions changed. Whole regions could be largely aban-doned for up to a generation between periods of bounty (cf Mine and Smith 1989). Igor Krupnikhas also described this reciprocal settlement phenomenon, involving reindeer hunting and herdingin the interior and whaling on the coasts in the Eurasian Arctic (Krupnik 1993:194-197). Shorelineerosion data from the seal hunting sites of the Lundfors complex in Vasterbotten indicate, for ex-ample, that these sites were only occupied over a 35-year period, or about one generation, and thenabandoned (Broadbent 1979:30). The same phenomenon could also be true of interior settlementsin northern Sweden, as moose were also subject to natural population swings and were highlyvulnerable to predation (cf Ekman 1910:30-38; Markgren 1974; Peterson et al. 2003). Boreal mam-mals generally beneflt from cold and dry winters that limit parasites, ground ice and snow depth(Sugden 1982:114-127; Pruit 1978). This implies that there could have been a negative correlationbetween peaks in moose populations in the interior and the accessibility of seals on the coast. Thispossibility has considerable consequences for interpreting how the region may have been used byhunter-gatherers, but even more so regarding the role that animal husbandry played in adaptingto environmental and cultural changes during subsequent periods. Husbandry offered a viable al-ternative to both natural and human-caused declines in resources as well as changes in territorialaccessibility.

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

25

Punctuated Sedentism

It is known that the Saami took precau-tions to maintain fishing waters by shiftingto different lakes every few years (Ekman1910:460-462), but longer-term regionalshifts in settlement could have been forcedon by the combined effects of ecologicalchanges and over-hunting (cf. Krupnik1993:156-159). Abandonment of the interiorfor up to a generation would have also helpedkeep moose, beaver and fish populations vi-able by allowing them to recover from preda-tion. As shown by historic accounts, mooseand beaver had almost been completelywiped out by north Swedish settlers withina few centuries (Hiilphers 1789). Trappingpits were made illegal in 1864 in an effort torestore moose stocks, and beaver had to bereintroduced from Canada. I have describedthis long-term coast plus interior settlementmodel as "punctuated sedentism" (Broad-bent 2004) (Figure 15). A system of periodicor generational depopulations of the interiormay have been the very reason why mooseand beaver populations survived thousands of years of predation within this narrow peninsula ofboreal forest. Rich coastal hunting resources offered an alternative, but also underwent cycles, andrapid landscape changes due to shoreline displacement may have necessitated decadal reorganiza-tions. For a semi-sedentary regional system of this kind to work, however, these groups would haveneeded access to both coastal and interior regions. When access to either one of them was blockedby other groups for any length of time, it would no longer be possible to fall back on these alternativesources of livelihood. That is probably one reason why reindeer and sheep/goat pastoralism was soreadily adopted by these northern hunter-gatherers. Obviously fishing was of great importance, butthere was fierce competition for fishing waters in the interior as well. Most northern strife recordedby the courts related to fishing waters (cf Campbell 1948:231-236).

Resilience Theory

Successful long-term adaptive strategies, as proposed here, can be characterized using the conceptof resilience, the amount of change a system can withstand and still retain its structure. Resiliencybuilds on a system's ability to maintain diversity, flexibility and opportunity under changing condi-tions (Redman and Kinzig 2003:13). Cultural heterogeneity is the equivalent of species diversity,and the loss of diversity, while often increasing efficiency, also leads to vulnerabilities. Resiliencetheory (Flolling et al. 2002; HoUing and Gunderson 2002; Redman and Kinzig 2003) encompassesmany themes of interest in this study: the diversity of "Saaminess," the pulses observed in coastal

PUNCTUATED SEDENTISM

Figure jj. Cycles of moose populations in the taiga, and long-termcycles of settlement on the Bothnian coast. Moose /predator figurescover a 40 year period (Peterson et al. 200]).

26

CHAPTER 2

settlements and, perhaps most important, the fact that the Saami have survived as a viable culturaland economic presence for thousands of years in northern Sweden. The persistence and survival ofindigenous societies is starting to be recognized, as is the fact that indigenous cultures have greatlyinfluenced settler societies (Murray 2004:1-16).

The now-classic book Finns and Ter-Finns. Ethnic Processes in Northernmost Fenno-Scandinavia(translated title) by Knut Odner (1983) builds on Fredrik Earth's interpretations in which Saamiethnic identity is essentially defined as a process created through contacts with others (Earth 1969).This definition, and the dynamic concept of adaptive change through resiliency, can be extended tothe idea of cultures as clines or seamless topographies, rather than entities with sharp boundariesor as patchworks of cultures (Caulkins 2001). Clines are also a way of mapping cultural landscapes,and this approach will be applied to artifacts, sealers' huts and place-names throughout this book.As already noted, cultural and environmental change tends to be episodic and punctuated in timeand space rather than incremental. Adaptive change occurs in two social dimensions accordingto resilience theory, one based on the amount of stored "capital" or energy and the second on thedegree of connectedness of social systems (Holling and Gunderson 2002; Holling et al. 2002).The more complex, more specialized, larger and more connected a system, the more brittle andless resilient to major ecological or economic changes it becomes. In theory, all systems neverthe-less eventually reorganize. This release of capital, social as well as economic, is followed by a newgrowth period. When applied to the archaeological material presented here, one can readily identifysome of these trends. Starting in the Early Metal Age/Eronze Age, there was a major reorganizationof northern hunter-gatherer societies. This process accelerated during the Late Metal Age/Iron Age.Northern trade networks evolved into economic dependencies on the scale of World Systems andwere finally absorbed into state-level systems during the Early Medieval Period. These trends andthe character of Saami resiliency as seen in the Eothnian coastal zone are major themes of interest.As an overall starting point, five hypotheses have been formulated to structure my analysis.

Five Hypotheses

1) The Saami are an indigenous people with roots going back at least 7,000 years in northerncoastal Vasterbotten.

2) There are two major cultural-ecological regions in Sweden, the Circumpolar and the Euro-pean. During the Iron Age the Germanic agrarian settlement boundary coincided with the63rd parallel on the Eothnian coast.

3) Proto-Saami, Proto-Finnish and Proto-Germanic societies (for lack of better terms) hadbeen in close contact for thousands of years and were heterogeneous and overlapping.

4) Coastal and interior settlement during the Stone Age in northern Sweden occurred in semi-sedentary cycles relating to peaks and declines in terrestrial and marine resources. Animalhusbandry changed this pattern and contributed to sedentism as well as to nomadism.

5) Northern Sweden was part of a World System of trade and information exchange that hadbeen in existence since the Early Stone Age.

CULTURE AND ECOLOGY

27

Figure 16. Diagram of environmental changes, stray finds, site aggixgations and agrarianindications in Vasterbotten. Peaks and settlement cycles on the coast appear to coincidewith warm periods as reflected by Baltic transgressions (Fairbridge 1963; Berglundicj6^; Digerfeldt igyy, Miller igyg). A warmer climate would have encouraged noHhernagrarian expansion, and sealing and agriculture have gone hand in hand in the regionsince at least 2000/2^}/^ B.C. Tliere are at least five horizons in Vasterbotten duringwhich coastal settlement concentrated (uncal/cal): ^000/^goo, ^400/4^00, 2yoo/}4yo,2000/2^^4. and iooo/i2]o B.C. There are also four periods of agrarian expansion:20oo/2^]4 B.C., 1000/12^0 B.C., A.D. 400/6]^ and A.D. iooo/io}g. Climate datain Northern Europe indicate warm periods between 2600-igoo B.C., 1^00-^00 B.C.,A.D. o-^^o and A.D. goo-1^00. Cold and cool periods are recorded for igoo-1^00 B.C.,500 B.C.-o, A.D. ^^o-goo and A.D. 3300-1850.

Prehistoric Foundations

The Early and Late Stone Ages

This overview characterizes the long-term adaptive strategies of local societies as well as the envi-ronmental and cultural influences that have affected change in coastal Vasterbotten. The generalprehistory of the region is described by Broadbent (1979, 1982), and of the Metal Ages by Serning(i960), Forsberg (1999), Rathje (2001) and Liedgren and lohansson (2005). Environmental changesfollowing de-glaciation, including temperatures and forest succession, salinity and evidence of ag-riculture, are summarized in Figure 16.

Nordic prehistory has been divided into three periods since first proposed in 1836: the Stone-,Bronze- and Iron Ages (Stenberger 1964; Burenhult 1999). A somewhat different terminology isused in North Norway and Finland (cf Carpelan 1975b; Olsen 1994) that is particularly usefulbecause it encompasses the concept of the Saami Iron Age (dates according to Olsen 1994:14). Thedates of the Saami Iron Age (1-1500 A.D.) coincide with the material in this study and are thereforereferred to as the Late Metal Age in this text, unless referring to a specific Iron Age period (Table i).Calibrated dates in the text are listed together with uncalibrated dates (uncal/cal).

The salty Litorina Sea (ca. 5000/5600-2000/2400 B.C.) was a time of maximum produc-tivity in the Baltic. The Atlantic climate was 3-5°C warmer than today; there was a greater overallterrestrial biomass in the north with more deciduous trees and the animals that feed on them, suchas moose and beaver (Berglund et al. 1994:12-17). Specialized adaptations to coastal and inlandresources developed with larger and more permanent settlements, increasing social and culturalcomplexity and new symbolic expressions and exchange networks. Sedentism and semi-sedentismwere the hallmarks of most of the Eurasian world during this time (cf Hall 1999:8). This was anera of demographic and social consolidation and the establishment of the regional societies thatwere the foundation of many cultures throughout Eurasia.

The Flurkmark site (ca. 5000-2500 B.C.) near Umea in Vasterbotten is a huge settlement areathat extends over 300 m on several sandy terraces about 95 m above current sea level on what wasonce an inlet of the Litorina Sea (Lundberg and Ylinen 1997; Sjogren 1997; Lundgren 2001; Stora2002; Broadbent 2003). The site was connected by an esker to the Vindel River valley. This site isa superb example of the early, sustained and intensive use of the Bothnian coast and the naturalroutes that connected the coast to the interior and other regions. Raw materials used for tool-makinginclude Baltic flint, basalt, quartzite, quartz, jasper and other stone types from widespread western,southern and eastern sources. Red ocher, which was used in both graves and rock art in northern

29

Table 1. Chronological periods in Sweden and Norway (uncalibrated).

SWEDEN

NORTH NORWAY

MesolithicNeolithicBronze AgeEarly Iron AgeLate Iron Age

400 B.C.- 400 A.D400-1100 A.D.

4500-1800 B.C1800-400 B.C.

13,000-4500 B.C.

Early Stone AgeLate Stone AgeEarly Metal Age

Late Metal Age (Saami Iron Age)

10,000-4500 B.C.4500-1800 B.C.1800 B.C.-l A.D.1-1500 A.D.

Medieval Period 1100-1500 A.D.

Sweden and Finland, was found in thick deposits on the site. The animal bones include those ofringed- and possibly gray seals, moose, beaver and a variety of small mammals, fish and birds (Stora2002). Ringed seals were the most common species, followed by beaver. Pike was the most commonfish, and ducks the most abundant of birds. Spring, summer, fall and winter are indicated by thismaterial. Several trapping pits had been dug on the site in much later times. (The site was discov-ered because a transverse-based arrowhead of Early Metal Age type was found there.) This is stillgood area for moose hunting. Large settlements of these types are found in considerable numbersat similarly high elevations along the Bothnian shores, from Norrbotten County in the north to theStockholm region in the south (cf Lindgren 2004).

The Lundfors Site (3400/4200 B.C.) is about 100 km north of Flurkmark and lies at 78 mabove current sea level. It consists of seven separate settlement concentrations on an inlet south ofthe Skellefte River estuary (Figures 18). This site exemplifies the collective hunting strategies thatwere widely employed on the coast and in the interior to catch terrestrial and maritime animals(Broadbent 1979:174-198).

The Lundfors economy was based on the capture of ringed seals using long net systems,known to be the most effective during the dark fall months (cf. Hamalainen 1930). Ringed sealswould enter these bays and swim up rivers, gorging on fish in the fall; their blubber and peltswere at their maximum at this time of year (Ekman 1910:252; Holm 1921; Helle 1974; Broadbent1979:187). The use of nets to catch ringed seals - other species are usually too large to be caught thisway - was still the main sealing method in Vasterbotten in the sixteenth century (Kvist 1991). Thesame wide-meshed nets could be used to catch salmon and beaver (Ekman 1910:218). In additionto seals, bones of moose, beaver, small game, fish and shellfish were identified and these show thatlocal islands, inlets and valleys were also exploited. A perforated digging stick weight (otherwisetypical of Finland) was also found (Figure 17), indicating plant (especially root) collection (Broad-bent 1986; Broadbent 1979:171-173)- The seal nets were probably made of braided roots, willow orother plant fibers, although only the net weights have survived. Huge Stone Age net systems forboth seals and salmon have been found preserved in Finland at the Fori site (Luho 1954) and atKierikki (Koivonen and Makkonen 1998).

Stone technology at Lundfors was based on quartz that was quarried locally, ground schist adzesof Finnish types, and slate knives and projectiles, some of which were made of red slate from the Swed-ish alpine regions. Red ochre was found in clumps and produced by burning on the site (Broadbent

30

CHAPTER 3

Figure ly. Stone artifact types from Lundfors (not to scale): aperforated digging stick weight, a ground slate knife for butcheringseals and two slate pendants.

Figure 18. Lundfors inlet and the locations of the sites and lines ofnets that were used to catch ringed seals in the fall. Hundreds of netweights were found on the site and on the bottom of the jormer inletthat now lies y8 m above sea level.

1979:134-135). A rock painting of a mooseis recorded behind the site but has neverbeen relocated. Massive amounts of fire-cracked stones link this settlement to theindigenous boiling stone (and non-ceramic)technology of interior northern Sweden,where dwellings were built up by moundsof fire-cracked rocks (Lundberg 1997). TheLundfors settlement area covers 12,000 m^and was almost certainly semi-sedentary.A detailed analysis of beach erosion shows,nevertheless, that the whole complex wasused over only a 35-year period, or one gen-eration (Broadbent 1979:30).

A comparative analysis of 13 sitesfrom both coastal and interior Norrland,dating to the period 7000 B.C. to A.D. i,challenges the idea that these types of siteswere only temporary "aggregation camps"(Kack 2009). The Lundfors settlementmodel repeats itself even at the great rockart site at Namforsen in coastal Angerman-land, which dates to the Late Neolithic-Bronze Age. Some 590 transverse-basedprojectiles, 6 kg of asbestos-tempered andtextile-impressed ceramics, grooved stoneclubs, large amounts of slag and evenpart of an iron furnace, were found at theadjacent Stallverk settlement site (Kack2009:50-94). The rock art was producedby a local population with widespread socialnetworks (Kack 2009:154-184), and this ar-tifact material is closely associated with themost formative period of Saami ethnogen-esis throughout the Nordic region.

Rock Art

Moose remained the central icon in rockart and represented the core of indigenousidentity in both coastal and interior north-ern Sweden until the end of the rock artperiod about 600-400 B.C. The moose asa symbol, especially in the South Saami

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

31

region, harkens back to the roots of thesesocieties in the boreal forest zone and waswidespread in northern Eurasia (Hult-krantz 1964; Ramqvist 1992; Zachrisson1997a; Fanden 2002). The brown bearalso persisted as an important symboland was one of the most significant wildanimals in the Saami pantheon (Backmanand Hultkrantz 1978; Helskog 1988; Eds-man 1994; Mebius 2003). The largest rockart site on the Vasterbotten coast is at Stor-norrfors on the Ume River (Ramqvist etal. 1985). Moose figures dominate, includ-ing "x-ray" images (Figure 19), which arealso seen at the aforementioned rock artsite at Namforsen (Hallstrom i960).

New Ideologies, New Technologies

The Late Middle Neolithic (1800/2250B.C.) has been identified as a climateoptimum in northern Europe that led to an expansion of agriculture and husbandry northwardthroughout the Nordic region (cf Graslund 1980; Sjovold 1982). The Sub-Boreal Period, 2400-400B.C., was a time of extreme dryness in western Eurasia (Mayewski et al. 1993; Mayewski and White2002). The desertification of the Russian steppes led, among other things, to the northern andwestern expansion of herders and herding technologies into the boreal forest zone (cf. Toynbee1934; Gimbutas 1965; Frachetti 2008). These societies introduced new burial practices, religiousand social ideologies and, equally important, metal technologies (Chernykh 1992).

The Bjurselet site (1900/2400 B.C.) is one of 10 locales in coastal Vasterbotten characterizedby caches of thick-butted flint adzes of Baltic types, useful for working wood but also kept as gravegoods (Christiansson and Knutsson 1989). Over 295 adzes have been found, 175 from Bjurseletalone (Figure 20). This technology is associated with the spread of the Boat Axe (Battle Axe) Cul-ture, also referred to as the Single Grave or Corded Ware cultures in Sweden, Denmark and Finlandand the Fatjanovo culture in Russia (cf Maimer 2002).

The largest find locales in Vasterbotten are by rivers and estuaries, and the smaller concentra-tions are in coastal valleys. Pollen analysis has indicated that barley was cultivated and some sheep/goats were kept (Konigsson 1968), but ringed seal bones are by far the most common animal bonesfound at Bjurselet, and net weights like those at Lundfors were found at the Kusmark site (Lepik-saar 1975; Broadbent 1982). A thick-butted flint axe was even found in a grave cairn in Vasterbotten(Huggert 2001) and the Battle Axe Culture people are known to have cremated their dead. There isa continuation of these burial practices into the Early Metal Age. As regards metallurgy, early copperfinds have been found in northern Sweden and Finland dating to as early as 3900 B.P. (Huggert1996). This was, in other words, a major turning point in north Swedish prehistory and establishedthe foundation for subsequent cultural development.

Figure ig. An "x-ray" rock caning al Stomonfors in coastal Vasterbotten.Tlie image shows a life-line or a spear, the sectioning of the body, and twopoints perhaps representing the testicles of an immature bull.

32

CHAPTER 3

Figure 20. Unused thick-butted Jlint adzes from the Bjurselet sitein Vdsterbotten. Courtesy Antikvariskt-topografiska arkivet, theNnfio)!((/ Heritage Board. Stockhohn.

Figure 21. A notched woodenspear shaft from Ostra Ahynin Bygded Parish, coastalVasterhotten, was poUen datedto the Bronze Age (Westin1962j. The pattern looks likestitching and is uncannilysimilar to Saami pewter wiredesigns on cloth and leather(courtesy Antikvariskt-topografiska arkivet, theNational Heritage Board,Stockholm).

The Early and Late Metal Ages

The Early Metal Age of the Nordic North, during which there was an intensification of east-ern influences, is characterized by asbestos-tempered and textile-impressed pottery, transverse-based projectiles, grooved stone hammers and Russian "Ananino" bronze artifacts and molds(Carpelan 1975a; Bakka 1976; Chernykh 1992; Olsen 1994; Hjarthner-Holdar and Risberg 2001)(refer Figure 22).

Transverse-based projectiles, also called straight-based, originated in the southern stepperegions of Russia and have been found in Proto-Scythian Timber Grave burials in the Lower Volgabasin (Gimbutas 1965:544). They are associated with the spread of powerful, probably composite,bows. The projectiles date to approximately 1700-500 B.C. in Sweden (Baudou 1992:43), but findshave been made in North Norway dating to as early as ca. 2200 B.C. (Helskog Thrash 1983).

Asbestos fiber-tempered clay vessels may have functioned as portable furnaces for metal work-ing (Hulthen 1991). The grooved clubs were probably used as sledge hammers and are also foundin South and Middle Russia (Indreko 1956:58-59). Asbestos (chrysotil) deposits have been foundfar upstream on the Skellefte River at Ruopsok near Lake Hornavan in northern interior Sweden(Hulthen 1991:14) and in East Einland. This metallurgy, which also has many shamanistic aspects,is central to the development of Saami culture (cf Carpelan 1975a; Jorgensen and Olsen 1988).

Whole complexes of pits in coastal Norrbotten were used for the rendering of seal oil (Lun-din 1992). They have also been documented in coastal Vasterhotten (Forsberg 1999) and date to the

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

33

Figure 22. Map showing the spread of related technologies into the Nordic region from the Russian steppes and the UralMountains, Late Stone Age/Early Metal Age.

Late Bronze Age/Early Metal Age. The intensification of sealing and processing, together with largenumbers of trapping pits in the interior during the Late Metal Age/Saami Iron Age, is undoubtedlyconnected to intensified trade (cf Selinge 1974; Spang 1997). North Swedish hunter-gatherers were be-coming part of a large-scale trading network that would reach its maximum during the Viking Period.

The Fahlmark site in northern Vasterbotten lies at 39 m above sea level, dates to ca. 1300 B.C.,and has three finished and 35 rough-outs of quartzite and basalt projectiles (Arwill 1975). A bundledcache of similarly worked projectiles was found at Vannas near the confluence of the Ume andVindel rivers. A fragment of a point made of Baltic flint, a grooved stone club, and a red slate pro-jectile of Sunderoy type, a contemporary artifact type first described in North Norway (Gjessing1942:172; Baudou 1977:30-31; Olsen 1994:106), was found at the Kaddis settlement at the 40 melevation near Umea (Broadbent 1984). There are some 16 additional projectile finds in this Swed-ish coastal region, including one made of Russian flint at Bjurselet (Huggert 1984) and another atthe Flurkmark site. A bifacial projectile or knife of this type was even found on the Lundfors site(Broadbent 1979:237).

Prastsjodiket is a stone grave setting that had been placed on an island near the Kaddis settle-ment during the Early Metal Age. The grave goods consist of a quartz knife, transverse-based ar-rowheads of Baltic flint, Russian flint, basalt and quartz, and a bronze spear. The cremated bonesof two young individuals were found (Lundberg 2001). Like Flurkmark, which is dated 3,000 yearsearlier, this find reflects a diverse mixture of raw materials and the far-reaching networks that con-nected this region to the outside world.

There are almost 600 whole or fragmentary arrowheads with transverse-bases at the rockart site of Namforsen in coastal Angermanland (Forsberg 2001; Kack 2001, 2009). The sheer

34

CHAPTER 3

numbers of these characteristic artifacts in these coastal contexts imply that these people were nodifferent from the cairn builders (cf Bolin 1999 for the same conclusion regarding Angerman-land). A transverse-based arrowhead of quartzite was actually found in a Bronze Age cairn gravein Angermanland (Baudou 1968), and this funerary association is paralleled by the Prastsjodiketgrave in Vasterbotten.

Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin and required access to these two rare metals. Nearly allof it had to be brought in as raw materials, or as finished products. There are two primary Euro-pean sources of these metals, one in the Ural Mountains of Russia and the other in central Europe.Copper, tin and gold helped solidify the power of a social hierarchy that had started to take form inthe Late Middle Neolithic in Sweden (Maimer 2002). A hierarchical social system, with chiefs andbig men, was sustained by the redistribution of metals for agricultural products, furs, hides andamber (Welinder 1977). Vast trade networks and alliances were reinforced and validated by religioussymbols as seen in south Scandinavian rock art, such as sun disks, weapons and boats, some ofwhich have been found at Namforsen, as well as grave rituals and sacrificial practices (Kristiansen1994; Larsson 1999).

Cairn Graves

There are more than 550 grave cairns in coastal Vasterbotten. Most large cairns (38%) are at the35 m elevation, corresponding to the Bronze Age shoreline, and smaller cairns are found at IronAge levels, or 10-20 m above sea level (Figure 23). Most of the cairns occupy coastal headlands andislands, but others lie in inner fjords where settlements were located (Bergvall and Salander 1996;Forsberg 1999). Baudou (1968) noted that the cairns in Angermanland seem to divide the coast intosegments 5-15 km in length, probably corresponding to social territories or clans. I have proposedthe same clustering (Broadbent 1982:117-121), as did Bergvall and Salander (1996) in northernVasterbotten. The cairn graves probably also mimicked their circular and oval house forms. Thesenorthern graves had been built by local populations who had taken up southern Scandinavian ritu-als, including cremation, but can hardly have been building monuments to Bronze Age chiefs, asoften argued in southern Scandinavia (Broadbent 1983).

One of the oldest theories about the end of this large cairn building era is that climate dete-rioration had caused the Scandinavians to withdraw, and that this vacuum was filled by the Saami(Hallstrom 1929). The Sub-Atlantic Period, starting at 650 B.C, was indeed a period of climatedeterioration, with lower average temperatures and increased precipitation (Lamb 1977, 1995)-Granlund (1932) first recognized these changes in northern Sweden through water-logged levels inbogs called "recurrence" surfaces. There were drops in tree lines and glacial advances (Nesje and

Figure 23. Sketch of both large and small grave cairns in Vasterbotten by A. F. Ekdahl. iSij.

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 35

Kvamme 1989). Cultivation com-pletely disappeared on the north-ern Vasterbotten coast at this time(Engelniark 1976).

These changes in Bothniancoastal settlement are best seen as anoverall adaptive response by indige-nous populations that took the formof greater mobility, a pattern that oc-curred at exactly the same time innorthern interior Sweden (Forsberg1985; Mulk 1994:229-251). Olsendescribed this same phenomenonin northern Norway, with a greaterfocus on interior and alpine regionsand an increase in reindeer hunting.These changes dated from ca. 900B.C. to A.D. I and coincided withthe Kjelmoy ceramic phase (Olsen1994:106-124).

A ••••

Am

ASBESTOS-TEMPEREDCERAMICS

Figure 24. The distribution of asbestos-tempered vessels (after Baudou igg^with additional points). Arctic Bronze Age aiiifacts and the Bothnian ski,a probable forerunner of the Saami ski, have almost identical distributions(Broadbent 1^82:14^,146).

Iron

Iron deposits are formed as precipi-tates in lakes and in bogs and couldbe easily scooped up into boats orthrough the ice in winter. The wide-spread availability of iron ore in Sweden thus completely side-stepped the old bronze redistributionsystem. Eva Hjarthner-Holdar (1993) has described the introduction of iron technology into theSweden and Finland as closely associated with the boreal forest and as "the first great egalitarianmovement in Europe" (Hjarthner-Holdar, pers. comm. 2006).

Harrsjobacken and Hamptjarn near Burea in Vasterbotten are good examples of this pattern.Textile-impressed and asbestos-tempered Kjelmoy type pottery was found, as well as iron slag,in a forging pit at Harrsjobacken. Hamptjarn is a nearby small cairn cemetery, as is the site ofNedre Back, with one grave containing bear phalanges. An oval cooking pit at Harrsjobacken wasradiocarbon-dated to A.D. 79-245 (Sundqvist et al. 1992). Testing of the soils for lipids shows thatseal oil had been rendered there as well. Asbestos-tempered pottery of Kjelmoy type and textile-stamped pottery, with flakes characteristic of the production of transverse-based arrowheads, werealso found at the Savar site, which has been interpreted as a semi-sedentary sealing settlement(Sanden 1995).

Animal Husbandry and Cultivation

Pollen diagrams from northern coastal Sweden indicate sporadic cultivation during the Late Mid-dle Neolithic or around 2000/2400 B.C. and from 600 to 400 B.C. (Konigsson 1968; Huttunen

36

CHAPTER 3

and Tolonen 1972; Engelmark 1976; Wal-lin 1994). Sheep/goat bones have beenfound at Bjurselet, Kaddis and Fahlmark(Lepiksaar 1975; Broadbent 1984). Thereis a 900-year gap in the agrarian footprintin Vasterbotten from ca. 400 B.C. to 500A.D., however, followed by yet another gapin the seventh century, particularly on theLule and Torne rivers. Wallin (1995) inter-prets the agrarian discontinuities as a re-sult of frequent shifts in the small coastalfield systems, but they were also undoubt-edly due to climate deterioration duringthe Sub-Atlantic Period and a worldwideclimate deterioration in the seventh cen-tury (Lamb 1977; Nesje and Kvamme 1989;Roberts 2009).

When conditions were favorable andcereals or livestock could be obtained, cul-tivation and animal husbandry were un-doubtedly part of a northern indigenouseconomic strategy during the Early MetalAge and continuing through the Saami/Late Iron Age. Asbestos pottery of Kjelm0ytype was found with some charred barleyin northern Angermanland (Lindkvist1994:98), and hair-tempered textile ceram-ics have been found at the Bjurselet site (Sanden 1995).

Textile-impressed ceramics, which arose between the Oka and Middle Volga, accompaniedearly metallurgy and possibly agriculture to Karelia and eastern Finland (Lavento 2001). Bones ofdomestic animals, especially sheep and goats, have been identified at Halla, Ra-Inget and Stallverketby Namforsen in Angermanland, and this evidence shows that animal husbandry and even cultiva-tion were part of the "package" of both Proto-Saami and later Saami culture in northern Sweden.Early Saami Iron Age cultivation has likewise been documented in Norway (Bergst0l 2008).

Artifacts in Context

Although we don't have any iron implements from this earliest period, there are some 25 IronAge artifacts from the coastal area under study. One remarkable archaeological find was a bun-dle of decorative bronze pins and brooches, dating to ca. A.D. 350, at Storkage. They derivedfrom the South Baltic Finno-Ugric region (Estonia) (Hjarne 1917; Serning 1960:21-24). Theseitems were brought to the north, only to be buried on a small coastal river bank. This findresembles the Saami metal offerings of later times in which valuable, and especially exotic, orna-ments were put into bogs or lakes.

Figure 25. A soapstone mold for a socketed axe of Russian Ananinotype. Courtesy Antikvariskt-topografiska arkivet, the NationalHeritage Board. Stockholm.

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

37

Figure 26. Iron Age artifacts from coastal Vasterbotten with parallels at Saami offer sites {boxes). Metal artifactdistributions in interior indicated by shaded areas.

Fifty percent of the coastal metal artifacts have parallels at Saami offer sites in the interior.Among these are iron arrowheads and oval and horseshoe-shaped brooches (Serning i960; Pos-sum 2006) (Figure 26). Bronze bells and a silver ring from the Island of Stora Fjaderagg, some14 km offshore, have parallels at the Saami offer sites, as does a crescent-shaped earring fromTame in Byske parish (Serning 1960:36-49). An odd fork-like object, possibly for shamanisticdivination, was found at Skramtrask, near Lundfors, and has a parallel at the offer site of Gratrask(Serning 1960:147). A decorated knife from Karelia was found at Kataselet on the Byske River(Broadbent 1982:170). Archaeological investigations of sacrificial/offer sites in the interior, whichwere known from oral traditions, have sometimes rendered great numbers of finds (Serning 1956;Zachrisson 1984). The most common artifacts derive from Finland, Russia and the Baltic, butmany coins witness contacts with Norway, Germany and Britain. The objects consist of brooches.

38

CHAPTER 3

pendants, clasps, buckles of pewter, bronze and silver, silver coins and iron arrowheads. The findsdate to A.D. 700-1400, with most sites dating to A.D. 900-1100 (Zachrisson 1984; Wallerstrom2000; Mulk and Bayless-Smith 2006).

Seven metal artifacts (28%) from the coastal region are from small grave cairns. These crema-tions are parallels to the so-called "inland lake graves," "forest graves" or "hunting ground graves"found in lamtland and Harjedalen in Southern Lapland. In evaluations of the evidence regarding thehunting ground graves in Jamtland and Harjedalen, and Trondelag in Norway, Sundstrom (1997:21-27), Gollwitzer (1997:27-33), Zachrisson (1997a: 195-200) and Bergstol (2008) argue that theseinland graves are of Saami origin. In the case of the Vivallen cemetery there is, however, physical an-thropological evidence of intermarriage (Iregren 1997:84-98; Alexandersen 1997:99-116). Liedgrenand Johansson (2005) describe 15 graves in Upper Norrland that can date to the Early Iron Age. Mostgraves are known from the coast, where there is no evidence whatsoever of Germanic settlement.These authors state, somewhat ambiguously, that the "burial customs" were probably not of Saamiorigin, and that the metal artifacts in Lapland were due to the Saami dependency on trade for ironobjects. As will be discussed in Chapter 9, there is ample evidence that the Saami were themselvesable iron metallurgists and, except for arrowheads, most Lapland finds are non-utilitarian.

It is very likely that many Swedish Saami groups practiced cremation in the first centuriesA.D. (cf Zachrisson I997a:i95-i97) and this pattern is certainly seen at the large cemeteries atSmalnaset and Krankmartenhogen in Harjedalen in southern Lapland (Ambrosiani et al. 1984).These cremation graves, including triangular stone settings, are Germanic in form, but offerings ofreindeer, moose and bear, in addition to their locations far outside any known Germanic settlementareas, indicate that they are the graves of what has been circumspectly described as "local huntingcultures." With some individual exceptions, the northern coastal graves should be interpreted in thesame light as the other "hunters' graves," as those of local populations (cf Forsberg 1999:251-285;Rathje 2001:91-118; Fossum 2006:89-99). Albeit in close contact with their neighbors, these so-cieties could logically only havebeen Saami in origin.

Wooden artifacts shedsome additional light on theidentities of these people incoastal Vasterbotten, includingtwo nearly identically decoratedskis from Kloverfors and Bygde-trask (Serning 1960:62) (Figure27). Both have Viking Periodpollen dates, substantiatedby C-14 (Astrom and Norberg1984). Their plaited-band andribbon ornamentation is typicalof Southern Saami decorativestyles (Holmqvist 1936). Vaster-botten is, in fact, the core area ofthe Bothnian ski type, which is

Figure 27. Two decorated Viking Age Saami skis from Vasterbotten (after SeniingigGoiiSo.zyS).

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

39

the basis of the Saanii ski (Manker 1971; Astrom and Norberg 1984). These ski types, as pointedout by Manker (1968), together with finds of sewn boats (Westerdahl 1988), are evidence of a long-standing Saami presence in the North Bothnian region, as do trapping pits with Lapp place-names(Broadbent 1982:90-97).

Summary

On the basis of this overview, the following generalizations can be formulated with respect to con-tinuity on the northern Vasterbotten coast:

Economy

1) Sealing was a major activity during all periods. Subsistence sealing was combined withterrestrial hunting, fishing and gathering and with animal husbandry/farming from ca.1900/2340 B.C. Moose-hunting, beaver-hunting and seal-hunting were organized col-lectively through the use of trapping and netting systems. Hunting took on an almostmercantile focus starting in the Early Metal Age, as seen by boiling pit complexes andtrapping pit systems, and this was intensified during the Late Metal Age. A special formof seal oil rendering pit, more trench-like, but also containing fire-cracked rocks, has beendescribed by Rathje (2001:134-136) and dates to the seventh century A.D.

2) Mixed hunting and herding societ-ies established territories that di-vided the coast into socio-economicunits encompassing bays and is-lands in 5-15 km wide segments.

3) Trade was extensive during allperiods. Both raw materials andartifacts of stone, bronze and ironwere regularly circulated withinan area extending from Norwayin the west, the Urals in the east,and to southernmost Scandina-via, Finland and the Baltic region.This can be seen as part of a WorldSystem of information and object-exchanges with roots going back tothe Early Stone Age.

Settlement

i) Most coastal sites align with thelarger eskers and river valleys. Theimportant archaeological sites ofFahlmark, Harrsjobacken, Lund-fors and many other sites are foundalong natural inland travel routes.

Figure 28. Eskers, sites mentioned in the text, and the economiczones that connected the coastlands with the interior.

40

CHAPTER 3

2) Larger and more permanent coastal settlements concentrated in inner f]ords and bayswhere there was the best micro-climate and, in the case of husbandry, grazing-lands.

Technology

1) Quartz/slate and boiling stone technology was identical on the coast and interior ca.5000 B.C.-2000 B.C.

2) A "stimulus package" of new technological knowledge (including metallurgy) reached thenorthern coast ca. 2400-1800 B.C.

3) Transverse-based projectiles of quartz, quartzite, flint, and fluted slate projectile types,asbestos-tempered ceramics, Ananino bronzes and iron technology were associated withsealing, animal husbandry and even cultivation on the Bothnian coast during the period1600 B.C.-A.D. 100.

4) Iron working was being practiced from the late first century A.D. This world was served bymobility and the exploitation of new ecological niches. New cultural identities were beingformed in an ever-widening circle that came to encompass most of northern Scandinaviaand Finland.

Ideology and Religion

1) The iconography of coastal and interior rock art reflects circumpolar cosmologies that in-volved mediation with the northern animal world, especially moose and bears. Shamanismwas also manifested through transformative technologies, especially metal working.

2) New burial rites, including cremations, and offer practices were introduced to the Bothniancoast from the south and east. Cairn graves were built by local people to mark their coastalterritories during the Early Metal Age and continued until the influences of Christianitytook hold in the late Viking Period.

Conclusions

These data demonstrate that all the social, economic, technological and symbolic components as-sociated with the process of Saami ethnogenesis were present in coastal Vasterbotten, and there islittle difference in these respects from North Norway, interior Sweden or Finnish Lapland (c£ Car-pelan 1975a; Forsberg 1992; Hansen and Olsen 2004:36-42).

In nearly all regards, there is a congruence of cultural characteristics, artifacts and landscapegeography, beginning in the deep past and continuing into later prehistory. This is a historical tra-jectory, as conceived of by Wolf (1997:3-24), that defines adaptive strategies at the local level, theregional level and the super-regional (World System) level. The coast was intimately connected to theinterior by natural west-east travel routes, by social interdependencies, and through the exploitationof combined terrestrial and maritime resources. These patterns were strongly manifested during theEarly Metal Age. These criteria set the stage for and regionally contextualize the narrative of coastalsettlement during the Late Metal (Iron) Age and Medieval Periods. This material offers an alternativeto the interpretation of northern cultures as the results of continuous population incursions. Thefocus is shifted to indigenous societies undergoing transformations through frequent interactionswith the outside world. The ethnogenesis of the coastal Saami is part of this process within a frame-work of the meeting of eastern and southern networks at cultural-ecological borderlands.

PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS

41

Figure 2C). The north to south transect along the Bothnian coast: (A) Stor-Rebbeu. (B) Hornslandsudde, (C) Thenorthern Umit of Germanic settlement. Tlte dark shaded area marks current Saami territoiy. and the Ughter shadedarea is the probable former extent of Saami territory.

The Research Strategy

This section presents the methods, surveys, excavations and results obtained during the proj-ect. Each site is presented individually and includes artifacts, radiocarbon and AMS dates,archaeo-zoological and botanical analyses, soil-chemical and other results. Archaeologicalinvestigations were carried out at nine locales. Thirty-one huts at 12 elevations between 3 and 20 mabove sea level were excavated. A glossary of the main types of archaeological features provides anoverview of these and other constructions. The core area of Bjuron is presented first, followed bythe sites of Stora Fjaderagg, Snoan, Stor-Rebben and Hornslandsudde.

Surveys

Surveys conducted by the Swedish National Heritage Board list numerous Bothnian locales lowerthan 20 m above sea level. There are two principal contexts: sites on raised beaches more than 10m above sea level and harbor sites less than 10 m above sea level. Both types of locales were investi-gated to determine their chronological relationships and to address questions regarding continuityfrom the Iron Age into medieval times. Seal hunting sites were closely associated with islands andpromontories where hunters could establish camps, oversee nets or kill seals on land, in the waterand on the ice. Lower-lying hut foundations were associated with fishing locales, especially harborbasins (Norman 1993). Similar sites with temporary huts and shelters have been documented insouthern and western coastal areas of Sweden and Norway (Magnus 1974; Atterman 1977). Excava-tions of the North Bothnian sites were first carried out by the author in 1987-1988, with follow-upexcavations and analysis in 2004-2006. The excavations at Hornslandsudde were made possibleby Britta Wennstedt Edvinger and Kjell Edvinger (Arkeologicentrum i Skandinavien AB).

h has long been recognized that hut foundations found between 10 and 20 m above sea levelwere associated with Iron Age shorelines (Hallstrom 1942, 1949; Westin 1962; Varenius 1964,1978; Westberg 1964; Steckzen 1964; Westerlund 1965). According to the national survey, there are497 of these huts: 74 huts (14%) in Norrbotten, 219 huts (44%) in Vasterbotten, 136 huts (27%) inVasternorrland and 68 huts (14%) in Gavleborg County (Norman 1993:194-195). Sixty percent arefound in the two northernmost counties, of which 75% are in Vasterbotten County.

Site Investigations

The first goal of the project was to obtain as representative a sample of sites, features and artifactsas possible. The second goal was twofold: to investigate sites at different elevations above sea level

43

and to sample sites along a north-southtransect. This approach facilitated com-parisons of different time periods withindifferent regions and constituted a formof horizontal stratigraphy and chorology.

The northernmost investigationswere carried out on Stor-Rebben Island,Pitea Municipality, in Norrbotten County at65° 11' N, 21° 56' E. This site complex is thelargest of its kind this far north. Bjuroklubbis located about 80 km south of Stor-Rebbenand is 200 km north of Arnas in Anger-manland County, the northern limit forGermanic Iron Age settlement and settle-ment place-names. The southernmost exca-vations were carried out at Hornslandsuddein Halsingland at 61° 37' N, 17° 29' E. Hornslandsudde is ca.460 km south of Stor-Rebben as the bird flies, and 300 kmnorth of Stockholm. This is the largest site of its kind this farsouth and is comparable in size to Grundskatan and StoraFjaderagg in Vasterbotten and Stor-Rebben in Norrbotten.The association of this site with "Lapp" place-names and itsoral history make this locale of special interest to the project.Surveys of Saami settlements in Halsingland were previouslycarried out by Wennstedt Edvinger and Ulfhjelm (2004). TheHornslandsudde site is otherwise within a region of well-known Germanic Iron Age settlement (cf. Liedgren 1992).

Some of the largest sites are located near Bjuroklubbon Bjuron Island in Lovanger parish in Vasterbotten. Thisis a poor region as far as salmon fishing, or even agricul-ture, are concerned and the parish is not associated withany larger river systems. This contrasts with what is knownregarding typical Germanic settlement areas in southernand middle Norrland.

Elevations

One of the most important aspects of the project has beenthe determination of accurate elevations of features andbeach levels. This was accomplished through the use ofon-site surveying equipment, including laser total stations.Daily sea levels were obtained by automatic "mariographic"stations. Handheld sighting levels were also used to deter-mine elevations above mean sea level.

Figure jo. Distribution of Iron Age huts along the Bothnian coast,from Norrbotten County in the north to Gdvleborg County in thesouth (total: ^gj).

Figure ]i. Detail of Gulf of Bothnia and riverdrainages showing the locations of Iron Age sitesexcavated within the project: (1) Stor-Rebben,(2) Bjuroklubb and Bjuron, (j) Jungfhihamn,(4-6) Grundskatan, (y) Stora Fjaderagg,(8) Snoan, (g) Hornslandsudde.

44

CHAPTER 4

Table 2. Investigated sites, the distances between site areas, elevations sannpled at eachsite and numbers of radiocarbon dates from each site.

INTER-SITE SAMPLE

SITES (N-S) DISTANCES (KM) ELEVATIONS (M) DATES

Stor-Rebben 0 16, 13, 12, 7 4

Bjuroklubb (67) 75 17 1

Site 70, Jungfruhamn (138, 139) 2.4 12,15,16 4

Grundskatan 2.4 16,15,14,13,12 15

Stora Fjaderagg 76 20, 19, 15, 13, 8 6

Snoan 73 15, 5, 3 6

Hornslandsudde 172 20,18,16,13 7

Because of the effects of land rise, the harbor basins were short-hved and boat houses andcottages had to be moved numerous times. When possible, historical records were used for datingsuch sites, but when these were uncertain, harbor basin thresholds were determined. Excavationswere also carried out on any huts or related features by these basins in order to obtain radiocarbondates. Threshold levels for harbors were determined at Jungfruhamn on Bjuron, at Gamla Hamnen

Figure 32. Aerial view of the uplijied fishing harbor at BjiuvMubb (refer Figure '^o).

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 45

on Stora Fjaderagg Island and at two harbors on Snoan Island. In addition to survey informationprovided by the Swedish National Heritage Board and local county authorities, independent surveyswere conducted at all site areas, resulting in a greatly expanded corpus of archaeological features.

Excavations

The outer coastal landscape is characterized by exposed bedrock, wave-washed moraine and shal-low soils. Preservation of organic material is poor. Excavations were therefore most often directedtoward hearths, which were usually the only preserved cultural deposits. On the positive side, it israre that one has so many visible architectural features. The use of beach cobbles for constructionresulted in a rich inventory of often intact and fully exposed dwellings, stone alignments, cairnsand other features.

Although the find elevations provide a chronological foothold, since features cannot be olderthan their contemporary shorelines, many constructions could have been built long afterward.Because of this source-critical problem, considerable efforts were put into additional ways of datingthem. Radiocarbon dates were obtained from hearths, but for most other categories of construc-tions there is nothing to date but the stones themselves. Our application of lichenometry (lichengrowth measurement) was intended to overcome this problem. These methods have always beenused in combination with shoreline displacement dates (maximum ages), radiocarbon chronol-ogy of adjacent features and historical data. Lichen dates are always considered as minimum ages.Rock weathering made it possible to determine if stones had been overturned during construction,thus reducing the risk that lichens had only been moved from beaches as opposed to colonizing anewly exposed surface, although lichens don't normally survive being moved (Benedict 1985). Rock-weathering was quantified using the Schmidt Test Hammer (Sjoberg 1987).

Sampling

Excavation was based on a sampling strategy intended to recover charcoal, macrofossils, animalbones and artifacts from different elevations above sea level. Hearths and different hut forms werechosen at different elevations, from the highest-lying to the lowest-lying, at each given site. Hearthswere first tested using a soil auger and subsequently chosen for excavation based on the presenceor absence of organic materials. All soils were screened using 4 mm mesh or less, and sometimeswhole hearths were removed for flotation in the lab.

Soil Chemistry

Phosphate enrichment of site soils, due to human or animal defecation and urination and animalcarcasses, was analyzed using laboratory methods by Johan Linderholm at the EnvironmentalArchaeology Laboratory at Umea University. Later comparative field tests were conducted by theauthor using the La Motte Soil kit. Phosphate analysis (P°) is based on the extraction of organicphosphates from soil samples using a weak (2%) solution of citric acid and measured colorimetri-cally. Phosphate content is defined as mg/P^Oyioo g dry soil. The La Motte system is based on acolorimetric scale indicating Low, Medium or High levels of soil enrichment.

Animal Osteology

All animal bones from the project were analyzed by Dr. Jan Stora of the Osteological ResearchLaboratory of Stockholm University (Stora 2002, 2005, 2008). When possible, bone fragments were

46

CHAPTER 4

identified as to class, species, bone or bone fragment and side. Because of fragmentation, only afew metrics were possible. The identified fragments were individually counted and weighed, whileunidentified fragments were only counted. Quantification was based on the numbers of individualfragments (NISP, or numbers of identified specimens). Refitted fragments were counted as singlespecimens, as were fragments found together. The reference collection is the comparative collectionof the Osteological Research Laboratory at Stockholm University.

Charcoal Analysis

Charcoal from hearths was analyzed by Dr. hiiogen Poole in association with the National Her-barium Nederland, Universiteit Utrecht Branch, the Netherlands, and by Mr. David Black, M.A.University of Western Michigan.

Macrofossils

Macrofossils were analyzed by Karin Viklund, Environmental Archaeology Laboratory at UmeaUniversity.

Radiocarbon Dates

Radiocarbon and AMS dates were processed at three laboratories: Stockholm (St), Uppsala (Ua) andBeta-analytic (Beta). Dates were calibrated using OxCal 3.10 and 4.0. The uncalibrated dates arelisted together with calibrated dates (uncal/cal). All dates are listed in Appendix 2.

Metallurgy

Analysis of slag and residues from hearths relating to iron working was conducted by the Geo-archaeology Laboratory (GAL) of the National Heritage Board, under the direction of Dr. EvaHjarthner-Holdar. Analysis was carried out by Eva Grandin, Eva Hjarthner-Holdar, Emma Gron-berg and David Andersson.

Shoreline Displacement

The starting points for uplift curves are old watermarks that had been carved by students of Carlvon Linne (Linnaeus) in the 1700s (Broadbent 1979:199-201; Nordlund 2001). The theory at thattime was that the sea was evaporating, not that the land was rising. It was believed that Earth goesthrough three stages: one of flooding (the Biblical Flood), the intermediate stage we are experienc-ing today, followed by conflagration, when all the seas have evaporated. Although these scholarswere unaware of the idea of glaciation, their watermarks are an invaluable contribution to geophys-ics and archaeology.

Stone Age sites in northern Sweden are found on old beaches that have been uplifted 120m or more. Settlements are distributed in time at different elevations like steps in a stairwell. Be-cause of the flatness of north Swedish topography, however, several meters of difference betweensite elevations can lead to a kilometer or more of horizontal separation between them. Coastalarchaeological sites in northern Sweden therefore have little overlap and chronological resolutionis exceptional. Increases and decreases in worldwide sea levels due to climate changes have eitheraccelerated the effects of land-rise by lowering sea levels or stabilized the shorelines by keepingpace with the uplift. During warm periods, prehistoric settlements and artifacts tended to collectin greater numbers at stabilized levels because of slowdowns in displacement. During cold periods,

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

47

Figure y. Watemtark at Ratan, 40 km north ofthe Umea. The oldest mark was catved by AndersChydenius, a student of Carl Linnaeus, in ly^c). Anautomatic sea level (mariographic) station is housed in

the concrete huildine.

the opposite took place and sites and arti-facts were more widely spread across thelandscape. These patterns are particularlyevident during the Litorina Period whensea level rises were greatest.

The shoreline displacement curvefor Vasterbotten is based on a watermarkfrom 1749, radiocarbon dates, archaeo-logical finds and pollen zones (Broadbent1979:204-211). These points were fitted ina least squares curve-fitting analysis usingan exponential model simulating crustalrebound. (The physical model is that of asteel spring releasing and contracting in aviscous solution.) The resulting shorelinedisplacement model for the past 2,000years has been verified by counting annuallake sediments (varves) in uplifted lake ba-sins in coastal Vasterbotten (Segerstromand Renberg 1986).

This shoreline curve is illustratedin Figure 34 and includes four new pointsfrom the current study. The highest ratesare in the north near Storkage, and some-what lower rates occur to the south ofthere. This downward tilt (slowing) towardthe south can be seen by the calibrated ra-diocarbon dates from Stora Fjaderagg andSnoan. Estimated sea level fluctuations(based on Miller and Robertsson 1979) areshown as a dashed line.

It should be remembered that datesof settlements and place-names using el-evations are maximum possible ages; thatis to say, they cannot be older than theircontemporary shorelines (have been under

Table 3. Calculated rates of shorelinedisplacement in Vasterbotten County.

YEARS

(UNCAL/CAL)

5000/6100 B.C.4000/4900 B.C.3000/3800 B.C.2000/2600 B.C.1000/1450 B.C.0/-200 A.D.500/300 A.D.1000/950 A.D.1500/1400 AD1900-Present

ELEVATIONS

UPLIFT RATES

(M)

(M/YR)

119

2.9/2.4

92

2.4/1.9

70

2.0/1.7

51

1.8/1.5

35

1.6/1.3

20

1.4/1.1

15

1.2/0.98

9.6

1.1/0.93

4.5

0.98/0.87

0.67

0.92/0.81

48

CHAPTER 4

0 500 1000 1500 2000

AD

Figure Shoreline displacement curve for Vasterbotten. Dashed line shows eustatic (sea level) Jluctuations. Squares indicateradiocarbon dates from Iron Age huts.

water). Because of the rapidity of uplift in Vasterbotten there was no extended inundation of sitesalthough some could have been temporarily flooded during storms. Exceptions to this are ship-wrecks, such as the Ava boat in Lovanger (Jansson 1981).

Lichen Growth on UpHfted Beaches

One of the most daunting challenges of the project has been the fact that most constructionsconsist of exposed piles of rocks. Only dwellings with hearths could be radiocarbon-dated, andshoreline dates provide only maximum possible ages. This means that labyrinths and other con-structions were essentially undatable. Following a suggestion by ecological botanist Christer Nils-son, I pursued the idea of using lichen growth on stones for dating cultural features on upliftedbeaches.

The lichenometric method was developed in the 1950s and has been mostly used in moun-tain environments for the dating of glacial moraine (Beschel 1950; Benedict 1967, 1985; Locke etal. 1980; Karlen 1975; Topham 1977). The most often used species is the gray-green crustose groupRhizocarpon geographicum and R. alpicola. Crustose lichens grow symmetrically, and thallas (lichenbody) diameters can be used to estimate age once their growth rate has been determined. Thallusdiameters can vary on the same specimen because of competition or other impediments to growth,but a maximum diameter where there are no impediments always corresponds to the maximumage of the lichen. Age can be calculated indirectly through lichen colonization on previously dated

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

49

surfaces, such as headstones, andin the Bothnian region on rockson uphfted shores (Figure 35).Using the previously calculatedrates of shoreline displacementand an analysis of headstones atBygdea cemetery, it was possibleto calculate growth rates for thiscoastal region. Lichen growthproceeds in two phases, a shortperiod of very rapid growth, theso-called great period, duringwhich the surface is colonized,and thereafter a constant rate oflinear growth. The rapid coloni-zation rate for this region was de-termined at Bygdea (Broadbent1987a), and linear growth rates atGrundskatan, Bjuroklubb, StoraFjaderagg and Snoan (Broadbent1987c) (Figure 36).

The hypothesis behindthis approach is that follow-ing colonization of upliftedbeaches, lichen sizes will corre-late with their elevations abovesea level. For every meter abovesea level, the original colonizerswill have added approximatelya century of growth (Broadbentand Bergqvist 1986; Broadbent1987c). The largest (oldest) li-chens at every meter above sea level were measured at numerous sites including those mentionedabove. Bjuroklubb is, for example, characterized by eight fairly straight exposed cobble terracesextending up to 15 m above sea level. Lichens were measured at 14 levels starting at colonization,which was observed at the 1.28 m level. The largest (oldest) lichens ranged in diameter from 19mm at the lowest level to 358 mm at 14.29 m above sea level. The correlation coefficient betweenelevations and maximum diameters was 0.99 at this site, 0.98 at Grundskatan and Stora Fjaderagg,and 0.94 on Snoan Island. On the basis of this data, individual linear regression equations werecalculated for each site.

The growth equation for estimating lichen age, based on the combined data from Bjuroklubband Grundskatan (22 points), is: Y (age) = 152 -1- 3.47 x (diameter in mm). This means that a lichendiameter of 100 mm is 152 + 347, or 499 years old. The standard deviation is 31 years, so the range

Figure Rhizocarpon geographicum lichens growing on a monument byLovanger Church and a 33 cm diameter Uchen growing on a beach boulder at anelevation of i4.2g m above sea level at Bjuroklubb.

50

CHAPTER 4

m.a.s.l.u

1210

• • • •

A.D.

soo

7009001100

1300

1500

1700

1900

10 15 20 2 5 30

35 uo cm

Figure }6. Maximum diameters ofR. geographiciim at elevations up to 35 m above sea level on seven beachesbetween latitudes 6]°N-6fN (uplift between S.^-Q.i mm year). Linear growth was obsewed at all sites.

with one standard deviation is 468-530 years, or A.D. 1478-1540. Equations were calculated foreach individual site, but varied only slightly along the Bothnian coast, which indicates that therewere minimal micro-environmental differences between locales.

A lichen date is a minimum age, which means that an archaeological feature, such as alabyrinth, is at least as old as the lichens growing on it. Its elevation above sea level provides amaximum age, so there is a means for bracketing the feature in time. Lichen growth also makes itpossible to determine relative differences in construction periods as some surfaces may have largelichens growing on them, whereas other areas that may have been built later or were disturbed,will have smaller ones. The best approach in using lichenometry is to combine all the chronologicalinformation about a site, including the overall find context (cf Broadbent i987d:43-45). Historicaldata, elevations above sea level, rock-weathering and proximity to other dated features were used toevaluate the results.

A Glossary of Archaeological Features

A number of characteristic stone constructions have been documented within the project. Theywere made using dry-wall methods and, although sometimes chinked using pebbles and often in-corporating boulders, neither mortar nor bricks were used to build them. Each site has been desig-nated by a number assigned by the National Heritage Board (Riksantikvariecimbetet or Raa). Because

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

51

of the variety of constructions at each site, these are referred to as "Archaeological Features" or as"Features" (anlaggningar or anl.), and identified by a number or letter corresponding to the order inwhich they were investigated.

Huts

Bothnian huts (Swedish tomtningar) are shelters or foundations consisting of low cobble walls, usu-ally less than 30 cm in height, with cleared and level floor surfaces (Figure 37). Their walls are ca.0.3-1.0 m in thickness. There can be one or more entrances. The foundations can be open-sided,but most doorways measure less than a meter in width and were often well set, sometimes withsills. Average floor size is 3 x 4 m, although some floors are smaller and some are over 6 m inlength and 4 m in width. The foundations usually occur in clusters of two to nine constructionsand can be built in rows with shared curved or straight walls. Most are rounded-rectangular inshape, although oval and rectilinear shapes are found at nearly all levels. Secondary features includeinternal chambers with rounded walls, small cairns built into walls, small well-built pits in floors,and external wall lines that could have served as parts of enclosures. There is no certain evidenceof internal roof supports, such as postholes or post supports, and it can be assumed that the roofswere supported by wooden frames embedded in or braced against the cobble walls. Most huts hadcentral hearths, and these normally measure i m in diameter and are recognizable from traces ofcharcoal, fire-cracked rocks and burned bones. Most lack stone rings, although many have one orseveral larger stones by them. Hearths in dwellings were possibly bordered by wooden frames thatare no longer preserved. Hearth deposits are shallow, 10-20 cm in thickness, but can have lensesindicating multiple uses. Other bowl-shaped hearths associated with iron working were found nearthe rear walls of huts. Hearths are also found adjacent to and in front of huts and are often identifi-able by vegetation and lichen growth on the otherwise sterile cobble surfaces.

Figure jy. Hut foundation at the Grundskatan site (Site 78, Hut jj.

52

CHAPTER 4

Cairns

Cairns can be roughly divided into stone constructions of less than i meter in diameter and thosethat are greater in size, usually 3 m to 4 m in diameter. The largest cairns can be graves, sea markersor food storage caches. Cairns can occur singly or, in the case of the smaller cairns, in tight groupsor in lines. These small cairns frequently occur as "fields" of post-supports by fishing sites and har-bors and were used in connection withthe drying and repairing of nets (Swedishgistgdrd) (refer Figure 112).

Caches

Caches are storage places for perishableitems and lack any traces of burning orburned bones. They consist of cairns orsubsurface stone chambers of differentsizes. They often occur near, or even in,huts and are often found in open boul-der fields. They were frequently builtnext to boulders and bedrock outcrops(Figure 38).

Figure ]8. Small cache beside a hut on Stora Fjaderiigg Island (Sites31-32)-

Figure }g. Stone alignment at the Grundskatan site.

Alignments

Alignments are lines of stones that arenot dwelling constructions or net-dryingpost supports. Some are probably associated with en-closures for livestock. These kinds of alignments aredocumented elsewhere in Scandinavia (stenstrdngar)(Lindqvist 1968; Myhre 1972; Carlsson 1979). Otheralignments occur in long parallel lines with spacedopenings and were probably used for snaring birds,as seems to have been the case at the site of Horn-slandsudde (Figure 144). Some parallel stone align-ments are set at right angles to former shorelines andmark boat-landing places.

Circles

These features have been described regarding Saamisacrificial sites (Vorren 1985, 1987; Vorren and Erik-sen 1993; Wennstedt Edvinger and Broabent 2006).They consist of a single circle, concentric rings ofstones or a wall enclosure, and often have a centralcairn. Single circles can also be tent rings, distin-guishable by their hearths and entrances (refer toFigures 109, 187).

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

53

Labyrinths

These are spirahng stone construc-tions made up of single hues of stonesforming walkways toward a centerpoint (Figure 40). Bothnian labyrinthsnormally emanate from a central cross(refer to Chapter 10). They are mostoften associated with fishing sites(Kraft 1977).

Compass Roses

These elegant features are small stonesettings with eight arms and N-S andE-W alignments. They were built to af-ford compass bearings on land and wereprobably practical ways to orient fishingand sailing activities (Figure 41).

"Russian" Ovens

These features are free-standing stonechambers with openings toward thefront. They sometimes have a lintelstone. During the eighteenth and nine-teenth centuries, they were used bythe Russian Navy for baking bread onshore, and are therefore frequently re-ferred to as Russian Ovens (Figure 42).

Shooting Blinds

These blinds (Swedish jaktskaror orgomslen) consist of short lines or pilesof stones on beaches or by ponds wherehunters could hide themselves. Theyare associated with firearms and theshooting of seals or birds.

Engravings

Engravings have been recorded at nu-merous places and consist of water-marks carved during the eighteenthand nineteenth centuries as well asnames, dates and ownership marks

54

Figure 41. Compass rose on Sudan Island.

Figure 42. Large intact Russian Oven in Osterbotten, Finland.

CHAPTER 4

carved by seal hunters and fishermen.A large number of engravings datingbetween 1797 and 1915 were docu-mented at Svarthallviken on Bjuron inVasterbotten (Figure 44).

Figure 43. Watermark at Ratan in Vasterbotten carved during the reignof Gustav III.

Figure 44. Engraved names, ownership marks and dates carved by sealers from Osterbotten inFinland at Svarthallviken near Bjurdklubb.

THE RESEARCH STRATEGY

55

Figure 45. Aerial view of Stor-Rebben Island in the Pitea archipelago, Norrbotten County. Locations of investigated hutsindicated.

Excavations and Analyses

Regional History

The main region of the study is Skelleftea Municipahty in Vasterbotten County and Skelleftea andLovanger parishes. The name "Vasterbotten" dates to 1454 and refers to the western (vaster) side ofthe basin (botten) of the Bay of Bothnia (Agren 1969:45) (Figure 47). Coastal Vasterbotten is charac-terized by a plain with elevations of less than 50 m with some undulating hilly country of 50 to 100m elevations. The area south of the Skellefte River, especially the Lovanger region, has numerousold fault lines forming more rectilinear relief with low fjords and narrow bays.

In the Telje statutes of September 5, 1328, Knut Jonsson wrote that the northernmost partsof Helsingland up to the Ule River in Finland should be settled and cultivated, but that the Lappsshould not be prevented from hunting there. The first official mention of the "Lappmarks" (Lap-lands) is from 1340. King Magnus Eriksson's government declared that this area was bona vacantia(wilderness), "not known to be occupied by many people," and was now subject to the Helsinge Law.The land was made available for settlement to Christian folk and to those who would convert, andland-title would be granted to them (Sommarstrom 1966). The eastern boundaries of Lapland inVasterbotten, about 100 km inland, were established as late as 1752. This boundary was strength-ened in 1865 as the so-called Agricultural Limit, intended to separate Saami territories from Swed-ish and Finnish agrarian expansion. The use of "Lapland" as the demarcation of Sdpmi is thereforemisleading for archeological as well as linguistic purposes. Lapland, as shown on maps in mostsources, is best viewed as state-mandated territory.

Johannes Schefferus stated that although Lappish (Saami) territory did not in his time en-compass the Bothnian coasts, it did so before the time of Damianus a Goes (1502 -1574). He alsoquotes Olaus Petri Niurenius, a priest and rector in Umea in Vasterbotten (1580-1645), who stated:"the Lapps formerly had their camps on the Bothnian coast but had been driven away from there"(Schefferus 1673:50).

Swedish colonization of the northern coasts was almost certainly underway in the late thir-teenth century and by 1316 Uppsala Cathedral had claimed ownership of salmon fisheries on theUme River (Olofsson 1962). This is about the same time that Norwegian settlement expanded inFinnmark (1307) and Sweden tried, unsuccessfully, to gain control of these territories as well (cfOdner 1983; Urbariczyk 1992).

57

The vagueness of the newboundary with Russia throughthe Treaty of Oreshek/Noteborgin 1323 made it imperative forSweden to occupy the northBothnian coastlands. Thesenorthern peoples were aheadytaxed differently than Swedishsettlers to the south, in Medel-pad and Angermanland. Underthe Halsingelagen, the old Pro-vincial legal system, Swedishpeasants were expected to paytaxes and support the ledung,the ship-based defense system.People living to the north ofAngermanland were, by con-trast, to pay two skins for everybow (a taxable adult who couldspan a bow and thereby hunt), and were not expected to contribute to the ledung. In addition tothis policy, the Birkarlar, Bothnian merchants of Finnish extraction, were given special privilegesto tax the Saami on behalf of the Crown, especially the fur trade (Steckzen 1964:119-128). KingMagnus Eriksson's Municipal Law furthermore designated Stockholm as the market for all sur-pluses, which effectively put a lid on independent mercantile activities in the North. The city ofStockholm was fully established by Birger Jarl in about 1300 and thereafter became the capital ofSwedish commerce.

The Saami in interior Vasterbotten, speakers of the Ume Saami language, were evidentlytaxed differently than other Saami under the Birkarl system. According to the Lundii AdiscriptioLapponiae (1670), the Uhmalappar (Ume Lapps) and the Narrlappar (North Lapps) were quite dif-ferent. Fjellstrom (1987) postulated that taxation of the Ume Saami was more directly tied to theSwedish Crown because they were konungslappar (the King's Lapps). This suggests that they hadbeen "appropriated" by the Crown at a very early stage. They had probably already been forced outof the coastal areas which were so important for medieval maritime communications, fishing andtrade. This appropriation of territory was logically paralleled by a special tax burden, both as a partof the process of displacement and a means for controlling future settlement and economic activ-ity. Colonization continued throughout the fifteenth century, and by 1519 Bjuroklubb had becomea major center for the Swedish herring fisheries (Magnus 1555; Olofsson 1962). Eight medievalchurches (Umea, Bygdea, Lovanger, Skelleftea, Pitea, Lulea, Kalix and Tornea) were established. Ofthese, only Bygdea and Lovanger were not situated by larger rivers.

Skelleftea and Lovanger parishes were first established under the Archbishop in Uppsala,Jakob Ulfsson, in 1340 {Skellopt cum capella Lavanger). The present stone church at Lovanger datesin all probability to 1507 and was dedicated to Saint Anna, but the church town could be mucholder (Figures 47, 194). Historical sources indicate that there had been competition for the church

Figure 46. The Ume and Pile Lappmarks and Skellejte and Lovanger parishesin the Province of Vasterbotten in the fifteenth century. The Ume and Piledesignations refer to the two Saami languages that align with these rivers. Insetfrom Figure 7.

58

CHAPTER 5

Figure 47. Lovanger churchtown. Each cabin along this streetbelonged to a household from thesame village, and the street pointsin the direction of the village. Thechurch town was a microcosm ofregional demography.

site between the villages of Lovanger and Mangbyn (Hedquist 1949:276-277). The area of Mang-byn/Broange is interesting because it contains archaeological remains dating to the Late Iron Age(Broadbent and Rathje 2001), and church sites of these kinds usually piggy-backed on already es-tablished market places.

Bjuroklubb and Bjuron

Bjuroklubb point on Bjuron, at latitude 64° 28' N, longitude 21° 34' E, rises 47 m above sea leveland is best known from an account published by Olaus Magnus in 1555 (Figure 48). He had vis-ited the area in 1519 and described the point as "a cliff in the sea, of local people called Bjuraklubb,

whose high prominent crownappears from a distance to sail-ors as consisting of a crownwith three points." He goes onto describe this vision as lead-ing sailors to safe harbor. Oncecloser, one could observe greatquantities of fish drying onthe black rocks along the shore[Swedish Svarthallorna]. Thesefish, according to Magnus, wereconsumed locally, traded for ce-reals since local crops rarely rip-ened because of the cold, or "asdelicacies for those who lived in

Figure 48. Woodcut of Bjuroklubb from 2555. The image shows herring drying onthe roclcs at Svarthdllviken, the rocky point with three crowns, a medieval ship andseals in the Bay of Bothnia (Oluus Magnus 155^, Book 11:88).

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

59

the interior, and through an exchange for fish one could obtain the riches of the forest in the formof expensive furs" (Book II: 88-89). Much of the Bjuroklubb point consists of exposed granite,gneiss bedrock and wave-washed moraine beaches. The soils consist of shallow gravel and sandysediments with weak podsolic profiles although in some areas on Bjuron large sand dunes arefound. Vegetation consists primarily of pine heaths with dry blueberry (vaccinium) type groundcover and lichen vegetation is abundant, especially reindeer lichens. Birch, alder and spruce woodspredominate on marshy and low-lying ground. The area is a nature reserve and there are rare plantsof mountain ^'ail type.

The name Bjuroklubb, which literally means "beaver island point," derives from the name ofthis former island (and beaver hunting areas) and the historic harbor and point. The oldest harborbasin on the island, and adjacent to Svarthallorna, is lungfruhamn. Its threshold was determined tobe 2.59 m, meaning that it had to have been abandoned by 1656 (Broadbent i989b:26). The harborand chapel at Bjuroklubb dates to 1658 and was thereafter used into the twentieth century (Figure32). Even the name Jungfruhamn was probably secondary, however, and derives from what mayhave been the original name of Bjuroklubb, which was jungfrun (The Virgin) (Wennstedt 1988:25).The lungfru name was often used to describe dangerous coasts and rocks and was probably a tabooword referring to the female demons that caused shipwrecks and other mischief The name also re-ferred to the narrow vaginal shape of Jungfruhamn harbor and was an obscene reference, accordingto one source quoted by Wennstedt (1988:25). The name Jungfrun was, in any case, to be avoidedin everyday conversation, as was the case in many taboos, and was therefore probably replaced withthe neutral administrative name it has today, Bjuroklubb (Wennstedt 1988:26).

Against this background, the so-called Jungfrugraven (The Virgin's Grave), two boulder wallsenclosing a cairn, becomes interesting as a potentially pre-Christian construction. Although thelichens on its stones date it to A.D. 1532-1604 at the latest, its elevation (10 m) associates it with theViking Period. We have interpreted this feature as a sacrificial site and contemporary with other cir-cular sacrificial sites on Bjuron that are discussed in Chapter 8 (cf Wennstedt Edvinger and Broad-bent 2006). The name Jungfru suggests the place was menacing. This was perhaps due in equalmeasure to the dangers for mariners as to the many highly visible pre-Christian constructions inthe area. Excavations in the vicinity of Bjuroklubb were conducted at Site 67 (Bjuroklubb), Site 70,Site 78 (Grundskatan), Sites 138 and 139 (near Jvmgfruhamn) and Site 144 on Lappsandberget. Soilsamples were additionally collected at Site 79 (Jungfrugraven) and mapping was carried out at Sites64, 65 and 68 (Figures 49, 50).

Jungfrugraven, Site 79

This construction consists of a ca. 13 m wide and 17.5 m long oval enclosure encompassing a stonecairn (Figures 51, 52). The walls are 1-1.5 m wide and 0.75 m high. One straight wall runs parallelwith the inlet and a curved wall 21 m in length connects with it, leaving i m wide entrances at itssouth and north ends. A 7 x 8 m horseshoe-shaped cairn is situated at the north end of the enclosure.A small pile of stones with an upright and engraved cross lies in its center. The largest lichens on thewalls and the elevation above sea level bracket this construction to the time period A.D. 950-1604.Phosphate mapping was carried out within and around the enclosure and revealed no enrichment, aswould be expected at a fishing harbor. Lichen growth on the central cairn displays two patterns: theinnermost area has relatively large lichens, while the outermost lichens are very small (Figure 52).

60

CHAPTER 5

GRUNDSKATAN

V Y/JUNGFRUHAMN

W LAPPSANDBERGET

V

BJUROKLLIBB'S

Figitre 49. Aerial view of Bjurdkhtbb faciitg south. Sites mentioned in text shown.

Figure 50. Map of site locales on Bjuron and the 10 m elevation corresponding to ca. A.D. 950.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

Figure 52. Photo ofInga-Maria Midk andTim Bayliss-Smith in theJungfrugraven enclosure.

This indicates that the horseshoe-shaped cairn isrelatively recent, and that the stones in its outerring had been taken from the center of the cairn.This horseshoe shape is shown in A. F. Ekdahl'sdocumentation from 1827, but the small pile ofstones with the engraved cross is not shown inthis drawing. Lichen growth confirms that thesmall cairn and cross had been set up in the earlytwentieth century.

Cemetery enclosures of this type are knownfrom the Medieval Period, for instance on Hol-mon Island. What distinguishes lungfrugraven isits cairn, which was not the foundation of a cha-pel, but something more akin to Saami offer sitesin North Norway. These cairns and enclosures areassociated with hunting and fishing sites (Vorrenand Eriksen 1993). Although the Jungfrugravenenclosure is larger than the Norwegian sites, it co-incides by form, location and chronology to thismaterial and, most significantly, to the culturalcontext of the Iron Age huts adjacent to it (refer todiscussion in Chapter 8).

JUNGFRUGRAVEN

boulder wall

Figure 52. Map showing the wall lines and displaced cairnstones at Jungfrugraven. The original cairn could have hadsupported an idol.

62

CHAPTER 5

yure 53. Aerial view of Site 64.

SITE 65

(37.4m)

/ ■

5m

\ \ 3S // ill

Site 64

Site 64 is a large recon-structed 7 X 5.5 m rectangu-lar hut with walls measuring90 cm in height and up to1.5 m in width (Figure 53).The floor measures ca. 5.5 min length and 4 m in width.A doorway faces southwesttoward the mainland. Thislarge dwelling lies higherthan Site 65, ca. 17 ni abovesea level, and was probablycontemporary with Site 67,or A.D. 450-650.

Site 65

Site 65 is a cluster of fourhuts in a well-protected de-pression at 14-15 m above sealevel (Figure 54). Three huts lie within 3 m of eachother and a fourth hut stands 37.4 m to the south-east on the edge of a steep waterlogged ravine. Threeof the huts have hearths that are mostly overgrown.The floors measure 4 x 4.5 m, 4 x 4 m and 3 x 2.8m respectively. The smallest hut lacks a hearth andmay have been used for storage. A second small roundfoundation measuring 3 x 3 m is located within 35 mof this complex and could have been a "goat hut" (referto Chapter 7). No excavations were undertaken at thissite, but these huts are interpreted as analogous to andcontemporary with the hut groups at Grundskatan,Site 78. They probably date to A.D. 700-1000.

Figure 54. Sketch map of Site 65 with three huts in aduster, and a fourth hut on the edge of a ravine 37.4to the southwest.

Site 67

Site 67 is a solitary construction and lies on a 17 mhigh saddle of land with access to both sides of theisland (Figure 55). The hut is kidney shaped and measures 6x5m with a floor area of 4.5 x 2.6m. A 75 cm wide entranceway runs through its southwest wall. Nine soil phosphate samples werecollected from the floor and range from 30 P° to 194 P°, which is relatively high. Small amounts ofburned and unburned bones were also obtained. One fragment was identified as a seal humerus.A 3 cm thick deposit of sooty soil was found adjacent to the back (north) wall. The burned area ex-tended into the wall and into an opening that appears to be a chimney or vent of some kind (Figures

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

63

SITE 67

'v'vhut \N17.08->r:^^

Russian Ovens

16.53

5 m

Figure 55. Sketch map of Site 6y with associatedfeatures. An oval hearth lies about 100 in to the southand downslope from these features.

56, 173). This arrangement is unlike most dwell-ings, but has close parallels to huts at Grundska-tan (Hut 11) and at Hornslandsudde (Hut 12). Inall three cases, the hearths were associated withiron slag and furnaces.

Figure 56. Plan of excavation of Hut, Site 67.

Finds

22 pieces of slag (207 g)

The slag from the Hut 67 was analyzedby the Geoarkeologiska Laboratoriet. (GAL) inUppsala and determined to be the by-productsof forging (Grandin et al. 2005). This mate-rial is discussed in detail in Chapter 7. Oneradiocarbon date was obtained from this site:(i485±7o B.P.), which calibrates to A.D. 467-648. The structure stood just under the top of the rise and had some protection from westerlywinds, but its elevation also provided a good draft for a furnace. Phosphate enrichment and sealbone suggests that this was also a dwelling. This hut was probably associated with nearby dwellings,Sites 65 and 68, but these have not been dated. The age of this site makes it contemporary with theoldest phase of the Grundskatan settlement on the opposite end of Bjuron. Three additional fea-tures were recorded within 15 m of the hut. A small cairn, possibly a cache, lies on a rock outcrop,and two stone constructions, one fairly recognizable as a Russian Oven, stand parallel with eachother below the outcrop. Both ovens have traces of charcoal in them and can be assumed to date tothe Russian invasions of the early 1700s.

A small hearth was also discovered partly exposed in the pathway leading up to Site 67(Figure 57). It is roughly oval in shape and consists of a selection of stones 20-30 cm in size, withone larger flat stone measuring 50 cm across. The surrounding sandy soil was stone free and

Table 4. Hut 67: Osteological finds.

ANATOMY SEAL? UNIDENTIFIED TOTAL

Humerus 1 1

Ossa longa 4 4

Indeterminate 7 7

Total 1 11 12

64

CHAPTER 5

Figure 57. Plan of hearth excavated near Site 67. Figure 58. Sketch map of hut row. Site 68.

red-burned. Some 6.8 g of burned and unburned bones were found, and a radiocarbon date of thecharcoal (Beta 191232) rendered an age of: 2}o±40 (A.D. cal. 1641-1953). The bone is from a largeungulate, probably a reindeer, suggesting the hearth was connected with Saami in the area, as isnoted in historic accounts of Bjuroklubb (cf. Wennstedt 1988).

Site 68

This site is in an area of completely exposed wave-washed moraine beaches lying to the east of theprevious site. A row of five disturbed floors with six dividing walls lies on a terrace at the 14 m level(Figure 58). Traces of four, possibly five, hearths are indicated by fire-cracked rocks. One hut has asmall storage pit that is identical to that observed in a group of row houses at Grundskatan Site 67,

Hut I. As the row huts at bothsites are similar in appearance,and are at the same elevationsabove sea level, it can be assumedthat they were contemporary.The radiocarbon date from Hut iat Grundskatan is: ii6o±7o B.P.or A.D. cal. 779-968.

SITE 70

14.30

13.30

10m

Figure 59. Map of Site 70 and three adjacent huts and wall alignments.

Site 70

Site 70, at 64° 27' N, 21° 35' E,consists of a group of 10 hut foun-dations between ca. 10 and 13 mabove sea level (Figure 59). This

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

65

complex was situated on the north shore of Bjuron Island and faces Bjuroklubb. A charcoal sample wasobtained from a hearth in the middle of the complex, as well as 4.6 g of seal bone. The charcoal wasdated to: io20±6o B.P. (A.D. cal. 902-1149) (Beta-196485) and this is consistent with the elevation ofthe site. Foundations of three huts with adjoining wall alignments were mapped in an area near Site70 and at a somewhat higher elevation (Figure 170). These features had not been previously registeredand were very overgrown, so much so they could barely be relocated in 2005. There are two adjoinedhuts with floors measuring 3x4m and 3 x 3.5 m, and a third simpler construction measuring 3 x 3.5 m.What makes these huts especially interesting are the stone alignments/walls that measure up to 10 min length. Based on their elevation and proximity to Site 70, these features date sometime between

A. D. 900 and 1150.

Jungfruhamn, Sites 138-139Huts A, B and C

Two huts (Hut A and Hut B) were sampled at Site 138 (Figures 60-61). Their elevation above sea levelis 15 m. A third hut (C) was shovel tested, but not excavated. It lies in the woods some 20 m away (Site139) and radiocarbon-dated to: i7io±i25 (A.D. cal. 139-526) (St. 11909). Hut A is rectangular andmeasures ca. 7.5 x 5.5 m. The hut has two entrances on the opposite walls facing north and south. Thefloor area measures 5 x 3 m. A i m^ test pit was excavated to sample the hearth. A diagonal profile wasdrawn through the pit showing a layer of 10-20 cm burned soil with bone and charcoal (Figure 62).Two dates were obtained: (St. 11176) 985+70 B.P. (A.D. cal. 990-1155), and (Beta 196490) i2io±50

B. P. (A.D. cal. 722-887). Some 58.8 g of burned bone was found in the hearth. Hut B is rectangu-lar and measures 4 x 5.5 m. The floor area measures ca. 3 x 3.5 m. A 75 cm wide entrance opens

I • 0-99 • 100-119 (8) 120-149 #>150 PHOSPHATE

Figure 60. Phosphate sampUng of Site 1^8 conducted by Johan Linderholm. Values above 120 P°were obtained around Hut B.

66

CHAPTER 5

Figure 61. Detailed maps of Huts A (right) and B (left).

toward the south/southwest and facesthe inlet. A i pit was excavated tosample the hearth and one radiocar-bon date was obtained: (St. 11177)i300±i30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 636-886).

Finds

White (burned) flint chip (15mm)Gray flint chip (10 mm)Red brown flint chip (10 mm)2 soapstone/asbestos (?) slivers (45 mm)

All the bones were burned and wereidentified as ringed seal, undifferentiated seal, sheep/goat, a large ungulate, and a bird of uniden-tified species. Most of the material was found in Hut B, which was also more varied compared toHut A.

Table 5. Site 138: Species by weight (g). Table 6. Site 138: Species by fragment.

SPECIES

HUT A

HUT B

TOTAL

SPECIES

HUT A

HUT B

TOTAL

Ringed seal

0.18

0.18

Ringed seal

1

1

Seal

4.43

0.12

4.55

Seal

3

1

4

Sheep/goat

0.53

0.53

Sheep/goat

1

1

Large ungulate

2.31

2.31

Large ungulate

2

2

Bird

0.52

0.52

Bird

9

9

Indeterminate

53.92

133.58

187.5

Indeterminate

436

903

1339

Total

58.88

136.71

195.59

Total

440

916

1356

A

hearth N

Figure 62. Profile drawn diagonally through Hut A hearth.

Osteological Material

The bone material from the two hearths weighs 195.59 §•

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

67

The anatomical breakdown of this material is difficult because of fragmentation and lownumber of species. It should be noted, however, that there were bones of the cranium, tibia andradius in Hut A, bones that are uncommon at, for example, Grundskatan. The radius is from alarge adult seal. In addition, there is also a fragment of a tibia from a goat/sheep one to two yearsof age. Among the indeterminate bones, there is a dominance of long bones and vertebral frag-ments, probably from seals. In Hut B, a femoral fragment from a ringed seal and a seal phalanxwere identified, as well as a fragment of a large ungulate shoulder blade and humerus. Theseappear to have been from the same animal (or cuts of meat), either an adult cow/moose or rein-deer. The indeterminate bones appear to have mostly derived from seals, although some of theheavier long bones probably emanated from a large ungulate. There are also numerous smallbones from birds.

Table 7. Site 138, Hut A:Anatomical distribution ofburned bone fragmentsfrom seals.

ANATOMY

Cranium

Radius

Tibia

Total

SEAL

Table 8. Site 138, Hut B: Anatomical distribution ofburned bone fragments.

ANATOMY

ScapulaHumerusFemurPh3 postOssa longa

Total

RINGEDSEAL

SEAL

LARGEUNGULATE

BIRD TOTAL

11119

13

Lappsandberget, Site 144

The goal of the investigation ofSite 144 was to document a cir-cular stone feature on Lappsand-berget found during survey inthe late 1980s and later regis-tered by the county. This rockyhill rises up to ca. 25 m abovesea level. Excavation involvedremoval of vegetation and ex-posure of the circle and a 13 m^area outside of the circle (Fig-ures 63, 64). The soil was sandyand barely covered the bedrock.Darker brown soil was observedin four patches within this circle.Twenty soil samples were taken.

LAPPSANDBERGET

0.30

lichen (8cm)

0.23

0.40

lichen (11cm

excavation

1 m

-0.15

Figure 63. Map of Site J44 and excavated areas.

68

CHAPTER 5

Figure 64. Exposed surface within the stone circle. (Note depression due to apbmdering attempt.)

13 from inside the circle and 6from outside the circle. Threeadditional samples were takenfrom the dark soil deposits. Ametal detector was also used butrevealed no metal debris. Thestone circle measures ca. 2.70 x2.70 m and consists of some 50stones 20-45 size. Four-

teen stones of comparable sizeswere found within the circle. A70-80 cm wide and ca. 10 cmdeep depression was observed inthe center of the circle and waslikely to have been the result of aplundering attempt that pushedthese stones aside. Three li-chens of Rhizocarpon geographi-cum measuring 80-110 mm indiameter were observed on twoin situ stones in the circle, andon a disturbed stone within thecircle (Figure 65). These lichensdate to A.D. 1480-1583 and pro-vide a minimum date for thefeature. The elevation above sealevel (-25 m) is equivalent toca. 300 B.C., but this locale wasundoubtedly chosen because itoverlooked the settlements andthe sea. This feature does notappear to have been a grave andno traces of charcoal or boneswere found in it. The brown soildeposits represent some kindof organic enrichment, and thephosphorus samples support

this conclusion. The surrounding soil is very low in phosphorus by comparison. Nitrogen levelswere high from within the circle, and this enrichment can potentially derive from organic sourcessuch as blood, flesh and bone (Figure 66) The place-name itself suggests a Saami context, as dooral-historical accounts of Saami living on Bjuron (Wennstedt 1988), as well as the oval hearth ofSaami type near Site 67 on Bjuroklubb. The age of the feature is most probably within the rangeof A.D. 1000-1600.

Figure 65. Close-up of one of three lichens growing on the stone circle.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

69

GRUNDSKATAN

Ox

o

o 'c^ i9 C

- -14- '^ - 13--", -.12 --'

14. ^ 13 12 11 10 ~8. "7, ~" 5 -

100 m

Figure 68. Map showing archaeological features at the Grundskatan site. A. area with numerous hunting blinds and theRussian Oven (#io). B. location of the labyrinth ("#14). C, location of the bear burial (#4). D, location of the circularfeature (#17). E, location of the large pit (#1^). F, location of Hut 2.

Figure 69. Aerial view of the Grundskatan site with huts and hearths clearly visible at elevationsbetween 12 m to 14 m above present sea level. A labyrinth can be seen near the center of the photo.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

Grundskatan, Site 78

Grundskatan (Grundskataraften) lies on Bjuron at 64° 28' N, 21° 35' E. The site was described asearly as 1882 but was first mapped in the 1940s by Carl Holm and Gustaf Hallstrom (Hallstrom1942:250-257). There are more than 40 hut foundations, (Swedish tomtningar), cairns and otherfeatures, as well as a stone labyrinth and a Russian Oven (Figures 67, 68, 69). The site is situatedon the northern half of a NNW-SSE oriented drumlin. The moraine has been wave-washed andconsists of gravel and boulders mostly less than i.o m in diameter. The exposed beach toward theeast has nine terrace formations up to 16.5 m above sea level. There is boggy and water-logged landnorth of the site. Grundskatan once formed a small peninsula when the sea level 10 m higher andwas an ideal base for sealing.

Feature 1, Hut

This hut is one of nine partly overgrown dwellings aligned in a single row between 13 m and 14 mabove sea level (Figure 70). Ten cobble walls, 0.5-1.0 m in width, separate the floors. The huts werebuilt so that a beach ridge forms the major portion of the back wall. Three huts have northeast-facing walls with door openings that measure 0.5-1.0 m in width. Five of the floors have centralhearths. Hut i was in the middle of the row, was the most intact of these huts, and was thereforechosen for excavation. The floor area was completely overgrown by mosses, lichens, grass andbrush. The floor measures 4.0 x 3.0 m and the hearth measures i.o m in diameter. The hearth wasa round ashy deposit with a lens-shaped cross section up to 10 cm thick. There were no larger stonesaround it or beneath it, but there were a number of fire-cracked stones in it. A small ca. 20 cm wideand 15 cm deep cylindrical pit was found in the southwestern corner of the floor near the back wall.This straight-sided pit was tightly packed with smaller pebbles. An identical pit was observed in a

Figure 70. (top) Mapshowing Hut 1 and profileexcavated through thefloor. Jltis hut is one ofapproximately 9 built upagainst the same beach ridge,(bottom) Cross section of thehut and beach ridse.

BEACH RIDGE

13.19

hearth

13»5 BEACH RIDGE

Storage pit

hearth entrance

1 m

72

CHAPTER 5

row of disturbed huts at Bjuroklubb Site 68 at about the same elevation. It had probably been forstorage of some kind, but was completely sterile.

Finds

I gray flint chipChronology

One charcoal sample from the hearth was radiocarbon dated to: 1160+70 B.P. (St. 10787). Calibrateddate: A.D. cal. 779-968.

Table 9. Grundskatan, Hut 1: Anatomicaldistribution of bones.

ANATOMY

SEAL

LARGEUNGULATE

BIRD

TOTAL

Cranium

V caud

McV

Coxae

Talus?

Mt

Phi postOssa I

Total

Table 10. Grundskatan, Hut 1:

22132112

12

lacrofossils.

CARBONIZED

Chenopodium (goosefoot)

Stellearia graminea (lesser stitchwort)

Rubus idaeus (raspberry)

/\rcfostap/iy/os iva-ursi (bearberry)

Empetrum (crowberry)

Picea (spruce)

Vaccinium (blueberry)

Osteological MaterialSeal bone {Phoca sp.) dominated andincluded parts of the vertebrae, back-bone, front and rear flippers and frag-ments that probably derived from theskull. One foot bone (a talus) from therear flipper of an adult seal, two largeungulate heel bones (cow, moose, orreindeer), and two bird bones (Avessp.) were also found. 336 bone frag-ments could not be identified.

Macrofossil AnalysisSeven seeds were identified, four ofwhich were berries, and one of cheno-podium, an edible plant. Their pres-ence in the hearthsuggest summer orfall. Crowberry andblueberry seeds werealso foimd in the Hut2 hearth (below).

NON-CARBONIZED

Feature 2, Hut

Feature 2 consists ofa totally overgrownhut with a floor area

measurmg 4.0 x 4.0

' m. Its elevation is 16

m above sea level (Figure 71). This hut is one in a row of three huts on the opposite end of the pointand facing west. Two inwardly curving cobble walls 0.5 to i.o m in width give the hut a horseshoeshape with a southwesterly facing entrance. These structures had also been built up against a beachridge. The floor is a natural pebble surface that had been cleared of larger stones. An area of ashy

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

73

HUT 2

74

CHAPTER 5

soil measuring 1.7 m in diameter lay midway between the rear of the hut and its entranceway. Twoadditional floor depressions of approximately the same size lie parallel to the hut. Not enough un-

Table 11. Grundskatan, Hut 2: Macrofossils.

CARBONIZED NON-CARBONIZED

Arctostaphylos iva-ursi (bearberry) 1 3

Vaccinium (blueberry) 3

contaminated charcoal was obtained for a date, but the form suggests these huts were contemporarywith Hut I.

Macrofossil Analysis.

Two types of berries were flotated from the hearth: bearberry and blueberry.Feature J, Hut

Feature 3 lies on level ground at ca. 16 m above sea level. It is a rounded rectangular cobble founda-tion with an outer measurement of 7 x 7 m and a floor area of 4 x 4 m (Figure 72). The foundationis i.o to 2.0 meters wide and up to 30 cm in height. The hut has a clearly marked entranceway in

Figure 72. Map of Hut 3 with section of a small posthole near the center of the hut.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 75

the southeast wall. At the rear of the hut is a 2.0 to 3.0 meter wide and relatively level layer of stonesthat may have supported a platform. The hearth lies in the center of the main floor in front of thisplatform as an irregular burned surface measuring 1.4 x 1.6 m. These deposits were i to 6 cm inthickness. There were no stones around the hearth, but several large stones look like they mighthave served as seats or served as "tables." One possible posthole was found between the hearth andthe platform foundation, but was not large enough to have been a roof support.

Finds

Two white calcified flint chips (less than 5 mm)

One pebble (whetstone.^)

23 pieces of iron slag (1-30 mm), 80 g.

Table 12. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Bones(fragments).

SPECIES

HEARTH

FLOOR

TOTAL

Ringed seal

1

4

5

Seal

65

64

129

Hare

1

1

Bird

1

1

Indeterminate

327

65

392

Total

393

135

528

Osteological Material

More than 500 fragments of burned bone werefound in the hearth and on the floor that derivedfrom ringed seal {Phoca hispida), seal {Phoca sp.)and hare (Lepiis sp.). All of the skull bones werefound on the floor together with most of thebones from the front flippers. Other bones fromthe front flippers and rear flippers, wrist, etc. werefrom the hearth.

Chronology

Two radiocarbon dates were obtained from thehearth: i50o±ioo B.P. (St. 11907) and i205±70B.P. (St. 11906). The calibrated dates are: A.D. cal.435-643, 695-894.

CharcoalPinus sp. (pine)

Table 13. Grundskatan, Hut 3:Anatomical representation for ringed-and indeterminate seals on the floorand in the hearth, burned bones(fragments).

ELEMENT

HEARTH FLOOR TOTAL

Cranium

1

28

29

Dentes

1

1

V caud

1

1

2

Gestae

3

3

Radius

1

Cr+i

3

4

C2

1

C3

1

1

Mcl

2

Moll

1

MclV

1

Mc

6

Phi ant

2

9

Ph2 ant

11

11

Ph3 ant

8

8

Fibula

1

Calcaneus

1

1

Mtl

1

Mtll

1

1

Mt

2

1

3

Mp

2

2

Phi post

20

3

23

Ph2 post

5

5

Ph3 post

5

2

7

Ph post

9

9

Sesamoidea

1

1

Total

66

68

134

76

CHAPTER 5

GRUNDSKATAN

r

16

®

07

/ ..P ; 13g -":._

11 14 «2)o)

17 O /' ;

6

50 m

15.56

0 turf ^ 1g carbon m

16.07

(\J\x

15.71

[y] gravel

hut wall

hearth

hut wall

Figure 73. Map 0/tliecentral area of theGrundskatan site withfeature numbers.

Figure 74. Map and profile of Hut 4.

Feature 4, Hut (Bear Burial)

Hut 4 is situated at ca. 16 m abovesea level and clusters together withthree nearby dwellings and otherfoundations at the same elevation(Figures 73, 74). The outside mea-surements are 7.7 x 7.0 m and thefloor area measures 4.0 x 3.0 m. Thecobble walls average i.o m in widthand 0.30-0.50 m in height. A ca.I m wide entranceway is observablein the north wall of the structure. Asecond opening is on the opposite(south) wall, but is more irregularand was probably disturbed when acairn was constructed in the south-east corner of the dwelling. A i.o mdiameter central hearth and an ir-regular area of sooty soil that couldhave been the result of secondaryuse were exposed on the floor. Thishearth was not delimited by stones,although several large stones werefound beside it. As will be described

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

77

in more detail regarding the bear burial, the cairn that had been built directly on the floor had prob-ably made the hut uninhabitable.

Chronology

Charcoal was obtained from the hearth and rendered a radiocarbon date: iiio±no B.P. (A.D. cal.780-1020) (St. 10785). A small indeterminate bone fragment found in a charcoal sample from thefloor was AMS-dated. It proved to be older than the hearth, i5oo±40 B.P. (A.D. 536-621) (Beta-210236), and was contemporary with Hut 3. Soils from under the walls of Hut 4 showed phospho-rus enrichment in conjunction with several fire-cracked rocks, indicating the existence of culturaldeposits that predated this hut foundation. Test pits between Huts 3, 6 and 4 also produced fire-cracked rocks. Hut 3 was thus both partly older than and contemporary with Hut 4. Two char-coal samples that had been collected in

Table 14. Grundskatan, Hut 4: Identifiedspecies based on numbers of fragments (NISP)and weigfits (g) for burned bones in heartfi.

1987 were dated in 2006: (Beta-196486)i90±40 B.P. and (Beta 196487) 420±B.P,but were almost certainly contaminated.

SPECIES

ISP

WEIGHT (G)

Ringed seal

Seal

Bird

Indeterminate

3

422338

1.5220.370.0538.8

Osteological Material

Burned bones from the hearth (385 frag-ments) weighing 60.74 g were identifiedas ringed seal {Phoca hispida), seal (Phocasp.) and bird {Aves sp.).

Total

385

60.74

78

Figure 75. Photograph of Hut ^ during excavation. View from west.

CHAPTER 5

Figure y6. Map of the cairn and bear bone finds in the southeast comer oj Hut 4.

A Cairn

A trench was opened across the floor across the hearth and expanded to encompass the cairn(Figures 75, 76). The cairn measured ca. 3 x 3 m and was ca. 15 cm higher than the foundation. Itwas sectioned and excavated down to sterile gravel. A concentration of bones within an area of ca.i.o X 0.5 m was exposed directly beneath the cairn stones in the southeast corner of the hut. The

Bear bone 1080±40BP

n^rih lllO^llORp ^^Jfltfi^

aiBQGilAD

500CalAD lOOOCalADCahbrateddate

I5OOQ1IAD

Figure 77. Calibrated dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4.

bones were concentrated in a 10 cm thick layer between 15.71 and 15.74 m above sea level. This wasapproximately 10 cm below the former ground surface. At that time of discovery, the appearance ofthese bones was so dissimilar to the bones in the hearth, they were judged as being unrelated. They

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

79

Im

M H

PHOSPHORUS

Figure 78. Map 0/southeast comer of Hut 4. Phosphorusenrichment in the area of the hear bone deposition andunder the hut walls. Fire-cracked stones were also foundunder the walls indicating an older settlement surface.

X 1031V 400

OQ OQoQ

^—. 15.hi c ^

o

/'

/

X 100V 400

wall line

Figure 79. Map of southeast corner of Hut 4 showing location ofbear bone deposition.

were subsequently AMS-dated to: 1080+45 ^-P- (Ua-18930), indicating that the bear bones werecontemporary with the hearth. This date cahbrates to A.D. cal. 898-1014. Their median values are:A.D. cal. 912 and A.D. cal. 958.

Phosphorus sampling was undertaken in 2005 to additionally delineate the bone deposi-tion. The La Motte system is based on a colorimetric scale indicating "Low," "Medium" or "High"levels of soil enrichment. Based on comparisons with previously analyzed phosphate samples onthe site by Johan Linderholm (Broadbent i987b:57), "Low" phosphorus levels correspond to 0-90P', "Medium" to 100-150 P° and "High" to >i50 P°. The off-site values for the site were low usingboth methods. The highest measured phosphate enrichment on the site was 209 P° and the aver-age for the huts was 108 P". A sample from the southwest corner of Hut 4 measured 119 P°. TheLa Motte readings from Hut 4 are uniformly low except for two samples from the exact area wherethe bear bones had been lying when excavated in 1987 and in two samples from adjacent areasunder the walls of the hut (Figures 78, 79, 80). This simple field test has thus rendered consistentinformation regarding the location of the bone deposition in the hut and has also confirmed thatthere had been an earlier occupation surface. The whole cairn was subsequently excavated and atree stump in the foundation was removed. Although the tree had disturbed the outer part of the

80

CHAPTER 5

X100Y400

UNDISTURBED SOIL PROFILE

X100Y395

SANDY SOIL AND GRAVEL

IINIXCW Al 1 I)

X101.80Y400

HUT FLOOR■^esf

X10I.80Y395Jl V'

BEAR BONES

X1()4Y4()0

I5.<.2 I.. I A

XI04Y395

Figure 80. Three profiles through Hut 4.

cairn and foundation, the boulders that had been incorporated into the construction prevented anydisturbance inside of the dwelhng. The cairn was therefore mostly intact, as was the integrity ofthe bone find.

Bear Bones

A total of 66 bones weighing 949 g were found, of which 275 g could be identified as to skeletalelement. The morphology and structure of the bone fragments indicate that they originated fromthe same individual. Judging from the sizes of the largest bones and the thickness of the cortex ofthe long bone fragments, they derived from an adult bear. Phosphorus enrichment was noted inthis corner, as compared with the rest of the hut floor, and this localized buffering of soil acidityprobably helped preserve the bones. The soils are otherwise quite acidic with pH values of 4.9 to5.2. The bones lay in three separate piles surrounded by scattered fragments. In one pile lay partsof the cranium, both halves of the lower jaw, a few fragments of teeth and numerous small frag-ments of long bones. The second pile consisted of three larger long bones, and a third pile consistedof tooth fragments. There were no phalanges. Some of the bones were partly charred, dark coloredand heavily fragmented. The tooth fragments also exhibit traces of heating (charring and discolor-ing) and the crowns had been broken due to heat. It is clearfrom the excavation that the bones had not been burned atthe place of deposition.

Table 15. Bear (Ursus arctos)bones by weight (g).

SPECIES

TOTAL

Bear

IndeterminateTotal

275.4673.68

949.08

Bones and Teeth

Although no skeletal elements lay in correct anatomical po-sition, the deposition was not without structured elements.Most bone fragments had been placed without any specificorder in the largest heap, but some larger leg bones, 2 tibia

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

81

Table 16. Bear bones by fragment.SPECIES NO. FRAGMENTS

WEIGHT (G)

Table 17.

ANATOMY

Bear bones by anatomy.

TOTAL

Dear do

97R /in

IVIdllUIUUId

Indeterminate 6*

673.68

Dentes

50

Q/i Q ns

.Uo

Humerus

1

Radius

1

*all indeterminate fragments not counted

Ulna

1

Tibia

2

Long bone fragments

6

Total

66

fragments, a radius, an ulna and a larger indeterminatefragment of a long bone, had been placed next to each

other in a separate pile. A number of tooth fragments had been placed in a third concentration.There had been a conscious sorting of the bones. Marks on the bones provide some insights intohow the bear carcass had been handled prior to burial. The radius and the ulna exhibit fresh frac-ture patterns, indicating that they had been broken or cracked shortly after the death of the bearwhen the carcass was in a fresh state. One of the charred fragments exhibits cut marks that showthat the carcass had been slaughtered and severed prior to burning.

Charcoal

(From sooty deposits by the bearbones)

Yew (Taxus sp.)Heather (Erica sp.)Birch/Alder (Bctulaceae)Angiosperms (>i3 small twigs)Conifers (5 small twigs andwood remains).

The charcoal analysis from thearea of the bear grave has pro-duced some unexpected results.While most of the identifiedplants are typical of the area,the find of yew is totally out ofits normal range. Yew grows insouthern Sweden and this findcould suggest that it had beenpart of a bow or had ritual mean-ing (refer to Chapter 8).

Figure 81. Map of Hut 5.

82

CHAPTER 5

Figure 82. Map of Hut 6.

Feature 5, Hut

This oval hut was previously un-registered. It lies between 15-16m above sea level and was builtup against a beach ridge (Figure81). It is one of three structuresalong the same beach ridge andprobably belongs to the samecomplex of dwellings. It mea-sures 5 X 6 ni with a floor area of4x4m. Ashy deposits indicatea hearth area, but no bones orcharcoal samples were obtained.

Finds

2 gray flint chipsFeature 6, Hut

This dwelling lies 10 m southI of Huts 3 and 4. It consists of arectangular foundation measur-ing 6x5m with a floor area of4.5 X 3 m (Figure 82). There isan opening toward the south,that was probably an entranceway, but therewas possibly a second entranceway on theeastern short end of the dwelling. Therewas a small central hearth but there wereno intact deposits. A large wall extensionruns out of and parallel to the west wall ofthe dwelling, extending 4 m, and then run-ning parallel with the southern wall for 8m. This construction is interpreted as anaddition to the dwelling, possibly a coveredshed or porch. The wall also extends towardthe west and could also be part of a stonealignment.

Feature y, Hut

This foundation is located 5 m SSW of Hut5 and on the same beach ridge. It mea-sures 4.5 X 5 m with a floor area of 4 x 4 m

Figure 83. Map of Hut 7.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

83

' '

■7^^ i

1—.—'

0S

^——<

i «

1 ■

9 •

> .

^ 1

—•—<

®

•

• «

^ <

1 (

1

(

—•—(

1

i

•

^—

»—•

0-99 •99-119 ® 120-149 #>150P''

Figure 84. Phosphate map showing enrichment to the southeast of the huts and near stone alignments.

(Figure 83). There was no hearth but an entranceway toward the SE. It is probably the foundationof a storage shed.

Phosphate Mapping

Fifty-three phosphate samples were taken at 10 m intervals in an area of 50 x 150 m (7500 m^)(Figure 84). These were analyzed using standard laboratory methods. The samples showed someenrichment in the area between Huts 3, 4 and 6 but displayed the greatest concentrations to theeast and south of the dwellings in a 25 m wide band that runs from the area of Feature 8 (a cairn),and around several stone align-ments 20 m to the east of Hut3. This pattern indicates organicenrichment near the cairns andwhat may possibly have been alivestock enclosure area. Findsof sheep/goat and other ungulatebones at five hut sites show thatanimal husbandry was indeedpracticed by these seal hunters.Manure would create phosphateconcentrations such as thoseseen at this site (greater than 150P°) (cf Aronsson 1991). What iscurious about this enrichmentis that it is not inside a potentialenclosure, but around it. This

could mean that if a fence had Figure 8^. Map of Feature,

84

CHAPTER 5

Figure 86. Map of Feature 9.

Figure 87. Photo of Russian Oven (Feature 10) at Grundskatan.

been supported by these stonesit was intended to keep animalsout, not in. This could thushave been a temporary holdingpen used for marking or milk-ing, or was perhaps a small gar-den plot.

Feature 8, Cairn

This cairn is one of three thatextend in a line to the north ofHuts 3-7. The cairn measuresca. 3.5 X 3 m, is ca. 50 cm inheight, and has a central cham-ber measuring i x 0.5 m (Figure85). The opening is well con-structed rather than the resultof plundering. There were nofinds of burned bones or char-coal. The feature is interpretedas a cache.

Feature 9, Cairn

This cairn is almost identicalto Feature 8. It measures 4 by 4m and was built of cobbles andlarger stones around a boulder(Figure 86). The height of thecairn is 50 cm and its central pitmeasures 60 by 85 cm. Therewere no traces of carbon, bone,or other organic residues. It isinterpreted as a cache.

Feature 10, Baking Oven ("Russian" Oven)

A distinctive oven with thick charcoal deposits lies at ca. 10 m above sea level and off to the side ofthe main site area (Figure 87). The soil was flotated, but revealed little except charcoal. The radio-carbon date (St. 10785) indicates an age of less than 250 years, which would be the 1700s, a periodof Russian invasions in Vasterbotten. There are two similar ovens near Site 67, but these were notdated. Two radiocarbon dates were obtained from an oven on Snoan Island, however, both indicat-ing the fifteenth century, Site 92. This means that although these features were probably used forbaking, they were not all associated with the Russian period.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

85

14.10

w A E

0 0.5m

Feature ii, Hut

Feature ii is a rectangular hut foundationmeasuring ca. 7 x 5 m (Figure 88). The eleva-tion above sea level is 14.0 m. The walls ofthe hut measure i.o m in width and 0.3 m inheight. The floor measures 5.0x3.5 m. Azmwide entrance opens toward the southeast. Athird parallel cobble wall forms a small addi-tional room. This wall is 4.5 m long and i.o mwide. Another narrow rectangular foundation,possibly a storage shed, lies several meters be-hind Hut II. Hearth deposits were found justbeneath the humus and extended 10-20 cmbelow the surface, and somewhat off-center to-ward the back wall. Unfortunately, a tree hadgrown in the hearth area and several largeroots had penetrated the deposits.

Finds

300 g of iron slag

The find material consists of both homo-geneous slag and slag with melted stones,red-burned clay and rusted iron. A techni-cal analysis was performed by Grandin et al.(2005). The slag includes varying proportionsof wiistite, olivine and glass flux. Fine-grainedmagnetite was also observed. Drops of metal-lic iron indicate that the iron content had beenhigh. There had also been a good supply of ox-ygen. The slag derived from forging, and ironscales, the result of hammering, were pickedup in the hearth using a magnet. A single ra-diocarbon date of charcoal (St. 11170) gave anage determination of ii75± 100 B.P. (A.D cal.723-972). No animal bones were found.

Charcoal

Betula sp. (birch)

Pinus sp. (pine)

Angiosperm

Conifer

Figure 88. Map of Hut 11 and profiles through the hearth area.

Figure 8cj. Map of Hut 12 and profile of the hearth.

86

CHAPTER 5

Feature 12, Hut

Feature 12 is a horseshoe-shaped hutfoundation measuring ca. 8 x 6.5 m.The elevation is 13 m (Figure 89).The floor area measures 3.5 x 3.5 m.A single i.o m wide entrance facesnorth. An oval hearth measuring ca.1x2m had been partially disturbed.One half of the hearth was excavatedand rendered animal bone (17.06 g,391 fragments) and charcoal.

Chronology

One radiocarbon date was obtained:(St. 11171) 1430+ no B.P. (A.D. cal.437-760).

FindsNone

Osteological Material

None of the bones were identifiable.

Hut 13c 12(XW0BP ^*Ji^^.^

Riif Hp im'^IIORP M^^^^^.

Hut 13b 88at80BP

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1

CalBaCalAD

500CalAD lOOOCalADCalibrated date

ISOOCalAD

Figure 93. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hut ij.

Feature 13, Hut

Hut 13 lies at ca. 12 m above sea level and had been built up against a beach ridge. It measures6.5 X 5 m (Figure 90). A well-marked entrance faces east toward the beach. A well-constructed ovalchamber occupies almost one half of the floor space, presumably for storage. Hearth deposits werefound in the rear of the structure and three carbon samples were collected: (Beta-198488), i200±40B.P., (St. 11908), io45±iio B.P. and (St. 11172) 88o±8o B.P. These calibrate respectively to: A.D. cal.777-884, 880-1155,1044-1220.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

87

ArtifactsNone

Feature 14, Hut and Labyrinth

Feature 14 is a labyrinth mea-suring 8x9m. The labyrinthhas 10 rows of stones and is situ-ated at approximately 13 m abovesea level. The entrance to thelabyrinth faces north/northwest.The labyrinth overlies a hut wallmeasuring 6 m across (Figure92). The exposed interior of thefloor area is 4 m across. A 2 xI m trench and a 50 x 50 cmsquare were excavated across thelabyrinth stones in order to ex-pose the hearth beneath it. Thehearth deposits extended to 20cm below surface (Figure 93).

14.03

13.59

profile

13.47

excavation

13.56

/

5 m

Figure 92. Map of labyrinth and hut wall at Grundskatan, Feature 14. Thelabyrinth had been deliberately built on top of the hut and wall stones had beenused for its construction.

88

CHAPTER 5

Chronology

This excavation rendered two radiocarbon dates: (St.11173) ii45±ioo B.P. (A.D. cal. 776-990)and (St. 11174) iooo±i85 B.P. (A.D. cal. 870-1231). This complex feature established the chrono-logical relationship between Iron Age huts and labyrinths in the region. It appears that the stonesfrom the walls were, in fact, used to construct the labyrinth. The hut dates to the same period as themajority of huts at Grundskatan, the Late Iron Age. The labyrinth had a maximum lichen growthof 90-95 mm, giving the feature a minimum age of A.D. 1505 to 1523 ±31, using the formula inChapter 4.

Osteological Material

Some 16.04 g of burned bone (205 fragments) were found in the hearth but were unidentifiable.Feature 15, Pit

Feature 15 is a very large pit measuring 10 by 12 m across and 2.0 m in depth (Figure 94). The pitwas dug at the highest level of the drumlin at 17 m above sea level. A surrounding earth wall aver-ages 50 cm in height. A 4 m long and 50 cm wide trench was excavated through the north side ofthe wall to investigate its construction. The trench extended down to the former ground level wherea thin charcoal layer was found. The radiocarbon date for the charcoal layer is: (St. 11175) 67o± 245B.P. (A.D. cal. 1033-1467). The median date is A.D. 1295. An older sample was analyzed in 2006(Beta-196498), 320±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1515-1641), but is probably contaminated as were other im-properly stored samples. Although the oldest date has an exceptionally wide range, it does show

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

89

that the pit can be contemporary with the huts. Ap-proximately half way down the inside of the pit thereis a narrow ledge or offset. This suggests there couldhave been a construction, possibly a floor, at that level.There is no side access to this pit which shows it wasnot a tar-rendering pit. It is an unlikely place to dig alarge solitary hunting pit, and is interpreted as mostprobably associated with seal oil production during theperiod A.D. 1033-1500 (1641.^).

Feature 16, Stone Circle

Feature 16 is a 30 cm high cobble oval located ca. 10m northwest of Hut 3 (Figure 95). It has a single open-ing facing south and a small central cairn. It measures6 m in length and 3 m in width. The central cairnis approximately 80 cm in diameter. This enigmaticconstruction bears some resemblance to the so-calledJungfrugraven, located less than 2 km away. Its sizeand proximity to Huts 3-6 suggests it had a ritualfunction. The elevation above sea level, 16 m, gives it amaximum age of ca. A.D. 400. In 2006, a previouslymissed 220 mm diameter specimen of Rhizocarpongeographicum was discovered by Tim Bayliss-Smith on

the inner wall of the construction. The stone with the lichen sat securely wedged in the wall andshowed no evidence of having been moved since construction. On the basis of lichen growth curvesspecifically developed for Bjuroklubb and Grundskatan, this lichen is calculated as being 916 yearsold and dates to A.D. io34±3i (with B.P. = 1950), which is almost identical to the radiocarbon- andAMS-datings of the adjacent bear burial and hearth in Hut 4.

Figure 95. Map of Feature 16.

13.00

Figure 96. (left) Photo of Feature ly.froni southwest, (right) Drawing of Feature 17.90 CHAPTER 5

Feature ij, Cache and Hut

This double feature consists of a 4 m wide cairn with a well-made central chamber about 1.5 mwide and i m deep (Figure 96). It lies at the 13 m level and is adjacent to Huts 13 and 14. It is tightlypacked with smaller stones. The cairn was built together with a round wall foundation measuring4.5 by 5 m, with a 2.4 by 2 m floor area, and a i m wide entranceway. The floor is level and has notraces of a hearth. A similarly built small hut stands near a cluster of 4 dwellings about 40 m to theeast. Feature 17 is interpreted as a livestock (goat or reindeer) hut and a cache.

Summary

• Nineteen archaeological features were investigated at Grundskatan: eleven huts, six mis-cellaneous features (four cairns, a labyrinth and several stone alignments), a large pit anda Russian Oven. There is an assortment of hut forms, including round, rectangular andsquare shapes, structures with internal storage rooms, platforms and porch-like exten-sions. These occur in groups and in rows.

• Nine radiocarbon and two AMS dates were obtained from hearths, of which three cali-brated with 95% probability to ca. A. D. 330-700. Seven of the dates fall within the eleventhcentury.

• The three oldest dates were obtained from Huts 3, 4 and 12, and the youngest dates werefrom Huts 13 and 14. There is a spread within individual hearths indicating multiple occu-pations. The medians of the 11 dates range between A.D. cal. 542-1019. Three samples had

HLit4e 150Qfe4OBPHut 3a ISOOtlOOBPHut 12 1430illOBPHut 3b 120&=70BPHut 13c 1200i^BPHutu 1175tl(]0BPHutl 1160t70BPHut 14a 1145tlOOBPHut 14b lOOOfclSSBPHut 13a im5±110BP

Hut 13b 88at80BP

I I I I I I I I

lOOOCalBC 500CalBCCalBC/CalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalAD 1500CalAD 2000CalAD

Calibrated date

Figure 97. Radiocarbon dates from the Grundskatan site.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

91

probably been contaminated by improper storage over fifteen years at room temperatures(Beta-196486, Beta-196487, Beta-196489).

• The date of the large pit (Feature 15) indicates that it was potentially contemporary withthe huts.

• The Russian Oven radiocarbon dated to the eighteenth century and there are a numberof hunting blinds etc. at lower levels on the beach that are not described here, but are alsojudged as being of relatively recent date.

• The labyrinth at Grundskatan (Feature 14) lichen dates to the early sixteenth century. ThisLate Medieval date is most plausible and borne out by other dated labyrinths in the project(Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990), as well as the historic context of Bjuroldubb. Most signifi-cant in this particular instance, however, is the fact that there is a stratigraphic associationbetween a sealing hut and a labyrinth. The symbolic meaning of this super-positioning ofstone constructions is discussed in Chapter 10.

• A stone circle (Feature 16) was dated using lichenometry to A.D. io}^±}i, which is con-sistent with the dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4. A full discussion of the stonecircles is given in Chapter 8 and also in Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent (2006).

• Iron working is evidenced by slag in Huts 3 and 11. Hut 11 contained an iron furnace, whichis discussed in Chapter 7.

• The most unusual find at Grundskatan is the bear burial in Hut 4, which dates to the elev-enth century and the main period of site occupation. A detailed discussion of this find ispresented in Chapter 8.

• The bone material from the hearths derives from five huts. There was approximately 700 gof bone, and the identified species or classes of animals were: bear, ringed seal, indetermi-nate seals, hare, large ungulates (moose/cattle or reindeer), as well as an indeterminate bird.

• The anatomical representation of bones from Hut 3 indicates that a selection of seal partshad been taken to the hut. Of the seal bones from the extremities, both front and rearflippers dominate. Bones from the cranium and backbone are few. Age determination,on the basis of closure of the epiphyses, shows the bones from adult seals dominate. Twophalanges have changes indicative of a high age. The same selection of bones was presentin Huts 3 and 4. One long bone fragment of seal has cut marks.

• Macrofossils from Huts i, 2 and 3 indicate berry harvesting, presumably in the fall, as wellas an assortment of other plants.

• Charcoal analysis indicated that pine, birch, alder and rowan were burned. A find of yewfrom the Hut 4 is very unusual and can be the remains of a bow or relate to Eurasian sha-manism (refer to Chapter 8).

Stora Fjaderagg Island

Stora Fjaderagg Island is located ca. 14 km from the mainland and 3 km northeast of HolmonIsland (63° 48' N, 21° 00' F). The island is roughly triangular in shape and measures 1.4 kmin length and 1.2 km in width. It is the highest and oldest island in the Holmon Island groupwith an elevation of ca. 22 m (Figure 98). Its vegetation resembles the sub-alpine region withheaths, stunted stands of pine and spruce and exposed moraine and bedrock. Several largerponds, and its location in the Bay of Bothnia, have made it a stopover for some 83 species of

92

CHAPTER 5

STORA FJADERAGG ISLAND

GAMLA HAMNEN

Figure 98. (top) Three-dimensional rendition of topography of Stora Fjaderagg Island. Verticalscale exaggerated. Seen from the southeast. GIS by Katherine Rusk, (bottom) Map of island withlocations of investigated huts and labyrinths.

birds. The odd name probably derives from far a, which means "to travel," or might refer todanger or the appearance of the island.

Historical sources from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries describe the island as thevillage territory of Holmon islanders, but it was also used by seasonal herring and salmon fisher-men, and sealers from the mainland and Finland. During the most intensive fishing seasons morethan 100 people are recorded as living there. It was even possible to grow potatoes. A small chapelhad been built in 1729 by fisherman from Nykarleby in Finland (Jirlow 1930).

According to local oral history, the first settlers of Holmon were the "Fisher-Lapps" Hakan,Kerstop and Klemmet. These names (Hakansson, Christiern and Clemmeth) were still commonin the sixteenth century (Sandstrom 1988:138). Other place-names on the island derive from thesepersonal names, such as "Klemmetsgrundet" (Klemmet's Reef) and "Clemmets Myra" (Klemmet'sBog). Their original farmstead sites are still known.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

93

STORA FJADERAGG

Figure 99. Map of Sites ^1-33 with hut locations and forms, pits, stone circles and excavations.

Sandstrom judged the references to Fisher-Lapps to be credible, hi fact, residents of Holmonwere called Lapps by other villagers in the region, as were the people of Stocke and Ranea on themainland (Sandstrom 1988:138). This reference is reinforced by a unique Saami practice on Hol-mon of making ropes using roots, a technique also known in Ranea (Sandstrom 1988:139). Finally,it can be mentioned that the Orrskar cemetery on Llolmon (with a squarish stone enclosure) wasreferred to as a "Viking nest" because of the heathen practices, including a sacrifices, that were saidto have occurred there (Sandstrom 1988:138). This was a chapel site but, like lungfrugraven, couldhave an older pre-Christian rit-ual association.

Archaeology of Stora FjaderaggIsland

A concentration of 35 huts lieson the eastern side of the island(Sites 31-32). This array of hutsand features faces southeastand all have excellent views ofthe surrounding seas; they aresituated without reference toany harbor basins (Figures 98,99). Excavations were carriedout at 20.5 m, 19 m, 15 m and

Figure loo. Map of Hut A.

94

CHAPTER 5

13 m above sea level. An area of ii stone circles between 7 m and 9 m above sea level was alsodocumented (Site 33). In addition, two small dwellings near the Old Harbor (Gamla Hamnen) wereexcavated (Site 34). They lie at ca. 8 m above sea level and overlook the harbor basin (Figures 110,III, 112). Five labyrinths were lichen dated by Rabbe Sjoberg and range in age from A.D. 1525-1664(Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990:295).

Hut A

Hut A is located at 20.5 m above sea level. It has an inverted "G" form with an extended entrancewayfacing south (Figure 100). The feature measures ca. 8 x 5 m and has a floor area measuring 3x4m. The walls are ca. i m wide and 0.30-0.50 m high. The entranceway is 1.5 m wide and the mostdistinctive aspect of the hut is its unusual form. A i m^ pit was excavated in the hearth area.

Table 18. Sites 31-32, Hut A: Faunal remainsby weight (g).

BONES BURNED (G) BURNED, NISP

Indeterminate seal 0.18 2

Indeterminate seal 10.91 Not counted

Total 11.09Chronology

13.8 g of charcoal was obtained. This sample (St. 11181) produced one radiocarbon date: ioi5±iooB.P. (A.D. cal. 898-1155).

Figure 101. Map of Hut B excavation and locations of profiles. (A) Section through the hearth in the center of the dwelling.(B) Shows the hearth depression. (C) Cross section of the dwelling.

FindsNone

Osteological Material

Bone was recovered (11.09 §) ^^^^ twospecimens could be identified, both frag-ments of metatarsal bones from the rearflippers of an adult seal.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

95

Hut B

Hut B is situated at 19 m above sea level. The heavily overgrown hut is approximately 11 m in diam-eter with a floor area of 7 x 6 m (Figure loi). The walls are thick, up to 2.0 m wide, and there is noobvious entrance. The hearth was excavated as a unit (a i m^ pit) and this sampling area was thenexpanded to cover 19 m^.

Finds

Red clay/slag (iron furnace wall)

Gray flint chip (11 mm)

Gray flint chip (less than 10 mm)

Gray flint chip (less than 10 mm)

Slag (21x23 rni'n)

Slag (34x23 mm)

Fragment of whetstone (36 x 13 x 15 mm)Chronology

Charcoal was recovered (18.7 g), and two radiocarbon dates were obtained: (St. 11900), i66o±70B.P. (A.D. cal. 259-529), and (St. 11182), i235±3i5 (A.D. cal. 465-1154). The medians are: A.D. cal.386 and 779.

Osteological Material (by Jan Stord)

A total of 7.9 kg of bones were recovered from the hut. Approximately 0.6 kg was either un-burned or charred. 5.2 kg of bones were recovered from the floor area and 3.2 kg from the hearth.The floor area contained a slightly smaller proportion of charred fragments than the hearthand the pit (according to weight). The bones came from the original i m^ excavation pit, the hearth,the floor area and the profile wall.

Most of the bones from Hut B could only be identified as unspecified seal. The most commonspecies was harp seal, followed by ringed seal, cattle, sheep/goat and duck. The representation ofspecies is similar on the floor area and in the hearth, while the pit contained only bones of seals.There are also some differences in species representation between the burned and unburned bones.The minimum numbers of individuals for the identified species are: 4 harp seals, 2 ringed seals,

Table 19. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones recovered in different areas, by weight (g).

BONES

PIT

HEARTH

SECTION*

FLOOR

TOTAL

Burned

29.29

2181.84

752.7

4946.93

7910.76

Unburned

0.99

11.55

8.57

15.81

36.92

Charred

2.86

248.47

40.7

276.77

568.8

Soil sample (Indeterminate fragments)

1029.65

Total

33.14

2441.86

801.97

5239.51

9546.13

* from hearth.

95

CHAPTER 5

Table 20. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species by weight (g).

SPECIES

BURNED

UNBURNED

CHARRED

SOIL SAMPLE

TOTAL

Harp sealRinged sealIndet. sealCattle

Sheep/goatLarge ungulateIndet. duckBirdBird?

Indeterminate

Not analyzed (indeterminate)Total

* from hearth.

22.3110.411986.1

0.421.820.150.20.275889.08

7910.76

0.448.8224.962.7

35.92

54.74

510.06

4

568.8

1029.651029.65

77.4919.232521.122.70.421.820.150.20.275893.081029.65

9546.13

Table 21. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species, NISP.

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED

TOTAL

Harp seal 9

Ringed seal 4

Indeterminate seal 3474Cattle

Sheep/goat 1

Large ungulate 1

Indeterminate duck 1

Bird 1

Bird? 2

Total 3493

13

151

7623

20

630

177

4112111112

4143

Table 22. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the floor area, NISP.SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL

Harp sealRinged sealIndet. sealCattleBird?

IndeterminateTotal

53

25802

162

2752

4

255

5

264

93

284112

167

3023

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

97

Table 23. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the hearth (includingthe finds from the profile), NISP.

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL

Harp seal 4 13 8

Ringed seal 1 2 3

Indet. seal 884 9 364 1257

Sheep/goat 1 1

Large ungulate 1 . 1

Indet. duck 1 1

Bird 1 1

Indeterminate 109 109

Total 1002 12 367 1381

Table 24. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the 1 m2 pit, NISP.SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL

Ringed seal 1 1

Indet. seal 10 4 14

Table 25. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones.ELEMENT HARP SEAL INDET SEAL RINGED SEAL CATTLE TOTAL

CraniumMandibulaHyoideumAtlas

Vertebrae

Gestae

Cr+i

Coxae

Femur

Talus

Calcaneus

T4

Mtv

Ph3 post

1

Total

20

CHAPTER 5

Table 26 Sites 31

-32 Hut B-

Soecies and skeletal

elements,

rharrpd hnnp^

ELEMENT

HARP SEAL

INDET. SEAL

TOTAL

Cranium

5

19

24

Mandibula

1

4

5

Atlas

3

3

Axis

1

1

V caud

8

8

Vertebrae

510

510

Costae

3

3

Humerus

1

1

Cr+i

2

2

Cu

1

1

CI

1

1

C2

1

1

C3

1

1

Mc II

1

1

Mc V

2

2

Phi ant

2

2

Ph2 ant

4

4

Ph3 ant

1

1

Coxae

4

4

Sacrum

2

2

Femur

1

7

8

Patella

1

1

Fibula

2

2

Talus

7

7

Calcaneus

2

2

Tc

2

2

Tl

1

1

T2

3

3

T3

4

4

T4

2

2

Mt 1

2

2

Mt II

4

4

Mt V

3

3

Mt

1

1

Phi post

6

6

Ph2 post

1

1

Ph3 post

4

4

Total

7

623

630

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

99

Table 27. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements,

HARP RINGED INDET. SHEEP/ LARGEELEMENT SEAL SEAL SEAL GOAT UNGULATE

burned

INDET.DUCK

bones.

BIRD

BIRD?

TOTAL

Cranium 5 2

92

99

Mandibula 1

23

24

Dentes 1

8

9

Hyoideum

9 ,

9

Atlas

2

2

Axis

14

14

V cerv

4

4

V caud

196

196

Vthor

1

1

Vertebrae

506

506

Costae

5

1

6

Cartil. Costae

1

1

Scapula

1

1

Humerus

2

2

3

Ulna 1

1

Carpometacarpus

1

1

2

Cr+i

4

4

C2

1

1

C4

1

1

Mc 1

6

6

Mc II

2

2

Mc IV 1

1

2

Mc

5

5

Phi ant

14

14

Ph2 ant

5

5

Ph3 ant

6

6

Ph ant

2

2

Coxae

31

31

Sacrum

2

2

Femur

15

15

Patella

4

4

Tibia 1

37

38

Fibula 1

19

20

Talus

22

22

Calcaneus

9

9

Tc

30

30

Tl

23

23

T2

54

54

T3

43

43

T4

27

27

Mt 1

33

33

Mt II

42

42

Mt III

30

30

Mt IV

22

22

Mt V

45

45

Mt

193

193

Mp

1

1

Phi post

469

459

Ph2 post

301

Ph3 post

310

310

Ph post

198

198

Tarsi/carpi

127

127

Sesamoidea

472

472

Baculum

3

3

Ossa longa

2

1

3

Total 9 4

3474 1

2

1

1

2

3494

100

CHAPTER 5

I cow, I sheep/goat and i duck. If the seal bones are treated as one unit regardless of species, thematerial contains bones from at least 21 different individuals. Epiphyseal fusion data of the first toebone (Phi post) indicate that sixteen of them were adults while the other five were sub-adults. Someof the bones of both harp seals and ringed seals exhibit skeletal lesions characteristic of old age,indicating that there are at least a few very old adults among them. The other species identified inHut B are represented by one individual each.

There are noteworthy differences in the anatomical representation of seals between the dif-ferent find contexts and between the burned, charred and unburned bones. The differences areobvious, according to both the number of specimens and the weight distributions. The burnedbones exhibit a higher representation from the rear flippers. The charred fragments are mostlyfrom the vertebral column, while the unburned bones are from the cranium (and rear flippers). Thebones identified as deriving from cattle or large ungulates come from the upper extremities, i.e. themeatiest parts of the animals, while the bones from sheep/goats are from the meat-poor lower ex-tremities. One femoral fragment comes from a calf These finds probably represent food resourcesbrought to the island. Eight seal bones exhibited marks associated with butchery. One element isfrom a front flipper, two elements are from a rear extremity, and five are from rear flippers. Sevenof the elements exhibit chop marks and two have superficial cut marks. One fragment exhibits bothtypes of marks. The character of the marks indicates rather crude partitioning techniques usingheavy tools, probably axes. Poor preservation of the bone surfaces may, however, mask the truefrequencies of lighter cut marks.

The differences in anatomical representation are not related to the different numbers ofbones in each anatomical region. A comparison of anatomical units of seals shows that there was

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, NISP

Total (N=4136)

Unburned (N=19)

Charred (N=630)

Burned (N=3487)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

■ Cranium HTeeth DVertebral column

Ei]Ribcage BFront extremity QFrontflipper

[DRear extremity Q] Rear flipper E3 Front/rear flipper

Figure 102. Anatomical representation by NISP (excluding ^yi sesamoids, j bacula and 2 long bonefragments).

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

101

Table 28. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones.

ANATOMY ELEMENT HARP SEAL INDET. SEAL RINGED SEAL CATTLE TOTAL

Cranium

Backbone

Rib cageFront flipperRear extremity

Rear flipper

CraniumMandibulaHyoideum

AtlasVertebraeCostaeCr+iCoxaeFemurTalusCalcaneusT4MtVPh3 post

1

Total

20

Table 29. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representationfor seals by MAD (minimum anatomical unit). Burned,charred and unburned bones not separated.

ANATOMY STORA FJADERAGG B (N=60)

Cranium 6

Front extremity 3

Front flipper 4

Rear extremity 5

Rear flipper 42

Total 60

a clear preference for rear flippers. This comparison takes into account the number of skeletal ele-ments in each body region. The bones from seals represent a minimum of 6o different anatomicalunits; 42 of these are rear flippers. Note that this comparison excludes the vertebral column (seediscussion, this chapter).

There are also differences in anatomical representation in the different areas of the hut. Theburned fragments exhibit relatively great differences between the hearth and the floor area; thehearth contained a larger proportion of burned fragments from the vertebral column as compared

102

CHAPTER 5

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, Floor. NISP

Unburned (N=6)Charred (N=259)Burned (N=2588)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

■ Cranium BTeeth DVertebral column

Rib cage SFront extremity B Front flipper

HI Rear extremity IHRear flipper 0 Front/rear flipper

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, Hearth. NISP

Unburned (N=12)

Charred (N=367)

Burned (N=889)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

■ Cranium ■Teeth DVertebral column

E3Rib cage HFront extremity QFront flipper

[B Rear extremity ffl Rear flipper EBFront/rear flipper

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, pit. NISP

Unburned (N=1)

Charred (N=4)

Burned (N=10)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

{Cranium DVertebral column BRearflipper

Figure lO]. Anatomical representationin the floor area according to NISP(excluding 472 sesamoids, j baculaand 2 long bone fragments).

Figure 104. Anatomical representationin the hearth by NISP (excluding 4^2sesamoids, j bacula and 2 long bonefi'aginents).

Figure 105. Anatomical representationin the storage pit by NISP (excluding4J2 sesamoids, ] bacida and 2 longbone fragments).

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

103

Table 30. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representation for seals, NISP.

ANATOMY

BURNED

UNBURNED

CHARRED

TOTAL

Cranium+teeth

132

7

29

168

Vert. Column

725

2

524

1251

Rib cage

6

1

3

10

Front extr.

13

1

1

15

Rear extr.

108

2

15

125

Front flipper

48

1

16

65

Rear flipper

1851

5

42

1898

Front or rear flipper

127

127

Sesamoidea, baculum

475

475

Long bone fragments

2

2

Total

3487

19

630

4136

Table 31. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representation for seals byweight (g).

ANATOMY

BURNED

UNBURNED

CHARRED

TOTAL

Cranium+teeth

132.22

12.80

79.34

224.36

Vert. Column

382.51

6.72

368.52

757.75

Rib cage

5.11

3.09

3.83

12.03

Front extr.

5.26

0.17

1.45

6.88

Rear extr.

172.03

1.77

33.15

206.95

Front flipper

36.98

0.62

24.40

62.00

Rear flipper

1145.54

9.05

54.11

1208.7

Front/rear flipper

60.13

60.13

Sesamoidea, baculum

80.60

80.60

Long bone fragments

1.71

1.71

Total

2018.82

34.22

564.80

2617.84

with the floor area, which mainly contained bones from the rear flippers. The charred fragmentsdisplayed a similar anatomical representation for seals on the floor and in the hearth, with mostbone fragments from the vertebral column. The unburned fragments were dominated by fragmentsfrom the rear flippers in the floor area, and cranial fragments in the hearth. The small number ofunburned fragments probably makes the comparison somewhat unreliable, however. The anatomi-cal representation in the pit is more restricted than the on floor area and in the hearth, but this

104

CHAPTER 5

Table 32. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Burned bones,anatomical representation for seals, NISP.

ANATOMY

HEARTH

PIT

FLOOR

TOTAL

Cranium

67

56

123

Teeth

3

6

9

Vertebral column

410

1

314

725

Rib cage

4

2

5

Front extremity

2

11

13

Front flipper

20

28

48

Rear extremity

73

35

108

Rear flipper

255

9

1587

1851

Front/rear flipper

18

109

127

Long bone fragments

2

2

Sesamoids, baculum

37

438

475

Total

889

10

2588

3487

Table 33. Sites 31-32,

Hut B: Burned bones, anatonnical

representation for seals by weigfit (g

:).

ANATOMY

HEARTH

PIT

FLOOR

TOTAL

Cranium

72.72

57.52

130.34

Teetfi

1.04

0.84

1.88

Vertebral column

247.30

0.09

135.12

382.51

Rib cage

4.00

1.11

5.11

Front extremity

0.94

4.32

5.26

Front flipper

15.33

21.65

35.98

Rear extremity

121.99

45.77

158.75

Rear flipper

190.68

3.99

950.87

1145.54

Front/rear flipper

7.92

52.21

60.13

Long bone fragments

1.71

1.71

Sesamoids, baculum

7.26

73.34

80.50

Total

569.18

4.08

1345.56

2018.82

comparison is also affected by the small mimbers of fragments. It general, it appears from thismaterial that there was some form of spatial organization and related activities in Hut B.

HutC

Hut C is located at 15.5 m above sea level It measures ca. 5.5 x 5.5 m and the floor area is ca. 3X 3 m (Figure 106). The walls are heavily overgrown and measure ca. i.o m in width. A single

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

105

Table 34. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Unburned bones,anatomical representation for seals, NISP.

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL

Cranium 5 117

Vertebral column 2 2

Rib cage 1 1

Front extremity 1 1

Front flipper 1 1

Rear extremity 2 2

Rear flipper 2 3 5

Total 12 1 6 19

Table 35. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Unburned bones,anatomical representation for seals by weighit (g).

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL

Cranium

Vertebral columnRib cageFront extremityFront flipperRear extremityRear flipper

Total

10.936.72

0.17

1.770,53

20.00

0.99 0.88

8.52

0.99 13.11

12.805.723.090.170.621.779.05

34.22

3.090.62

Table 36. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Charred bones,anatomical representation for seals, NISP.

ANATOMY

HEARTH

PIT

FLOOR

TOTAL

Cranium

6

23

29

Vertebral column

333

1

190

524

Rib cage

1

2

3

Front extremity

1

1

Front flipper

7

9

16

Rear extremity

3

12

15

Rear flipper

17

3

22

42

Total

367

4

259

630

CHAPTER 5

Table 37. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Charred bones, anatomicalrepresentation for seals by weight (g).

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL

Cranium 35.26 44.08 79.34

Vertebral column 200.62 0.48 167.42 368.52

Rib cage 0.61 3.22 3.83

Front extremity 1.45 1.45

Front flipper 12.12 12.28 24.40

Rear extremity 9.30 23.85 33.15

Rear flipper 31.26 2.38 20.47 54.11

Total 289.17 2.86 272.77 564.80

Table 38. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones exhibitingnnarks of butchery. All fragments from the floor area.

ANATOMY

ELEMENT

MARK

Front flipper

Mcl

Cut marks at distal epiphysis

Rear extremity

Tibia

Chop mark at distal end

Tibia

Chop mark on diaphysis

Rear flipper

Tc

Chop mark and cut mark

Tc

Chop mark

T2

Chop mark

T2

Chop mark

Mtlll

Chop mark

Figure 106. Map of Hut C withalignmmts. huts and a storage cache.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

107

entrance, measuring i.o m in width, faces south-east. The excavated hut is one of three construc-tions with external wall alignments, a depressionand a cairn. One of the huts resembles the inverted"G" shape of Hut A and is roughly contemporarywith it. This appears to be a small cluster of con-temporary structures.

Finds

One chip of gray flint was found and measures 15mm in length.

Chronology

A I m^ pit was excavated in the hearth and 15.7 g ofcharcoal was found. One radiocarbon date (St. 11183)was obtained: 955+75 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1018-1163).

Osteological MaterialNo bone was recovered.

Figure loy. Map of Hut D.

HutD

Hut D is situated at the 13 m elevation. It is roughly oval in shape and has two opposite-lying en-trances facing east and west. The features measures ca. 6 x 4.5 m (Figure 107). The floor area mea-sures ca. 4 X 3 m. The doors are ca. 0.75 m wide. A i x 0.50 m pit was excavated in the hearth. Thisrendered 205.8 g of bone. Charcoal was found (10.6 g) and radiocarbon dated (St. 11184): 1110+145B.P. (A.D. cal. 714-1036).

Table 39. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Identified species, NISP.

SPECIES HEARTH SAMPLE 1 SAMPLE 2 SAMPLE3 SAMPLE 4 TOTAL

Indeterminate seal 1.67 27.95 1.23 1.03 0.08 31.95

Indeterminate 93.43 12.2 6.81 6.25 2.06 120.75

Total 95.1 40.15 8.04 7.28 2.14 152.71

Finds

One gray flint chip

Red brown clay furnace fragment (1.5 cm)Osteological Material

The hearth soils and 4 additional soil samples were collected from Hut D.

108

CHAPTER 5

Table 40. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Anatomical representation for indeterminateseals, burned bones, NISP.

ELEMENT HEARTH SAMPLE 1 SAMPLE 2 SAMPLE 3 SAMPLE 4 TOTAL

Cranium 12 3

V caud 5 5

Vertebrae 1 1

C2 1 1

Tc 1 1

Tl 1 1

T2 • 12 1 4

Mtl ^ 3 3

Mt II 1 1

Mt III 1 1

MtV 2 1 3

Mt 1 7 8

Phi post 20 1 4 25

Ph2 post 8 8

Ph3 post 4 4

Tibia 1 1

Ph post 1 3 4

Sesamoidea 21 2 1 24

Total 6 81 5 5 1 98

Table 41. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Anatomicalrepresentation for seals by MAU (minimumanatomical unit).

ANATOMY

STORA FJADERAGG D(N=6)

CraniumFront extremityFront flipperRear extremityRear flipper

The bones derive from seals of inde-terminate species, and the rear flippers weremost common. The minimum number of in-dividuals is two (based on three rear flippers).Epiphyseal fusion of the toe bones indicatesthat one of them was an adult and the other, asub-adult. One element from the rear flipper(Mtll) exhibits cut marks on the diaphysis.

Total

Circular Features

A group of ten ring-shaped stone settingsmeasuring 3 to 5 m in diameter is recorded inthe archaeological surveys (Site 33). The ringsare on two beach ridges within an area of ca.50 X 112 m between 7 and 9 m above sea level(Figures 108). The largest feature is an oval wall measuring 0.75 m to i m in height, with a diam-eter of 4.9 X 3.7 m (Figure 109). The wall is ca. 50 cm in width and incorporates a large unusual

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

109

looking boulder. Fifteen meters tothe northwest of this feature aretwo simpler stone rings, one mea-suring 3.5 X 4.1 m in diameter, anda smaller ring measuring 2x3m.Fifty meters to the northeast, andon a terrace at the 9 m elevation,is an additional cluster of stoneconstructions, including a smallcairn of stones lying up against aboulder. Five meters to the north-west are three smaller rings. Oneof these consists of three smallchambers. Five meters above themis a 5.8 m long cobble wall, an ovaldepression measuring 4 x 3.3 m.

hearth circle

enclosure

4|p cairn by a boulder ^'"-^^

, ^'.^-l^ multiple circlescircle ^ V'

v.*

circle

depression

*

*-\ < alignmentdepression

y

10 m

Figure 108. Sketch map of Site with stone circles and related constructionsand depressions.

110

CHAPTER 5

GAMLA HAMNEN

7 m excavations »

*

compass rose

S m

4 m

LABYRINTH

.v^ (1525-1595) i>

pond

shooting blind

CHAPEL ^

n

(1729-1910) 8m-7m

7 • ■ ■ net-drying y; caims

BASIN

3 m

and a stone ring measuring4 X 37 m. The complex faces inthe same direction as the settle-ment as a whole, southeast. Theshore level suggests a date anal-ogous to the radiocarbon datesfrom Huts B-D., approximatelyA.D. 900-1200. Only two ofthe stone rings can be seen asdwellings (tent rings). The othercircular features do not appearto have had any practical func-tions. These features parallelother finds documented withinthe project that are interpretedas Saami in origin (cf Wennst-edt Edvinger and Broadbent2006). The most remarkable fea-ture at the site is the cobble-builtenclosure and a large boulderwith odd eye-like holes (Figure109). According to early writ-ten sources (Leem 1767), thesecircular constructions could be

Figure ni. Map of Gamla Hamnen.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

111

Table 42. Stora Fjaderagg: Bones from Gamla Hamnen.

SPECIES WEIGHT (G) NISP ELEMENT

Large ungulate 22.28 2 1 centrotarsale; 1 long bone fragment

Indeterminate seal 1.66 1 Part of the claw of the third toe bone,

Ph3 posterior

Total 23.94 3

covered over to prevent dogs or predators from desecrating the offerings. These interpretationsare discussed in Chapter 8.

Gamla Hamnen

Two small overgrown huts lyingat the ca. 8 m level above theGamla Hamnen area were in-vestigated. Hut A is an irregularoval hut measuring ca. 4 x 3.5 m.The low walls measure ca. 0.50m in width. A small hearth wasfound in the northwest cornerof the hut. Hut B is also irregu-lar feature and measuring ca.4 X 4.5 m (Figures no, iii).

Finds

None , - ,

Figure 112. Aerial view oj Gamla Hamnen, looking east.

Chronology

One radiocarbon date was obtained from Hut B (St. 11901): 3io±70 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1490-1650).Osteological Material

All bones were unburned: one tarsal bone and a long bone fragment of a large ungulate (cattle ormoose) and the claw (nail) of a third toe bone of an indeterminate seal were identified.

The harbor basin has a threshold elevation of 2.54 m above present sea level, which dates toca. A.D. 1650. A beach ridge at its entrance is 50 cm higher than this level and is probably the resultof storm surges. The chapel by the basin dates to 1729. As a whole, the radiocarbon date from thehuts and the lichen dates of the labyrinths, suggest that the harbor could date as early as 1490 to1650. As noted earlier, Sandstrom (1988:136-141) has undertaken an extensive analysis of the eleva-tions of place-names on Holmon and found they start at the 6 m level, or ca. A.D. 1300.

112

CHAPTER 5

Summary Discussion

The highest-lying huts and thestone circles from Stora FjaderaggIsland date to the period ca. A.D.200 to 1200. This range is fullyconsistent with the other inves-tigated sites with similar eleva-tions. The harbor and associatedfeatures date to the late sixteenthcentury, in line with the licheno-metric dating of the labyrinths onthe island.

The artifacts from the hutsshow evidence of iron working,both slag and furnace clay. Thismaterial was found in Huts B andC, ranging in age from 1660 to1015 B.P. Flint chips from strike-a-lights were found in Huts B, Cand D. The two stray finds fromthe island, a silver ring and bronzebells, date to the late Viking Pe-riod and are contemporary withthe huts (cf Serning 1960:150).

In addition to the seal bonesdiscussed below, there were findsof cattle, sheep/goat and duckbones. This evidence of husbandry parallels the finds of sheep/goat bones from JungfruhamnSite 138. Even stone alignments, as found at Bjuron Site 70 and Grundskatan Site 78, were in evi-dence at Hut C on Stora Fjaderagg, and are seen at other huts on the island as well. The circularfeatures, combined with the oral history regarding Lapp settlers on Holmon and Saami traditionsin rope- and net making, make the island a key locale in this analysis of coastal Saami culture inVasterbotten.

Comparative Analysis of the Osteological Material (by Jan Stora)Harp Seal Populations

Earlier analyses have shown that prehistoric harp seals in the Baltic exhibited a smaller bodysize than extant ones from the Atlantic (Stora and Ericson 2004; Stora and Lougas 2005). Dueto the high level of fragmentation it has been difficult to document osteometric data from StoraFjaderagg. The (greatest) diagonal breadth of pars mastoideus of two temporal bones (42.7 and 37.15mm) are the only measurements providing information on the sizes of the harp seals. One of theelements comes from a rather large adult individual, in fact larger than most individuals from the

HutBl 1660t70BPHntB2 1235±315BPHilD niOtl45BPHut A lOIStlOOBPHutC 95St75BP

aXJOCalBC KlOOCalBC GilBC/CalAD laXtalAD 2000QilADCalibrated date

12(XralAD l4(KK:aIAD 16()0CalAD ISIXKTalAD 2(K)()CalADC'dibrated dale

Figure ii}. Calibrated dates of huts at Sites p-p. Below, calibrated date of hutby Gamla Hamnen.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

113

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B. Level of epiphyseal fusion of finger- and toebones in

seals

Ph 2 postPh 1 postPh1 ant

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Ph1 ant

Ph 1 post

Ph 2 post

□ Unfused

2

48

27

min fusion

1

■ Fused

8

157

133

■ Fused in In fusion □ Unfused

Figure 114. Level of epiphyseal fiision offinger and toe bones in seals. The unfiised elements most probably derivefrom sub-adult seals while the fused bones come from adult seals (Aging according to Stord 2001a).

Size distribution of Bronze Age, Iron Age harp seals from the Baltic andextant adult harp seals from the Atlantic

31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46(Greatest) diagonal breadth of pars mastoideus (mm)

Q]Bronze Age ■Iron Age □ Stora Fjaderagg Modern adult

Figure 315. Size comparison of two temporal bones (37-15 and 42.'/ mm) from Stora Fjaderagg with bones from theAland Islands and Estonia, and extant harp seals from the Atlantic (Modified from Stord and Lougas 200^).

Bronze Age and Iron Age. The size nevertheless corresponds to that of the smallest adults ofextant harp seals from the Atlantic. A small temporal bone from Stora Fjaderagg probably de-rives from a sub-adult individual. Approximately 31% of the material by weight could be identi-fied as to species or class of animals. Bones from ringed seals {Phoca hispida), harp seals {Phoca

114

CHAPTER 5

Table 43. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species by weight (g). Materialin soil sannples excluded.

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL

Ringed seal 10.41 8.82 19.23

Harp seal 22.31 0.44 54.74 77.49

Indeterminate seal 2018.24 26.62 510.06 2554.92

Cattle 2.7 2.7

Large ungulate 1.82 22.28 24.1

Sheep/goat 0.42 0.42

Indeterminate duck 0.15 0.15

Bird 0.2 0.2

Bird? 0.27 0.27

Indeterminate 6020.74 4 6024.74

Total 8074.56 60.86 568.8 8704.22

Table 44. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species, NISP (indeterminatefragments not counted). Material in soil samples excluded.

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL

Ringed seal 4 3 7

Harp seal 9 17 17

Indeterminate seal 3574 16 623 4213

Cattle 1 1

Large ungulate 12 3

Sheep/goat 1 1

Indet. duck 1 1

Bird 1 1

Bird? 2 2

Total 3593 23 630 4246

groenlandica) and indeterminate seals (Phoca sp.) by far dominate the material, together withsolitary occurrences of cattle (Bos taunis), sheep/goat [Ovis aries/Capra hircus) and bird bones.

There are only minor differences in the species compositions among the burned, charredand unburned bones. Some bones could be identified as to class of animals or group of animalsonly. The bones identified as large ungulates may originate from moose (Alces alces), cattle orreindeer (Bos taurus, Rangifer tamndus). The possibility of horse (Equus caballus) can, with somecertainty, be excluded.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

115

SPECIES

Harp sealRinged sealSeal sp.Sheep/goatLarge ungulateIndeterminate duckBirdBird?

IndeterminateTotal

The osteological analysis ofthe finds from Stora Fjaderagg hasgiven new insights into the activitiesat these coastal sites. This is the firsttime that harp seal has been iden-tified at such a location, and this israther surprising. Previously, onlyringed seals have been identifiedon sites this far north dating to LateIron Age or Medieval period. Ethno-graphic records shovv? that the ringedseal was also important in historictimes, together with gray seal (Hali-choerus grypus). The latter species issurprisingly rare in archaeologicalrecords from the Bothnian Sea andthe Bay of Bothnia (see Ekman andIregren 1984; Ukkonen 2002). Atpresent, it seems that the hunting forgray seals has a rather recent history.

The discovery of harp sealsfrom Stora Fjaderagg is chrono-logically one of the youngest in theBothnian Sea. In the most compre-hensive survey of faunal remainsfrom archaeological sites in north-ern Sweden published in 1984, nofinds of harp seal were reported(Ekman and Iregren 1984). How-ever, harp seal bones were lateridentified at other sites. Some finds ■of harp seals have, for example,been reported from the Neolithicsites of Lillberget in Norrbotten (Halen 1994; Wal-lander 1992) and Bjurselet in Vasterbotten (Lepik-saar 1975), and in recent years the species has beenidentified at several coastal sites in the southern(and middle) coastal areas of the Bothnian Sea, i.e.Bjastamon in Angermanland (Olson et al. 2008)and Frakenronningen in Gastrikland (Holm2006). The harp seal is very common in coastalsite refuse faunas dating to the Neolithic period inthe Baltic Sea (e.g. Stora and Ericson 2004).

Table 45. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined burned bonesby species, NISP (indeterminate fragments notcounted).

HUT A HUT B HUT D TOTAL

94

347411112

271 +3764+

98

98

94

357411112

271 +3864+

Table 46. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined unburnedbones by species, NISP.

SPECIES

HUT B

OLD HARBOR

TOTAL

Harp sealRinged sealSeal sp.Cattle

Large ungulateTotal

1

3

151

20

131612

23

Table 47. Stora Fjaderagg: Combinedcharred bones by species, NISP.

SPECIES

HUT B

Harp sealSeal sp.Undetermined

Total

76235

635

116

CHAPTER 5

The number of finds of harp seal in the Baltic decreases after the Neolithic Period. Newstudies suggest, however, that the species may have been present in the region more recently. Twosub-fossil harp seal skeletons on the Finnish West Coast of the Bothnian Bay have been radiocar-bon dated to the Bronze Age (Ukkonen 2002). Another find of harp seal in Finland was recoveredin a cairn dating to the Early Iron Age (Makivuoti 1986). More numerous finds in archaeologicalcontexts have also been reported in the Baltic. Iron Age finds of the harp seal have been reportedfrom the Aland Islands, the Estonian Islands, the Islands of Gotland, Oland and Bornholm (Storaand Lougas 2005 and references therein). The finds from Stora Fjaderagg are contemporary withthese finds. The size of one adult harp seal at Stora Fjaderagg is amongst the largest found com-pared with other Iron Age harp seals from the Baltic. The finds from Stora Fjaderagg providesome support that remnants of large Neolithic Period harp seal populations were still present indifferent areas of the Baltic Sea during the Late Iron Age.

The uniqueness of the harp seal finds at Stora Fjaderagg makes it difficult to generalize abouthunting patterns. The harp seal is obviously the most common seal found in Hut B. The minimumnumber of individuals for ringed seals is two. However, the minimum number of seals of all spe-cies in Hut B is at least 21. In contrast to the most often solitary ringed seal, the harp seal is bothmigratory and gregarious. It breeds in late winter/early spring and is unable to keep breathing holesopen in fast ice. This latter behavior is similar to that of the gray seal. The behavioral patterns ofthe harp seal are rather different from those of the ringed seal and in Neolithic times hunting pat-terns differed for the two species (Stora 2001b). The behavioral patterns almost certainly affectedhunting strategies during the Iron Age, but unfortunately it has not been possible to pinpoint sea-sonality using only the seal bones from Stora Fjaderagg. If behavioral patterns of the harp seal areconsidered, the most suitable period for hunting would have been during periods with open water,the summer and fall. The harp seals in Hut B were found together with bones of a duck; the latterwould have also been in the area during the warmer seasons of the year.

Whether the Stora Fjaderagg find is unique remains to be seen. Hut B is in several respectsdifferent from other studied hut structures of similar date and in corresponding locations. Thepresence of harp seal is certainly significant and the amount of faunal remains in Hut B exceedsthat of all the other examined hut structures (e.g. Stora and Broadbent 2001). It appears that notall body parts of the seals were transported to Hut B. Bones from the rear flippers clearly dominatethe assemblage. Interestingly enough, the meat of the flippers has often been considered the tasti-est by hunters, and sometimes even the only edible parts of seals. At Stora Fjaderagg there wasan obvious preference for rear flippers, while the front flippers were uncommon. Hut D on StoraFjaderagg shows a similar (although not as obvious) preference for the same anatomical parts asthat seen in Hut B.

The vertebral column is also fairly well represented, especially among the charred remains.Due to the level of fragmentation it has not been possible to estimate the minimum number ofanatomical units for the different sections of the vertebral column (cervical, thoracic, lumbar andcaudal). It is possible that the different regions of the vertebral column are not represented insimilar proportions in Hut B. Due to the high level of fragmentation, most fragments have beenidentified as indeterminate vertebrae only. Considering a complete seal, it would be expected thatthoracic vertebrae would be best represented. Also noteworthy is the fact that most vertebral frag-ments, identified to a specific region, are caudal vertebrae and cervical vertebrae also seem to be

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

117

well represented. The second cervical vertebra, the axis, is represented by at least lo individuals.Thoracic and lumbar vertebrae are not absent, but they appear to be underrepresented by com-parison with the caudal and cervical regions. The few fragments of ribs at Stora Fjaderagg are anindication that this was the case, as the ribs are anatomically associated with thoracic vertebrae.It is also possible that rib fragments are rare because this part of the seal not was processed inHut B. Indeed, the caudal vertebrae and rear flippers may have been be connected if the rear bodyparts of the seals were handled as a single unit.

It seems plausible that only parts of seals were brought to Hut B for preparation and consump-tion. The character of the cut marks from slaughter indicates rather crude methods for partition-ing the body parts. The anatomical parts of seals that are missing in Hut B (as compared with thenumbers of rear flippers), are the crania, front extremities and front flippers, thoracic vertebrae, ribsand rear extremities; these parts were taken somewhere else. The missing parts at Hut B roughlycomprise the articulated trunk. One aspect that needs more attention is a possible bias in preserva-tion. The burned fragments exhibit a clear dominance of bones from the rear flippers, while thecharred fragments were dominated by vertebral fragments. This indicates that the vertebrae weresubjected to a lower level of burning. Many vertebral fragments are burned, but the proportion ofcharred fragments is higher as compared to other anatomical units. The few unburned fragmentscame from several different anatomical regions, but they are too few to highlight further. The lowerlevel of burning of vertebrae may also be because they were more deeply embedded in soft tissuethan the more superficial bones, e.g. the toe bones of the rear flippers. If the vertebrae (and othermore embedded bones) were not burned to the same extent as the rear flippers, this could meanthese bones are underrepresented. This possibility has to be taken into account, but most probably

Stora Fjaderagg, Hut B. Anatomical representation for seals, NISP

2000160012008004000

> O

o

0)O)

nio

Si

S

X

i_reo

<3>O.

a.

a.a.

ns<i>

0 Q.

a.

1 =

U. (Q0)

reo

T3

o

Ere

(00)

co

□ Burned (N=3487)Q] Unburned (N=19)H Charred (N=630)

Figure ii6. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B. NISP.118 CHAPTER 5

Stora Fjaderagg, Hut B. Anatomical representation for seals by weight (g)1400 1

□ Burned (2018.82g) □Unburned (34.22g) ■ Charred (564.80g)

Figure iiy. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B, by weight (g).

Stora Fjaderagg, anatomical representation for seal, MAU

Stora FjaderaggD (N=6)

Stora FjaderaggB (N=39)

I

-I 1 \ \ \

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

■ Cranium □!Front extremity Q] Front flipper

BRear extremity QRear flipper

Figure ii8. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B and Hut D according to minimumanatomical units.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

119

cannot explain the observed patterns of anatomical representation for seals at Stora Fjaderagg. Theabsence of finger bones from the fore flippers cannot be explained in this manner. The finger bones(and also the cranial bones) were not embedded in thick layers of soft tissue.

The faunal material from Hut B has highlighted the complicated taphonomic history of thiskind of assemblage. It is obviously one of the more intriguing faunal assemblages from such alocation and time period. It is of interest that there are differences in anatomical representation inHut B between the hearth and the floor area. This has some implications regarding the character ofcarcass utilization. If the archaeological excavations had targeted either the floor area or the hearth,the results would have been different. Additionally, the analysis has shown that it is important torelate the faunal remains as closely as possible to the overall find context.

To conclude, the faunal assemblage from Stora Fjaderagg Island has provided new insightson a number of issues:

1) For the first time harp seal (Phoca groenlandica) has been identified in such a location andtime period this far north. The ringed seal is not the most common species in Hut B, in-dicating that seal hunting patterns during the Iron Age may have been more varied thanpreviously believed.

2) The amount of faunal remains in Hut B exceeds that of any other previously analyzedcoastal hut structure. Hut B contains the body parts from at least 21 different seals indi-cating a planned utilization of the seals and use of the hut structure. The meat of the 60anatomical regions identified in Hut B would have been a considerable food resource.

3) The anatomical representation of seals indicates that selected body parts were brought toHut B for specific processing and probably consumption. The large parts of the seals thatare missing in Hut B indicate strategies beyond immediate use. The missing parts of the 21

Figure iig. Three-dimensional rendition of Snoan Island with radiocarbon dates.

120 CHAPTER 5

SNOAN

Figure 120. Map of Snoan Island,Umea Municipality. Vasterbotten.Investigated areas indicated byrectangles.

SITE 49

individuals represent a considerable amount of meat,blubber and skins.

4) Differences in anatomical representation in the findcontexts of Hut B indicate spatial organization. Thedifferences observed between the burned and charredbones, as well as the differences between the hearthand the floor, have been established for a rather largefaunal material. This suggests a repeated behavioralpattern inside the hut.

5) All of the above indicates that Hut B must be regardedas a rather permanent structure in a well-organizedhunting complex. The activities that produced thisfaunal assemblage were also well planned. StoraFjaderagg contains many kinds of material remainsindicative of the importance of the island over a longtime period of time.

Snoan Island

Snoan Island is outermost in the Snoan archipelago at 63° 29' N,20° 53' E, and is ca. 7 km from the mainland. The island consistsof two parallel glacial ridges and is arrowhead shaped (Figures119, 120). It measures 2.8 km in length, 0.9 km in width, andrises up to 17 m above sea level. Snoan Island was surveyed bythe National Heritage Board in 1981 and an excellent accountof this work was published by Lofgren and Olsson (1983). Fivelocales with huts, eight labyrinths and an equal number of

Figure 121. Map of Site 49.

Figure 122. Photo oj Hut B with distinctive hearth, facing east.EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

121

compass roses were recorded. The main hut con-centration of some 50 structures hes above the8 m curve within an area of 650 x 100 m (Site49). The first historical account/map of the islanddates to 1646. The name was written as Snodanand means "barren." Nine fishing sheds and achapel were recorded in 1821 and there was culti-vatable land in the central part of the island.

The goal of my investigation was to obtaincharcoal for radiocarbon dates, animal bonesand artifacts from different shoreline eleva-tions. Two huts were investigated at the 10-15m elevation, Site 49. Extensive mapping wasundertaken at Sites 53 and 92, which are LateMedieval fishing harbors between 3-8 m abovepresent sea level. Two dates were obtained froma Russian Oven at the 5 m level, and two dateswere obtained from a hut by a harbor basin atthe 3-5 m levels.

Site 49

These oval huts form a cluster of features near thehighest part of the island. Fourteen huts clusterabove the 10 m level (Figure 121). Five of the hutsface west, three east, one north and two south.Nine of the huts have hearths. Hut 49A measures7x8m and has an inner measurement of 5 x 6m. The entrance is 2-3 m wide. Hut 49B has thesame measurements. Hut 49B has a large built-up hearth measuring 2x3m that nearly fills thefloor (Figure 122). Charcoal was recovered fromHut 49B and dated: (Ua-1323), 255±ioo B.P. Thisrecent date suggests that the hearth was contami-nated by later re-use. One artifact was found, awhite-gray burned flint piece measuring 22 x15 mm. Hut 49A (Ua-1322) rendered a date of1150+100 B.P. (A.D. cal. 775-988), which is con-sistent with its elevation. Burned bone was foundin both huts. In Hut A, a large ungulate was iden-tified. In Hut B seal and hare bones were identi-fied. There was only 16 g of bone from the twohuts, including those of a large ungulate (mooseor reindeer), two rear flipper bones, including one

Table 48. Stor-Rebben: Bones in Huts Aand B.

SPECIES

HUT A HUT B TOTAL

Seal 2 2

Large ungulate 1 1

Hare 1 1

Indeterminate. 64-I-* 64*

Total 65+* 3 68** not all small fragments counted

labyrinth (1538)

c::c

SITE 92

8 m E7^'"1 C boathouses

3 m

• net drying• .• i cairns

bog

I

Huts Q

U .

t

N

5 m

8 m

3 m

I

\

2

Q c(3i"Russian Oven"

>^ fiire-cracked 25\ * rocks — —

2.75 m (threshold)

\

m

Figure 323. Map of fishing harbor, Site 92.

122

CHAPTER 5

SITE 53

Figure 324. Map of fishing harbor area. Site 53.

tiit49A llSOtlOOH'Hut 53A 735±120BPOven92B47aiS)5BPHut 53B 445tl05BPOven92A43Qt95H'

CaBQCMAD 500CalAD KXiralAD ISOOCalAD 2000CalADCalibrated date

Figure 125. Calibrated dates from Sndaii Island.

harbor shows them to pre-date the Russian invasions. Thelabyrinth dates to A.D. i538±35. Sjoberg measured Hchen gthat dated them to A.D. 1388-1816 (Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990:295)

from an adult seal, and an adulthare. Although this is a smallsample, this pattern is most simi-lar to that of Grundskatan.

Site 92

Site Area II is located in the cen-ter of the island and by a narrowformer inlet. Numerous featureslie on the west side of the inletand follow the 5 m elevation(Figure 123). The entrance to theinlet has a threshold of 2.75 mabove sea level, which means itcould not have been used afterca. 1700. The stone featuresconsist of U-shaped stone struc-tures that open toward the for-mer inlet. They were probablyboat slips and it is possible theyonce had boat houses attached tothem. There are also many smallcairns that supported posts fordrying nets. A number of smallhut-like shelters, fire-crackedrocks and a Russian Oven werefound as well. Two radiocar-bon dates were obtained for theoven:. (St. 11902): 43o±95 B.P.(A.D. cal. 1413-1630) and (St.11903) 47o±95 B.P. (A.D. cal.1320-1618). These are amongthe few radiocarbon-dated Rus-sian Ovens in the region andtheir association with a fishing5 m level dates to ca. A.D. 1450 and therowth on seven labyrinths on the island

Site 53

Site 53 is a complex of small net-drying post cairns, hut-like enclosures, boat slips, a labyrinth and acompass rose (Figure 124). This site (Area III) follows the 3-5 m elevation and had probably replacedSite 93 when it became too shallow. Two features were sampled for charcoal and rendered two dates.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

123

Feature A, situated at 5-6 m above sea level, is a hut and produced one radiocarbon date: St. 11904)735+120 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1167-1392). Feature B, located just above the 3.0 m shoreline, and rendered(St. 11905) 445±i05 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1401-1631). . These dates are consistent with the elevations. Thenet-drying cairns lie lower than 3.0 m and show the use of this harbor after 1600. These two har-bors are very similar to the harbors on Stora Fjaderagg and at Jungfruhamn.

Conclusions

The investigations on the Island of Snoan focused on three sites: the highest lying area, 10-15m.a.s.l., and two harbor sites at 5 and 3 m.a.s.l. The sealing huts date with some certainty to theViking Period. It is clear that from A.D. 1300 fishing was the principal activity on the island. Thetwo dates from a "Russian" Oven are a unique result and show that bread was baked on the islandhundreds of years prior to the Russian invasions.

Stor-Rebben Island

Stor-Rebben Island is located in the Pitea archipelago at 65° 11' N, 21° 56' E in the County of Nor-rbotten, about 5 kilometers from the mainland and 90 km north of Bjuroklubb. The island is

Figure 126. Photo of Hut A, [1 |

looking east.

Figure izy. Map showing investigated

huts on Stor-Rebben Island.

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CHAPTER 5

Figure 128. AnnWastesson andAnn-Christin Nilssonexcavating a trenchin Hut A. In thebackground, left toright, the author.Sture Berghmd andRabbe Sjoberg. Photoby Nils Ogren.

Figure 129. Map of Hut A on Stor-Rebben.

area of fire-cracked rocks:

1 1 1 ; 1 1

1 1

dlJ humuspvl carbon

I I sooty soil[o] soil sample

4 3 2

PI sooty, sandy soil Q sterile

Figure ijo. Profile ofitrench through Hut A.

rectangular in shape, 1.6 km long and 0.85 km wide. A sandy spit fans out toward the mainland(Figures 45, 127). According to Swedish historian Birger Steckzen the name rebben probably de-rives from the Saami words ruebpe or riebpe, which means a stony overgrown hill with brushy veg-etation. Reference is also given the term ruobba which means a rocky hilltop (Steckzen 1964:232).This is certainly an accurate description of Stor-Rebben Island (Figure 126). This site was chosenfor comparative purposes and is the northernmost of these hut localities to be investigated. Theisland rises up to 17 m above sea level and dwellings are found on beach terraces at three mainlevels: 16 m, 13 m and 7 m above sea level.

Claes Varenius had described the island in two articles in connection with archaeologicalsurveys in the 1960s and 70s (Varenius 1964, 1978). He identified 27 huts, four of them doublehuts, and 11 huts with central hearths. He also recorded six labyrinths and a compass rose. Fiveof the labyrinths occur together with 3 hut groups: two of them at the 16 m level, two at the 13 mlevel and two at the 7 m level. There are four clusters of huts consisting of two to four structureseach, just above the 16 m contour. At about the 14 m contour there are seven clusters, consisting oftwo to three huts and three labyrinths. Finally, at the 7 m level are the remains of a dwelling with

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

125

^' labyrinth13.09

N

t

HUTB

13.62

\

13 m

beach

ridge

5 m

labyrinth

13.10

^13.60labyrinth

Figure iji. Map oj Hut B and three labyrinths.

a chimney and steps. Many of these featureshave only partial walls and are obviously dis-turbed. The most intact dwellings with ar-chaeological potential, those with charcoalor bones, were chosen for excavation.

Figure i}2. Excavation unit in Hut B.

Figure Profile of the heaHh in Hut B showing two lenses.

Hut A

Hut A is the larger of two structures at the i6 m level. It lies in a depression between a bedrockoutcropping and a gravel ridge (Figures 126, 128, 129,130). The hut consists of an oval foundationmeasuring 6 x 8 m with a floor area of approximately 5x6m. There are two possible entrances atboth short ends of the construction. Although no delimited hearth was distinguished per se, thefloor had a thick layer of charcoal and fire-cracked rocks concentrated in the middle of the floor.Two radiocarbon dates were obtained (St. 11910 and St. 11178): (i845±i35 B.P. and i494±7o B.P.).These two dates calibrate respectively to 23 B.C. to A.D. 340 (median A.D. 172) and A.D. 443 to 643(median A.D. 558). The first date range is the oldest radiocarbon date in the project. Against the

126

CHAPTER 5

Figure 134. Map oj Hut C.

background of shoreline displacement at Stor-Rebben, and the calculated age of the 16 ni shoreline;the true age for the hut is probably A.D. 200-300. Old charcoal is an obvious risk, but these datesare not totally unreasonable. No bones could be identified from the dwelling. Carbonized seeds werefound and identified as coming from crowberry bushes. These berries were also found in hearths atGrundskatan and Stora Fjaderagg. A gray flint chip was recovered, as well as 14 tiny slag fragments.The iron slag is the northernmost evidence of iron working.

Hut B

Hut B is one of two structures at 13.5 m above sea level (Figure 131). The form of these huts isrounded-rectangular and they have front and rear entranceways. One wall circles onto a smallchamber that was probably a storage space. A central hearth rendered charcoal (St. 11179): i045±7oB.P. (A.D. cal. 880-1155). The median age is A.D. 985. The hearth displayed two ashy lenses sepa-rated by a sterile layer of sand (Figure 133). The radiocarbon date is from the upper level. This evi-dence shows that the dwelling was not used on only one occasion, and the range of dates from thissite indicates - like the dates from Hut A - repeated use over hundreds of years. Iron slag was alsofound in this hearth, as well as a flint chip from a strike-a-light. Twenty-one bone fragments wererecovered, but were small and unidentifiable. Three labyrinths lay within 15 m of these huts, one ofwhich abuts the wall of a dwelling. As will be discussed in Chapter 10, it is not likely that the hutsand the labyrinths were contemporary.

Hut C

Hut C is one of four structures situated at 13.5 m above sea level. These huts are rectangular inshape and three have central hearths (Figure 134). The huts have entrances through their shortest

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

127

HutAl 1845±130BPHLitA2 1494t70BPHutB IMSfcllOBPHutC 945±110BP

lOOOCalBC

CalBC/CalADCalibrated date

lOOOCalAD

2000CalAD

Figure 335. Calibrated radiocarbon dates of huts on Stor-Rebben Island.

walls and at right angles to the shore. The floor areas are 3.0 x 4.0 m. There is a small storage cairnin one of the walls. The hearth in the most intact of the three huts was excavated. It producedcharcoal and 230 burned bone fragments. One bone was identified as coming from a reindeer orgoat/sheep. The radiocarbon date (St. 11180) is: 945±iio B.P. (A.D. cal. 999-1212). The median isA.D. 1092. Two grey flint chips and a steatite piece with a groove and five slag pieces measuring10- 32 mm were found.

HutD

This dwelling differs completely from the others, and is of medieval or historic date. It has thebase of a brick chimney and stairs. In addition to burned bone, there were flint fragments andold iron nails. A possible tripod leg of pottery was also found. The bones derived from goat/sheep, reindeer and an ungulate. The 7 m elevation renders a maximum date of ca. A.D. 1200.This coincides with the thirteenth century colonization of the region and founding of parishesin Pitea (Axelson 1989).

Chronology

The location of this island is consistent with many other Bothnian Iron Age sealing sites, such asStora Fjaderagg in Vasterbotten. Four radiocarbon dates were obtained and the period of site useranges from A.D. 200 to 1200. The oldest dwellings cluster between 13 and 16 m above sea level.The huts are also comparable by size andform to the Vasterbotten material, and alsoinclude storage facilities and cairns.

The frequency of labyrinths on Stor-Rebben is comparable to Snoan and StoraFjaderagg. Unfortunately, none of themcould be lichen dated. It is also likely thatstones from the hut walls were used to buildthe labyrinths and this can best be seen inthe area of Hut B. A partial hut is actuallyabutted by a labyrinth, and a second laby-rinth lies just below it. There is an excellent

Table 49. Stor-Rebben: Unburned bones byfragment.

SPECIES

HUT C

HUT D

TOTAL

Sheep/goatReindeerUngulateIndeterminate

Total

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CHAPTER 5

Table 50. Stor-Rebben: Anatomical breakdown of bones.

SHEEP/

ANATOMY ELEMENT GOAT REINDEER UNGULATE TOTAL

Rib cage Costae 1 1

Front extremity Humerus 1 1

Rear extremity Femur 11 2

Tibia 1 1

Total 2 1 2 9

example of the relationship of older prehistoric features, in this case a Bronze Age grave cairn,and labyrinths at the nearby mainland site of lavre. The largest lichens on the labyrinth stonesmeasure 155 mm and date to A.D. cal. i299±3o (refer Chapter 10).

Finds

Hut A: A gray flint chip, 14 tiny slag fragments, crowberry seeds {Empetrum)Hut B: Iron slag, a flint chip

Hut C: Two grey flint chips, and a steatite piece with a groove and five slag pieces measuring 10-32 mm.Hut D: Flint chips, as well as iron nails and a possible unglazed tripod leg of pottery.

Gray flint chips were found in all four huts and were probably the byproducts of strike-a-lights.Iron slag was found in Huts A, B and C. The frequency of iron slag in these coastal huts suggeststhat iron working was a common practice. The steatite piece from Hut C could be associated withmetallurgy, and has a parallel in a find from Site 138 at Jungfruhamn.

Osteological MaterialThe bones from the Stor-Rebbenhearths emanate from sheep/goat, reindeer and an unidenti-fied ungulate. All of these wereunburned. Only one bone couldbe identified from Hut C, a hu-merus from an ungulate, pre-sumably reindeer or sheep/goat.The size and shape is most con-sistent with that of a sub-adultreindeer. All the rest of the iden-tifiable material came from HutD. In Hut D, a femur of an adultand relatively large reindeer wasidentified together with a thigh

Figure ij6. Map showing location of Hornslandsudde. Sites ug and i}2.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

129

bone and a fibula of a sheep/goat. There are also rib bone fragments. It appears as though meat-rich body parts had been brought to the island as food. While preservation of the burned materialis poor, it is surprising that not one seal or fish bone was identified. But, because of the location,sealing and fishing had to have been the primary reason for these huts. Equally remarkable arethe finds of sheep/goat and reindeer bones. These sealers may have had brought food with them,although animals could have also been grazed on the islands.

Summary

In conclusion, Stor-Rebben is fully comparable to the other sites in the project. The island revealsboth an older hut-based hunting economy, dating to circa A.D. 200-1100, and a younger fishing-based economy from ca. 1300. lolin Kraft cites some evidence that Bothnian labyrinths couldhave been associated with Saami magic, but he also noted most were associated with fishing sitesand of younger date (Kraft 1977). The Saami place-name Rebben coincides with the oral historiesat Stora Fjaderagg/Holmon and Hornslandsudde that identify these places as Lappish/Saamicamps. The Stor-Rebben investigation, although limited in scope, has provided important dataregarding the chronology, technology, economy and place-name context of these Iron Age sites,including the transition to the historic period.

Figure 137. Site area based on photogrammetry (Eriksson 1975^. Investigated areas in 200^ are shown in boxes.The archaeological features (hut foundations) are situated between 12 and 25 m above present sea level. Hutswere sampled at lyn. 16m. 18m. and 20m above sea level.

130

CHAPTER 5

Hornslandsudde

Hornslandsudde (Site 119) was chosen for comparative purposes and is located only about 300km north of Stockholm (Figure 136). The investigated region is in Gavleborg County, Hudiks-vall Municipality, Rogsta parish in the province of Halsingland at 61° 37'N, 17° 29' E. The site islocated in an area of largely exposed wave-washed moraine beaches up to 25 m above sea level.The beaches have distinctive terrace formations. Shoreline displacement is currently 0.75 mmper year. Vegetation consists primarily of pine heaths with dry blueberry (vaccinium) type groundcover. Lichen vegetation is abundant, especially reindeer lichens, and a large herd of reindeerwere brought to the area during the harsh winter of 2006-2007. Hornslandsudde has stands ofvery old pine showing traces of burning from a forest fire in 1888. The Hornslandsudde site wasfirst published by Westberg (1964). Bjorn Ambrosiani (1971) excavated some hut foundations andstone alignments in 1966. Photogrammetry-based mapping was carried out in 1966 and 1973(Eriksson 1975). A new site survey was reported by lonsson (1985) (Figure 137). Westberg relatesthe oral history of the Hornslandsudde area as follows:

According to tradition, which is still preserved among the older population who practiced fishingat Hdlick's fishing village ca 2 km west of Hornslandsudde, the dwelling sites on the point derivefrom a fishing people of Lappish (Saami) origin. (1^6/^:2^)

It should be noted that sealing was referred to as "seal fishing" in the Bothnian region[sjalfiske). The place-names Lappmon and Lappmoherget (Lapp Sand and Lapp Sand Mountain) arevery close to this site (Westberg 1964:24). Westberg identified Hornslandsudde as a historicallydocumented sealing place, which is also indicated in the place-name Sjallhallorna (Seal Rocks).According to a map for Rogsta parish from 1799, a fishing site on Hornslandet was named Lap-phack. Westberg has provided an excellent overview of the history of fishing sites in the area andthe islands of Kuggorarna, Balson and Hastholmen (Westberg 1964). The provincial law, "Hel-singelagen," stipulated that one-tenth of all fowl, wild game, fish, moose and bears were to be paidin taxes, as well as every fifteenth salmon and fifteenth pound of herring, seals and gray squirrels.The priest and the Church would divide this equally (Westberg 1964:36). In 1545, Gustav Vasainitiated taxation of all fishing on the Bothnian coast. In the late 1500s, fishermen from the newlyfounded town of Hudiksvall established many fishing places in the region, although Agon wasan exclusive herring fishery of the highly organized Gavle (i.e., urban) fisherman. The fishingharbors and labyrinths dating to the 1600s and 1700s at Kuggoren and Balson are close parallelsto those of, for example, Bjuron in Vasterbotten. Salmon and seals were caught using net systemson poles at a number of locations and seals were also hunted on the ice.

The Hornsland Peninsula had formerly been an island and although some lakes providedfreshwater fishing, agriculture was extremely marginal. Westberg suggested that this provideda coastal sanctuary for hunter-gatherers in an otherwise Germanic- settled region. WennstedtEdvinger and I have documented several Saami circular sacrificial features on Hornslandet, oneon Yttre Bergon that is similar to an enclosure on Stora Fjaderagg and another by Arnoviken(Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006). Neither was associated with harbor basins. Both sitesare near Iron Age graves and hut areas.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

131

Figure ijg. Excavated area in Hut 5 (Jackelyn Graham).

Figure 1^8. Hut ^from east showing double wall-lines.

The excavations by Ambrosiani in 1966 did notproduce any artifacts, radiocarbon samples or osteo-logical results. New excavations were therefore under-taken in 2005 to better determine the ages of the huts

and recover any organic remains. According to Jonsson (1985), Site 119 at Hornslandsudde has 48 hutfoundations and some 60 stone alignments. The alignments are very distinctive long and low walls ofstones with openings that were probably used to catch forest birds using snares. In 2005, we investi-gated two alignments and four hut foundations at 20 m, 18 m, 16 m and 13 m above sea level (Figure144). A second site area about 75 m to the east of Site 119 was also sampled. This site (Site 132) consistsof three features: two hut floors below a rocky cliff to the north, and a circular storage cairn. They lieat about the 20 m elevation. Finally, 11 storage caches and cairns have been registered at the two sites.

Feature 5, Hut

Feature 5 is a rounded-rectangular foundation measuring ca. 3.5 x 6 m and walls measuring 0.2-0.3 m height (Figures 138, 139). The hut is situated at 18 m above present sea level. This hut showssecondary walls indicating re-use. A hearth deposit with charcoal, burned bone and slag was foundin the middle of the floor and investigated. The hearth was ca. i m in diameter and lacked a stonecircle or any demarcation. The hearth is less than i m in diameter and, as seen by the profiles, lessthan 20 cm deep. The soil in the hearth was brown in color and the surrounding area had differingshades of brown. Some charcoal was found in and around the hearth, and samples were taken forradiocarbon dating. An abundance of highly fragmented bones was also found within and aroundthe hearth. Fire-cracked rock (ca. i liter) was also found.

Finds

Iron slag (120 g)

Six red clay pieces (furnace walls) (0.6 to 1.2 cm)One iron fragment (i.o cm).

132

CHAPTER 5

Figure 540. Trench through Feature 13 (foreground) fromthe east. (See Figure 154. j

Figure 141. Section through connecting wall between Huts12-1} where ruminant tooth fragments were found.

PHOSPHORUSLow

L/M

Medium

Feature 12

Feature 14

Feature 13

@ ®

Osteological Material

375 bone fragments (60 g)

The bone material could only be identifiedas long bones from mammals.

Chronology

Charcoal from the deepest part of the hearthwas radiocarbon dated, but had neverthe-less been contaminated: i40±40 B.P. (Beta217790). This error is undoubtedly due tothe forest fire of 1888. Because of this prob-lem, a bone was submitted to the SvedbergLaboratory in Uppsala for an accelerator dat-ing (Ua-32857), which produced an age ofi390±30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 623-664).

Figure 142. Features 12-14 showing soil samples 1-21.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

133

Conclusions

Hut 5 dates to the seventh century, although double walls suggest it had been rebuilt. Of specialinterest is the fact that iron slag, fired clay and an iron piece, indicative of iron working, were found.This material is described separately, including analysis results by Andersson (2007), in Chapter 7.

Features 12-14, Double Hut and Enclosure

Features 12 and 13 are a double hut situated at16 m above sea level. Feature 12 is rectangularin shape and measures 3.5 x 4.5 m with walls0.1 to 0.2 m high. Feature 13 is approximatelyrectangular and measures 4x4m with walls0.3 to 0.5 m high. Feature 14 is an irregularenclosure with lower walls measuring 5x7m(Figure 142). As far as could be determined, itprobably was an enclosure. Only slight tracesof burning were found in the Feature 13hearth, not enough for a radiocarbon date. Ad-jacent to the hearth was a large cobble, whichcould have been used as a seat or as an anvil.A possible whetstone was found adjacent to it.A trench was run to cross-cut both hut floorsand the wall between them (Figure 141). In ad-dition, the south end of the foundation, whichprotruded out about 30 cm, was sectioned(Figure 142). Fragments of a tooth from a ru-minant (sheep/goat or reindeer) were found ata depth of 20 cm. Hut 12 was found to have amuch more uneven floor littered with a num-ber of medium-sized cobbles. A hearth wasfound up against the north wall, and this fea-ture was full of of iron slag and furnace clay.A magnet produced quantities of iron scalesand sphericals that were by-products of ironsmithing. In addition, a channel penetratedthe wall on the right side of the hearth.

Finds

Iron slag, ca. 20, 1-5 cm (i.i kg)Iron scales, ca. 100, < i cm, (Gog)

Osteological Material

Tooth enamel from a small ruminant (sheep/goat or reindeer); (numerous fragments (22g)from the same tooth, from maxillary).

Figure 143. Excavation of Hut lyfrom south.

FEATURE 25

FEATURE 19

N

i [!□ test pit

t A

%

e

1 S

1 «■

i 2m

\±\J e

Figure 144. Map of sections of two stone alignments (JacquelynGraham).

134

CHAPTER 5

chronology

Two AMS dates were obtained: (Beta-209908) i57o± 40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 434-537), and (Beta-207939) i820±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 136-236).

The hearth in Hut 12 was clearly used for iron working. The hearth measured ca. i m in di-ameter and lacked a stone circle. The channel-like opening through the wall next to the hearth wasprobably an air duct for a bellows and is a parallel to the wall opening documented at BjuroklubbSite 67. No bones were preserved in the hearths of either Huts 12 or 13, although enamel froma ruminant tooth was found in the wall between the huts. Twenty-one soil samples taken acrossthe area of these huts showed very low levels of phosphorus enrichment (0-50 P°). The onlyhigh phosphorus level is sample 11 from the corner of the dwelling, Hut 13. This is most likely aconsequence of very poor preservation conditions and the shallow deposits at the site. The threefeatures, 12, 13 and 14, form a unit consisting of a smithy, a dwelling/workshop and a possibleenclosure for livestock.

Figure i^y. Map oj Site i]2 showing Hut A. Hut B and aFigure 146. Site 1^2, Hut B.from southwest. cache.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

135

Figure 149. Reconstruction of Hut B, lean-to and storagecairn at Site 132 (Jacquelyn Graham).

Figure 148. Cairn by Site 132, Hut B.

Feature 15, Hut

Feature 15 is a rounded-rectangular hut, measur-ing 4x5m and with walls 0.2 m high. It is situ-ated at an elevation of 12.5 m above present sealevel. Hut 15 was trenched across its midline inorder to expose the hearth (Figure 143). A shallow

ashy deposit was subsequently found in the center of the floor. An additional i.o x 0.50 m unitwas excavated to expose this feature. The trench was dug down to 35 cm below the surface acrossthe floor. Only tiny bone chips and small carbon pieces were found in this hut. Even this carbonsample (Beta 210237) proved to be contaminated: 26o±7o B.P.. This hut was examined because ofits elevation above the 12 m shoreline. No animal bone was obtained for analysis. It is the lowest-lying dwelling we investigated and is adjacent to the area of stone alignments.

Features 19 and 25, Stone Alignments

Ten soil samples were collected beneath cairns along two stone alignments. Features 19 and 25 (Fig-ure 144). All the phosphorus samples were low (0-50 P°). Potassium levels, suggestive of burning,were high in all the test pits. This probably reflects the forest fire that had burned over the area in1888. No reliable charcoal samples were obtained.

Site 132

Two hut floors with small hearths and a storage cairn lie approximately 75 m to the northeast ofthe main hut site. The elevation is ca. 20 m above present sea level. According to a footnote in thesurvey records from 1982, a local informant believed these were connected with the military signalstation that had been established nearby in World War II. Both huts, although not overgrown withlichens or vegetation, had small hearths with charcoal that could be collected among the loosebeach stones. Burned animal bone was found in Hut B. Hut A, the smaller of the two huts, is lo-cated up against an outcropping and is bounded on the west by a wave-washed cobble beach. This

136

CHAPTER 5

Figure 250. Cache #4 next to bedrock outcrop, from south. Figure 253. Cache #1 in wave-washed moraine field, from west.

hut measures ca. 4 x 4 m and contains ahearth (Figures 145-147). Charcoal wassubmitted for analysis but was only par-tially carbonized and was the by-productof later site use. This proved to be the case(Beta-217789): 210+40 B.P. Hut B is largerthan, and located to the south of, Hut A. hmeasures ca. 6 x 4 m. The northern wallsfor both huts are bedrock/boulder outcrop-pings. The stones from Hut B form a pat-tern suggesting that two structures hadstood there. One is an ovoid form with acleared floor surface and was probably abent-frame hut. The hearth was outside ofthis hut and up against the boulder. A sec-ond line of stones marks the line of a pos-sible lean-to (Figure 149). An open cairn

measuring ca. 2 x 2 m in diameter lies

Figure 252. Map of cache locations, Sites iig and i}2.

Hut 12a 182at40BP ^M^^

Hut 12b 1570±40BP -•l^-

Huts 139aJ30BP ^

Hut 132B 113(M)BP ^

1 , < < < 1 , , , < 1 , , , , 1 , , < <

500CalBC CalBOCalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalADCalibiBted date

Figure 253. Calibrated dates fromHornslandsudde.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

137

ca. 3 m to the south of Hut B. Its proximity to the dwelhngs impHes that it had served for storageand is interpreted as a meat cache.

Chronology

Charcoal was found in Hut B (Beta-210238) and dated to: 1130 ±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 881-980).Osteological Material

Hut B also contained bones that were found to be the proximal epiphysis of the second metatarsalbone from a large seal, probably a gray or harp seal, and a long bone fragment.

Site 132 dates to the Viking Period. The seal bone found in Hut B is consistent with the inter-pretation of the site as a place for marine hunting. The cairn is interpreted as a storage cairn. Thislocale was well protected from winds and had good access to the former shoreline.

Caches

Five small stone caches were identified at the foot of a rocky outcropping less than 10 m to the northof the upper dwelling area (Huts 1-5) (Figures 150-152). These features appear as small pits andniches by the bedrock outcrop. A larger and deeper cache was found in a boulder field (Cache #1)in an area 60 m to the east of Hut 5. This well-constructed cache measured i.o to 1.5 m across andwas 1.2 m deep. Additional caches were also documented on the site.

MunsL-il Sol! Culoi:

Ml = lOyr'Tvl Gray

M2 - l()yr/6/6 Brownish Yellow

M.i - !()yr/7/l l ight Gray

V14 - lOyr/5/2 Grayish Brown

M5 - lOyivfi/I Light Brownish Gray

M6 = IOyr/5/1 Gray

M7 = l()yr/5'2 Grayish Brown

MS - 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Brown

N

t

w

Profile A

Profile B

11

s = Slag® ^ Carbon Sample - 20cm

3,5 Liters ofFire Cracked Rock

Wall

Floor

Wall

Figure 154. Map of excavation of Huts 12-1] at Homslandsudde. Site iig (Jacquelyn Graham).

138

CHAPTER 5

Summary and Discussion

The results of the investigation show that the oldest huts at Site 119 date to the Early Iron Age. Site132 dates to the Viking Period. Most of the bones recovered appear to be seal bone, although thismaterial is very fragmentary. The identification of an adult gray or harp seal at Site 132 is interest-ing and corresponds to finds from the island of Stora Fjaderagg in Vasterbotten. This suggestsopen-water hunting.

The huts are similar in size and form to the Vasterbotten material. Width is fairly uniform,3-5 m, and length, 3-8 m, is more variable. The huts lie in roughly four groups ranging between12-25 ^ above sea level and form loose clusters aligned parallel with the shorelines and facingsouth and south/southeast. Seven huts cluster along the 12 m level, four to five huts at the 14 mlevel, seven to nine huts at the 16 m level, five to seven huts at the 17 m level and two to five huts atthe 20 m level and higher. It is not certain that the highest lying features are the oldest; net dryingpost cairns at the highest elevations suggest medieval or historic fishing.

Site 132, Hut B, consists of three elements: a small hut, a hearth outside of the hut and a wind-break. Near the hut is a storage cache. A reconstruction gives an impression of what this dwellingsite looked like (Figure 149). The distinctive storage caches are another close parallel to the Vaster-botten material. Some caches are adjacent to huts while others could have been more communal.The numerous stone alignments run at right angles to the shoreline and have been interpreted byothers as net-drying features or boat slips (cf Westberg 1964:28). While these lines extend from8 to 17 m above sea level, they lie in an area west of the main hut clusters and are not necessarilycontemporary with them. Two stone alignments (19, 25) were sampled, but unfortunately the forestfire in 1888 left carbon over the whole site surface, thus contaminating superficial cultural layers.Soil samples indicate high levels of potassium on the site, probably a reflection of this fire.

There are many similarities to the Vasterbotten region sites by chronology, function, cluster-ing, storage, and even by ritual (cf Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006). On this basis, thisarchaeological material, together with the place-name evidence, speaks in favor of the theory thatthese had been hunter-gatherer (Saami) sites. But unlike Vasterbotten, there is a parallel Early Nor-dic Iron Age complex of house terraces, grave mounds etc. in the region (cf Liedgren 1992). Thesesettlements in Rogsta parish were situated ca. 15 km to the north and above the 15 m level. Interest-ingly enough, this complex seems to have disappeared around A.D. 600. This raises the fascinatingissue of the co-existence of two groups in the region, one a hunter-gatherer/herding/trading groupof Saami and the other an agrarian-based/trading Germanic community. The Saami may even havebeen especially drawn to this region because of Germanic settlement, and offered their hunting andhealing skills and even specialized iron working. Conversely, the two groups could have occupieddifferent ecological niches in the coastal zone with long-term Saami interactions in two familiarforms forms, first as hunter-gatherers and later as reindeer herders, but were probably also livingin ways analogous to the Germanic farmers and fishermen.

EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES

139

25

20

c

15

re

>

0)

10

LU

5

0

0

♦ ♦ ♦

♦ ♦

500 1000 1500

Median date AD.

2000

Figure J55. Diagram illustrating the elevations of radiocarbon dates on the Bothnian shores and the gap betweenIron Age sealing sites and medieval fisheries.

Chronology and Culture

This chapter provides an overview of the radiocarbon and AMS dates from huts between 20 mand 3 m above sea level. As noted earlier, this material encompasses 31 huts at 9 locales and12 elevations. This sampling facilitates comparisons at different elevations above sea level atthe same locales and comparisons between regions. There are five major questions:

1) When were these huts first used?

2) When were these huts last used.-*

3) Were there differences between regions?

4) What is the chronological relationship between the sealers' huts and medieval fisheries?

5) Are there patterns of use reflecting economic or environmental cycles?

Although one standard deviation (68% probability) was used for the descriptions of individualsite dates, the following analysis is based on two standard deviations (95% probabilities) of 44 dates.

Source Criticism

There is always a risk that samples have been contaminated by old wood or recent forest fires.Charcoal analysis has indicated that pine was the most common fuel, although birch and alderwere also burned. The Hornslandsudde site area has stands of some of the oldest pines in Sweden,and even dry pine branches can be several hundred years old. This said, elevations above sea levelcan be used to reject dates that are clearly older than their contemporary shorelines. There areonly two potential dates in this latter category: Stor-Rebben Ai and lungfruhamn C, although theystill fall within one standard deviation of their elevation dates. They are therefore considered asprobable. In the case of Hornslandsudde, the shoreline association of Hut 12 is confirmed by thefact that the slag found in the hearth had been water-rolled (Andersson 2007). Two recent dateswere obtained from carbon samples collected in 2004 from the partially disturbed cairn in Hut 4at Grundskatan. These are so recent they must be rejected. A sample that was improperly storedfrom Snoan 49B is also suspect, but is perhaps evidence that the hearth had been re-used duringhistoric times. Three dates from Huts 5,15 and 132A at Hornslandsudde were clearly contaminatedby recent forest fires and unusable. Finally, due to the earlier limitations on charcoal amountsnecessary for dates, some results have very large standard deviations, namely Stora Fjaderagg B

141

(±315), Grundskatan 14 (±185) and Grundskatan 15 (±245). These are not terribly useful exceptwithin the framework of the material as a whole. A related question is whether or not the huts hadbeen built no more than 1-2 m higher than their contemporary shorelines. This depended on thetopography of each site, but a correlation coefficient of 0.73 between elevation and date shows thatthis assumption is largely true.

While radiocarbon dates have a high correlation with elevation dates, the re-occupation ofolder hut areas during the tenth and eleventh centuries is also evident. Huts from this period lieas much as 20 m above sea level. Huts by harbor basins are much more shore-bound, as can beexpected, although these huts can also lie on higher ground. For instance, a hut dating to the sev-enteenth century on Stora Fjaderagg Island lies 5 m higher than the harbor basin at Gamla Ham-nen. In spite of these concerns, consistent results have been obtained from different localities andelevations along the transect

Site Comparisons

The individual calibrated dates were sorted by increments for each site in order to see how they werespatially distributed (Table 51). This does not show how many dates were obtained at a given site,but which time periods are represented. Three periods dominate: A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600and A.D. 800-1000. Together these horizons comprise 81% of the total.

Looking at the material as a whole (Figure 156), the dates appear to cluster in four succes-sive steps. The oldest cluster ranges from 1845 to 1660 B.P. The next cluster is from 1570 to 1390B.P., the third is from 1300 to iiio B.P and the fourth is from 1045 to 880 B.P. The weightedaverages of these clusters and their ranges within two standard deviations are shown in Table52. The two final age groups are separated by only 55 years and correspond to the early and lateViking Period. This gap is probably not significant. There is a significant gap of 170 years, how-ever, between the second and third groups, or between A.D. 608 and A.D. 778. Groups i and 2are separated by 105 years, which is also significant. These numbers support the conclusion thatthe clustering is real.

Table 51. Chronological horizons by site.

SITES (N-S) 100-400 400-600 600-800 800-1000 1000-1200

Stor-RebbenBjuroklubb; Site 70JungfruhamnGrundskatanStora FjaderaggSnoan

Hornslandsudde

X

X

X

X

X

XXXXX

X

X

XXXXXXX

X

X

19%

29%

10%

33%

10%

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CHAPTER 6

Stor-RebbenAl lS45j403BP ■Homsktbudde 12a 1820±40BP-

JungftuhannC 17iatl2§BP

StauFjackragiBl 1660t70BPHm^kuickidct 12b 157(MBPQiDTdstoT3a ISOOtlOOBPStor-RebbenA2 14)5±70BPBjuroklubb67 1485i:70BPHmislancbiidde 5a 139ftt3(BPJu^iilTami B 130Qtl3()BPJLn¥Ji\iliamiA2 12iat50BPGruicfekatan3b 120St70BPaunciskatanl3c 120CWOBPGruiicbkatan 11 ll75tl(X)BPCfuxfekatan 1 lieOtDBPSn6an49A ILSitiaBPHon-Blanckidcie 132b ll3ftbttBPStoraFjaderaggD lllOtWSBPQ\in(bkata]i4c 1080*45 BPStoraFjaderaggA 1015tl00BPStor-RebbenC 99StllOBPStoraFjadera^C 955t75BPQuixfekatan 13b 88(M0BP

lOOOCkBC 5(XX:alBCCalBC/CalAD500CalAD lOOOCaJAD 1500CalAD 2000QilADCalibrated date

Figure 256. Representative sample 0/24 dates in order from the oldest (top) to the youngest.The dates form a step-like progression.

Table 52. Clusters of hut dates (weighted averages).C-14 CLUSTERS AVERAGES (2 S.D.)

1) 1845-1660 B.P. 1776±33B.P. A.D. 134-334

2) 1570-1390 B.P. 1513±26 B.P. A.D. 439-608

3) 1300-1110 B.P. 1175±20B.P. A.D. 778-941

4) 1045-880 B.P. 979±30 B.P. A.D. 996-1154

CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE

The Start Dates

The luimbers of dates by century show that this form of hut-based seahng began in the early secondcentury A.D., had a peak in the sixth century, a sUght decUne in the seventh and eighth centuries,reached its greatest peaks in the ninth through eleventh centuries, and declined sharply in thetwelfth century.

The End Dates

The youngest dates at the five main sitesrange between 1130 and 880 B.P. Oneof the Grundskatan dates has a largestandard deviation, but even discount-ing this, four dates calibrate to the thir-teenth century at the latest. The yearA.D. 1279 (discounting St. 11174) canbe taken as the best measure with 95%probability for the terminus ad quern ofthis North Bothnian hunting system.The difficulties of obtaining uncontam-inated dates at Hornslandsudde have ledto only one date from this latter period.

Figure 157. Numbers of dates of Bothnian sealing huts (median values ofcalibrated dates).

Summary and Discussion

Hut-based Bothnian sealing began in the late first or early second century A.D. and all sites hadbeen abandoned by A.D. 1279, although most sites came into disuse in the late twelfth century.Comparisons along the north to south transect show the same occupation trends. There are fewdifferences between sites or between regions; they were part of the same phenomenon. Clusters ofradiocarbon dates fall into three main periods: A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600 and A.D. 800-1000.There were peaks in the sixth and the ninth through eleventh centuries A.D., and declines in theseventh and the late thirteenth centuries A.D. that correspond to widespread settlement regressionsin the Nordic region and the Little Ice Age.

The Stalo hut sites in alpine areas of Sweden and Norway (Manker i960; Kjellstrom 1974;Storli 1991; Mulk 1994; Bergstol 2004; Liedgren et al. 2007; Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008)

Table 53. End dates of the sealing sites.SITE DATES

RANGES (2 S.D.

Stor-Rebben

Jungfruhamn

Grundskatan

Grundskatan

Stora Fjaderagg

Hornslandsudde

945±110 B.P. (St.11180)985±70 B.P. (St.lll76)1000±185 B.P. (St.lll74)880±80 B.P. (St.lll72)1015+100 B.P. (St.lll81)1130±40 B.P. (Beta-210238)

A.D. 886-1278A.D. 885-1214A.D. 656-1305A.D. 1013-1279A.D. 788-1221A.D. 779-994

144

CHAPTER 6

offer interesting parallels to the Bothnian sealing sites. Both were based on the specialized exploi-tation of marginal environments. The ecology of the alpine regions is remarkably similar to theouter coasts, especially in regard to vegetation. The Stalo huts are found from the Tornetrask areaof northernmost Sweden to Frostviken in Jamtland in South Lapland. There are some 500 regis-tered huts in Sweden, about the same number as the Bothnian huts. They vary in size and shapefrom oval to rectangular and often occur in clusters of three to seven sod foundations, frequentlyaligned in straight or bowed lines. Bone caches, hearths and pits are common. Their hearths areoften indistinct but can have a passjo/boassjo stone by the hearth. There are few artifacts, mostlyflint or quartz chips, whetstones and iron slag. These huts were associated with seasonal reindeerhunting and/or herding, although some appear to be more permanent. Radiocarbon dates haveranged from A.D. 400-1600, but a recent source-critical analysis of 22 huts at 12 sites shows themto mostly date to A.D. 640-1180 (Liedgren et al. 2007). These dates overlap with the main period ofthe Bothnian huts and were probably results of the same historical and economic processes affect-ing larger regions of the Nordic North. Radiocarbon dates of oval and rectangular Saami hearths inthe forest lands of Southern Lapland add a further dimension to this discussion (Hedman 2003).These date to as early as A.D. i, but mostly date to the Viking Period. They were associated withSaami kata/goahte huts or tents. Rock-filled hearths were associated with the more permanent katas.These hearths occur in alignments of up to 10 hearths, probably accumulations of two to threetents or huts at a time representing sijddas, or family hunting groups (Bergman 1991; Bergman andLiedgren et al. 2008). During the Viking Period there was a change in site locales from the rivervalleys, where they coincide with Stone Age sites and finds of asbestos pottery and transverse-basedprojectiles, to reindeer grazing areas by bogs, springs, streams and small lakes. This is interpretedas a change from a hunting-, gathering- and fishing economy to a semi-nomadic herding economy,and a shift from collective to individual forms of property and animal ownership (Hedman 2003;Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008). There are a number of artifacts with parallels in Saami offersites, including coins, hack silver and weights. There is also iron slag indicative of forging (Hedman2003:161-189). While these finds confirm the associations of the hearths with Saami metal offersites, the hearths did not disappear in the fourteenth century, but instead increased in numbers.This can mean only one thing: Saami population density increased in the interior. This is probablythe beginnings of larger winter villages as described by Tegengren for Kemi Lapmark (cf Tegen-gren 1952; Bergman 1991; Mulk 1994)-

This material reflects a number of trends of relevance to the North Bothnian coastal mate-rial. The first is the fact that this manifestation of Saami settlement within the sijdda system goesback to A.D. i, and that this pattern coincides with Stone and Early Metal Age settlements, whichis reflective of long-term continuity. The second is the expansion of this system, including linearalignments of hearths that relate reindeer pastoralism, trade and the accumulation of wealth duringthe period A.D. 700-1100. And lastly, there was an increase in hearth density in the interior fromA.D. 1300. As discussed in the following chapters, these patterns are a result of larger-scale changesin the Nordic region relating to state formation.

What Do the Artifacts Tell Us?

Inga Serning (1956, i960) has discussed the Iron Age artifact material of Upper Norrland within thecontext of Saami offer sites and these studies constitute major points of reference for understanding

CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE

145

coastal chronology. Inger Zachrisson (1984) has published additional material in this Iron Age con-text, as has Thomas Wallerstrom (2000), Lillian Rathje (2001) and Sven-Donald Hedman (2003).Coastal artifacts from the period before A.D. 600, including the Storkage find (that can be an offersite) from ca. A.D. 350 and the Javre grave find, a wheel-shaped ornament from a grave cairn insouthern coastal Norrbotten (Broadbent 1982:154-255), are mostly of East Baltic, Finnish or centralRussian (Volga-Kama) origin.

The chronology of the Germanic longhouse settlement at Gene at the northern limit of Ger-manic settlement on the Bothnian coast shows it was occupied continuously from ca. A.D.100/200to 500/600. This settlement was abandoned around 500/600 along with a widespread regression inthe cultural landscape, which is also seen in north and southwest Norway, the islands of Oland andGotland, Ostergotland and the Malar Valley (Ramqvist 1983:194). In Medelpad and in Halsingland(and the Hornsland region), there is an almost identical pattern with farmsteads from the secondcentury A.D. (Broadbent 1985) and widespread settlement and landscape abandonment at ca. A.D.600. Although the region still had farmsteads, population did not rebound until Late Viking andmedieval times, A.D. 1100-1300 (Liedgren 1992:191-219). Trade was intense during the Early IronAge especially when the Germanic chiefdoms of the Mid-Nordic region (Angermanland, Medelpad,Jamtland, Trondelag and Osterbotten) reached their peak. This trade brought Roman goods north-ward and trapping pits were dug by the thousands in the interior to harvest reindeer and moose(Selinge 1974; Spang 1997).

Artifacts dating to A.D. 800-900 that are of Scandinavian origin are few in number in thenorthern coastal zone, but a pair of round brooches was found in a grave containing the bones ofan adult and a child at Obbola near Umea. These objects derived from southern Scandinavia butthe use of these types in pairs was more of a Finnish custom and the grave form is typical of theVasterbotten coastland. A contemporary find from a grave from Luopa in Osterbotten containedbuttons/bells of the same types found on Stora Fjaderagg Island (Christiansson 1969:197-210).

During the period A.D. looo-iioo, the artifacts were mostly of eastern origin. This is alsothe main period of the Saami metal offer/deposition sites in the interior. As offerings, these beauti-ful and rare objects sanctified the relationships of northern peoples to their own gods, and to theNordic gods, when this seemed expedient. The 1200s mark a major change and Western Europeanfinds became more common, presumably because of German (Hanseatic) trade. The 1300s were theeffective end of the metal offerings, although some sites contain objects from later periods (Serningi960: 67-94: Zachrisson 1984:119).

The main period of Bothnian seal hunting sites conforms well to the main period of themetal offer sites and the Stalo huts, ca. A.D. 800-1100, and declines at the same time, ca. A.D.1250-1350. The coastal connection to the enormous geography of Saami trade, including the goodsfound in Saami graves throughout the Nordic North and in local graves on the Bothnian coast,entails that Bothnian seal hunting must be viewed in the same super-regional context. Most au-thors (e.g., Serning 1956, Fjellstrom 1985, Hansson and Olsen 2004) have related the changes ineastern and western trade items to middlemen from Finnish Karelia, Russian Novgorod, Birka andSigtuna in Sweden, Gotland until 1361 (when Gotland fell to the Danes), the rise of Hansa fish-eries, particularly through mercantile centers such as Bergen and Vagen in Norway, and the furmarket in Tornea on the Finnish border. Lars-Ivar Hansen (1990) and Thomas Wallerstrom (1995,2000) have expanded the documentation of these historically known forces in northern trade and

146

CHAPTER 6

mercantilism, including hack silver, a primitive from of currency. Hack silver and part of a scalewere found at the Saami offer site of Unna Saiva (Serning 1956). These middlemen groups wereundoubtedly important, but Serning proposed a different perspective. She suggested that the Lapps,"who had lived by Lake Ladoga and on the shores of the White Sea and far down in southernmostFinland with all the natural connections to the east from whence many of these objects came, hadsurely passed trade goods directly from Lappish to Lappish hands" (Serning 1956:105). Serning alsodiscussed the circumpolar shamanistic context of this material, including evidence of Saami drumsduring the Viking Period. The fact of the matter is that the east-west bands of metal artifacts andmetal offer sites in northern Sweden track along the same valleys and eskers as sites from earlierperiods (cf. Figure 192). The constellations of objects, technologies and ideologies are remarkablyparallel to those of the Stone and Bronze Ages, including connections to Finland, the Baltic andsouthern and central Russia. In other words, this network and redistribution pattern of goods andsocial obligations was not new but had been an established network among local societies for hun-dreds if not thousands of years.

The chronological results from the Bothnian coast add an entirely new dimension to the nar-rative of the Saami trade: direct and independent involvement by the North Bothnian Saami nowseems highly probable. The rise to power of Finnish/Kvennish and other middlemen and tributecollectors is actually one reason why the coastal Saami sites were abandoned, as argued by Steckzen(1964), not the other way around. But the political power of emerging states and the consolidationof that power through the Christian Church are what ultimately changed the balance of trade andsocial relations. Grundberg (2006) describes this as the Europeanization of the north. Accordingto resilience theory, the thirteenth century was a period of release of social, cultural and economiccapital, and the fourteenth century was the reorganization of these northern societies into theforms we have today. This convergence of social, political, religious, economic, epidemiological andclimatic factors made this one of the major turning points in North European history. This furtherentailed the formation of new polities within Saami society itself, and new sources of internal com-petition for limited resources.

The Medieval Transition

An important question is that of the relationship between the establishment of the North Both-nian fishing sites and the abandonment of the seal hunting sites. While they occupy completelydifferent places in the coastal landscape, they probably overlapped in time. Although I have previ-ously argued that the sealing sites were largely abandoned by then (Broadbent 2006), there was atransition of sorts between these two kinds of economies. The dates of harbors on Snoan and StoraFjaderagg indicate that these were established during the period A.D. 1200-1300. This agreeswith the chronology of other harbors and centers along the Bothnian coast, in particular the har-bors of Kyrkesviken in Angermanland (A.D. 1220-1300), Saint Olafs hamn in Halsingland (A.D.1300-1620) and Kyrkudden in Norrbotten (A.D. 1300-1620) (Grundberg 2001, 2006). Anotherinteresting aspect of this medieval material concerns the labyrinths that were closely associatedwith fishing sites. The lichenometric datings obtained in the project bracket them into the timeperiod A.D. 1300-1850. The labyrinths and compass roses on Stora Fjaderagg Island date to A.D.1456-1660. The lichen-dated labyrinths from Snoan Island date to A.D. 1388-1816 (Broadbentand Sjoberg 1990).

CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE

147

30 1000BP

Q,

R' 800BP

8"

ID

Q.

rD

rD

I

O'3

600BP

400BP

200BP

OBP

-200BP

mndskatan 13ii

3A

lOOOCalAD

oleS

mm ISnSan!'Srt6ah 92B

ISOOCalADCalibrated date

2000CalAD

Figure 15S. Graphic distributions (2 s.d.) of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan. afarmstead locale and a Saami hearth from Bjurdklithb.

rnnvkkatan HR SSQi^^ORP ^Ali^^

Bole 1 760i40BP

SmanS^A 'R'ytVmP •

Bole 2 61 li35BP

Snoan92A 47ftt95RP ■ ^ '

Snoan92B 430±95BP ^ nii^.

Oinii Hamien ^IfttlOSRP A

Oval Hearth (Site 67) 230i40BP ^ —A

_i_ 1 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

CalBQCalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalAD 1500CalAD 2000Ca]AD

Cahlxated date

Figure 359. Calibrated dates (2 s.d.) of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, the Bole farmstead site, GamlaHamnen on Stora Fjaderdgg Island and a Saami hearth on Bjurdklubb.

CHAPTER 6

The youngest date from Grimdskatan 13 statistically overlaps the oldest harbor date fromSnoan Island. Rathje (2001, 2005) excavated farmsteads with brick fireplaces and field stones atBole in Lovanger in Vasterbotten and obtained three dates that are shown in Figure 159. Theyoverlap with Snoan 53A. The place-name evidence also speaks in favor of this interpretation. Thefrequency of "Lapp" place-names on the coast is presented in Chapter 9. Even the oral histories ofplaces like Holmon and Hornslandsudde speak of the Saami transition to permanent farmsteadsand probably to fishing (cf Sandstrom 1988).

Cycles of Change

The material presented here shows cyclical changes, and although it is not possible to relate thesevariations solely to temperature, the fluctuations in sealing sites coincide with global and Europeanclimate and environmental cycles. The cold and wet Sub-Atlantic period at 600 B.C. ended aboutA.D. 270, which is a Global Climate Boundary according to Lamb (1977). Erom A.D. 270 to 450,the global climate became warmer and drier and between A.D. 600 and 690 the climate cooledconsiderably (Lamb 1977; Stuiver and Kra 1986; Denton and Karlen 1973). This was marked byagrarian settlement regressions throughout the Nordic region. The climate started warming againin the eighth century and reached a maximum (the Medieval Warm Period) around A.D. 1100-1150,but it started to cool by A.D. 1200. It also became wetter and glaciers started expanding, as did seaice around Iceland (Granlund 1932; Lamb 1977; Stuiver and Kra 1986). The Little Ice Age (LIA)began around A.D. 1300 and lasted until 1850. Starting in 1315, there were widespread crop failuresand famines in Europe. Erom 1300-1350, fishing replaced cereal crops as the main food sourcein Iceland, and 1408 was the last record of Norse settlement in Greenland (Grove 1988; Eagen2001). Warmer and more stable temperatures certainly facilitated farming and animal husbandry,and lessened ice conditions may have created exceptional opportunities for sealing. The finds ofharp seals on Stora Ejaderagg show that such was the case during the Viking Period. Other ice-dependent seals, such as the ringed seal, may have been highly concentrated in near-shore areas.The Bothnian hut sites were, nevertheless, completely abandoned in the late thirteenth century withthe onset of the LIA. Using tax records, Kvist (1988:89) has documented the dramatic declines inBothnian sealing during even later LIA periods in Osterbotten. As in Iceland, fishing became muchmore important than farming and the Church mandated fish as a necessary part of householdeconomy. Eor many Saami, reindeer herding took on new significance, and the colder climate wasprobably in their favor; as for the Christianized Saami/Swedish coastal settlers of Norrland, fishinglikewise gained in importance.

CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE

149

HORNS. SNOAN STORAF. GRUND./BJUR./JUNGF. STOR-R

0 A.D.

Figure 160. Chronology oj Bothnian sealing huts.

The Archaeological Roadmap

Architecture

Bothnian hut foundations occur in a variety of forms and varied configurations. Except for hutswith iron forges, hearths were centrally placed. These fireplaces often have one or more largercobbles near them, but are generally without stone fillings or rings. Huts without hearths wereprobably not dwellings and were rather used for storage of equipment, food supplies, etc. A specialtype of hut measuring on average 3x3m has been interpreted as a shed and is usually found neardwellings. They are comparable in size to get-kdtas (goat huts) among the Forest Lapps of Sweden(Manker 1968:204; Stoor 1991). These small huts lack hearths but have doors and were intended tokeep animals warm and safe from predators at night (Figure 163). A sample of 61 dwelling floorson the coast indicates that floor size varied between 3.5 and 6.1 m in length and between 2.9 and5.0 m in width. Mean length is A^rj+o.'yj m and mean width is 3.73+0.47 m. Length was more vari-able than width (Figure 161). This is logical as structural size could be most easily expanded oneither short end, as opposed to broadening width (cf. Liedgren et al. 2007). In only one instancehas a posthole been identified and this was too small to have been a roof support. The roof andwall supports therefore probably consisted of internal frames lodged against or set into the stonefoundations. Except for the smallest temporary dwellings that might have had skin coverings, wallsand roofs were probably constructed of timber, grass sod, skins, birch bark and combinations ofthese materials. Drift timber was readily available on the coasts because of the continuous outflowof rivers through the forested interior and into the Gulf of Bothnia. The use of timber in construc-tions has been documented very early in coastal Finland (cf Ranta 2002) and in northern Swedenat sites such as Lillberget (4200 B.C.) in coastal Norrbotten (Halen 1994). Timber huts are alsowell documented among the Forest Saami (Manker 1968). It must be assumed that this buildingtradition has a long indigenous history in northern Sweden.

Bothnian coastal foundations range in shape from round to oval, and square to rectangular.When viewed in terms of the elevations above sea level, the oval forms are the highest lying, andtheir antiquity is borne out by the radiocarbon dates from Stora Fjaderagg, Stor-Rebben, Horn-slandsudde and on Bjuron (A.D. 200-600). The oval huts are, nevertheless, found at all levels.Rectangular and square foundations are not as frequent at the highest elevations and are mostcommonly found at levels dating to A.D. 700-1200. There is a greater variety of forms after A.D.700, including "inverted Gs", row houses and dwellings with internal chambers, platforms, porchesor lean-tos. Row houses consist of both rectilinear and curved-wall constructions with up to nine

151

Figure 161. Lengths and widths of Bothnian huts.

ROUND/OVAL SQUARE/RECTANGULAR

100

200300400500600700800

900100011001200

ADcal(1 sd)

Figure 162. Hut form by calibrated radiocarbon date.The oval/round huts and the rectilinear huts overlap bychronology and are often found together Tlie oldest lyinghuts are oval inform and their antiquity is confirmedby radiocarbon chronology. Tlxe rectilinear huts weremost common during the Viking Period. Tent rings arefixquently found at the lowest levels.

Figure i6j. Saami goat hut used to keep both goats and reindeersafe during the night (Manker ig68). Several foundations forthese small huts were documented at the Grundskatan site, one ofwhich was attached to a storage cairn with a central chamber

separate rooms (Figure 160). A final category ofdwelling is that marked by simple stone circleswith evidence of hearths (tent rings). These circlesare also found at higher elevations but are mostfrequent below the 10 m elevation. Following in-terpretations from North Norway, oval and roundhuts are of Saami design, whereas the rectilinearconstructions could be the result of interactionswith non-Saami. Grydeland has characterized theshift from oval to square dwellings as the transi-tion from a hunter-gatherer/pastoralist economyto a farmstead/fishing economy at Kvaenangenin North Norway, a fjord with three coastal siidas.These changes occurred during the period A.D.1200-1700. The settlements nevertheless go back

Figure 164. (clockwise from left) Saami hut with cattle in North Norway (Leem iy6y); coastal hut foundations at Kvceangen,North Norway (Grydeland 2001:2^); Saami fishing village of sod huts on Kildin Island, Kola Peninsula (Jan HuyghenLinschoten 1594-1595)-

to A.D. 700 (Grydeland 2001:65). These huts are very similar to the North Bothnian huts, includingthe inverted "G" forms (Grydeland 2001:25) (Figure 164). Odner (1992, fig. 47) has documentedsimilar kinds of forms and arrangements of dwellings in Varanger that are contemporary with theBothnian sites. Sheep/goat bones have also been dated to A.D. 1000 in Varanger (Schanche 2000),and comparable settlements have been documented by Andersen farther south at Ofoten dating tothe Late Iron Age. Even the cultivation of barley has been demonstrated at Ofoten (Andersen 1992:Hansen and Olsen 2004:197). Grydeland (2001:61) has seen this change in hut forms as a shiftfrom collective to individual property ownership, a change that was formalized by the church andstate, and there are even implications regarding gender relations; women lost status, and there weredramatic population increases.

Site Structure

Since North Bothnian coastal features were constructed over a long period of time, some dwellingsand areas were inevitably re-used. In spite of this, rough clusters of structures are still visible at thesame elevation levels. Although somewhat impressionistic, the huts can be grouped into shore-levelclusters at the larger sites.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

153

1) At Stor-Rebben there are clusters at ca. 13 m and 16 m.

2) At Hornslandsudde there are clusters at ca. 12.5 m, 14.5 m, 16 m, 18 m and 20 m.

3) At Stora Fjaderagg Island there are clusters at ca. 11 m, 13 m, 15 m and 20 m.

4) At Grundskatan there are clusters at ca. 12 m, 14 m and 15 m.

At Stor-Rebben there are four clusters of two to three huts at the 16 m level and six clusters oftwo to three huts down to the 13 m level. At Grundskatan there are five groups of five to seven dwell-ings; at Stora Fjaderagg there are five clusters of five to nine huts each, and at Hornslandsudde thereare five to six clusters of two to nine huts at each level (Figures 165-167). While there is good reasonto believe that these clusters represent repeated visits over time, the overall pattern suggests thatthey consisted of contemporary household groups of 15-25 people. A cluster of three to five house-holds was probably the norm and this is, in fact, the most commonly seen number of huts at thesmallest locales (cf Figure 168). Some of these dwellings could have also been occupied year-round,such as Hut B on Stora Fjaderagg Island. Based on the organization of historically known sealingexpeditions in the North Bothnian region, each hunting team consisted of the male members ofhouseholds, and the teams ranged in size from five to eight households. In the fall and winter,teams of up to eight men in two boats would use 20-30 nets for catching ringed seals (Hamalainen1930). Saami seal hunting on the Kola Peninsula, salmon fishing on the Tana River in North Nor-way and even bear hunts were similarly organized (cf Fellman 1906; Ekman 1910:252; Grydeland2001:79). Collective efforts can also be assumed regarding the use of trapping pit systems on landthat required a good deal of labor to dig and maintain. As will be discussed regarding tax recordsfrom the sixteenth century and the organization of church towns in northern Sweden (Chapter 9),this clustering offers a blueprint of territorial organization as well.

GRUNDSKATAN

o

'.cO -e 5-7

Figure 165. Clustering of huts at Grundskatan.

■LABYRINTH'' (fjg) '

5-7

"GOAT" HUTS „„

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CHAPTER 7

Figure 166. Clustering oj huts at Stora Fjdderagg. Square indicates area of circular features.

Figure i6j. Clustering of huts at Hornslandsudde. Numerous stone aUgnments lie at right angles to theshorelines in the center and southwest comer of the mapped area.

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

155

caim

/

Figure 168. A small cluster of dwellings,middens and associated features datingto the period A.D. cal. 800-1200 at theGrundskatan site. This constellationcorresponds to the Saami sijdda, a group ofhouseholds living and working together.

Storage and Surplus

Storage pits were identified at all sites. They range from smalllined pits in hut floors to chambers measuring a meter or moreacross. Large cairns or pits were observed near dwellings atmost sites, often with piles of stones that had been removed toempty them and to subsequently cover supplies or foodstuffs.The largest of these cairns were documented at the Grundska-tan site. They consist of stone constructions measuring up to 4m in diameter and run in a line between two clusters of dwell-ings (Figures 85, 86). These types of arrangements can be as-sumed to have been communal facilities. A large well-madepit in a moraine boulder field between Sites 119 and 132 atHornslandsudde was also probably a shared storage facility ofthis kind (Figuie 169). Historic Saami storage features are wellknown and consist of above-ground structures, earth cellars,cairns and stone chambers used for storage of milk products,fish and meat (Manker 1968:203; Ruong 1969:128-130; Val-tonen 2006:64-74). There werealso different types of woodenconstructions, including smallhuts, as well as out-buildingsand sheds. Foundations of thesetypes of sheds or storehouses,huts without hearths, are com-mon on the Bothnian sites.While reindeer domesticationhas been given great significanceregarding northern societies, thesignificance of storage has beenlittle discussed. Both activitiesin many respects represent thesame goal of securing and con-trolling the distribution of re-sources. The environment itselfwas a storehouse for immedi-ate returns and pastoralism was"storage on the hoof." Caches rep-resent the social appropriation of these resources (Ingold 1983). Storage can consist of householdsupplies, emergency stores and fixed-point storage, but larger depots imply community investments.Caches are thus important expressions of shared social space, access and distribution. They are aform of "resource husbandry." Storage also fosters sedentism and was a precondition for trade andthe integration of local hunter-gatherer societies into wider systems of exchange and redistribution(Ingold 1983). Collective hunting and storage efforts further generated a need for leadership and

Figure 269. Reconstruction of site complex near Site 70 on Bjuron.

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CHAPTER 7

coordination. The abundance of large and small storage facilities at the Bothnian sealing sites shouldtherefore be considered as one of the most significant socio-economic indicators at these locales. Theosteological results from Stora Fjaderagg show that large numbers of seals were taken and processedbeyond immediate consumption needs. A substantial pit (measuring lo x 12 m) at Grundskatan(Figure 9) is interpreted as a large-scale blubber-rendering basin analogous to those known from theWhite Sea region (cf Tegengren 1965). Taken together with the dwellings, the caches and blubber-rendering pits are evidence of the extensive exploitation of resources and the appropriation of theseresources by local communities for systematic intercourse with the outside world.

Corrals and Fences

Stone alignments were documented at Site 70 and Grundskatan on Bjuron, on Stora Fjaderagg andat Hornslandsudde (Figures 84, 106, 142, 169). These walls were all attached to dwellings or werenear to them and bear a resemblance to the field, corral and pasture walls (Swedish stenstrangar)known from Gotland, Southwest Norway and elsewhere (cf Lindqvist 1968; lV[yhrei972; Carlsson1979). Phosphate testing of these features at Grundskatan and Hornslandsudde did not reveal anyenrichment as compared with surrounding areas; in fact at Grundskatan there were higher val-ues outside the enclosure. Based on ethnographic accounts of Saami settlements, fences could beerected as corrals, as well as to keep reindeer off huts and out of garden plots (Ruong 1969:130; Kjell-strom 2000:88). They were also used for milking and as temporary holding (marking) compounds.Obviously, most of these were seasonal hunting sites and not suited as permanent farmsteads, butthey do reveal the existence of animal husbandry in the region, and place-names provide valuableclues as to where the more permanent settlements were located. Unfortunately, the likelihood ofactually finding preserved wooden structures and fences is small but not impossible in boggy areas.

Figure, lyo. Various possible hut forms and constructions at Grundskatan: (A) sod construction,

(B) beam and timber construction. (C) bent-frame construction. (D) timber storehouse, (E) goat hut,

(F) corral/fence. (G) stone cache. (H) meat rack. Based on KjeUstrom (20oo:8S-u'^).

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

157

Seals, Seasonality and Animal Husbandry

The finds of animal bones and teeth from the individual sites are presented in Chapter 5. From thismaterial it is possible to discern general patterns relating to seasonality, hunting and animal hus-bandry. Preservation conditions were very poor and varied considerably from site to site, thereforethis material only represents what happened to be preserved in hearths rather than what may havebeen a much more varied array of activities. Based on the numbers of identified specimens (NISP),a total of 4,539 bones were identified from two species of seals, a brown bear, sheep/goat, reindeer,cattle, hare, ducks, birds and large ungulates, probably moose. Ninety-eight percent of the bonesare from seals. Of these, only 3% could be identified to species: 52% were from harp seals, whichwere found at two sites, and 48% from ringed seals, which were found at three sites. The harp sealbones were mostly from Hut B on Stora Fjaderagg Island. This material has been discussed in detailby Ian Stora in Chapter 5. His conclusions are: i) North Bothnian sealing during the Iron Age wasmore varied than previously believed, and 2) Hut B has to be regarded as a more or less permanentstructure in a well-organized hunting complex.

Seal bones were found at all sites except Stor-Rebben, which can only be explained as theresult of poor preservation. The seal bones display considerable variability as regards anatomicalrepresentation in different huts. Of 4,439 bones, 34% derived from the cranium, vertebrae and ribcage, and 55% were from the extremities, particularly the flippers. The latter are often considered tobe delicacies by seal hunters. The best-preserved seal bones from Stora Fjaderagg Hut B also showselectivity within the dwelling and that large numbers of seals were processed elsewhere. This sug-gests that the bones from the hearths represent "disposable meals" tossed into hearths, rather thanwhat may have been prepared in other ways. Ringed seals are known to have been hunted on the iceof late winter, although there is also ample evidence that these smaller seals were caught using netsin the dark fall months. Seal skins, blubber and meat were of the best quality during this time ofyear. Female ringed seals fast in the spring, and unless the goal was to obtain their cubs, they werethin and generally sank quickly. Until firearms were used, ice hunting of ringed seals focused onsingle breathing holes, required great patience and skill, and the use of dogs to find them in pressureridges. It can be assumed that this species of seal was hunted during both the fall and the spring,but seal netting in the fall was more efficient and rewarding. The age determinations of the sealbones indicate mostly adults and sub-adults, consistent with seal netting, but this can be biased asyounger individuals would not have been as well preserved. Harp seals do not breed in fast ice andare considered an open-water species that was hunted in the summer or fall (Stora 2001b).

Eighteen bones of birds were found at three sites, two of which are from ducks. These ani-mals were probably killed during the summer or fall. Finds of hare bone suggest winter hunting, asthey were most easily trapped in the snow (Kjellstrom 1995:55, 212-273). Bones of larger ungulates,moose or reindeer, were foiuid in several hearths and can reflect fall or late winter hunting. On thewhole, the seals, birds and small mammals indicate site use during the late winter, spring, sum-mer and fall. The bear bones derived from one individual, and based on what is known about bearhunting, this animal was most likely killed in late winter (Zachrisson and Iregren 1974:79-83).Some dwellings had apparently been occupied year-round. In spite of this, not one fish bone wasidentified from any site.

Seventeen bones and one tooth fragment derive from large and small ungulates (cattle, sheep/goat, reindeer and moose). These bones were found at five different sites from the northernmost to

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CHAPTER 7

Table 54. Finds and dates of domesticated animals.

SITE

LATITUDE

FIND

DATE (B.P.)

Stor-Rebben A,BJungfruhamn, A,BStora Fjaderagg BHornslandsudde 13

65°N64°N63°N6rN

reindeer/sheep/goatsheep/goatsheep/goat, cattleruminant (tooth)

945±110 B.P.

985±70 B.P., 1210±50 B.P., 1300±130 B.P.1560±70 BP, 1235±315 B.P.1820±40 B.P., 1570±40 B.P.

the southernmost locales. The presence of domesticated animals agrees with the evidence that therewere livestock enclosures of some kind associated with the dwellings. The anatomical representa-tion of these bones shows that 94% derived from meat-rich cuts, primarily the legs. This can meanthat meat was brought to the sites for consumption rather than having been slaughtered there. Theevidence of corrals and the place-names relating to reindeer corrals in the coastal region suggeststhat these animals had not been kept on sealing sites as sources of meat, rather as sources of milkproducts or possibly even as transport animals. Islands are also ideal places for keeping livestock;there was access to good fodder, including reindeer lichens, and the animals could never roamfar from the settlements. This practice was used extensively by northern farmers who routinelytransported their animals to islands during fishing seasons. Evidence of heavy grazing can still beobserved on Stora Fjaderagg Island.

As a general conclusion, sealing was the main focus of these sites during both the springand fall hunting and netting seasons. These activities were probably organized by households fromlocal communities. The presence of domesticated animals suggests that there were more than menliving at these settlements. The hunting and processing activities were relatively large-scale and wellorganized. Flotation of hearth soils from two huts at Grundskatan revealed that berries had beencollected, including raspberries, bilberries, blueberries, crowberries and bearberries. Additionally,goosefoot and stitchwort were identified. These finds are clear proof of late summer-fall activities.This is further evidence that women were present on these sites and all of these plants are knownto have been used by the Saami (Viklund 2005).

Place-Name Evidence of Reindeer Husbandry

The frequency of place-names referring to remdeer husbandry in coastal Vasterbotten is both note-worthy and useful from the archaeological perspective. As early as the 1940s Holm (1949:143-145)had drawn attention to the Lovanger parish place-names Rengdrdtsjdrn (Reindeer Corral Lake) andRengdrdsmyr (Reindeer Corral Bog) and commented on the frequency of the place-name rerigdrdin the region. He quoted Israel Ruong, a well-known Saami scholar and reindeer expert who com-mented, "the information that the word rengdrd occurs in the coastland is . . . of great interest, andimplies that reindeer husbandry and its intensive Forest Saami form . . . occurred there" (Holm1949:145). There are, in fact, 74 place-names referring to reindeer in Skelleftea Municipality, 37 ofwhich refer to rengdrd of which 16 are the place-name Rengdrdsmyren (Reindeer Corral Bog). TheSwedish word ren means reindeer and gdrd means an enclosure, a yard or a farmyard. In this con-text, like the word rengdrde, it probably refers to a reindeer corral.

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159

Reindeer herds belonging tothe Vindel and Ume Saami villagesstill graze in the Vasterbotten coast-land, including Bjuroklubb. Severalnomadic herding routes lead directlyto Bjuron. Cladonia rangiferina, themain winter fodder of reindeer,grovv^s abundantly on the outer coastand along the eskers leading there.Mixed small-scale intensive reindeerhusbandry survived into historictimes among the Forest Saami peo-ple in Norrbotten, Vasterbotten andAngermanland. These Saami werenot nomadic and based their settledexistence on a mixture of fishing,hunting and the keeping of reindeer,goats and even cattle (Manker 1968).They were speakers of the Ume Saami language in Vasterbotten. They are remarkably similar to theBothnian Saami 700 years earlier, and linguistically the Ume Saami language they speak, whichhas words for seals, is hard to explain without having once extended down to the coast. Interest-ingly enough, Olaus Magnus' map from 1539 (Figure 7), not only shows a Saami woman milkinga reindeer upstream from Umea, but includes the captions renaval (reindeer husbandry) and, justnorth of Lovanger, rensby (reindeer village).

Pastoralism and Heterarchy

The archaeological evidence has shown that the Bothnian dwellings occur in groups together withstorage cairns and caches, fence lines and stone circles that are interpreted as ritual features. North-ern huts and doorways normally face south, although this varied depending on topography. On thecoasts doorways most often faced shorelines. It should be noted that the actual cardinal directionsof north and south, as expressed by most indigenous informants, often had more of a symbolicsignificance than a magnetic reality, however, and "north" also referred to the area behind thedwelling and opposite the front entrance. According to the Chukchi this orientation was important". . . in sacrificing, the odor of the hearth of the house standing in the wrong position might reachthe sacrificial fire of the preceding house and taint its fire and fire-tools" (Bogoras 1909:613).

Saami settlement clusters, sijddas, corresponded to the basic unit of most hunter-gatherers,the band, or a small group of nuclear families living and working together. Such a unit was mobileand less vulnerable than a single family and yet not large enough to overtax local fuel and game.The Saami sijdda was a flexible system typical of hunter-gatherer subsistence groups, although itwas not incompatible with small-scale herding (Graburn and Strong 1975; Ingold 1978; Storli 1991).Annual sijdda/siida territories were roughly circular in inland areas, but changed into long rib-bons running parallel with the river valleys with the transition to nomadic herding (Vorren 1968).

80 1706050 H403020100

□ Ren

A ll,ri-,[ljiA

Rengard

# .^^ J> J' J" <^ >

Figure 171. Numbers of place-names with the prefix ren (reindeer) andplace-names with rengard {reindeer corrals) hy municipality betweenNorrbotten and northern Ansermanland.

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CHAPTER 7

Norwegian coastal Saami siidas were more like circular inland territories and enveloped coastalfjords and islands (cf. Bjorklund 1985; Grydeland 200i:i8j. Numerous archaeologists have proposedthat the Saami siida or sijdda was the basic unit of prehistoric settlement, and that the clusteringof dwellings in the alpine and forest regions reflect this (cf Bergman 1991; Mulk 1994; Hedman2003). This settlement arrangement is described in detail by Mulk (1994:216-221). The dwellingswere arranged in rows or bowed groupings of three to five huts. A "courtyard" {sjallo) lies in front ofand to the "south" of the huts. Directly behind the huts were domestic features, such as earth ovensand caches, and to the north of them were offer sites. Each dwelling represents a family and two tofive families generally lived together. These families were not necessarily related and membershipwas flexible. Larger gatherings of sijddas into winter villages, which seem to have originated in thesixteenth century, are called vuobme or dalvadis. Each sijdda also had its sacred ground, a mountainor an unusual stone called a seite, a name that probably derives from the same root as sijdda. TheStalo huts in the alpine regions and hearths that have been connected with Saami kdtas in the for-est regions of northern Sweden, Norway and Finland have been described as either single sijddasor groups of sijddas. Settlements in the forested interior of Finland (cf. Tanner 1929; Tegengren1952), as well as the coastal Saami sites of north Norway (cf Bjorklund 1985; Odner 1992; Grydeland2001), follow the same pattern.

Bogoras (1909:612) described analogous settlements among the reindeer herding and mari-time hunting Chukchi of northeastern Siberia. The Chukchi camp usually included two to threefamilies, and the whole number of inhabitants was 10-15 people. Camps of four, five or six familiesformed a slight minority, and a camp of ten houses was almost impossible except for special rea-sons, like the temporary camps at trading places. Bergman and Liedgren et al. (2008) have recentlydiscussed the kinship and residence pattern of the Swedish alpine regions ca. A.D. 1000 with aparticular focus on the linear alignments of huts that became quite distinctive during the periodA.D. 640-1150. In their study of historically documented dwellings in the Arjeplog region, huts6.5 m in length could house up to 10 people [comparable to the large oval Bothnian huts], and thesmallest documented hut, measuring 3.2 m in diameter, housed an elderly couple. The sijddas con-sisted of two to six households (Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008:104). Although there is a clearunderstanding that sijddas were not strictly based on kinship, the authors argue that these linearalignments of huts were an expression of lineages under "great stress" (Bergman and Liedgren et al.2008:107). The stress factor is identified as the transition from hunting to pastoralism and the needto affirm the security of the "core social unit," the sijdda. The main forces of change were internal,according to the authors, although they also assign significance to trade. Comparable linear align-ments of huts are, in fact, described by Bogoras and these lines of huts are indeed related to herding(1909:612-614). Reindeer husbandry quite simply created a need for aggregating both herds andherders. Poor herders with only a few animals kept together for a few months and dispersed justas easily. Wealthy herders needed more than their family to manage their animals and distant rela-tives or strangers camped together with them. These huts were arranged in lines based on hierarchy.The "chief" of the camp was referred to as the "one in the front house" among other references,including "the strongest one." The other tent occupants were called "camp neighbors" or "that ofthe rear house." The eldest of the brothers, or his son, had preference over the others in this lineup.The position of the front house is the first on the right side of the line of houses (Bogoras 1909:613).

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

161

The owner of the herd, or largest part of it, was in charge of the pastures, the days of slaughtering,ceremonies and sacrifices. This hierarchy was socially enforced as no one could join a camp withoutpermission, even at temporary camps (Bogoras 1909:614).

Comparable alignments of dwellings, and during the same time period, are seen on the NorthBothnian coast (refer Figure 160) and can relate both to the organized labor of herding and to col-lective hunting (cf Tanner 1979:73-107). This was a time of exceptional prosperity within Nordicsociety. The Saami elites, "Finn-Kings," are referred to by Snorre and in other sagas, and 21 curiousdefensive Mangerom type "manors" are found along the Finnmark and Kola coasts (Fiansen andOlsen 2004:214-220). According to Storli (1991) and Urbariczyk (1992:213-215), there were alliancesbetween Saami big men and Norse chiefs, and most relationships were mutually beneficial. The longlines of hearths in the interior and alpine regions of Sweden almost certainly coincide with the acqui-sition of wealth through intensified trade and the consolidation of labor. Metal objects were given asofferings at numerous locales in Swedish Lapland, and reindeer were sacrificed at hundreds of sites.

Both Mulk (2006a) and Odner (1992) have argued that the offerings of metal objects were in-tended to maintain internal social solidarity by taking wealth out of circulation. This is reminiscentof the Bergman and Liedgren et al. (2008) argument regarding hut alignments, but as Zachrisson(1984:108, i987b:6i-68) has observed, these offer sites may actually have been inspired by Norsepractices. They were expressions of alignment with the Norse gods and Norse society, not attemptsto downplay their own social hierarchies. Their cessation might likewise relate to the eradication ofNorse religion. CoUinder (printed in Manker 1957:51) expressed similar ideas:

Lappish heathenism was syncretistic. It took up many Scandinavian beliefs from different times,perhaps as far back as the Bronze Age. As the Saami became familiar with Christianity from thegoos and later, they borrowed from it. Much of their religion was magic, distinguished by crassneeds, and their contacts with Christianity could have actually strengthened, but not weakenedthis in their cults. The Scandinavians were successfid and so were their cults. The Saami werewise to take up Scandinavian offer practices without abandoning their own.

During the period 900-1200, many Nordic and European kings took up Christianity as away of consolidating power. By the end of the tenth century, Olaf Trygvesson had converted Norwayand vowed to put to death all that refused to accept the new faith. Vladimir had converted Russia inA.D. 988, and Boleslav the Brave converted Poland in A.D. 999. In Sweden, Ansgar had spread thefaith at Birka as early as A.D. 829, but Sweden took another 300 years to become fully (more or less)Christian, and the Archbishop in Uppsala and the five bishops of southern Sweden were first inplace at the end of the iioos. Erik (later Saint Erik) was martyred in Uppsala over the issue in A.D.1160. The Church provided the new common denominator of state formation. Needless to say, theSaami seemed to have largely abandoned their borrowed Norse religious practices by the thirteenthcentury because they were no longer likely to have any benefits for them, spiritually or otherwise,and thereafter quickly aligned with Christianity. Christian symbolism was already embedded intheir personal adornments through trade with the west (Vagen, Bergen, Trondheim, Lofoten) andthe east (Novgorod, Ladoga) (Urbahczyk 1992). This is, to my mind, the most plausible reason whythe metal offer sites, which were inspired by Oden's Law in Norse religion, were so expeditiouslyabandoned. Interestingly enough, the extended hearth and hut alignments cease at the same time.

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The bear rite's distinctive religious expression of social solidarity continued, by contrast, into thenineteenth century.

Discussion

The sijdda system was, as in most band societies, a highly flexible and resilient combination of per-sonal and household autonomy, as argued by Odner (1992, 2000), and social solidarity as arguedby many authors (cf Gjessing 1955; Grydeland 2001:67). It was undoubtedly both of these things,however, and this suggests a heterarchy, different contemporary frameworks of social relations de-pending on context (Ehrenreich, Crumley and Levy 1995). The egalitarian model, while typical ofsmall-scale societies, does not mean there were no differences in status and wealth (cf ZachrissonI997a:i44-i48). The social obligations within such a heterarchy entailed the responsibility not todispose of wealth, but to redistribute it, including in the form of offerings on behalf of the com-munity, all of which nevertheless enhanced prestige.

Saami society had been forged from thousands of years of spiritual and economic transac-tions. The diversity of their graves, perhaps more than any other archaeological manifestation, bearswitness to this fact. The impacts of the Christian Church, by contrast, especially after joining forceswith the Swedish state following the Reformation in the sixteenth century, were far more disrup-tive than the beginnings of pastoralism. This was the "end of drum time," as described by Rydving(1995). Sapmi itself was becoming state property.

Nordic linguists have long speculated that the Saami acquired "packages" of knowledge,including terminologies, from Germanic and Karelian agrarians and metal workers. The Saami, itturns out, had borrowed as many as 3,000 Scandinavian words, most of which relate to skill sets.Ingold (2000:312-338) has reasoned that this was not technology in the modern sense, rather skillsthat were embedded in daily life. Many of the Scandinavian loan words are believed to have beenacquired on the Norwegian coast in connection with boat building, fishing and so forth but whatis most remarkable is how many words relate to farming and animal husbandry. These are notrandom words but whole systems of terms, including names for domestic animals, corrals, sheds,farms, fields, animal products and equipment. This list gives some examples of these loans (fromWiklund 1947:57-61; Collinder 1953:53-69): The Norse terms are set in brackets. A cow is calleda kussa [kyr] in Saami, an ox is called a vuoksa [oxi], a calf is a called galbe [kalfr], a goat is called akaihtsa [geit] and even cats are called gatto [kotta]. The same is true of agrarian byproducts: wool isullo [ull], milk is mielke [mjolk], and cheese is vuosta [ostr] and so on. The word for "farm" is garde[gar5r], "sheep byre" is fiekse [fahus] and "field" is akkr [akr]. Even the word "tame" was probably bor-rowed, tames [tamr]. There are Finnish loan-words as well, such as the word for "flour," jo/fo [jauho]and "beer," vuola [olut].

Based on runic inscriptions it has been possible to document the periods during which theseScandinavian words were acquired. The inscriptions date this process through regular changes inScandinavian "sound-laws." The oldest runic inscription in Sweden dates to about A.D. 200, theRoman Iron Age (Stenberger 1964:373). Altogether there are about 50 inscriptions of "Urnordic"(Ancient Nordic) age. There are over 3.500 rune stones in Sweden, the northernmost of which is inHalsingland (Brink et al. 1994).

The first linguistic horizon used by Nordic philologists is called Primitive or Archaic Scan-dinavian. The theory is that if sound-laws are not observed in the loan-words, the words date to

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP

163

before these changes. The change of ai to a before "h" is seen in the runic inscriptions from the fifthcentury (Skold 1979). Another change about the same time is that of au to o before "h". An exampleof a word supposedly borrowed from Scandinavian includes sai'va meaning fresh water, water in ariver or lake and corresponding to Old Norse sjdr, sjor (Skold 1979:108). There are as many as 500Archaic Scandinavian words in all Saami languages (CoUinder 1953:61). Late Archaic Scandinavianended about A.D. 800 and was followed by Common Scandinavian, in which the Scandinavianlanguages are divided into western and eastern dialects. The chronology thus spans from A.D.200 to 800. Most scholars believe that the process of word acquisition by the Saami occurred onthe Norwegian coast.

From a linguistic point of view, we can come to the conclusion that theforbearers of the Lapps andthe Scandinavians met in northern Norway about the time of the birth of Christ, and it's probablethat the Lapps were there when the Scandinavians arrived. (Skold igygnii)

Although the Norwegian context is not in doubt regarding linguistic influences, Karl Wiklundsuggested that these were not just borrowed words but that the ancestors of the Saami were directlyinvolved in animal husbandry and farming:

What we are confronted with is a class of Saami who during ancient Nordic [Archaic Scandina-vian] times, presumably around the birth of Christ, in addition to hunting and fishing (possiblyreindeer herding), supported themselves through a form of animal husbandry and farming whichwas at about the same level and in the same region as the Norse. (Wiklund ig^y.Go)

Wiklund's ideas were criticized because he had no proof at the time. It is clear today, however,that Wiklund was correct. Archaeological fieldwork in the 1980s revealed that there were Germanicenclaves during the Early Iron Age in both southern and middle Norrland as well; but even morerelevant is the fact that we now know that the Saami in these regions practiced husbandry and evencultivation in the ways that Wiklund had proposed for Norway. Aronsson has found this idea plau-sible even for Pite Lappmark (2005) regarding the many formative connections between reindeerhusbandry and settled farming (cf Khazanov 1984). Recent genetic analyses of Eurasian reindeershow, furthermore, that reindeer herding did not spread to Scandinavia from Siberia but they weredomesticated independently in many different regions (Roed et al. 2008). The first Nordic loanwords relating to husbandry, herding and farming were undoubtedly acquired much farther souththan previously believed, perhaps as far south as Svealand in Sweden, where there were fur marketssuch as the famous, still-operating distmg market in Uppsala (Magnus 1555, book 4, ch. 7:182-183).

Saami words were also borrowed by Germanic speakers and these relate to transportation,trade and hunting. Professor Olavi Korhonen (1982, 1988) has examined Saami terms relating toboats and boat building, which was a special Saami skill set, as well as words relating to sealing andthe Saami use of dogs for finding ringed seal dens in the ice. The Nordic community, as attested bythe Norse sagas, was also highly respectful and even fearful of Saami healing and witchcraft andthey borrowed the Saami word noaidi, which means "shaman" or "healer." A related phenomenoninvolves the use of taboo words in connection with hunting. These were words that were used bySwedish hunters to hide their intentions from the game as the animal would never be mentioned

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Table 55. Finds of iron slag, clay and iron furnaces.

SITE

LATITUDE

FINDS

DATE (B.P.)

Stora Fjaderagg BStora Fjaderagg DHornslandsudde 12Hornslandsudde 5

Grundskatan 3Grundskatan 11

Stor-Rebben A,B,CBjurdklubb 57

6rN

65°N64°N

63°N

Slag

Forge, iron, copper

Slag

Forge

Slag, furnace clayFurnace clayForge, slag

Slag, furnace clay, iron

1845±135 945±1101485±70

1500±100, 1205±701175±100

1660±70, 1235±3151110±1451820±40, 1570±401390±30

by its real name. The Saami word alge and its variants, including Ume Saami word alggie, was bor-rowed by Bothnian sealers. It means "son" and was also the Ume Saami word for "seal." AnotherUme Saami word that was widely adopted by Bothnian sealers as a taboo word is mdrssie or morsd,which means "fiance" (Edlund 2000).

Metallurgy

Iron metallurgy was one of the most formative elements of Saami ethnogenesis. Iron slag has beenfound at five of the sites along the Bothnian coast, from Stor-Rebben in the north to Hornslan-dudde in the south. Iron forges were documented at Bjuroklubb 67, Grundskatan 78 and Horns-landsudde 119. Slag was found in seven additional hearths, and furnace clay has been documentedin four hearths. A forging pit has been previously documented together with K)elm0y ceramics atHarrsjobacken in Lovanger (Sundqvist et al. 1992), and the forging sites on Bjuron can be viewedas continuations of these activities. The radiocarbon date of Harrsjobacken (A.D. 79-245) overlapsthose of Stor-Rebben, Stora Fjaderagg, as well as Hornslandsudde. While the detailed technologicalanalyses of this material are important, of equal interest are the shamanistic and symbolic aspectsof metal working and, in this study, their connections to Saami bear ceremonialism and offerpractices. Fire was the most transformative form of technology available in prehistory. Metallurgyis thus more than a technology, it is magic. Metallurgy is defined as the extraction of metals fromtheir ores and modification of metals for use. It is a form of pyrotechnology, the use of heat for ma-nipulating raw materials (Hodges 1970). In this sense it is an extension of the methods employedby earlier hunters and gatherers to anneal stone to make them easier to flake, or of quarrying usingfire and water to shatter rock or to manipulate minerals, as has been documented at the Lundforssite in Vasterbotten, 3400/4200 B.C. (Broadbent 1979:99-108).

The oldest documented iron working in Sweden is found in a band across the 60th parallelfrom the Malardalen region in the east to the Swedish west coast (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993). Thiscan be connected to early metallurgy in Finland and emanates from the same regions as textile-(Lovozero) and striated ceramics, as well as Malardal- and Ananino axes, that is, from the Volgabend to the Ural Mountains in Russia (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993:17-29). Iron working was possiblyunderway in Russia as early as 1800 B.C. (Chernykh 1992; Khlobystin 2005) and spread to Sweden

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by at least 800-500 B.C. Asbestos-tempered ceramics are closely associated with this technologyin north Nordic regions and date to ca. 900 B.C-A.D. i in Norway and somewhat later in Sweden(Hulthen 1991; Olsen 1994:101-108).

Iron technology represents a major economic breakthrough because iron ore was readilyavailable locally, especially through bog iron precipitates (limonites) and also because there werevast pine forests that could provide the fuel necessary to produce and manipulate it. Even winterwas an advantage as iron deposits could be easily scooped up and transported through the stableplatforms of frozen lakes and bogs. Sweden was to later become one of the major exporters of highquality iron from sources in the so-called jarnbaraland (iron-bearing land) of southern Norrland,as described in many early texts, including that of Saxo Grammaticus in the 1190 (Hyenstrand1974). During the period A.D. 400-600, large amounts of iron were produced in the forests ofDalarna and Jamtland, presumably for trade (Hyenstrand 1974; Magnusson 1986). This activityshows the same drastic decline as elsewhere in the Nordic region during the seventh century, butrebounded, albeit on a smaller household scale, from A.D. 1000. This is also where the so-calledforest or hunting graves are found and these are most likely Saami in origin (c£ Hvarfner 1957;Sundstrom 1997:21-27; Gollwitzer 1997:27-33; Zachrisson i997a:i95-20o; Bergstol 2008). Mostof the slag has been found on the shores of lakes and rivers and coincide with the distributions ofStone Age settlements.

Three Iron ForgesBjuroklubb 67

Bjuroklubb 67 (Chapter 5) is a solitary dwelling that lies just below the top of a ridge facing west onwhat was once a small island. The elevation is 17 m above sea level. A radiocarbon date was obtainedfrom charcoal (i485±70 B.P.), which calibrates to A.D. 460-640. The find material consists of 22pieces of iron slag and clay. This material was analyzed by Lena Grandin, Eva Hjarthner-Holdar andEmma Gronberg at the Geoarkeologiskt Laboratorium of the Swedish National Heritage Board (2005).

A heavily corroded cylindrical piece of iron measuring 28 x 8 x 8 mm and weighing 2.8 gwas examined, but its exact composition could not be ascertained. Slag samples were determined toconsist of complex combinations of slag and silica, some of which could have derived from meltedsand in the soil, and some of which seems to have been added on purpose to improve smithing.Silica reduces oxidation of the metal and helps to weld iron to steel. There were also traces of cop-per that might have been used to decorate objects (Grandin et al. 2005:5). In general, the slag ishomogeneous reduction slag containing both magnetite and wiistite that had been produced in ahighly oxygenated environment. It was the result of secondary smithing using billets of the qualityof so-called Fellujarn or Kode types (cf. Andersson 2007:6). An analysis of the silty clay furnacewall material shows it had been tempered with sand and had been heated to ii5o°C. The hearth soilwas swept using a magnet in 2008 and both plano-convex hammer scales and iron sphericals wereobtained, both by-products of smithing (Figure 178). At the time of excavation, it was believed thatwall stones had fallen into the hut, but these were probably anvils.

Grundskatan 78, Hut 11

Excavations at the Grundskatan site (Chapter 5) also produced evidence of forging in a hut. Theform of the hut was very similar to that at Bjuroklubb, a rounded-rectangular foundation with low

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Figure lyi. Bjurdklubb 67 showing area of sooty soil and vent in Figure ij]. Close-up of the vent in Bjuroklubb 67.the rear wall ofthe hut.

cobble walls measviring 7x5 m. A radiocarbon date of 1175+100 B.P. (A.D. 720-980) was obtainedfrom the hearth. No animal bones were found and 300 grams of iron slag were collected. This ma-terial consists of both homogeneous slag, slag with melted stones, red-burned clay and rusted iron.The slag includes varying proportions of wiistite, olivine laminates and glass. Two pieces derivedfrom the same smithing hearth cake. Fine-grained magnetite and drops of metallic iron occur andthe iron content is high. There was a good supply of oxygen. The slag derives from secondary forg-ing (Grandin et al. 2005), and iron scales, the results of hammering, as well as sphericals were alsopicked up in the hearth using a magnet. Wood charcoal from the hearth was varied and includedBetula sp. (birch), Pinus sp. (pine) and conifers (pine or spruce).

Hornslandsudde, Site 119

Features 12 and 13 are a double hut situated at 16 m above sea level. Two dates were obtained:i57o±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 430-540) and 1820+40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 130-240). The hearth measured ca.I X I m and was ca. 20 cm deep. Some i.i kg of slag was found in or near the hearth and a hundredor more hammer scales (60 g) were collected. Charcoal derived from pine (Pinus sp.). Some slagand furnace clay was water-rolled, which confirms the oldest radiocarbon date of this feature (An-dersson 2007:3).

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Figure J75. Reconstruction of Huts 12-ij.

Technical analyses were performed by Daniel Andersson of the Geoarkeologiskt Laborato-rium of the Swedish National Heritage Board (2007). The slag derived from smithing hearth cakesthat had probably been formed on the bottom and sides of the pit, which is somewhat unusualas they usually only stick to the walls below the air inlet and rest on a bed of fuel. Differences inmineral composition from the same area suggest that both oxygen and temperatures were ratherunstable. The hammer scales are generally comprised of iron oxides and the sphericals of glassand dendritic wiistite. High quality iron was found, including one small metallic piece of steel, andthree corroded pieces of iron. This find suggests the manufacturing of edged tools. Additional slag,burned clay and a small rolled thin iron sheet measuring i x 0.3 cm were found in Hut 5, whichdates to i390±30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 465-779). Feature 5 is a rounded-rectangular hut foundation mea-suring ca. 3.5 X 6 m with cobble walls measuring 0.2-0.3 m height. No traces of a smithing hearthwere found in this dwelling, and it is probable that the slag had been collected from Hut 12. Ironslag (120 g) and six red clay pieces (0.6 to 1.2 cm) were found in the hearth together with 375 bonefragments (60 g) and one iron fragment (i.o cm). The large number of burned bones and a centralhearth supports the interpretation that this hut was a normal dwelling, not a forge.

Smithing and Shamanism

Three shallow smithing hearths have been identified in huts ranging in age from A.D. 130 to980. The oldest dated material is from Hornslandsudde and the youngest from Grundskatan. Thisspread suggests that iron working had been carried out the entire time these sealing sites wereused, over 800 years. The three forging sites are very similar and consist of simple huts of compa-rable sizes and constructions to the dwellings. Bjuroklubb 67 had seal bones and phosphate enrich-ment indicative of a normal dwelling, and Huts 12-13 were a double hut, a smithy and a dwellingwith a livestock enclosure. All three smithies were adjacent to or directly within settlements. Thesmithing hearths were small and shallow and quite comparable to what is known about clay-linedbowl furnaces, which average 30-80 cm across and 12-45 depth (cf. Martens 1988:70-85;

Hjarthner-Holdar 1993:94-101). The floors of the forging huts also have numerous anvil stones.

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Munsell Soil Color:

Ml = l()yv/6/l Gray

M2 = lOyr/6/6 Brownish Yellow

M.? -= lOyr/7/1 Light Oray

M4 1 Oyi/5/2 Grayish Brown

M5 l()yr/6/2 Light Brownish Gray

M6 = lOyr/5/1 Gray

M7 = 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Brown

M8 - 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Rrown

Profile A

I inexcaviiled

Profile B

s = Slag(g) ^ Carbon Sample - 20cm

3.5 Liters ofFire Cracked Rock

Figure 176. Detail of forging hearth in Hut 12, Homslandsudde. S= slag, X=AMS dates.

Figure lyS. Iron scales, ropey iron and sphericals from Figure ijg. Furnace clay from Bjurokluhb 67 (Grandin et

Grundskatan Site yS, Hut 11. Spherical = 1 mm. al. 2005:14).

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This coastal smithing was evidently carried out for domestic uses and the manufacturing ofedged tools (Andersson 2007:6). According to Grandin et al. (2005:8-9), the material is not com-parable to the site of Lappnaset (Englund et al. 1996) or Kyrkesviken in northern Angermanland(Kresten 1999), where primary smithing had taken place. It is nevertheless comparable to the mate-rial from a smithing hearth at Lill-Mosjon, Grundsunda, Angermanland, which dates to 25oo±65B.P. (Englund 2000). Although no primary iron production has been found in the Lovanger area,there are sources of bog iron in the Nolbyn-Mangbyn area (Granlund 1943). The iron on the sitescame in the form of billets, but only one billet of the spade-shaped type produced in Middle andSouthern Norrland has been found north of Angermanland, and this was in northern Finland(Liedgren and lohansson 2005:290).

The Bothnian sealers were clearly very familiar with the intricacies of small-scale iron work-ing. They could produce high quality objects, including decorated items. To gauge temperatures bycolor, the smithies were in huts with special venting systems involving channels running throughrear walls; one of these was probably for a bellows operated outside of the hut. It is quite possiblethat they were in use during all sealing seasons, both the fall and spring months for ringed seals,as well as during the summers when harp seals were hunted. It is also notable that slag nodulesand even furnace clay have been found in so many hearths without furnaces. For example, 23small iron slag nodules were found in the hearth of Hut 3 at Grundskatan, which is adjacent to andpartly contemporary with Hut 4 (with the bear burial) and the circular sacrificial feature at thissite. Slag was also found in Huts A, B and G at Stor-Rebben, Huts B and D on Stora Fjaderagg andthe aforementioned Hut 5 at Hornslandudde. Slag was similarly found in oval Saami hearths inNorrbotten (Hedman 2003:161-189) and in the hearths of Stalo huts. Mulk (1994:177-184) has, forinstance, recorded iron slag from two Stalo huts at Suollakavalta and a hearth in Singi. These sitesdate to ca. 1000-1200. Similar sites have been documented in southeast Norway (Narmo 2000).Iron blanks, rivets, tongs and other tools together with iron fragments are otherwise documentedfrom Stalo huts (cf Mulk 1994). Iron blanks and rods, as well as a crucible and asbestos wares, arerecorded at other sites, such as Halla (nos. 869-870) in Asele, Lake Overuman, Tarna, Norrvik,Paulundsvallen in Lycksele, Rappasundet in Arjeplog, Landsjarv, Sorviken and Varghalsen (Zach-risson 1976:71). Zachrisson has also observed that slag is found on Saami sites and has analyzedsome, including parts of a small plano-convex cake measuring 10 cm in diameter. Four of thesepieces were verified by the technical department of the Museum of National Antiquities and twoof them, from Gafsele in Asele Parish and Stallverket on the Angermanland River (Zachrisson1976:129). In a more recent overview of the evidence, Zachrisson (2006) describes likely Saami ironworking sites in jamtland, Harjedalen, northern Dalarna, western Halsingland and Medelpad, aswell as iron objects with distinctive Saami markings.

Iron slag has likewise been documented in North Norway, for example in a probable sha-man's hut at Vapsgieddi (Grydeland 2001:37-42). While some sites are smithies, most of themare not, and this raises the very real possibility that slag was deliberately put in hearths becauseof its magical, especially transformative, properties. Metamorphosis was an empirical reality andthe hearth was a sacred place (Qvigstad 1926:321). Mats Burstrom (1990) has argued that slag hadbeen deliberately placed in Iron Age graves in southern Norrland, both as grave goods and as fill.This ritual connection in Scandinavia has been discussed more recently against the background ofcomparative ethnographic analogies in Africa (Haaland 2004; cf Haaland et al. 2004).

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European and Norse mythology is full of the myths, legends and folktales that build on themagic and rituals of the smith and iron working (Haaland 2004:11; cf Green 2002). Hedeager(2001) pursued this idea regarding the Norse figure Volundr, who could change shape as a shamanto mediate between humans and the gods. She also discusses Regin from the Volsunga Saga, whois a liminal figure and a dwarf (Hedeager 2001:492). Although a person to be respected and evenfeared, in Germanic society the smith was nevertheless only working at it part-time, and this wasnot necessarily a high status profession (cf Haaland 2004:14).

Volundr and the North

The master smith Volundr/Weland is described in the Older Edda from ca. 1000, which is one of theoldest of the Icelandic texts. He was originally a dwarf or from a family of dwarves or elves, but hewas completely human and with human emotions. His tale is prefaced by a brief description of hisbackground: "The Finn King had three sons, Slagfinn, Egil and Vohindr, who traveled on skis and huntedreindeer..." (Bseksted 1970:228). The tale then goes on about how Volundr, having made a magicsword and 700 rings of red gold that he tied to his forge, was robbed by King Nidud and his soldiers,who wore chain mail. Meanwhile, Volundr, on returning home from bear hunting, was captured andtied up. He had his leg tendons cut, but took to the sky using wings he had forged (Baeksted 1970:229).

Most intriguing about this story are the references to the "Finn King," skis, reindeer, dwarvesand even a bear. Volundr's forge was on an island. The Volundr allusions point northward, and thereare valid reasons for taking them seriously. For one thing, there is now credible archaeological evi-dence for Finn Kings (Hansen and Olsen 2004:214-220), and the hunting of reindeer on skis couldonly have taken place in the north. The reference to dwarves, who knew magic and were devious, canrefer to the meeting of the Saami and the Norse as proposed by Nilsson's early study of the saga litera-ture (cf Nilsson 1866) and, of course, the Saami stories about Stalo giants. The shamanistic contextin Norse religion is also expressed through the Seic)r rituals, which involves female divination, as seenamong the Saami (Dubois 1999:121-138; Price 2002:91-328). Amanda Green (2002) has related theritualistic value of iron to the Germanic practice of offering weapons and animals in bogs and waterycult places, which we know the Saami practiced. There is likewise a strong gender component to met-allurgy in which the forge is seen as a womb and symbolizes fertility (Herbert 1993).

Conclusions

The chronology, architecture and organization of North Bothnian settlements coincide extremely wellwith what is known about other Saami settlements and cultural manifestations throughout the Nordicregion. Although dwelling constructions differ by region, they reflect comparable social and resourceexploitation strategies. They were closely connected with pastoralism, trade and intense cultural in-teractions. The closest Saami architectural parallels to the North Bothnian material that I know ofare in northern coastal Norway. The combinations and even the transitions from oval to rectilinearstructures could similarly relate to contacts between the Saami and other groups, or simply reflectdifferent seasonal needs. Technology, it must be assumed, was a shared interest and yet another arenaof collaboration between Saami and non-Saami. Ritual behavior, the connection between metallurgy,metal offerings in bogs and shamanism, seems to have belonged to the realm of common ground. Aswill be discussed in the next chapter, the transformative properties of the bear, and the significance ofthe bear rites, relate directly to the dwelling, the hearth, fertility and to Saami social identity.

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1^ J'

BEAR BURIALS&BONEDEPOSITIONS

Figure 180. Map showing general distribution of documented bear burials and bone depositionsin Sweden and Nonvay. Icon based on an image from a Saami drum (Kjellstrom and Rydvingic)88:26). Bear burials in Sweden concentrate in South Sdpmi, to which Grundskatan belongs. Bonedepositions are more common in North Sdpmi. Photo inset of bear skull find from Jdmtland. CourtesyAntikvariskt-topog-afiska arkivet, the National Heritage Board, Stockholm.

Rituals and Religion

Most religious interpretations of Saanii archaeological material are based on written ac-counts from the i6oos and 1700s. Swedish Lord High Chancellor Magnus Gabriel De laGardie commissioned studies by Swedish priests who were to then turn over their materi-als to lohannes Schefferus, author of Lapponia in 1673. Priests also collected informationon religious practices in Norway. These efforts were intended to define, and then overpower, Saamiwitchcraft, magic and heathen beliefs and practices (Manker 1957:9).

Information on Saami sacred sites can be sought from many sources: physical traces in thelandscape, place-names, traditional knowledge and written accounts. Each source has its limita-tions, however. Landscape impacts were often minimal and building materials mostly perishable.Most constructions were made of wood, brush, sod and birch bark. Place-names, which once iden-tified locales, have in many areas been replaced by names from the linguistic majority. In otherinstances, Saami place-names have been lost along with the disappearance of the Saami languageand changed land uses. The written sources are relatively recent and were recorded by non-Saami.It is probable that the Saami were loath to reveal the locations of sacred sites, sacred place-namesor practices, either because this would shame the sites and weaken the power of their traditions, orsimply to avoid punishment, prison and even execution (Lundius 1905:32, Olsen 1910:7 ff).

Saami sacred sites were often landforms such as mountains, lakes, islands, points and pen-insulas, caves, crevices, cliffs, ridges, ledges, water divides, rapids, waterfalls, springs and streams(Qvigstad 1926; Manker 1957). These were places where power was concentrated. These powersconsisted of the spirits of ancestors and different categories of helping and protective beings thatmaintained different classes of animals. Special rules applied regarding the interaction of humansand these powers. It was at these kinds of sites one could seek contact with spiritual forces. Ac-cording to Saami traditional beliefs, to die was to wander in the underworld (Hogstrom 1747:210).The underworld was also the home of dead relatives (Backman 1975). These people lived a paral-lel existence and even walked upside down with their feet against those of the living (Lundius1675:6). All of these spiritual entities received offerings at places where conditions for contact werefavorable. Offerings to dead relatives could occur near graves or at other locales, especially on spe-cial platforms near settlements or in the natural landscape where there were transitions betweenworlds. Sacrifices and offerings often occurred at places that were associated with game. Offeringswere made to Tjaetsiealmaj, "the water man," for fishing luck on the shores of lakes or in the water.Offerings were made at a kill site to Liejpiealmaj, "the alder man." Inside the hut, offerings were

173

made to the female deities Maadteraahka and her daughters Saarahka, Joeksaahka and Oksaahka- overseeing ah that is female, including menstruation and childbirth. Offerings were made daily.Each entity had its own special place in the hut. Under the hut floor resided Jaemiehaahka, "deathwoman," who controlled the distribution of the vital powers between the living and the dead.

Traces of Saami ritual practice have mostly disappeared, but some constructions have sur-vived. These can be graves, stone circles or enclosures, mound-like constructions and differenttypes of sacrificial platforms or cairns. Sacrificial idols were often made of wood, but in someinstances were made of stone on or near the offer site. Rich deposits of bone and antler togetherwith blood, fat and flesh gave rise to both lush vegetation and characteristic plant types (cf Manker1957:123; Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001:108). Sacred sites were used for both "bloody sacri-fices" and metal offerings. Of the bloody offerings, bone and antler could survive, but seldom anyother visible indications. Archaeological investigations of offer sites, which were known from oraltraditions, have rendered astounding numbers of artifacts (Hallstrom 1932; Serning 1956; Zachris-son 1984). A single site can contain hundreds of objects from a wide geographic region. The objectsconsist of brooches, pendants, clasps and buckles of pewter, bronze and silver, silver coins and ironarrowheads. Coins and ornaments are usually perforated. There can also be considerable amountsof bone from many species: reindeer, cattle, horses, sheep/goats, pigs, fish, birds (including swansand roosters), bears, dogs, wolves and cats (Manker 1957:45-46). The most common day-to-dayofferings were ordinary items: bits of food, reindeer milk, and tobacco or vodka (Mebius 2003; cfJordan 2003).

While Saami sacred sites can consist of a number of different features or none at all, twotypes are of particular interest in this study. One form is a circular sacrificial feature and the othermanifestation is the bear burial. Circular stone features of these kinds have been known for overa century in Norway and have now been documented in coastal Sweden. This new material hasbeen presented by Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent (2006). An analysis of the Grundskatan bearburial is based on 42 comparable bear burials and bear bone depositions in Norway and Sweden.The bear burial is one of the most powerful manifestations imaginable of Saami identity and terri-tory. In order to avoid confusion regarding Nordic grave types, the term "burial" is used instead of"grave" to describe the interment of bear bones. The use of this term encompasses the act of cover-ing the remains and the rituals connected with it. An offering is a symbolic gesture, and as mostof the animals had been consumed prior to being offered, they are not, strictly speaking, sacrifices.Interestingly enough, the creatures that were not normally consumed, for example fur-bearing ani-mals, were sacrificed with their bones intact. Some animals were obtained specifically for sacrifices,such as house cats and even horses (Manker 1957:46).

Manker (1957:10-11) has defined nine traits of Saami religion:

1) All nature was animated and forces of nature, and even illness and death were personifiedby gods.

2) Reindeer herding, hunting and fishing had specific gods and guardians.

3) Power and danger were connected with specific locales.

4) Gods were worshiped in the form of unusual stones, cliffs or wooden idols.

5) Cults and rituals most often had utilitarian motives, such as good luck in fishing, hunting,herding and health.

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6) There was no priesthood, and every family used sacred drums for their spiritual needs.

7) The drum was the primary instrument of Saami cults.

8) The most distinctive of the Saami cults relates to bears.

9) There were a number of female taboos regarding offer sites, hunting, the handling of thedrum, etc., but special goddesses (family or kin spirits) were connected with the dwelling,childbirth and small children.

There are also a number of special terms that applied to sacred sites, three of which are rele-vant here. The term seite and its variants refer in part to an idol, usually an unusual natural stone andalso the place of this idol. The South Saami term bissie has three meanings: the concept of sacred, asacred offer site, and the offering itself The term ahka or akka refers to the female goddesses, inclvid-ing the mother goddess Maadterahka and her three daughters (L^stadius 1838-1845: Manker 1957:13ff). The Saami cosmos had two, possibly three, levels: the upper world (including the heavens) andthe underworld. These are, in any case, parallel worlds and their boimdaries can also be defined bythe land and the sea, or by a mountain top and the sky. These worlds were united through the worldaxis. Physical representations of the supernatural world, such as idols, were part of everyday life.Human graves, however, were to be avoided (Stora 1971; Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 20o6b:25-29).

Acts of communication with Maadterahka took place through routine domestic observances,small-scale offerings, larger-scale seasonal offerings and, when necessary, through shamanisticintercession (Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 2006:91). There was also a hierarchy of offer sites and sacri-ficial sites that related to different social settings. The primary setting was that of the family andthe family dwelling; the second setting was the territory used by a local band or the sijdda: and the

RITUALS AND RELIGION

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third setting was the region used by related bands, referred to as the vuobme or tjiellde (Swedish,lappby). These units are comparable in size to hunter-gatherer bands; a family normally averagesfive people, a band 25 people or three to five families, and a viable biological and linguistic group ofabout 500 people (cf Lee and Daly 1999)- Comparable numbers have been obtained from cameralrecords for the Forest Saami of lokkmokk parish (Kvist and Wheelersburg 1997).

Ernst Manker published more than 500 sacred sites in 1957. Eleven of these sites are knownfor their rich finds of metal objects. A twelfth major site has been added since then (Zachrisson1984). These sites date primarily to the period A.D. 700-1400, but there are also sporadic finds ofquartzite, slate and asbestos-tempered pottery. There is thus every reason to believe that these offerpractices did not originate during the Late Iron Age, but have deep roots extending back 4,000years or more (Manker 1957:52).

The Wild and the Domesticated

While Saami shamanism related to mediation between hunters and prey, there was also a strong pas-toral element that involved tame and domesticated animals, herds and pasturelands. Saami ideologythereby embodied a dualism of dependency and control (cf Ingold 1986; Hamayon 1996:76-89).Seventy-six percent of the animal bones from offer sites derive from combinations of wild and do-mesticated reindeer and 8% derive from livestock, especially sheep and goats. An offering is a ritual-ized form of communication with the gods, and it is evident that Saami gods could be satisfied bythis mixture of wild and domesticated creatures. As quoted in Manker (1957:44-45): Randulf (1723)described live sacrifices of horses, goats, dogs and cats at sites with wooden idols in North Norway;Eorbus (1727) mentioned sheep or goats being sacrificed to Beifwe, the sun god in Swedish Lap-land; Kildal (1730) described the offering of spirits, tobacco, cheese, porridge {Saaraahka's porridge),calves, sheep, lambs, goats, pigs,cats and roosters to Maad-teraahka and her three daugh-ters; Hogstrom (1746) in LuleLapmark mentioned sheep andgoats among other animals sac-rificed; Leem (1767), writing ofFinnmark, mentioned that sheepand other livestock together withmilk and cheese, but seldomseals, were offered. While manyof these finds date to the historicperiod, Manker has presented ev-idence that livestock had been of-fered during the Viking Period:goats were found at seven sitesand cattle at three sites. Reindeerand goats were, in fact, amongthe most common offer animals(Manker 1960:46, 76).

Figure 182. Aniinal offerings at j^j sites (based on Manker ig^y.p).

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The Bear Burial

The bear was one of the most important symbols of Saami society. While bears were the largestand most dangerous predators in the Nordic region and were revered as such, their spiritual sig-nificance among circumpolar peoples like the Saami related in greater measure to their humanlikeattributes, including body proportions, particularly when skinned, their upright and sitting stances,footprints, omnivorous diets, feces, cleverness and even emotional behavior, including crying andmasturbation (Edsman 1994:20). Added to these qualities is the bear's ability to hibernate, to sur-vive without eating, and then seemingly rise from the dead in the spring (Hallowell 1926:149). Thebear was a sacred animal in all Saami areas and bear hunting was a sacred undertaking (Backmanand Hultkrantz 1978:83). Saami bear rituals were first documented by Danish, Norwegian andSwedish priests in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Niurenius 1645; Rheen 1671; Graan1672; Thurenius 1724; Hogstrom 1747; Fjellstrom 1755; Leem 1767). A comprehensive synthesis andanalysis of the large corpus of original source materials, as well as published literature on Saamiand Finnish bear ceremonies, is given in Manker (1957) and Edsman (1994).

The brown bear (Ursus arctos arctos) was a co-migrator with humans into the ScandinavianPeninsula from the south and east following the rapid deglaciation of the region between 8,000 and10,000 years ago. Bear figures appear as portable art (Carpelan 1977) and images of bears in earlynorthern rock art, together with figures of birds, fish, reindeer and humans, have close parallelson Saami drums (Helskog 1988). It has been speculated that the drums may have replaced rock artas a shamanistic medium (Helskog 1988:110-112). After reindeer, bears were the most commonanimals portrayed on these drums (Kjellstrom and Rydving 1988).

Twenty Nordic sources from 1631 to the nineteenth century describe Saami bear burials.Zachrisson and Iregren (1974) summarize these accounts and describe nine Swedish bear burialfinds, as well as 20 finds of bear bones of "special character" (i.e., bear bone depositions, includ-ing skulls). The latter are more common in north Lapland and Norway (Zachrisson and Iregren1974:38). Although of seemingly different character, the motivation for a burial and for a bone depo-sition was the same, the need to show respect for the bear and for renewal (Mebius 2003:108-110).Mulk and Iregren (1995) published an additional bear burial from a dwelling site at Karats near Jok-kmokk in Lapland. A study encompassing 30 finds from North Norway was published by Myrstad(1996), and another about Spildra, an island with nine bear burials/bone depositions in Norway,was published by Bjorklund and Grydeland (2001). Altogether, some 43 burial sites are recordedin Norway and Sweden. An additional find had been made at Onbacken in Halsingland in 1923(Liedgren 1985). According to the excavator, Gustaf Hallstrom, bear bones and a complete skull withteeth were found in the southeast corner of an Early Iron Age terrace house and not far from somegraves. This is a "typical bear grave of Southern Lappish type" (Liedgren 1985:340). This parallelsthe Grundskatan find and shows that the Saami were directly involved in spiritual interactions withGermanic farmers in Halsingland.

Saami rituals took place at many locations in the landscape and within a hierarchy of space,from the mountaintops to the hearths. Manker sorted 342 offer sites by topography. Forty-fourpercent were by springs, waterfalls, rapids, lakes, islands and points. He also noted that islandswere important because they were isolated and protected (Manker 1957:23-28). A majority of thebear burials/depositions (73%) are also associated with water and had been placed on islands or onpoints. All but two of the Norwegian finds were on the Norwegian coast.

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The construction of bear burials, like dwellings, reflects the availability of local raw materials(e.g., cairns in the mountains and on the coasts and inhumations with earth or log coverings ininterior and forested areas). Most bear burials and depositions (48%), especially in Norway, werefound in fissures, under boulders or in caves. It has been pointed out that these are the places wherebears live, their dens, and also where there were openings to other worlds (Myrstad 1996:66-67).Some 17% were in cists or stone circles, 6% were in earth mounds, and 8% were under cairns. Al-though not common, the bones could be charred, as seen at Grundskatan (see also Paulson 1963),and a burned surface was observed under a bark layer at the bear burial site at Karats (Mulk andIregren 1995).

Of the 29 bear burials and depositions with multiple skeletal parts, 22 of them (78%) hadsome or most of the bones chopped, broken and split. Because of the ritualistic significance of thebear burial, only a selection of bones seems to have been, in practice, necessary. The common lackof phalanges shows that the bear had been flayed with the claws attached. According to Saami tra-dition, bear claws, which could have been removed as amulets, contained vdki, the essence of thepower of the animal (DuBois 1999:105). Even the bear skull, which was of special significance inbear ceremonialism (Hallowell 1926:135), was not necessarily put into the burials and could havebeen removed for other purposes: 32% lacked skulls and 31% of the skulls were fragmentary. Only38% had teeth present. Long bones, by contrast, were nearly always present in both depositions andburials. These bones contained the most marrow, were highly prized as food, and were powerfulsymbols of the life force of the animal (Edsman 1994:20).

Seventeen radiocarbon dates of bear burials/depositions range from A.D. 200 to 1800 (Zach-risson and Iregren 1974; Mulk and Iregren 1995; Myrstad 1996). There are two apparent spikes:A.D. 800-1200 and A.D. 1600-1800. The first spike corresponds to the Viking Age and the Gr-undskatan find, and the second to the "end of drum time" during which Lutheran priests crackeddown on Saami religion.

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Figure 18]. Find-places of bear burials and bone depositions in Norway and Sweden {N=^8}.

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25

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ii

Bogs Coasts Hills Interior Islands Lal<es Points Rivers

Figure 184. Percentages of bear burials and bone depositions by landscape feature (N=^6).

Lutheran suppression of Saami religion was at its extreme during the seventeenth and eigh-teenth centuries (Rydving 1995), and the bear rite had a revival before finally disappearing alongwith many of the old ways in the nineteenth century. A logical reason for the increased frequencyof bear rites during this final period was religious confrontation. This was a direct assault on theunderpinnings of the Saami relationship to the spiritual world and to the bear itself as a personifi-cation of this relationship. Bear burials span over 1,500 years and represent one of the most ancientand symbolically important cults in the north Nordic region.

Against this background, it is possible to assess the Grundskatan find and contextualize someof its meaning. Religious historian Hakan Rydving (1995) has defined the significant parameters ofSaami religious analysis: the setting, the timing, the social context (including gender) and the eco-

200-400 400-600 600-800 800-1000 1000-1200 1200-1400 1400-1600 1600-1800

Figure 1S5. Bear burials by date (N=iy).

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nomic context. The Grundskatan find can be assessed using these criteria although these aspectsoverlap in many regards.

The Grundskatan Find

The significance of this find was referenced in Chapter i and the excavation is described togetherwith the other features at Grundskatan in Chapter 5. To recapitulate, the burial was found duringthe routine excavation of Hut 4 at Grundskatan. Hut 4 is a rounded rectangular foundation with afloor area measuring ca. 3 x 4 m. A hearth lies in the center of the floor. The burial cairn had beenbuilt directly on the floor in the southeast (rear) corner of the dwelling. An AMS date was obtainedfor the bear bone: 1080+45 B-P- (A.D. cal. 898-1014). This shows good correspondence to the date ofthe hearth iiio±iio B.P. (A.D. cal. 780-1020). The medians are: A.D. 958 and A.D. 912, respectively.

The bear bones were found under a cairn. Eight percent of bear burials have this find context.These stones were extensions of the wall at Grundskatan, however. The bones were chopped andbroken for marrow. This coincides with 78% of the bear burials. Large pieces of long bones werekept, as were fragments of the skull and teeth. These were among the most symbolically importantparts of the bear skeleton and the most anatomically represented in bear burials. The phalangeswere missing and this shows that the bear has been flayed and the skin kept with the claws at-tached. This is consistent with the oral and written sources. The bones were sorted. This is animportant aspect of the burial act. There were no other animal bones present in the grave. This istrue of most bear burials. There were no artifacts. This is true of the majority of the burials: two ofwhich contained bullets, one a silver leaf, and two that had links of brass chain.

There are two persistent misconceptions in the written accounts regarding bear burials: i) allthe bones were to be buried in anatomically correct position and 2) the bones were to be undamaged(Myrstad 1996:20-22). The archaeological evidence shows that nearly all of the bear bones in bothNorway and Sweden had, in fact, been chopped and split for marrow extraction, and this is true ofnearly all offer animals that were considered edible. In addition, it is rare that all of the bones werecollected and buried, much less in anatomical order. Most burials with complete skeletal materialdate to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and this was possibly influenced by the tenets ofChristianity that prescribed that a body be intact for resurrection.

Figure 186. Bear bones from Hut 4 at Grundskatan, in situ (left) and sorted (right).

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The Setting and Social Context

The Grundskatan settlement is situated on a point and on an island. As a coastal site it coincideswith the majority of Nordic bear burial locations. Its association with an island is characteristic ofSaami grave sites, as is its location near water. The bear burial at Grundskatan is directly associatedwith the dwelling and the deities associated with the bear cult. These female deities relate throughtheir attributes to all aspects of the bear rite: fertility and birth, the hearth, the hunt and rebirth.The hut at Grundkatan has a rear opening corresponding to the boassjo area and sacred doorway.The dwelling had possibly been rebuilt for the ceremony and ashes were found spread in a thinsecondary deposit around the hearth.

The Economy and Timing

The local context is that of hunting. The main season for hunting ringed seals on the ice is Febru-ary through the end of April. Bears were most easily hunted in late winter, February to April, whenthey could most easily be dispatched in their dens (Zachrisson and Iregren 1974:79-83). The denwas located in early winter and involved "ringing them in" by following their tracks in the snow.The hunt was initiated when the crusty snow of late winter supported a skier, but not this large anddangerous prey. The bear hunt sometimes involved some six months of planning.

Although Grundskatan conforms in nearly all aspects to other bear burials in Norway andSweden, the most unusual aspect of this find is that it was made in a dwelling. This matter becomesless problematic, however, when viewed within the overall circumpolar context of bear rites andtheir symbolic associations with dwellings.

The Dwelling as the Saami Cosmos

The bear feast has been characterized as a primeval expression of hunting mentality with associatedfemale taboos (cf Reuterskiold 1912), but the setting was neither isolated nor did it exclude women.The bear was brought back to the settlement and the creature was brought into a dwelling. A spe-cial hut or ordinary huts were always used or constructed for the feast. In Fjellstrom's words, therites and feast were conducted "at home" and then buried at the site where it had been prepared (cfZachrisson and Iregren 1974:96). The bear flesh was to be brought into the dwelling through theback door. The hunters also entered the hut through this doorway. The goddess, who allowed thehunt, Baassjoeaahka, lived beneath this sacred portal (Mebius 2003:111, 117-122). The hut {goahte)was not just a dwelling; however; it was the center of the Saami cosmos (Storli 1991:51-58). Rydvingdescribes this with respect to its place and the perils of the universe:

The center of the ritual cosmos was formed by the goahte and the place where it stood (sjalljo).The goahte represented security in contrast to the wilderness (miehttse), where all sorts of perilsthreatened, both real such as wolves, wolverines and other beasts of prey, and perils we wouldclassify as mythical, (iggyioo)

The dwelling was the realm of the principal female deity, Maadteraahka, the creator of humanbodies, and her three daughters. The fertility goddess, Saaraahka, who lived beneath the hearth,was the most important. Oksaahka was the guardian of the doorway, and Joeksaahka was the bowwoman, who was probably identical with Baassjoeaahka. Another goddess in the dwelling was

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Jaemiehaahka, who was the ruler of the world of the dead (Mebius 2003:117-123, 131). She livedbeneath the floor of the hut. Both bears and humans went to her after death.

Blood was also a major theme. Ceremonies employing alder bark juice were performed inhonor of the alder man, Liepiealmaj, who was the hunter's deity as well as the animal master look-ing out for the bear's interests. He ruled over the wild animals (Mebius 2003:94-95; Backman andHultkrantz 1978:108). In actual fact, it appears that Lieipiealmaj was one of the disguises that thebear could take. The bear was himself "the master of all the other animals in the forest" (Rheen1671:143). Blood-red alder juice was spit (by the women) on the bear, the hunters, the hunting dogs,the reindeer that dragged the bear, the hut where the bear was skinned, the children who possiblycarried the meat to the women and even over the portions of meat that were to be eaten by thewomen. The red pigment was also rubbed on the posts of the hut for protection from evil (Collinder1953:199). The Saami word for alder, lieipie, means bear blood and menstrual blood (Paproth 1964).All the family members were involved in the sacramental consumption of the bear flesh. The as-sociation of the bear and the dwelling underscores its social focus. Through this domestic contextthe bear can be viewed as a key symbol of Saami society (Wennstedt Edvinger 2001:14).

Although dating to the 1600s, Kvaenangen in North Norway is an interesting parallel to theGrundskatan find. Spildra Island is at the nexus of three siidas and has nine bear burial/bone depo-sitions, as well as finds of animal offerings in dwellings (Grydeland 2001:37-42). In the rear of HutI at Vapsgieddi, and in the sacred back door area (the "bloody" door according to Saami practices),were offerings of fish, seals, sheep/goats, cows and reindeer. The bones had been sorted and weresplit for marrow. Fragments of a shaman's drum were also found nearby and the locale is calledNoaiddi Point (Shaman's Point). Considerable amounts of iron slag were also found in the dwelling.Bones of a lamb - but missing the pelvis, ribs and leg bones - were buried by the front door. Thisis similar to reindeer offerings in Vasterbotten (Grydeland 2001:37-42). In other words, a youngdomesticated animal by the front door and game animals by the back door had been offered to theahka goddesses of the hut in accordance with traditional principles of domestic and sacred space.This find manifests the dualism of the hunter and the pastoralist within the principal spiritual set-ting of Saami society. The bear in the dwelling at Grundskatan, as an even more powerful creature,explicitly connected the whole of the animal world to the Saami world.

The bear ceremonies of the Ainu in Hokkaido and Sakhalin, who had a maritime economy,are particularly close parallels to Saami beliefs and practices with respect to their social and do-mestic meanings. While there are many potential Eurasian comparisons that could be of interest inthese discussions, the Ainu example is particularly relevant because it provides an archaeologicalparallel to the Grundskatan find. According to Ainu beliefs the bear god offered himself to humansas a gift. His spirit was to be returned through the bear rituals, called "spirit-sending ceremonies"or iyomanti (Hallowell 1926:120-131; Akino 1999:248-260). This was a ritual of rebirth (Ohnuki-Tierny 1999:241). The iyomanti ceremony, like the Saami bear ceremony, was held at the settlementand in a dwelling. The bear's body and spirit entered the house through the sacred eastern window(God's window). The bear was given fine gifts and was an honored guest. The role of women isemphasized through this context:

. . . the rite is held in the woman's domain, inside the house and, most importantly, by the hearthwhere Fuchi, the female counterpart of the bear resides. (Ohnuki-Tierny iggg:24^)

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Cooking and food preparation have the same symboHc purpose as the bear ceremony, humanspiritual and physical nourishment (Ohnuki-Tierny 1999:244). The spirit-sending ceremony hasbeen identified in archaeological contexts through depositions of skulls or skull fragments (rep-resentative of the species), the systematic arrangement of bones, evidence of processing such asburning and, finally, association with a dwelling. There are three types of sites, referred to asnusa, "the sending back place." These sites are: soil-conscious (house depressions), stone-conscious(cairns or rock outcrops), and shell middens (Utagawa 1999:256-260). The skulls were kept nearthe sacred eastern wall of the dwelling, but the rest of the bones were taken back to be buried inthe mountains. The criteria for "sending-back places" coincide well with Grundskatan: i) the findsin a dwelling, 2) the sorting of the bones, 3) the traces of burning and 4) the placement of rocks (acairn) over the bones.

The overall goals of Ainu and Saami bear ceremonies, judging by the written and oral ac-counts, were identical: the renewal of nature, the strengthening of social bonds, and a sense ofidentity and place in the universe. From the comparative anthropological point of view, this materialsuggests that the social relevancy of the bear rite was fundamental and widespread.

Ainu society is structured by relationships between these ceremonies and fa milies, groups andcommunities . . .These ceremonies allow the Ainu to maintain their ethnic identity and sense ofbelonging . . . (Akino iggg:26o)

The Tree of Death and Rebirth

Charcoal from under the cairn stones at Grundskatan has rendered some even more remarkableresults that align with the ritual context of the bear burial: the wood of the yew tree, Taxus sp. (bac-cata), was identified together with birch, alder, heather, conifers and angiosperms (Poole 2005).The local plants are not surprising. The yew tree, however, grows in southern Sweden, mostly as a2-3 m high shrub. Its wood is very hard, dark and elastic, and was highly prized for making bowsthroughout Europe (Nitzelius and Vedel 1966:113). The yew tree is an ancient symbol of death andrebirth in Eurasian mythology. The yew was the sacred tree of the Greek underworld, and the Ro-mans used yew boughs at funerals (cf Davidson 1964; Lindow 2002). This belief derives in partfrom the way it grows by putting stems into the ground that emerge as new trunks alongside theold. It is also poisonous and was used for weapons. There are also good reasons for considering yewas Yggdrasil, the everlasting World Tree that holds all the worlds: Asgard, Midgard, Utgard and Hel(Davidson 1964:26-28). Ull, the Norse god of hunting and son of Thor, used a bow of yew.

There is no other explanation for this wood at Grundskatan except that it had been introducedat the time of the burial. It could conceivably even have been part of the burial rites. In any case, thisis an astounding find that adds yet another dimension to the narrative of the bear burial at this siteand potential ties to pre-Christian Norse beliefs. Interestingly enough, a Norse cult site, includingbear skulls/bones, was found on Froson in lamtland showing the proximity of these parallel worldsin northern Sweden (Iregren 1999).

Conclusions

The bear burial at Grundskatan was situated in a coastal hunting, herding and trading environmentwhere the role of the hunter and the prey, the herder and his/her animals, the boundaries between

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land and water, and between life and death, were manifest. Bjorklund (1985) has suggested thatbear burials also marked the spiritual boundaries between the Saami and the Norse at Kvaenangenin coastal Norway. This concept is reiterated by Bergman and Ostlund et al. (2008:1), who regardSaami sacrificial sites as "ethnic and religious demarcations in times of conflict between Swedishsociety and the Saami." Saami and pre-Christian Germanic societies were, nevertheless, probablycloser than previously acknowledged, a fact already evidenced by the combinations of cremationburials and Saami offer practices at Krankmartenhogen and Smalnaset in interior South Lapland,and the metal offer sites. This syncretism can even be seen through the Christian belief in resur-rection and the reassembling of bear bones in bear burials. The bear, however, was a personifica-tion of Saami identity that transcended these dualisms. It was the ultimate symbol in a world ofincreasingly complex and competing cultural, spiritual and economic transactions. The bear burialat Grundskatan could very well have been the most powerful way for the Saami to assert their iden-tity and territory, perhaps through intercession in a shaman's dwelling.

It has been suggested that bear rites were more frequent during times of stress (Myrstad1996:75-77; Norberg 2000). Although not a necessary part of the bear rites, involvement by a no-aidi, whose primary function was to deal with crises - hunger, disease, isolation and anxiety aboutthe future (Backman and Hultkrantz 1978:42) - may have been called for, and this could very wellbe the reason for taking the unusual step of burying the bear in a dwelling at Grundskatan (andat Onbacken). The bears were buried there for reasons we can only guess at, but these burials arecertainly among the most important evidence for considering this coastal territory as part of ancientSapmi. The overall chronological and cultural context of the Grundskatan hut and its contemporarycircular sacrificial feature, tell us further that this was a Saami dwelling and settlement.

Circular Sacrificial Features

Circular sacrificial features have been documented in use in North Norway and there is little doubtabout their functions: they were used for offerings of meat, blood, entrails and fish. Some sites werestill in use in the 1700s and were also being torn down through local initiatives (Olsen [1715] 1934;Qvigstad 1926; Vikberg 1931:88; Vorren 1985, 1987; Vorren and Eriksen 1993; Stenvik 1988). Theyhave been documented in both the interior and coastlands of northern Sweden (Manker 1957; Hug-gert 2000; Wennstedt 1989; Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001). This chapter is largely based ona detailed presentation and analysis of this material published by Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent(2006). Special attention is given to features documented on Bjuron (Lappsandberget, Jungfru-graven, Grundskatan) and Stora Fjaderagg Island. These locales are fully described in the Chapter 5.

Circular sacrificial features consist of stone rings or enclosures. Both single rows of looselyplaced stones and solidly constructed circular walls have been documented. There is often a cairnin the center of the enclosures. Most were built on cobble or gravel beaches or on bedrock (Vorrenand Eriksen 1993:197). Most of them consist of single rows of stones, but sometimes there are up to12 rings (Vorren and Eriksen 1993; Wennstedt Edvinger 1989:28). Enclosure walls can stand over ameter in height, but smaller features are much more common. Diameters vary from less than i.o mup to 17.5 m. They are often round in form, but can also be oval or horseshoe shaped. There are alsoexamples of square, rectangular and pentagonal features (Manker 1957:204; Vorren and Eriksen1993:150,159 ff). The primary function of the circles was to enclose a sacrificial idol and these idolsoften occurred in groups (Regnard [1681] 1946:88 ff; Rheen [1671] 1983:37 ff). Walls were used to

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Figure i8j. Map of circular sacrificial sites in Sweden and Noiivay (Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006) and inset ofNorwegian features (from Vorren Eriksen jggjj.

protect offerings or sacrifices of animals. The written accoimts confirm that it was important thatdogs or other scavengers did not get at the bones or antlers. If this happened, the dogs were killed(Thurenius 1724:392). There are also references to antler enclosures, brush and wooden construc-tions (Schefferus 1673; Manker 1957:26).

An idol could be of wood or stone and these objects (seites) often resembled humans or ani-mals, but preferably birds. There are many references to transformations of people into animals,fish, birds or stones (Qvigstad 1926:321). Powerful beings could themselves choose the form they

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wished to take. Wooden idols most often consisted of birch trees, which were sometimes turned up-side down so the root formed a head depending on which god was represented (Hogstrom 1747:180).Idols could be placed directly in or on the ground or small piles of stones or cairns used to supportthem. According to the written sources, blood, fat, internal organs, as well as bone and antlers wereoffered. Most organic traces quickly disappeared, however, and can only be identified today throughsoil chemistry. Arrowheads or other objects were not offered at these sites, but a metal ring wasfound at Mortensnes in Varanger (Vorren and Eriksen 1993:198 f). There are also many referencesto a dorga surrounding an idol (Hogstrom 1747:193; Rheen [1671] 1897:42; Karlsson 1931:83; Mebius2003:150). To dorga was to cover the ground with brush in the same way one covers a hut floor. Itis uncertain if special huts were built for the idols, as was done for the bear in the bear ceremony,but some features resemble the floor plans of Saami dwellings and it is conceivable that circularsacrificial features symbolized dwellings.

It was earlier assumed that circular sacrificial features were primarily a North Norwegianphenomenon (Jacobsen and Folium 1997:107; Hansen and Olsen 2004:226), but these featureshad been constructed in the whole West Saami region (cf Dunfjeld-Aagard 2005). Altogether, theNational Heritage Board has registered some 20 stone circles at 15 different sites in Swedish Lap-land. In addition to the sites presented here, we presently know of an additional 30 sites in northernSweden, but these have not yet been verified in the field. It is very probable that these types of sitescan also be found in Finland and northwest Russia.

A number of Saami villages in central Scandinavia have initiated their own cultural- historydocumentation projects. One such project took place from 1998-2000 in four South Saami villageterritories on both sides of the Swedish-Norwegian border (Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001).Within this region it had been assumed there were no Saami sacrificial sites, as the Saami were be-lieved to have recently migrated into the area well after Christianity had made inroads among them.The new project demonstrated that the lack of registered sacrificial sites was due to a lack of survey.Numerous and varied types of sites were recorded, two of which were stone circles (WennstedtEdvinger and Winka 2001:40). But even before these discoveries, circular sacrificial sites had beenrecorded in the South Saami region. Two examples are known from Forolsjoen Lake on the borderbetween Hedmark and Trondelag in Norway (Stenvik 1988). The archaeological investigation didnot produce any artifacts, but a soil chemical analysis indicated phosphate enrichment. Anotherexample of a circular sacrificial site is Altarringen [The Altar Ring] on Fulufjallet Mountain inDalarna. The original feature was oval, 5 x 4 m in diameter and 0.5 m in height. It had an entrancefacing west. It was common that Saami sacrificial sites were interpreted as altars by the major-ity population and have therefore often been given this name (cf Huggert 2000; Manker 1957).A coastal locale with three features with concentric rings is situated on a wave-washed moraineoutcrop near the village of Gagsmark, Byske parish, in Vasterbotten (Figure 188). These featureshave two to three concentric circles: two ovals and one round, varying between 4.5 m and 7.0 m indiameter. There are also a number of irregular circular arrangements and two pits.

In northern Norway graves have been found near these rings, and they are also associatedwith hearths and small piles of stones. The hearths can be remnants of ritual meals or burned of-ferings. Stone piles or cairns in association with the circles often contained offerings of bone, cloth,etc. Circular sacrificial sites are frequently situated on hilltops or on mountain ridges with wideviews overlooking lakes or coastlines. Landforms were of great significance for the Saami, but the

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circular sacrificial sites have noobvious connections to unusualgeological formations. There is aconnection, however, to specificresources. Vorren and Eriksen'sstudies in North Norway (1993)connect these sites to trappingsystems, fishing lakes and sea-sonal camps.

The most common reasonfor the disappearance of these rit-ual features in Lapland was theirdeliberate destruction by parishpriests. The desecration of Saamisacred sites and the "drowning"of idols in lakes or bogs is welldocumented (Drake 1918:356;Viberg 1931:88; Manker 1957:151;Vorren and Eriksen 1993:201).Following the Reformation in the 1500s, there was a systematic campaign of forced Christianiza-tion. The Church used threats and force, carried out executions, collected and destroyed Saamidrums and altars, desecrated sacred sites and even nailed shut the sacred boassjo doors of huts.Organized raids were carried out into the 1700s (Myrhaug 1997:96).

Hornslandet and Yttre Bergon, Halsingland

Ten circular features of interest in Rogsta parish in Halsingland are described in the National Reg-istry. Eight locales could be eliminated following our brief survey, but two features could be Saamisites, one on Yttre Bergon in the north of the parish, and one on the Hornslandet peninsula. The firstsite was registered as a grave (stone setting) in the 1982 Central Board survey. It was subsequentlyrebuilt and, judging by the original description, substantially altered. It is located near the top of awave-washed moraine boulder field at about 15 m above sea level. It is quite similar to the largestwalled feature on Stora Fjaderagg Island. A labyrinth lies only 70 m east of the circle. Bothnian laby-rinths were expressions of Christian hegemony in this region and were responses to the dangers ofSaami heathenism and magic. They date to the Medieval Period and later, and can be considerablyyounger than the Saami features. This interpretation is discussed in more detail in Chapter 10.

The second site in the region to be investigated was undisturbed. It is located in the south-western part of Hornslandet peninsula. The circle is situated on bedrock on the southeastern tipof a rock outcrop. It is almost round and 2.5 m in diameter (Figure 189). There is no central con-struction, but there is a thin soil layer with a very high organic content and a few cracked rocks.They are no traces of burning. This circular feature, like the previous find, lies at about 15 m abovesea level. The hilltop location is typical of sacrificial sites, a rise facing the south toward the light.The closest archaeological features are grave cairns and stone settings about 270 m away at the 10m elevation. These graves can very well have been associated with the circular sacrificial site. The

Figure 188. Photo of a circular feature at Gagsmark in Byske parish. Vdsterhotten.

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closest settlement, a site with hut floors{tomtningar), is 4.5 km away. Only a cen-tury ago a Saami family is known to havecome to Hornslandet to fish every sum-mer. The family lived in a timber kdta atLappmon near Hornslandsudde (Wennst-edt Edvinger and Ulfhielm 2004:18).

Lappsandberget, Vasterbotten

A circular stone setting was found at20-25 ni above sea level on a level bedrockarea just below the highest point on thishill. The stone circle measures 2.70 x 2.70m. It overlooks the sea toward to southeast(Chapter 5, Site 144, Figures 63-64). Darkbrown and thick soil deposits were foundin patches within the circle and must rep-resent some kind of organic enrichment.Phosphorus samples support this conclu-sion as the values were higher within thecircle than anywhere else surroundingit. Nitrogen levels were also high withinthe circle. Charcoal, by contrast, was notfound in any of the samples. Three lichensof Rhizocarpon geographicum measuring80-110 mm in diameter were growing on

two stones in the circle and on a disturbed stone within the circle. These lichens date to A.D. 1480-1583. An angular pit in the center of the circle indicates plundering using a metal shovel. There is noevidence, such as burned bone, that this circle was a grave and there is nothing to indicate it was asignal pyre. It does overlook the lungfruhamn basin and sites, as well as two grave cairns near theshore between the settlements. The place-name "Lapp Sand Mountain" suggests a Saami context,as does oral-historical accounts of Saami living on Bjuron (Wennstedt 1988).

Figure i8g. Circular sacrificial feature, Site 133, Rogsta Parish,Hahingland.

Jungfrugraven, Vasterbotten

One rather mysterious feature of much greater size, the so-called Jungfrugraven or "Virgin's grave,"is situated on the north side of lungfruhamn inlet and just above the 10 m elevation (Chapter 5, Site79, Figures 51, 52). The site is described locally as having been the burial place of a shipwreckedman and a woman with long hair (Hallstrom 1942:128-249). A stone with an engraved cross waserected in the middle of the cairn. Lichen growth on the cairn stones show that the cairn had beendisturbed before 1827, and that the cross dates to ca. 1910-1917. lungfrugraven is made up of boul-der-sized stones set in an irregular oval with one straight and one curved side. A horseshoe-shaped(plundered) cairn, measuring 7x8m today, lies nearest the northwest opening. A smaller en-tranceway faces toward the south. Lichens on the surrounding wall suggest a minimum age of A.D.

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1480-1605, but the shoreline level dates to the Viking Period. The first association that comes tomind for the site is a chapel enclosure of some kind. The large cairn is incongruous in this context,however, and this is most likely the background to the story of a drowned girl and sailor having beenburied there. The name of Bjuroklubb could have originally been Jungfrun (The Virgin) and relatedto the dangers and taboos associated with the place that go much farther back in time (Wennstedt1988). The site predictably became "the virgin's grave." In view of the other archaeological evidencefor this coastal area, including radiocarbon-dated huts and the sacrificial circle on nearby Lappsand-berget, Jungfrugraven was probably originally a Saami site, lungfrugraven is a larger version of theSaami sacrificial sites of Biekkanoi've and Syletevikmoan in North Norway (Vorren and Eriksen1993:63, 170). They measure over 7 m in width and both have large central cairns.

Stora Fjaderagg, Vasterbotten

A reexamination of a cluster of features above the 7 m elevation (Chapter 5, Site 33), classified in thearchaeological survey as "ten tent rings," revealed a complex of varied constructions, one of whichis a I m high circular enclosure with an embedded stone with an odd eye-like depression and holes.This strange rock could be a sacred stone (a seite), but these are not known to have been incorporatedinto walls. The cobble wall is characteristic, however, and could have been intended to protect thesacrificial contents of the circle and support a roof or covering of some kind. The surroundingshave other constructions including circles, depressions, short walls and cairns. These are cache-likeand tent-like, and some meters to the south are the remnants of a labyrinth. The lowest elevationof these features suggests a date of ca. A.D. 1200. The oral history and ethnology of these islandsrefers to these islanders as Lapps, and local informants still believe this interpretation to be correct(oral communication in 2005).

Grundskatan, Vasterbotten

The circular sacrificial feature at Grundskatan measures 3x6m and has a 30 cm high wall (equalto that of dwellings). It is oval in shape and has an 80 cm wide central cairn. A single entrancefaces southwest (Chapter 5, Feature 16, Figure 95). It is situated only 10 m to the north of Huts 3and 4 (with the bear burial), both of which date to the Iron Age. In 2007, a crustose lichen {Rhizo-carpon geographicum) measuring 220 mm in diameter was observed growing on the inside wall ofthe sacrificial circle, thus providing an unparalleled opportunity to obtain an age for the feature.On the basis of lichen growth curves specifically developed for Bjuroklubb and Grundskatan, thisspecimen is calculated as being 916 years old and dates to A.D. io34±3i (with B.P. = 1950). Thelinear regression equation used to determine this date is: Y (age) = 153 -1- 3.47 x (max. diameter inmm). This lichen date is almost identical to the radiocarbon and AMS dates for the bear burial andHut 4 hearth.

Overall Chronology

As is the case of most stone constructions, circular features are difficult to date. Stenvik (1988) ob-tained a radiocarbon date from a circle that calibrated to A.D. cal. 680-1030. Vorren (1985) obtaineddates between A.D. 1425 and 1665, and Huggert (2000) dated the Altarberget site near Lycksele tothe seventeenth century. Elevations above sea level provide maximum possible dates on the Both-nian shores and rock weathering and lichenometry provide new opportunities for determining the

RITUALS AND RELIGION

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minimum ages of these stone constructions. The Lappsandberget site near Bjuroklubb lies at the 25m elevation. But this was a mountaintop locale and was chosen for its view of the sea. The nearbylungfrugraven enclosure, by contrast, lies just above the 10 m elevation, which dates to the Viking Pe-riod. Radiocarbon-dated huts on the same shore support this chronological association. The lichensgrowing on the walls provide a minimum age of A.D. 1532-1604. The ritual circle complex on StoraFjaderagg Island lies above the 7 m shore level, dating to A.D. 1200. Artifacts from the island alsodate to the Iron Age and Early Medieval Period. In the most general terms, Jungfrugraven dates tobetween A.D. 1000 and 1604; Lappsandberget dates from A.D. 1000 to 1583, and Grundskatan to theearly eleventh century. The circles on Stora Fjaderagg Island probably date to A.D. 1200 or later. Theelevations of these sites, the lichenometric dating at Grundskatan and their respective associationswith radiocarbon-dated dwellings makes it highly probable that all these features originated in theLate Iron Age, but these places were known about and used for offerings until the 1600s.

Social Context

The circular sacrificial features on Bjuron have three find contexts: i) a settlement, 2) a hilltop and3) a shoreline (Figure 190). These localities thus correspond to the three levels of Saami societaland ritual engagement, the family, the sijdda, and multiple sijddas in the region. The proximity ofthe Grundskatan feature to the dwelling area and its small size suggests that it was associated withdaily sacrificial practices at the settlement, as described by Rydving:

LOCATIONS & FORMS

Figure 390. Circular features in context. These are associated with a settlement, a hilltop, and apoint on Bjuron. They can reflect ritual settings of the family, the hand f sijdda), and multiplehands from the region.

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At every place where the goahte was pitched, a bench (luovve) used for sacrifices was erected, andin every fireplace (drran) offerings offood and drink were made to the divinities that were believedto rule over the different parts oj the goahte. (iggy.ioo)

These platforms were mostly temporary constructions and very few have been preserved(Bergman and Ostlund et al. 2008). These wooden types may have been more common in the forestregions, whereas stone constructions, including cairns, have been better preserved on the coasts, forexample in North Norway and the White Sea Island region of Russia (Olsen 2002). Lappsandbergetcould be the offer site of a sijdda, and there are three settlements nearby: Sites 70, 138 and 139. Thelarger lungfrvigraven site could represent the interests of a number of sijdda groups in the region.Like the complex of circles at Stora Fjaderagg, the focus was on the sea and all that it represented tothese hunters of marine mammals.

Summary

The circular features at numerous locales along the Bothnian coast have been interpreted as sac-rificial/offer sites used by coastal Saami. By both morphology and location in the landscape, thesefeatures are close parallels to Saami ritual sites in the mountain, forest and tundra regions of theNordic North. Offerings of fish, seal flesh and bones, blubber, intestines, etc. were undoubtedlymade. Soil chemistry has provided some evidence that this was the case. Circular sacrificial/offersites reflect a pre-Christian tradition. Bergman and Ostlund et al. (2008) have related wooden altarsand idols to Saami social organization and landscape demarcations, and there is every reason tobelieve that the stone circles functioned in the same ways on the coasts. Bergman and Ostlund etal., (2008) also argue that they were erected in times of conflict. Hansen and Olsen (2004: 222-233)and Fossum (2006) have similarly proposed that the circular features were a response to stress dur-ing the period A.D. 1200-1600. As noted earlier, bear burials have been seen in the same light.While this might be true to some extent, these practices clearly did not originate in the 1200s. Acircular sacrificial feature has now been directly associated with a bear burial at Grundskatan,and bear burials have been found in stone circles, for example at Hanno-oaiVi, Karlebotn, Norway(Myrstad 1996:29, 46). The circles could represent the Saami dwelling and thereby the Saami cos-mos itself concepts that have existed as long as people have lived in the North.

The land was conceived of a living entity by northern peoples, endowed with meaningthrough their narratives, myths, cosmologies and genealogies. Sacred places can embody thesemeanings with or without cultural remains and are frequently related to prominent natural featuressuch as mountains, rivers, islands, strange formations, rocks and trees. The bear burial and thecircular sacrificial features have given us a rare glimpse of this world. The ecology of place-namingis founded on the same spiritual and human-environmental belief systems, and these sources offerus yet another pathway to understanding where these people lived.

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Lappkatamyren

Figure 391. Late Iron Age coastline (10 m) and place-names referred to in the text. The frequency of Lappplace-names, archaeological features pre-dating Scandinavian colonization and long-term settlementcontinuity indicate that this region had once supported a Saami population. These people were assimilated aswell as driven inland in the late thirteenth century.

Place-Names and Church Towns

Places are constellations of past activities, connected by paths and marked by physical features;the landscape as a whole furnishes the basis for social identity, including a point oj origin and aspecific destiny. The landscape is an enduring monument inscribed with the lives of all who havelived there. (Ingold 2000:^4)

The aboriginal, ethnographic or cultural landscape concept embodies traditional knowledge ofspirits, places, land uses and ecology (Buggey 2004). When oral history, folklore or ethnographicdata are available, the meanings and memories of these human-landscape relationships can bepursued directly (Krupnik et al. 2004). Depending on the character of the physical evidence, hu-man-ecological, cultural and spiritual relationships can also be inferred from archaeological sites,place-names and even terrain.

Place-Names

The study of Saami linguistics and place-names, like Saami ethnology and archaeology, has con-centrated on the landscapes of the mountains and interior forests of northern Sweden where Saamilanguages are still spoken. Areas outside of this region constitute an untapped store of Saami place-names and derivatives. The language area in this study is called the Southern Saami region andincludes languages spoken by the Forest Saami of Pite Lapland, the Saami in southern Arjeplog,and by all the Saami in the counties of Vasterbotten and Jamtland (CoUinder 1953:59; Hasselbrink1981, 1983). Southern Saami languages, which include Ume Saami and Pite Saami, are almostextinct today and are of great interest to this study because of their unique characteristics and theirassociation with the Forest Saami people who once practiced a mixed hunting, fishing and herdingeconomy. It is very likely that the South-, Pite- and Ume-language areas had all once extended downto the Bothnian coast (Figure 9). The river valleys and eskers transected the mountains, forests andcoastal plains and connected these people in an east-west highway of information and social rela-tions. Judging by the archaeological material, these were continuous from the Stone Age.

Swedish historian Birger Steckzen (1964) argued for a Saami presence in coastal Norrlandbased on place-names. According to him the name rebben, and the archaeological site at Stor-RebbenIsland in Norrbotten, probably derives from the Saami words ruebpe or riebpe, which means a stonyovergrown hill with brushy vegetation (Steckzen 1964:232). Numerous other names in the Norrbot-ten coastal region are presumably also of Saami origin. The suffix skatan, for instance, refers to a

193

narrow point and is of Nordic or-igin, but the Saami terms skaiteand skaido could also be behindits use (Steckzen 1964:231).Steckzen (1964:234) noted sevenlocales with this name betweenthe Ume and Aby rivers, and 82locales from there up to the LuleRiver. The important archaeo-logical site at Grundskatan hasthis suffix, but is not otherwiseassociated with a Saami name.Avan is also probably of Nordicorigin but could have been bor-rowed by the Saami and canrelate to their words aappa andaavikko (Steckzen 1964:230).It goes without saying thatmany of these names could beof much greater antiquity thantheir Scandinavian derivatives.Although some of Steckzen'sinterpretations may be specula-tive, he identified the existence

of a non-Nordic place-named Figure igi. Map of some Saami place-names and characteristic Lapp place-nameslandscape in the COastland that Skelletftea and Umed in coastal Vdsterbotten.

needs more study by both lin-guists and archaeologists.

Two of the most significant names in Vasterbotten that are considered by Nordic linguistsas being of Saami origin are the two largest river names, the Ume and Skellefte (Svensk EtymologiskOrdbok 1948: 931,1276). The Skellefte River runs from Arjeplog in the mountain foothills throughLapland and down to the northern coast of Vasterbotten. Its upper course is named Seldutiedno andits lower course is named Syoldateiednuo in Ume Saami. The suffix -iedno, -iednuo means "river."Ume can derive from the Ume Saami name Ubmejeiednu, meaning "large roaring river" (Wahlberg2003:277, 337; Svensk Etymologisk Ordbok 1948:931, izyG). This is the largest river in the region andit joins with the Vindel River about 50 km upstream before flowing into the Bay of Bothnia. Evenother major river names such as the Lule and Pite Rivers are also probably of Saami origin. The "a"at the end of these Saami names refers to Swedish settlements and towns that were founded nearthe river estuaries where there was also the most arable land (Fries 1970). With state formation andthe taxation of salmon, these rivers and their harbors became the regional hubs of Crown adminis-tration and commerce. Umea and Skelleftea are still the largest cities in the county.

Another name that is probably of Saami origin is Kdddis. This place is located about 10 km up-stream from Umea on the north side of the Ume River. The high elevation (40 m above sea level) finds

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of Stone Age settlements and theaforementioned characteristicstone tools (a bifacial projectile,a slate point, a grooved stoneclub) indicate that the area wasfirst settled in the Late Neolithic,ca. 1800 B.C. (Broadbent 1984).The Nordic linguist Holm (1973)interpreted the place-name Kad-dis as non-Nordic in origin andas deriving from kadde, meaning"shore or beach" in Saami. Hesuggested this site on the UmeRiver had been a Saami fish-ing place of some antiquity. InUme Saami, gdddie means shore(Wahlberg 2003:180). The namekodde also means "wild reindeer"(Collinder 1964). Gunnar Pel-lijeff (1982) prefers to associatethe name with that of medievalsettlements, and to the Finn-ish word kodis, which means"farmyard."

From the archaeologicalperspective and the Ume Riverlocation, a Saami origin seemsmost convincing. The archaeo-logical contexts of many north-ern sites are often unknown tolinguists whose frame of refer-ence is that of historic maps andwritten sources. Kaddis is lo-cated downstream from the waterfall and rapids of Stornorrfors, where there are more prehistoricsettlement remains and rock art. This is one of the richest salmon fishing places on the Ume River,so much so that Uppsala Cathedral claimed ownership of it in 1316. Continuity in place-naming wasundoubtedly founded on the same principles as hunting and fishing itself, the richness, reliability,access to natural resources and the physical appearances of these places (Figure 192).

The same principles of shore-level association used for sites can be applied to the Nordicnames Lovanger, Krakanger and Hertsanger, which are found in Lovanger parish. These namesderive from the Nordic word angr, which means "fjord" or "narrow inlet" (Holm 1949, 1991). Thename is common in West Norway where it dates to the period A.D. 500-800. While the name angrcan theoretically date to as early as A.D. 500, the elevation for the shoreline below the settlement

Figure 293. Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" in Upper Norrland.Tlie major river names Ume, Skellefte, Pite and Lule are all Saami names.

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

195

and church village at Lovanger aligns with the lo m elevation, which dates to A.D. 950. Lovangerparish (Lavanger) was first established under the Archbishop in Uppsala, Jakob Ulfsson, in 1340.The inlet leading up to this trading site is named avan. Holm (1949:92) believes that the angr namewas the original name of the inlet Avafjarden. Hertsanger and Krakanger can be associated with the15 m levels and the period A.D. 500, but do not conform as well to the angr topography as Lovanger.These names refer to coastal waterways, not settlements, and are probably connected to the heydayof the Germanic fur trade that was based in the Mid-Nordic region. Even names like Tarv, Taftea,Obbola and Hiske have this maritime connection (Rathje 2001:177-182).

Lovanger is paralleled by archaeological sites at Broange and Mangbyn, located 3 km up-stream (Broadbent and Rathje 2001). The oldest reference to a church in the area is from nearbyKyrksjon (church lake) and could date to the thirteenth century. But the angr names and the archae-ological data show that trading had been underway before then. This makes perfect sense as tradewas of interest to both the Saami

and Germanic groups, who could -have met there a thousand or more jable 56. Low-lying Lapp place-names in Lovangeryears ago, and hundreds of years parisli.before the area became settled by

„ , r SITE ELEVATION DATESwedish farmers.

There are, as noted by Holm Lappkatatjarnen (Storon) 8-10 m A.D. 950-1150

and others, no Nordic Iron Age set- Lappkatatjarnen (V.Uttersjon) 10-15 m A.D. 600-950tlement names in this region, but Lappvik 8-10 m A.D. 950-1150

there are many landscape and land-use associations with Lapp names.

Lappkdtamyren (Lapp Hut Bog), for example, is near Broange and Mangbyn. The small mountainnamed Lappsandberget (Lapp Sand Mountain) on Bjuron Island has a Saami circular sacrificialfeature just below its highest point. A second mountain in the parish, near Blacke on the formerfjord Hogfjarden, is named Lappmyrberget (Lapp Bog Mountain) (Holm 1949:143-145). Adjacent toit is Lappmyren (Lapp Bog). The ritual significance of islands and mountains is well attested in theliterature on the Saami (cf Manker 1957). Lappkatatjarn (Lapp Hut Lake) is near Vastra Uttersjon.A second place with the same name Lappkatatjarnen (Lapp Hut Lake) is situated on Storon Islandat 8 to 10 m above sea level, which would date to A.D. 950-1150. This site is one of the lowest-lyingLapp place-names in Lovanger and coincides with the radiocarbon date from Broange (Figure 194).

Ulf Lundstrom of Skelleftea Museum has documented the cultural and place-name associa-tions of eskers in Skelleftea Municipality (Lundstrom n.d.). Eskers are sinuous ridges of glacialdrift that had formed from river tunnels in glaciers. There are many smaller and several largereskers in Vasterbotten and some that extend for up to 100 km in a southeast to northwest direc-tion. They not only lead down to the coasts, but they continue into the Gulf of Bothnia and formoffshore islands. These islands were major seal hunting sites and extensions of the land-basedhunting systems. The eskers form natural dry-land highways for both humans and animals. TheBure esker (Buredsen) runs from Uttersjon in Lovanger parish to the Skellefte River and from thereproceeds toward Lapland. The important archaeological sites of Harrsjobacken, Nedre Back, Fahl-mark and Lundfors are found along this natural line. It meets up with an even longer esker thatruns through Burtrask. It starts in Anaset near the coast and continues by Hertsanger, Vebomark,

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Lappvattnet and up to where the Mala wa-terway meets the Skellefte River. BurvikBay was the richest fishing bay on thisnorthern coast and many people were at-tracted to the area, including the Saami.A Franciscan monastery (Bure kloster) wasestablished there in the fifteenth centuryfor the express purpose of Christianizingthem. One archaeological complex nearBurea that relates directly to the seal hunt-ing sites of Lovanger is Harrsjobacken andHamptjarn. Iron slag was found in a forg-ing pit, and an oval cooking pit at the set-tlement was radiocarbon-dated to i845±7oB.P. (A.D.79-245) (Sundqvist et al. 1992).Seal oil was identified in one pit, and whatis even more revealing than the iron work-ing and sealing at these sites is that textile-impressed and asbestos-tempered ceramicswere found there. This early form of asbes-tos ceramics is considered to be one of themost distinctive traits of Saami culture.

The Bure esker was an important mi-gration route for reindeer and the locationof the Fahlmark hunting site, with numer-ous bifacial arrowheads, makes sense inthis context. A Saami place-name is like-wise found near Fahlmark, Koppisbacken, which derives from the Saami word gdbba, meaning "asmall hill." There are a number of other place-names and references to Saami sites along the Bureand Burtrask esker routes including heditje [Petikan]; leaggie [Eggliden], which means "mire"; jaldda[Gilta], which means "an even rolling landscape"; gdbba [Kopisbacken]; and three other names ofprobable Saami origin: Iltoberget, Situtrdsk and Kinnilia (Lundstrom n.d.). This landscape of Saaminames, encompassing both sacred and profane features, offers numerous archaeological opportuni-ties for investigating Saami land uses in the coastal zone.

The Geography of "Lapp" Place-Names

It is possible to gain an overview of the locations and associations of "Lapp" place-names in Vaster-botten using the National Land Survey place-name database. These place-names were broken downinto two major categories: settlements and natural landscape features. These are shown by munici-pality in Table 57. The overwhelming majority of these names are found in Skelleftea Municipality,which includes Lovanger parish, with some 6 settlement names and 125 environmental names.Altogether, there are 390 of these place-names in the county, which is by far the greatest concentra-tion in the whole country. This is an astonishing number of places ascribed to the Saami. While

rn Southern quarter °^^^c3^"■ Middle quarter church tower

S Northern quarter 3Q ,^

Upper quarter

Figure ic)^. Map of Lovanger church town from ig]6 (Based onBergling ig6/^:g^j. A distinctive beach ridge can still he seen just belowtown at the 10 m elevation. This elevation dates to ca. A.D. 950.

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

197

Table. 57. Lapp place-names in Vasterbotten County.

MUNICIPALITY

SETTLEMENTS

NATURALFEATURES

TOTALS

PERCENTAGES

Ril irhnlm

LJjUl 1 lUM 1 1

n

3Q

1 n

L-'U 1 U LCcJ

n

1 ^

1 . u

1

J.

o. u

Mala

0

1 ^

NnrHm;^lin0

1 ^Ul Ul 1 ICJIII Ig

0

n

n

n

Rnhprtcifni'c;

1

1Q

Ql<pl|pftppi

u

1 p^s

Sorsele

0

7

7

1.8

Storuman

1

10

11

2.8

Umea

0

32

32

8.0

Vilhelmina

1

14

13

3.8

Vindein

1

77

28

20.0

Vannas

0

13

13

3.3

Asele

0

0

0

0

Total

11

379

390

100

Table 58. Place-name associations by county (%).

NORRBOTTEN VASTERBOTTEN VASTERNORRLAND GAVLEBORG JAMTLAND DALARNA

Group 1 (water).

28

28

13

23

31

18

Group 2 (land).

33

33

47

38

44

53

Group 3 (bogs).

22

28

34

38

17

26

Group 4 (other).

17

7

6

7

8

3

there are ii settlement names in the county, 28 of the environmental names in Skelleftea includethe word kata, which is the Swedish version of the Saami name goahte, for "hut" or "dwelling." Themost common of these names is Lappkdtamyren (Lapp Hut Bog) with eight examples, followed byLappkataklcippen (Lapp Hut Knoll) with six examples. The names often cluster, for example Lapp-myren and Lappmyrberget near Blackehamn in Lovanger parish.

In order to see how these Lapp-prefixed names were associated with landscape features, theywere further divided into four categories: i) references to water - streams, rapids, waterfalls, lakes,bays and beaches; 2) references to land - mountains, hills, points or peninsulas, islands, cliffs andcaves; 3) references to meadows, mires, bogs or pastures and 4) other, such as brush. Of the firstgroup, the most prevalent names are for streams and lakes (17 places). Of the second group, themost common names are for mountains (9 places) and hills (20 places). Of the third group, mead-ows number 17 places, and mires 10 places. The last group has four place-names referring to brush

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(sly). This breakdown has roughly equal proportions of land, water, meadows and mires and thusa relationship to the whole landscape, not just historically known settlements or nomadic herdingroutes. The presence of so many Swedish place-names referring to Lapps implies that the Saamiand Scandinavians had been in direct contact for a considerable period of time. If this region hadbeen solely occupied by Swedish speakers, there should be no Saami names or references to Lappsat all. Instead, the maps are awash in them.

There are obviously different chronological horizons embodied in this material and many ofthe place-names can be relatively recent and connected with nomadic herding. But the numbersof places referring to reindeer corrals (rengardar) are evidence of intensive (settled) reindeer hus-bandry. The archaeological finds of reindeer and sheep/goat and cattle bones dating to the Iron Age,together with pollen-analytical evidence of grazing, show that these activities pre-dated the Swedishsettlers and nomadic reindeer herders in the region by centuries.

These north Swedish coastal place-names can be compared with a place-name analysis inUtsjoki Finland, where Saami is still spoken and there is continuity of Saami settlement (Rankama1993). Saami place-names generally consist of two parts, a root such as a topographic feature(mountains, mires, etc.) and a determinative that can describe this feature, make reference toman-made structures - such as a hut (goahti) or corral (gdrdi) - or refer to a personal name, re-sources, vegetation or ground-cover (Rankama 1993:55-56). These place-names tend to cluster andcan overlap in various ways. Some are nested, which is a convenient way for indicating proximity,while others can be linear and form chains of descriptions along rivers and eskers. Associationswith prominent landmarks, such as mountains and waterways, were also the basis of way-finding.Technically, the ethnonym Lapp is just an additional determinative, but one that also connectsphysical geography to landscape knowledge. In other words, in coastal Vasterbotten we have aSaami landscape that follows Saami place-naming practices and way-finding, but somehow trans-lated into Swedish. The logical source of this knowledge would have had to be people who werefamiliar with the landscape and, above all, had an interest in attaching Saami/Lapp identities tothese places. If the settlers were not solely responsible for this, another explanation is that theywere identified by the Saami themselves, possibly by people who were becoming or had alreadybecome Swedish speakers.

There are a number of indications that some Saami had settled down and had accepted titleto the land by converting to Christianity. The first three settlers of Holmon Island are just such agroup (Sandstrom 1988). King Magnus Eriksson's government offered free land in northern Vaster-botten, without taxes until 1323, to "all who believed in Christ or will convert to Christianity" (Huss1942:356). mtDNA evidence from the Christian cemetery at Bjorned in Angermanland indicatesthat conversions had already taken place (Goterstrom 2001). Obviously many women could havesimply intermarried and brought their landscape knowledge with them. The Scandinavian settlerssoon became the majority population, however, and language replacement was surely rapid, withthe blessing of the Swedish state and church authorities.

Lapp Place-Names in Sweden

Seen on a larger scale, the Lapp place-name distributions in Sweden concentrate along the wholeBothnian coast down to the Malar Valley (Malardalen) in Uppsala County. They are even foundscattered in southern Sweden (Figure 195). The trend in pure numbers shows an increase from

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199

south to north (Uppsala to Norrbotten), which prob-ably reflects the relative presence of Saami in thecoastland and the renaming process associatedwith colonization or later contacts (cf. ZachrissonI997a:i85-i88).

A number of these place-names contain thedeterminative nouns kata, koja and stuga (Saamihut, hut and cottage). In addition, there are refer-ences to garde (corrals). In Norrbotten, there are 26sites with the name kata and nine with the nounstorp, stuga and bod (croft, cottage and shed). Fifty-eight percent of them are in the coastal parishes.In Vasterbotten, there are 39 Lapp place-names thatrefer to a kata, seven with a hus (house) and two witha garde. In Vasternorrland there are only four siteswith references to a kata, but 24 with a koja, twowith a stuga (cabin) and six with a kdlla (spring). Inlamtland, there are two kata place-names, seventeenwith a koja and one with a torp.

Figure 395. Distribution of 3,147 Lapp place-names inSweden.

Figure 396. Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" bycounty, north to south.

Comparisons by county from south to north show varying percentages with regard to water,land and mires. The two northernmost counties show identical percentages with reference to landand water, although there are more references to mires in Vasterbotten than Norrbotten. As com-pared to Vasternorrland there are far fewer places with references to water. The same is true ofGavleborg County. The counties of lamtland and Dalarna have more references to land than waterand fewer references to mires and bogs.

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CHAPTER 9

Conclusions about Place-Names

Linguistically, there are two trends marked by the effects of colonization in Vasterbotten. Thefirst is the relative lack of place-names in the Saami language. This is due in large part to a lackof research, as shown by the work by Steckzen (1964) and Lundstrom (n.d.). But there are names,and they are very old. These names refer to mountains, rivers and, in one case, a shore. They arelandscape names, not anecdotal personal names.

The Saami inevitably had to choose between settled lives on the coast as Christianized non-Saami, or leaving. There is, not unexpectedly, little evidence of coastal Saami names in the cameralrecords from the 1500s. Northern farmsteads are nevertheless often located on old Saami sites,made especially attractive by the richness of the soils due to fertilization through animal husbandryand the by-products of hunting and fishing. There is thus even a close physical association betweenthese older sites and "Swedish" farmsteads. Perhaps a majority of them are not Swedish at all, butshadows of an almost forgotten past.

The river valleys and the eskers still functioned as Saami roadways, but as was the case in manyregions, the rich fishing waters and arable terraces along the rivers drew Swedish and Finnish set-tlers inland and increased competition there as well. These conflicts were a major motivation for whatbecame the Agricultural Limit in 1865. This border, designed to keep the settlers and Saami frominterfering with each other, was an effort by the Swedish state to protect these Saami from extinction.

Rankama (1993:62) commented on the potential archaeological value of the place-namesshe had documented in northern Finland. These names have much to tell us about the environ-ment of shared landscapes and the processes of cultural integration throughout northern Sweden.I have only scratched the surface of the place-name evidence, but the results give a good sketch ofan ancient Saami landscape in the coastal region that complements the archaeological evidence wehave thus far.

A Model for Coastal Settlement in Lovanger

A reconstruction of the 10 m shoreline in Lovanger provides a picture of the coastal landscape thatwas contemporary with the main period of the Iron Age sealers. Place-names of likely antiquity addto this picture, and historical tax records provide a framework for envisioning how this local regioncould have been organized (Figure 191). This model offers a means for re-creating the "missing"parts of a regional settlement system that would have supported the sealers (cf Broadbent 1991).There are few settlement remains preserved in this region except for those built of stone on theoutermost coast. It is not known what their other dwellings looked like although it can be assumedthere is some similarity to historically known Saami structures. These were undoubtedly made ofwood, sod and bark and probably were of the same sizes and shapes as the sealers' huts.

Looking more closely at Lovanger parish, there are three place-names of particular interestin this context: Rengdrdstjarn (Lapp Corral Lake) near Lappkdtatjdrnen (Lapp Hut Lake), and to theeast, Lappvik (Lapp Bay) (Wennstedt 1988:12). The place-name Lappvik is the earliest known in theparish and is recorded from 1539 as Lapuiken (Holm 1949:144). The location and elevation of thisplace today (10 m = A.D. 950) is on what was once a major fjord and potential grazing area duringthe Iron Age. Twelve percent of the Lapp place-names in Skelleftea Municipality are between the 50and 10 m curves. None are lower. Lappvik was strategically located near the sealing sites on Bjuron.This locale was on a south-facing slope and bay located in the center of an open passage when the

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

201

shore level was at the 15 m level. Bjuroklubb, Jungfruhamn and Grundskatan are located only 5 kmaway and were in use when the shoreline was 10 to 15 m higher than today.

Both Bygdea and Lovanger were connected to the sea by coastal waterways and Lovanger, inparticular, was characterized by long fjord-like passages that made communication along the coastvery effective. This system existed from at least the Early Metal Age (Bronze Age) and numerouslarge grave cairns are found at the 35 m level. The Lovanger inlet landscape was even more effectiveduring the Iron Age as waterways connected productive fishing and sealing areas with bottom landsfor livestock and farming. This maritime network could be efficiently combined with lake fishing,the hunting of moose, beaver and fur-bearing animals, and livestock raising. Fishing and fowlingis evidenced by a group of two to three small foundations located by Fagelvattnet, a small lake inBurea Parish that has produced a radiocarbon date of 1115+65 B.P. (Viklund 2000).

This water network continued into the Medieval Period, but the region lost much of its con-nectivity after A.D. 1500 because of land uplift. From this point on, Lovanger became part of amercantile-religious state system with a higher dependence on fishing and agriculture. The possi-bility of a church at Kyrksjon in Lovanger (Hedqvist 1949: 276-277) is paralleled by the possibilityof an even earlier trading center at Mangbyn and Broange, about three kilometers to the northwestof Lovanger. Mangbyn has rendered remains of houses, pottery and even boat rivets, and is men-tioned in local folklore as a trading center. Hallstrom (1949:81) described foundations at elevationsof 7 to 8 m above sea level.

I led some limited student excavations at Broange in the late 1980s. This site had been identi-fied by Seth Jansson, a marine archaeologist, who believed there could even be remains of boats inthe mire at the bottom of the inlet (Jansson 1981). The name Broange refers to the fact that therehad been some sort of wooden constructions, pilings or a causeway, in this inlet. The site at Broangeis situated on a point at the mouth of Aviken and the Gardefjarden, which once connected to theGulf of Bothnia. The point rises just above the 9 m level, which in terms of shoreline displacementcalculates to A.D. 900-1000. The most notable aspect of the site is a 30-50 cm high and 4 m wide,symmetrical U-shaped earthwork. The modern farmstead has caused some disturbance of thisfeature, but it can still be seen from a distance looking both north and east. Toward the northwest,however, the construction of the road and barns has more or less demolished whatever structuresmight have been there (Figure 197).

Five trenches were dug into this earthwork. In one trench, a layer of stones had been foundcapping the wall. In others, stones seemed to have been incorporated in the structure. In a deepertrench, deposits of rust-colored soil mixed with carbon were found buried beneath an older soilcover. Under the mixed material at a depth of 50 cm and beneath several larger stones, a thickercarbon level was found. This deposit was radiocarbon dated to 1025+70 B.P and calibrated to be-tween A.D. cal. 890 and 1160, which coincides well with the calculated contemporary shoreline justbelow the site. A second distinctive shoreline terrace below the site lies at 8.5 m, which would date toaround A.D. iioo. It is not likely that the site would have been usable as a harbor after this date. TheBroange site is intriguing and could very well represent a trading place predating Lovanger (Broad-bent and Rathje 2001). The low wall could have been the footing for a wooden palisade that wouldhave offered shelter and security. The thick carbon layer suggests it had burned. The ground withinthe ca. 40 m X 20 m enclosure is remarkably level and almost stone free, with most of the surface

202

CHAPTER 9

10.20 ^'^^^^

11.5

11.6

0 10m

about II m above sea level. Thereis also a fresh water sourcewithin the enclosure. This wasnot a large area for a settlementbut could have housed somestorage buildings for seasonaluse. In line with this idea, thechurch town at Lovanger wasalso a temporary market site,used only on church "weekends"and also situated right on thewater for easy access.

The radiocarbon date andshoreline elevation at Broangecoincide with the dates of theseal hunting sites farther out onthe coast, and it is feasible thatthere was not only a regionalsettlement system, but a systeminvolving organized mercantileactivities. Seal oil and skins,furs and fish were commodi-ties the region could producebeyond subsistence needs andwere undoubtedly importantmeans for obtaining grain, saltand other goods. Another im-portant aspect of this particulararea, as pointed out by the geolo-gist Erik Granlund (1943), is theavailability of bog iron, whichis especially prevalent in the

Mangbyn-Nolbyn area. Iron was of the utmost importance and the iron on the sealing sites couldvery well derive from these local sources. Assuming that Broange was no longer usable as the waterretreated from the point, the next site to take on the role of market center was Lovanger. This sitewas excellently served by the Avafjarden inlet. Significantly, and unlike other church towns innorthern Sweden, the church town at Lovanger was not organized around the church, but lies righton the inlet. The main street leads straight down to the shore and there are distinctive shorelinesimmediately below the town between 9 and 10 m above present sea level. At Bole, a farm and fieldsite opposite Lovanger, and 1.5 km across the Gardefjarden, radiocarbon dates fell into the periodA.D. 1200-1300 (Rathje 2005) and mark the appearance of Swedish colonists. From this point on,Lovanger became the center of local medieval trade and religious and state influence.

Figure igy. (top) Mapofthe low eaHh wall at Broange. (bottom) Profile drawingthrough the wall and the carbon layer that radiocarbon-dated to the Viking Period.

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

203

The Church Town

Beyond the question of the ages of the respective sites at Broange and Lovanger is the nature ofthe church town itself. These "towns" are unique manifestations in northern Sweden, for exampleat Arvidsjaur, some loo km inland, and at the famous Saami winter market town of Jokkmokk. Adetailed analysis of church towns was published in 1964 by the geographer Ragnar Bergling. Froman archaeological perspective these towns, which are really temporary villages, provide some won-derful perspectives about land use in the region. They were built by villagers from the surround-ing countryside and were used by households from each respective village during Sundays andespecially during important religious holidays such as Easter and Christmas. They were importantcenters for social intercourse, trade and even legal proceedings. Bergling describes how the villag-ers built their cabins along small streets that pointed in the directions from which they had come(Figures 47, 194). He determined that each street contained a number of dwellings equal to thenumber of households in each respective rural community and also correlated with how far awaythese communities were from the church towns. In other words, the church towns accurately depictregional demography. Bergling calculated the distances peasants traveled from the village areas totheir churches for the years 1543, 1601 and 1618 (Bergling 1964:52-60).

The Lovanger figures are, by comparison with Norrbotten and Vasterbotten as a whole,close to half the distance traveled, reflecting the nature of the more compact coastal landscapeand coastal waterways. To explore the meaning of these distances in terms of economic activityin the Lovanger landscape, I was fortunate to have access to data collected by a colleague of mine,historian Dr. Roger Kvist, who examined the tax records of peasants in Lovanger for the year 1560.Following Bergling's example, I calcu-lated the distances of villages from thecoastline on the basis of Kvist's threeeconomic categories: Type i (coastaleconomy). Type 2 (mixed coastal andinland economy) and Type 3 (inlandeconomy). These results are given intable form (Table 60). The Type i vil-lages (coastal) averaged 5.25 house-holds and ranged in size from two toII households. The mean distance ofthese villages from the coast was only3.1 km and none were more than 7.5km from the shore. Type 2 villages av-eraged 5.7 households, with a range ofthree to nine households. They wereon average 8.7 km from the coast (Fig-ures 198, 199). The Type 3 villages (in-land settlers) averaged 8.7 households,with ranges of three to 17 households.They averaged 20.5 km from the coast.

204

Table 59. Distances traveled between farmsteadsand church towns.

LOVANGER:

YEARS

MEDIAN

MIDDLE QUARTILE

1543

8 km

4-13 km

1501

8 km

4-15 km

1618

8 km

4-15 km

VASTERBOTTEN:

YEARS

MEDIAN

MIDDLE QUARTILE

1543

14 km

7-23 km

1601

15 km

7-25 km

1618

13 km

6-21 km

NORRBOTTEN:

YEARS

MEDIAN

MIDDLE QUARTILE

1543

17 km

8-32 km

1601

16 km

10-34 km

1618

14 km

8-24 km

CHAPTER 9

;c3^

.ftP%h!^ NordersthPd triidiungen

5 km

/ \ \ s

V J

Lappvik Jr

1

1

/h <

rr—

Medersth

J

\ fierdingen

^ Swnersth

fierdingen

VILLAGE TERRITORIES 1551

^Svarttjarn

INLANDmean distance20.5 km

INTERMEDIATEmean distance8.7 km

.5 km

COASTmean distance3.1 km

Figure iCjS. Sixteenth-century seal-netting areas ofLovanger parish.

Figure igg. Map of villages and economic zones in terms of distancesfrom the coast. The coastal villagers aligned their sealing and fishingareas with the fiords and inlets, and divided up their coastlines into8-14 km wide segments. This pattern is comparable to typical hunter-gatherer territories and also corresponds to the clustering of BronzeAge grave cairns along these northern coasts.

The distances traveled and exploited are remarkably similar to hunter-gatherer carrying capacitymodels. These Bothnian coastal people appear to have resided within approximately 8 to 10 km wideeconomic zones. In addition to this zonation, the Lovanger coastline had been segmented into threeterritories called Swnersth fierdingen (Southern quarter), Medersth fierdingen (Middle Quarter) andNordersth triidiungen (Northern third). These were, from south to north, 8 km to 14 km in extent.The boundary between the Nordersth triidiungen and the Medersth fierdingen corresponds to thenatural waterway leading past Lovanger and out the Avafjarden. The villagers within each of thesezones exploited the bays, harbors and islands within their respective working territories, althoughcould have joined forces when necessary. They practiced a mixed economic strategy in which hunt-ing, fishing and herding were still dominant in the economy. By the 1500s agriculture and fishinghad nevertheless become the mainstay of the economy (Huss 1949).

Based on this model, and using the combinations of Lapp place-names with the Viking Pe-riod shoreline and grazing lands, a model can be projected for a regional settlement system duringthe Iron Age. The clustering of the sealers' huts into groups of three to five, sometimes up to ninehuts, reflects the settlement communities behind these activities. These units are directly compa-rable to what is known about Saami sijdda settlement organization in northern coastal Norway (cfBjorklund 1985:39; Grydeland 2001:18). Like the coastal Saami settlements at Kvaenangen, theseLovanger sijddas circle the points, fjords and islands into village territories that could be exploited

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

205

1 d Die OU . 1 lie Vllld^

^cb Ul LUVdliyci pdrlbll.

COASTAL

HOUSEHOLDS

DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM)

Fjalbyn

9

7.5

RIarkp

LJ 1 U \_> i\ ^

8

3.0

Fallan

2

1.5

Rilirnn

4

1.0

Sunnana

2

3.0

Nolbyn

6

5.5

Krakanger

11

1.0

Kashnip

1 \ i_J O kJ w 1 \^

5

1.0

Vastana

4

1.5

Selet

9

1.0

Uttersjon

6

4.0

Risbole

3

1.0

Bole

3

1.0

1 ;inn\/il<i_cj V1 r\

2

? 0

Avan

5

1.0

Gammalbyn

5

1.0

Mean 5.2

Mean 3.1 km

Range 2-11

Range 1.0-7.5 km

INTERMEDIATE

HOUSEHOLDS

DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM)

Brotrask

3

8.0

Onnesmark

7

7.0

Bissjon

8

5.0

Svedjan

6

11.0

I—JU UCJ1 1

11 0

Mangbyn

3

10.0

Garde

8

9.0

Mean 5.7

Mean 8.7

Range 3-9

Range 5-11 km

INLAND

HOUSEHOLDS

DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM)

Hnti?^rn

1 1 W LICJ 1 1 1

3

8.0

Bjursiljum

7

26.0

Svarttjarn

7

16.0

Vallen

5

30.0

Hdkmark

17

13.0

Vebomark

17

16.0

Tjarn

5

26.0

Mean 8.7

Mean 20.5 km

Range 3-17

Range 8-30 km

206

CHAPTER 9

by groups of seal hunters from fiveto nine families (Figure 200). Theseal hunters' dwellings clusteredin groups of three to five dwellings,sometimes nine dwellings whengreater efforts were called for, andlike the church town, mirror localdemography during the Iron Age.

Assimilation and Change

Lars Beckman had, for four de-cades, looked into the genetics ofpopulations living in Norrbottenand Vasterbotten. This body of workwas presented in a collection of ar-ticles published in 1996. The Saami,as defined by various blood-groupmarkers and mtDNA and Y chromo-somes, were found to be a uniqueEuropean population that separatedfrom other Europeans, including theFinns, thousands of years ago (Tam-bets et al. 2004). In this regard theyare like the Basques (Sajantila et al.1995). This said, they display a highdegree of admixture with Swedesand the Finns, especially the lat-ter (15-20%). Beckman (1996) hasmapped these admixtures and foundthat, as expected, these are greatestnear the Finnish border (60-80%).Even in Swedish Lapland the Finnishinfluence can be 30-40%. Swedishgenetic dominance is greatest on theVasterbotten coast, although in Burea, Lovanger and Skelleftea, Finnish influence is still 5%, andSaami influence 2%. Although these studies were based on living populations, and must be viewedwith caution regarding prehistory, Beckman and his colleagues' results on the Vasterbotten coastcoincide with what we know about colonization history. It is possible that the percentages of Swedesin the region before A.D. 1300 were quite the reverse: 2% Swedish, 4% Finnish and 94% Saami.The abandonment of the sealing sites, and the rapid colonization of this region, speaks of a major,but not total, population replacement. As noted earlier, there is mtDNA evidence of admixture atthe Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Christian cemetery at Bjorned in the lower AngermanlandRiver valley (Gotherstrom 2001).

BAYOF

seals BOTHNIA

Figure 200. Reconstructed territories encompassing sealing sites, grazinglands and waterways in Lovanger during the Late Iron Age. These territorieshear a striking resemblance to the coastal Saami siidas of North Noiivay.

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

207

Even the ultimate artifact of the Bothnian seahng tradition, the fdlbdt [seal boat] is believedby one of its foremost experts, Beril Bonns (1988:56), to be derived from Saami boat-building tra-ditions. Bonns, following Tegengren's lead regarding the Kemi region in Finland, comments thateven though the Saami seemingly disappeared in many church records in the sixteenth century,they had undoubtedly only been assimilated (1988:56). The archaeological evidence pinpoints whenthis happened in Vasterbotten: A.D. 1279-1300. From this point on there are almost no coastalSaami in the census and tax records, only Christian souls with Swedish surnames.

Summary and Discussion

This material gives us a testable model for culturally contextualizing the Iron Age seal hunting so-cieties of Vasterbotten. Another perspective, but regarding the issue of Saami settlement continuity,is provided by a study regarding farmstead organization in Vasterbotten and Norrbotten (Roeck-Hansen 2002). This study encompassed the coastal region between the Ume River in the south ofVasterbotten and the Torne River valley on the Finnish border. The goal was to distinguish betweenFinnish and Swedish farmsteads on the basis of organization, including consolidated plots of landcontaining farm buildings and scattered arable lands. The sources go back to the sixteenth century.Based on these comparisons, it can be stated that there was indeed a clear difference between theSwedish coastlands and Finland, and also regarding what was normal for contemporary Swedishfarms in the south. The Swedish Bothnian farmsteads were dispersed into smaller units and, whileevery farm had its own fields and pastures, hunting and fishing were of far greater importance andcarried out collectively (Roeck-Hansen 2002:74). '^'^ this regard they are much more like the IronAge people of Vasterbotten, as I have characterized them, than the agrarians of the Mid-Nordicregion or of South Sweden.

Rathje (2001) has approached these differences from a gender-archaeological and cognitive-folklore perspective. Her main thesis is that this region was permanently occupied during the LateIron Age and was not a seasonal hunting ground for sealers from Middle Norrland or Finland.She detailed the nature of such a system and the use of shielings (seasonal pastures and huts) thatemphasized the importance of women in north Swedish pastoralist society (Rathje 2001:68-82).She found no evidence for a Germanic hierarchy as seen in three-aisled houses, grave mounds andchiefdoms. Village society in Vasterbotten was basically unstratified and egalitarian, and this socialsystem had deep local roots. Women, the so-called Amazons mentioned by Adam of Bremen inA.D. 1081, controlled and seasonally lived at these shielings. Fqually intriguing is that these peas-ants had an altogether different relationship to the environment than southern Swedish peasants.Illnesses and other fears were ascribed to supernatural beings called vittra, who also lived in familyunits and engaged in livestock husbandry and reindeer herding (Rathje 2001:170-174). A corre-sponding belief system in the region was that of the many hunting taboos connected with sealing(cf Edlund 2000).

Rathje has seen this coast as a unique and multicultural region, but while true, there waslittle that separated this region from the interior before A.D. 1300. The long-term continuities inthe Skelleftea region not only go back to Lundfors 6,000 years earlier, but align with the interiorthrough eskers and river valleys in an east-west system of social and economic dependencies andnetworks. These contacts reached across the Bay of Bothnia to Finland, and to the Baltic and be-yond, judging by the artifact material. This system first came to a halt in A.D. 1323 with the Treaty

208

CHAPTER 9

of Noteborg and the interests of the Swedish state to control trade and territory. Long-term changealso came with the Christian church, which not only tried to assert its power over people's heartsand minds, but also appropriated the land and its resources. This took on its full impact on mergingwith the state under Gustav Vasa in 1523. Vasa clearly recognized the power of religion and, afterthrowing out the Danes, established one of the greatest administrative and religious bureaucraciesin Europe.

To summarize, coastal Vasterbotten is indeed a unique cultural region. There were Swedishand Finnish influences, but the source of this uniqueness is the fact that these were embedded intoan indigenous matrix that can only have been Saami in origin.

PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS

209

Figure 201. Map of Nordic labyrinths. The Bothnian labyrinths date to A.D. ijoo-18^0. Tltey mark theappropriation of the northern coastlands and the assertion of Christian hegemony, even over the past.

The Labyrinth and the Bear

The stone labyrinth is the consummate symbol of Swedish colonization of the Bothnian coasts.There are more than three hundred known in Sweden, of which more than 156 are foundbetween Soderhamn, south of Hornslandet, and the Finnish border. John Kraft, Sweden's fore-most expert on labyrinths, calculated that of these, 128 are found on islands, 70 are within 200 m ofherring fishing sites and an additional 19 are within 500 ni of fishing sites (Kraft 1977, 1982). Theirassociation with medieval fisheries and old sailing routes is indisputable (Westerdahl 1995b), eventhose found upstream on rivers (Kraft 1977). The distribution of labyrinths on the Finnish and Balticcoasts coincides with Swedish settlements or seasonal fisheries as well. Kraft (1977) has also notedthat most are found less than 5 m above sea level and a dozen between 10 and 15 m. Only 15 are foundhigher than this. The majority are less than 1,000 years old. Rabbe Sjoberg and I have confirmed thisusing lichenometry and rock weathering and determined that the Bothnian labyrinths date to theperiod A.D. 1300-1850, with a majority from the sixteenth century (Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990).

The purpose of this analysis is to discuss the labyrinths found on or near Stor-Rebben,Grundskatan, Stora Fjaderagg, Snoan and Hornslandet. The main question is why these medievallabyrinths were built on or near these sites, and how could this relate to the labyrinth builders'perceptions about these places.^

Kraft (1977,1982) has painstakingly gone through the historical materials, interviewed locals,mapped many sites himself and evaluated all the evidence regarding their functions. Ideas aboutthem vary from pastimes by shipwrecked sailors to the Russian invasions of the 1700s and 1809, orchildren's games and dances. In fact, there is a scarcity of oral histories about them and informantstended to profess ignorance or speak of strangers, implying a much more serious and an even omi-nous context. Fishing was a risky undertaking in the North and is still one of the most dangerousjobs in the world. The labyrinths were physically associated with this working environment andwere logically related to protection at sea and good luck in fishing. "Walking the labyrinth" was away of magically entering dangerous waters, real or imagined, and then returning safely. Kraft haseven documented this rite as having been performed as late as the 1950s (Kraft 1981:13).

The labyrinth is an ancient symbol of death and dangerous journeys that barkens back toCrete and Greece and the stories of the Minoan labyrinth and The Odyssey. Their forms vary butthe classic "Cretan" labyrinth consists of a single entrance and an endpoint. The Nordic labyrinthsare overwhelmingly of Cretan type and have no dead-ends. There is one way in and one way out.The Bothnian labyrinths were constructed using cobbles on beaches or on bedrock and can have

211

six, eight or even twelve walls. With fewexceptions they start with a cross and thewalls' lines are then added from this cen-ter and to additional corner points (Figure203). These two aspects, the cross and thesingle pathway, are the labyrinth's mostimportant symbolic attributes.

The labyrinth is one of the mostmagical and universal of symbols andhas been likened to the brain, the bowelsand womb of Mother Earth, a city (Troy)and the cosmos. As a pathway, it relates toan individual's journey through life, a pil-grimage and The Way (Puree 1974). It wasreadily adopted as a Christian symbol andis found in medieval European churches,especially in Italy and France (Bord 1976).In Sweden, labyrinths are found in Ha-blingbo church and by Frojel churchon Gotland, in churches at Morklinta,Enkoping, Viby and Horn, as well as inLinkoping's cathedral in southern Swe-den. There are also labyrinths at Sibbochurch in Finland, Telemark church inNorway, and Gerninge and Skive OldChurch in Denmark (Kraft 1977:74).While magic and superstition were closelyconnected to both hunting and fishing, asalready noted regarding taboo words, thecross was the literal center of the mean-ing of the labyrinth. This is where onemust begin when building one, and thisis no less than the early Christian symboland monogram Chi-Rho, the two Greekletters x and P - the name of Christ.The symbol originated with the RomanEmperor Constantine, who ordered his

Figure 20J. Half-built labyrinth at Svarthalhikenon Bjurdn. This feature lies at ^ m above sea leveland cannot he older than the seventeenth century. Itillustrates the construction of the labyrinth around thecentral cross and the cuive at the top of the cross thatcan be interpreted at the Good Shepard's crook.

Figure 202. Displacement of the Saami from the Bothniancoasdand based on calibrated radiocarbon dates. Finnish dates fromItkonen 1947.

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CHAPTER 10

soldiers to place the cross on their shields with one extremity of the cross bent around to form theGood Shepherd's crook (Russel 1969; Bord 1976:19). This is exactly how a labyrinth is constructed.By form and chronology the Bothnian labyrinths, as Christian symbols, were built near placeswhere there was a need for protection - be it from the sea or from heathenism.

Christian churches were frequently built directly on top of heathen shrines in Scandinavia,the most prominent example of which is Gamla Uppsala, the site of the last heathen temple andhuman sacrificial site in Sweden, as described by Adam of Bremen in A.D. 1081. The principleof super-position was formalized through statues of Saint Olav Haraldsson of Norway, who wasmartyred on July 29, 1030, and subsequently became a popular cult figure in the Catholic Church.Olav is depicted holding an axe and trampling a troll beneath his feet. These pathetic figures arebeing humiliated, have gaping mouths and can even have their pants drawn down. The Norwe-gian coat of arms shows the royal lion holding Olav's axe. The "troll" is heathenism and witchcraftpersonified, and in a drawing of a now-lost Saint Olav statue from Jamtland in northern Sweden,the troll is clearly a Saami noaidi (Liden 1999:346). Many of the Saint Olav statues were put intochurch towers, mutilated and destroyed during the Reformation. One statue, now kept in the towerof Enanger church in Halsingland, was found to have both his hands chopped off and axe cuts tohis groin (Figure 204). The Lutheran church did not look kindly on these Catholic saints, nor onSaami noaidis for that matter!

If the bear burial at the Grundskatan site is one of its most remarkable finds and expressionsof cultural identity in the circumpolar world of animism, polytheism and shamanism, then thestone labyrinth that was deliberately built on top of a sealer's hut at this site is equally significant.The hut radiocarbon-dated to the eleventh century and the labyrinth dated by lichenometry to thesixteenth century, like the majority of labyrinths, and at the height of the Reformation. Their strati-graphic relationship is unequivocal. This is a classic expression of super-positioning as power andis an archetypal Christian response to the perceived dangers of the place. Grundskatan was not aherring-fishing site, but the largest visible pre-Christian dwelling complex in the region.

In a similar Christian response to the past, a labyrinth had been built using stones takenfrom a Bronze Age grave cairn that overlooks the sea at Javre near Pitea, not too far from the Stor-Rebben site (Kraft 1982). Rock-weathering differences were used to establish that the labyrinthstones had indeed come from the cairn, and lichens growing on the overturned stones were usedto date the labyrinth. These results indicated that the labyrinth dated to A.D. i299±3i (Broadbent1987a). Javre is among the oldest Bothnian labyrinths we know of, and coincides with the first me-dieval colonization of the Pitea region (cf Axelson 1989).

Against this background, the labyrinths found by huts on Stor-Rebben Island were probablynot made by Iron Age sealers, but by the medieval fishermen who had used their readily acces-sible stones to build them. The Stor-Rebben labyrinths, the labyrinth near the circular sacrificialfeature at Yttre Bergon on Hornslandet, and a labyrinth near the complex of Saami circles on StoraFjaderagg Island can all be interpreted in this hght. They are related by the need of later settlers andfishermen to explain these older constructions, and to either build on their power, or diminish it.

Kraft (1977:71-73) has documented 15 labyrinth locales in southern Sweden that are near toBronze Age or Iron Age cairns or cemeteries, but one can suspect that a number of these sites wereappropriated during later periods, especially since many of the locales were still meeting places. Twocoastal labyrinths built by Bronze or Iron Age cairns described by Kraft, at Gaddenaset in Smalandand Rison in Halland (Kraft 1977:71), appear to be add-ons, very much like the Javre labyrinth.

THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR

213

Figure 204. (lefi) Saint Olav statue from Enanger Church in Halsingland. Saint Olav is portrayed standingon a troll representing the victory of Christianity over heathenism. This statue shows signs of desecration,presumably during the Reformatiori. The hands have been chopped off and axe cuts were delivered to thegroin, (light, top and bottom) Two additional wretches being trod on by Saint Olav. These figures are at theHalsingland Museum in Hudiksvall.

Gaddenaset has two labyrinths that were awkwardly squeezed in between graves, which means thatthey were not only built later, but that they ran out of room in the process of doing so.

There is some evidence in the White Sea region that the Saami may have themselves used laby-rinths (Manyukhin and Lobanova 2002; Olsen 2002; Hansen and Olsen 2004:227), but this conclu-sion is based on their proximity to circular sacrificial sites with concentric rings and seites. SomeChristianized Saami may have nevertheless taken up labyrinth building, a syncretistic act alreadyobserved regarding their readiness to take up Norse religious practices. As another form of religiousre-alliance, this is no different than placing bear bones in anatomical order to enable resurrection.

214

CHAPTER 10

Figure 20^. The labyrinth at Jdvre, which dates to A.D. i2gg±)i, and theBronze Age cairn from which the stones had been taken. The Bay of Bothnia isvisible in the background. Rabbe Sjoberg and Atholl Anderson are measuringrock weathering using the Schmidt Test Hammer.

The Grundskatan labyrinth mayeven have been built by a zealousSaami convert. But the builder ofthe labyrinth at Grundskatan couldhardly have had any idea that therewas a bear burial some 100 maway, although the memory of theplace as spiritually powerful mayhave been retained in local folklore.The Grundskatan bear burial andlabyrinth are explicit assertions ofthe identities of these people andtheir different relationships to thecoastal landscape. These two sym-bols are at the core of this narrative,expressing two worldviews, and thereligious and cultural strugglesthat played out here more than 500years ago.

THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR

215

Synthesis

This analysis of the Bothnian Saami has been structured around three perspectives: the long-term perspective, the maritime perspective and the regional cultural-ecological perspective.Five overarching hypotheses were posed.

1) The Saami are an indigenous people with roots going back at least 7,000 years in northerncoastal Vasterbotten.

2) There are two major cultural-ecological regions in Sweden, the Circumpolar and the Eu-ropean. During the Iron Age the Germanic settlement boundary coincided with the 63rdparallel on the Bothnian coast.

3) Proto-Saami, Proto-Finnish and Proto-Germanic societies had been in close contact forthousands of years and were heterogeneous and overlapping.

4) Coastal and interior settlement in northern Sweden occurred in semi-sedentary cyclesrelating to peaks and declines in terrestrial and marine resources. Animal husbandrychanged this pattern and contributed to sedentism as well as nomadism.

5) Northern Sweden was part of a World System of trade and information exchange that hadbeen in existence since the Early Stone Age.

The methodological approach has been interdisciplinary and has included, in addition toarchaeological techniques, geology, cultural and physical geography, osteology, botany, ethnology,history, linguistics and anthropology. Site analysis and sampling has been based on a 400-800 kmlong north-to-south transect of the Bothnian coast (including sites and place-names), and shorelinedisplacement studies at sites between 3 m and 20 m above sea level.

The theoretical orientation has been that of resiliencies and the adaptive strategies of Saamisocieties, as opposed to continual crises and conflicts in their interactions with majority societies.This approach shifts attention to the strategies of successful adaptation and Saami societies as flex-ible, heterogeneous, syncretistic and heterarchical. Their successful interactions with other societ-ies hold the key to understanding Saami identities.

The maritime perspective is central to this analysis. The coastlands provided the economicfoundations for settlement stability and complexity. The maritime climate zone has also been the"environmental corridor" that introduced animal husbandry, metallurgy and many other culturalelements into northern Sweden from the south. These two elements, which have been viewed as

217

part of the process of Saami ethnogenesis in Norway and Finland, thus represent the southernstimulus package that helped to form Saami society in Sweden. This material is of equal antiquityto that long proposed by Nordic linguists for North Norway.

The long-term perspective has been used to establish arguments for continuities and culturaltrajectories as opposed to successive immigrations. This coastland had been a virtual mixing bowlof southern, northern and eastern influences within a region that had been intimately connectedwith the interior since the Early Stone Age, and probably even more so during the Late Metal Age/Saami Iron Age. The Ume Saami and Pite Saami speakers had lived on these coasts until "the Lappswere driven away from there." It was easy to pinpoint when the modern state had transformed theseregions into Swedish territory, the late thirteenth century (A.D. 1279).

There may never be complete agreement among archaeologists about what is Saami or notSaami, and even what the state calls Saami and Swedish today. As noted in the introduction, thisinevitably becomes a question of majority and minority power relations.

In order to deal with these realities using archaeological data, I have used the concept of cul-tural clines (Caulkins 2001). My analytical strategy has involved:

1) Viewing cultures as seamless cultural topographies.

2) Mapping differences across landscapes as clines of continuous variations.

3) Emphasizing commonalities.

Resilience theory (Holling and Gunderson 2002; Holling et al. 2002; Redman and Kinzig2003) has provided an excellent model for interpreting this material. This theory builds on fourcentral ideas:

1) Flexibility and heterogeneity.

2) Change as episodic and punctuated in time and space.

3) Change in adaptive cycles.

4) Resiliency as maintained by communication and reinforced through symbols, ceremonies,reciprocity, trade and "traditional" culture.

Resilience theory applies well to the older prehistoric material summarized in Chapter 3, aswell as to the period A.D. 1-1500. The episodic or punctuated nature of this coastal system is one ofits most interesting characteristics. Resilience theory defines the "ecosystem functions" of adaptivecycles as occurring in four stages: growth, conservation, release and reorganization.

Growth and conservation periods are marked by stability and increasing "capital" in the formof population and resource growth, social connectedness, increased specialization, trade and soforth. Social cohesion is reinforced through symbols, ceremonies and trade. The release stage ismarked by reorganization into new settlement and regional exploitation patterns, new economicstrategies, new technologies and new religious practices. Using these definitions, modern Saamiethnogenesis as seen on the Bothnian coast can be broken down in the following periods:

600 B.C.-A.D. 700 Growth: systematic and increasing interactions with Germanic andFinnish societies (early modern ethnogenesis).

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CHAPTER 11

A.D. 700-1200 Conservation: strong internal cohesion; social stratification; expanded

exploitation of coastal, forest and alpine resources; extensive trade; in-tensified rituals.

A.D. 1200-1300 Release: Swedish colonization, the Christian mission, European mer-cantilism, Saami assimilation and the abandonment of the Swedishcoastland.

A.D. 1300-1500 Reorganization: Swedish state control, the Reformation, Lapland cre-ated, the development of reindeer nomadism and new polities in Saamisociety (modern ethnogenesis).

The elements that contributed to the growth period are well known: metallurgy, animalhusbandry, cultivation, greater mobility, economic diversification as a response to environmentalchanges, and a greater dependence on reindeer. The conservation stage is the best known period ofSaami prehistory in Sweden as seen through the specialized exploitation of the alpine, forest andcoastal regions, widespread trade, metal offer sites, bear rites, social stratification and the growthof individual ownership of animals and goods. The release stage is seen all over the Nordic North.This was a major period of Swedish colonization. The reorganization process took form throughthe implementation of state power, religious control, the creation of a nomadic herding system andcultural and linguistic assimilation.

Colonialism derives from the Latin colonia referring to a settlement in hostile or conqueredterritory. The term has reference to colere (to cultivate) and this in turn has been the basis of landownership and tenure as recognized by the state. Chris Gosden (2004) has formulated three typesof colonial encounters: the shared cultural milieu, the middle ground and terra nullius. These arereadily applicable to the prehistory of the Bothnian coast, and especially the changing forms ofcultural contact that characterized Saami interactions during the Iron Age and Medieval Period.

The shared cultural milieu of the period 5000 B.C.-A.D. i is a history of interactions with theoutside world within a World System that introduced ideas, technologies and economies, and newforms of cultural capital at the regional and local level. There is little evidence of actual colonizationby outsiders.

The Iron Age corresponds to the idea of a middle ground, which is analogous to the inter-actions between the Algonquian Indians and the French fur traders in the Great Lakes region ofNorth America during the seventeenth century (cf. White 1991). The middle ground created aworking relationship appealing to the values of both groups (Gosden 2004:31). This is preciselywhat occurred during the period of the Roman Iron Age fur trade, and especially during the VikingPeriod. This led, among other things, to the growth of wealth, social stratification and adoption ofGermanic religious practices among the Saami. Objects, especially valuable metal items, becameembedded in local cosmologies and social relations.

Terra nullius coincides with colonization starting in the late thirteenth century and effortsby the Swedish state and church to assert control through land and resource ownership. The fullimpacts occurred with the merging of the church and state under King Gustav Vasa in the sixteenthcentury. Culture contact changed into confrontation, suppression and obligatory acculturation.

The issue of Saami cultural identity, as discussed in the introduction, relates directly to thesecolonial processes. Strathern (1988) has coined the term "dividuals" as opposed to "individuals."

SYNTHESIS

219

Dividuals are made up of the social relations and attributes of societies as a whole; identity is rela-tional and relative. Individualism is more related to quantifiable values, ownership, title, prestigetied to individual power and to currency (Gosden 2004:37). The transformation of Saami societyfrom the fourteenth century was the change from diverse and variable forms of circumpolar adap-tive communities, to narrower, constrained and legally prescribed identities. This was a formaliza-tion of "The Other" in north Swedish society. This also led to internal dissension among the Saami,principally the reindeer owners versus non-owners and between reindeer herders and settlers overgrazing lands.

Summary of Results

1) Seen in terms of economy, settlement, technology, ideology and religion, all the compo-nents associated with the processes of Saami ethnogenesis have been identified in north-ern coastal Vasterbotten, and there is little difference in these respects from NorthernNorway, interior Sweden or Finland.

2) There is a long-term historical trajectory in coastal Vasterbotten from the deep past andinto late prehistoiy defined by circumpolar adaptive strategies at the local, regional andWorld System levels. This is seen through settlement organization and cultural landscapes,as well as networks of travel, trade and resource exploitation.

3) Coastal settlements were highly dependent on sealing and occurred in cycles coincidingwith peaks in regional productivity. These periods also led to the expansion of Europeanand Eurasian technologies, ideologies and economies into the North, and these were read-ily adopted by northern societies.

4) Coastal societies during the Metal Ages (Bronze Age and Iron Age) manifested their territo-ries along the Bothnian coast through cairn graves that segmented the shores and bays intounits 5-15 km in length, depending on topography. These hunting and pastoralist systemscontinued into historic times, even after Christianity had taken possession of the dead.

5) The coast and interior were intimately connected through natural east-west networks, eco-nomic routes and interdependencies. As seen by artifact distributions, these connectionswere intensified during the Early and Late Metal Ages, but were also in evidence duringthe Mesolithic/Early Stone Age. These social connections enabled reciprocal utilizationsof interior and coastal resources, both of which were subject to major population cycles.Peaks in resources facilitated periods of semi-sedentism, as well as periodic depopulationsand re-settlements of both regions, referred to as "punctuated sedentism." This was mostlikely the basis of pre-agrarian sustainability.

6) Erom at least the first centuries A.D. there was a well-organized coastal settlement systemincorporating hunting, animal husbandry and, with certainty from A.D. 500, intermittentcultivation on the North Bothnian coast. Iron working was practiced during the wholeperiod and had both practical functions (tools, ornaments and boat rivets) and symbolicmeanings.

7) Bothnian coastal societies were organized in bands analogous to Saami sijddas/siidas, flex-ible groups of three to five, but sometimes up to nine households. These groups wereinvolved in collective hunting and herding strategies. The largest aggregations occurred

220

CHAPTER 11

during the Viking Period during which there was an intensification of husbandry, sealhunting, fur trapping and trade.

8) Settlements in the coastland were based on the seasonal exploitation of seals on the outercoast and animal husbandry within 8-10 km of the coast. These were analogous to shiel-ings (cf. Rathje 2001). Seasonal indicators show that the sealing sites were occupied duringlate winter, spring, summer and fall. There also is evidence that domestic animals werekept on sealing sites, some of which were year-round. Storage caches indicate economicplanning beyond subsistence needs. There is evidence that sealers were part of an orga-nized trading network with local trading sites. Boat building was part of the local systemand may have been one incentive for operating forges on or near beaches.

9) The ritual bear burial at Grundskatan, iron slag placed in hearths in dwellings, and circu-lar sacrificial features of Saami type are longue duree expressions of Saami identity. Saamireligion was syncretistic and incorporated Germanic/Norse grave forms, including crema-tions, and thereafter shifted to Ghristian practices.

10) The north to south transect between Stor-Rebben Island and Hornslandsudde shows thatthere were coastal Saami settlements between latitudes 61° and 65°N. The hut forms,consisting of contemporary oval, round and rectilinear forms, suggest that there wereinteractions at the settlement level with Germanic and Finnish groups, particularly duringthe Viking Age. These sites were located in regions well north of contemporary GermanicIron Age settlement territories and deep within such regions. The northern region waspredominantly Saami, and hut-based sealing was probably a Saami specialty. It is probablethat there was a high degree of mutually beneficial economic interaction, as well as in irontechnology and religion.

11) Linear alignments of huts relate to aggregations of hunters and herders involved in larger-scale activities. These arrangements reflect intensified production of surpluses for trade.

12) The chronology of the sealing sites spans from A.D. i to 1279. There were three periods ofexpansion: ca. A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600 and A.D. 800-1100. There was a regressionduring the seventh century, which was a regional-wide period of decline. By A.D. 1279 allthe coastal sealing sites along the Bothnian coast had been abandoned.

13) The abandonment of the sealing sites coincides with other major changes throughoutnorthern Europe, including the beginnings of the Little Ice Age, but, above all, the for-mation of the Swedish state and the expansion of the Christian Church into the North.Systematic colonization by Swedish settlers and new systems of land tenure resulted inthe assimilation of many coastal hunter-gatherers/herders as settled Christians and as landowners. Many Saami, as well as other non-Christians, probably made this change with littledifficulty. The remaining populations were displaced inland.

14) Place-names referring to Lapps are found along the whole Bothnian coast with the greatestdensity in Vasterbotten. These place-names reflect the interactions of Saami with non-Saami (Finns and Swedes) and coincide with the colonization of the northern coastalVasterbotten, and also with areas with reindeer pastoralism. Seventy-four place-names withreference to reindeer are found in Skelleftea Municipality, 37 of which refer to intensive(non-nomadic) reindeer husbandry.

SYNTHESIS

221

15) Herring fisheries rapidly expanded northward starting in the thirteenth century, and smallharbors and chapels soon dotted the Bothnian coasts. The stone labyrinth is interpreted asan iconic Christian symbol that marked the Swedish appropriation of coastal territory andreligious hegemony throughout the Bothnian region.

16) In the fourteenth century the state began to systematically tax resources, regulate trade andcut off the east-west networks that had been operating for thousands of years. This also ledto an artificial border with the interior and the creation of increasingly reindeer-dependentsocieties. According to historical accounts in Sweden, small herds became large herdswith fewer owners starting in the sixteenth century, requiring greater pasturing, leading tonomadic herding in many regions.

17) In Vasterbotten, Norrbotten and northern Angermanland, the Forest Saami lived on intothe nineteenth century in the same ways the coastal Saami had before them. The coastalsettlers of Swedish Vasterbotten still lived in coastal territories analogous to those whocame before them, hunted seals and fished in household- and village teams, made boatsand nets using Saami methods, used Saami taboo words, and still believed in reindeerherding forest spirits.

Final Thoughts

This study has focused on evidence that illuminates multiple aspects of Saami prehistory. It is farfrom complete, but serves to shift the narratives of both Swedish and Saami prehistory in northernSweden. There can be little doubt that Saami culture has left few physical remains in the northernlandscape as compared with Nordic society, and it is paradoxical that Saami culture is often first rec-ognizable in the archaeological record through non-Saami trade goods and adopted ritual practices.One need not look far, however, to see beyond this veil. The postcolonial discourse is a global phe-nomenon within archaeology and it is now widely acknowledged that colonial societies are them-selves "ambiguous hybrids" that are full of divergent lines of interest and evidence of interactions(Murray 2004:7). Saami culture has left an indelible mark on north Swedish society and culture.

The biogeography of the Nordic region has been a key factor in the development of Saamiidentities. Strong eastern (Uralic) influences have, since early post-glacial times, extended intoSweden from the Finnish and Norwegian land bridge to the north. The maritime effects on theBothnian and Norwegian coasts have at the same time enabled southern influences to reach north-ward in pulses of expansions and regressions. This dynamic combination of biological, cultural,technological and ideological forces characterizes both the process and substance of what we knowas Saami and north Swedish culture today.

Archaeology is a tool for filling in the gaps of history, especially for those who have beenrelegated to sidebars in our own narratives. From once being a means for creating national myths,archaeology has evolved into a tool for average men and women who were left out of history, and forminorities and colonized peoples who have been denied their histories.

The Saami are among the best-known indigenous peoples in the world and yet, like most cul-tural minorities, are still struggling for recognition and cultural survival. These indigenous Saamisocieties, while capable of maintaining their unique ethnic identities, have also been increasinglymarginalized through the creation of the narrow territorial and economic constraints that definetheir rights differently across four nations today.

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CHAPTER 11

The 4th International Polar Year (2007-2008) has just been completed, and this era of rapidglobal change reminds us of the challenges and promises facing all Arctic residents (Krupnik etal. 2005). In the larger scheme of things, these challenges are like those of many other peoples.There are lessons to be learned from this 7,000-year narrative: the strengths of diversity - socially,culturally, linguistically and spiritually; using natural ecological variability in order to achieve sus-tainability and, above all else, the value of multiculturalism. The resiliencies of the Saami and othernorthern peoples are testimonies to the strengths of their spirits and examples of how meaningfulfutures can derive from the many threads that have woven the fabric of all nations.

SYNTHESIS

223

APPENDIX

Osteological Material

Includes burned, charred and unburned bone fragments.A) Identified species at site locales, numbers of identified specimens, NISP.

Ringed seal 8 1 7 16

Harp seal 1 (?) 17 18

Indeterminate Seal 1 180 1 4 2 4213 4401

Bear 66 66

Cattle 1 1

Sheep/goat 11 2 15

Reindeer 1 1

Large ungulate 2 2 1 3 8

Ungulate 2 2

Ungulate? 1 1

Hare 1 1 2

Indeterminate duck 11

Indeterminate bird 5 9 1 15

Indeterminate bird? 2 2

Total 1 262 3 17 4 6 4246 4539

225

B) Identified species in huts (referred to by numbers or letters) at all locales, NISP.

Ringed sealHarp sealIndeterminate

SealBearCattle

Sheep/goat

Reindeer

Large ungulate

Ungulate

Ungulate?

Hare

Indeterminate

duckIndeterminate

birdIndeterminate

bird?

Total

1 8 129 42 166

1 (?)

1

3 1

21

1 11

2 4112

11

2 1

1 12136 113 1 1

4 13 1 3 2 4 2 4143

4401661518212

1

152

4539

226

APPENDIX 1

C) Anatomical representation for seals at all locales (including ringed seal, harp seal andindeterminate seal), NISP.

67

1

14

3

4

119 132B

A B

B

A

B

D

GAMLA HAMNEN

Cranium

30

9

1

168

3

211

Vertebral column

2

2

1251

5

1261

Rib cage

3

10

13

Front extremity

1

1

1

15

18

Front flipper

1

44

13

65

1

124

Rear extremity

3

1

1

1

125

1

132

Rear flipper

2

1

50

20

1

1

2

2

1898

63

1

2040

Front/rear flipper

2

127

129

Long bone fragment

1

2

2

Sesamoids, baculum

1

3

475

24

503

Total

1

8

1

134

45

0 2

3

2

2

2

4136

98

1

4435

OSTEOLOGICAL MATERIAL

227

D) Anatomical representation for ungulates by site and hut (Cattle, Sheep/goat, Reindeer,Large ungulate, Ungulate, Ungulate?), NISP.

1

13

A B

A

C

D

B GAMLA HAMNEN

Tooth

1

1

Rib cage

1

1

Front extremity

2

1

1

4

Rear extremity

1

3

1

5

Foot

2

1

3

Hand/foot

1

1

2

Long bone

1

1

2

Total

2

1

1

2

1

2

4

3

2

18

228

APPENDIX 1

APPENDIXRadiocarbon and AMS Dates

ELEVATION

RATIO

MEDIAN

A.D.

A.D.

SITE

FEATURE

(M)

SAMPLE

B.P.

'3C%0

A.D.

(±1 S.D.)

(± 2 S.D.)

COMMENTS

Stor-Rebben

Al

Hut

16m

Stll910

1845±135

-25.5

172

23-340

171(60-532

A2

Hut

16m

St.lll78

1495 ± 70

-26.6

558

443-643

423-656

B

Hut

13m

St.lll79

1045 ±110

-25.7

985

880-1155

716-1217

€

Hut

13m

StlllSO

945 ± 110

-26.3

1092

999-1212

880-1280

Stora Fjaderagg

A

Hut

^Ul 11

9t 1 1 1 Rl

OL. 1 I 1 O i

1ni1nn

i U i J± i uu

1 091

OQO 1 1 CiC;

77Q 191Q

Bl

Hut

19m

i DDU±/u

OOD

B2

Hut

19m

St.11182

9A R

77Q

J—1 i JH-

Qn 1 '\9S^

C

Hut

15m

9t 111

3* J JX / J

9fi ^

1 DQ^i uy 0

1 ni R 11

QflO-l

_7WU i ^1 J i

D

Hut

13m

St.l 1184

£D.O

Ql ^

Q JO i iiUO

Gamla Hamnen Hut

0 m

o i U±/U

9fi 7

1 R79

lAAl IQ'S^

Grundskatan

(Site 78)

1

Hut

13m

St.l0787

1160±70

-25.8

866

779-968

690-1014

3a

Hut

16m

Stll907

1500±100

-25.6

542

435-643

263-762

3b

Hut

16m

St. 11906

1205±70

-25.4

819

695-894

673-972

4a

Hut

15m

Beta-196486

190±40

-26.7

1773

1662-1952

contaminated

4b

Hut

15m

St.l0785

1110±110

-25.3

912

780-1020

674-1155

4c

Bear bone

15m

Ua-19830

1080±45

-21

958

898-1014

830-1030

bone

4d

Hut

15m

Beta-196487

420±40

-26.1

1470

1433-1611

contaminated

4e

Hut

15m

Beta- 210236

1500±40

-21.6

568

536-621

434-644

bone

10

Oven

10m

St.l0784

<250

-25.5

1750

Russian Oven

11

Hut

13m

St.lll70

1175±100

-25.8

848

723-972

663-1021

12

Hut

' 13m

St.lll71

1430±110

-26.1

605

437-760

390-867

13a

Hut

13m

St. 11908

1045±110

-25.3

985

880-1155

716-1217

Uh

Hut

12m

St.lll72

880±80

-25.8

1144

1044-1220

1020-1272

13c

Hut

12m

Beta-196488

1200±40

-25.3

825

777-884

690-946

14a

Hut/laby

13m

St.lll73

1145±100

-25.4

878

776-990

661-1118

14b

Hut/laby

13m

St.lll74

1000±185

-25.3

1017

870-1231

659-1296

15a

Pit

17m

Beta-196489

320±40

-25.7

1562

1515-1641

contaminated?

15 b

Pit

17m

St 11175

670±245

-26.1

1295

1033-1467

779-1952

old surface

layer

229

ELEVATION

RATIO

MEDIAN

A.D.

A.D.

SITE

FEATURE

(M)

SAMPLE

D.r.

1 3P0//oo

A n

(±i o.u.)

I -L. 0 Q Pi \

LUIvllVlLIN 1 o

Jungfruhamn (Sites 138-139)

Al

Hut

15m

St.lll76

985±70

-25.8

1066

990-1155

898-1211

A2

Hut

15m

Beta-196490

1210±50

-26.3

813

722-887

678-950

B

Hut

15m

St.lll77

1300±130

-27.2

745

636-886

443-1015

C

Hut

17m

St.! lyuy

1710±125

-25

323

139-526

58-597

Site 70

Hut

12m

Beta -196485

1020±60

-25.8

1015

902-1149

0/~v ""1 Til 7

893-1157

Site 67

Hut

17m

St.l0786

1485±70

-25.3

567

467-648

425-660

Oval hearth

Heartti

5m

Beta-191232

230±40

-25

1742

1641-1953

—

Saami hearth

Wall

11m

Beta-196484

550±50

-25.2

1378

1319-1428

contaminated?

Broange

Wall

11m

St. 11911

1025±70

-24.3

1011

899-1149

831-1185

Snoan

49 A

Hut

15m

Ua-1322

i i DU± iUU

-CD

77ir QQQ

DOU-i i1u

49B

Hut

15m

Ua-1323

255±100

-25

1658

1491-1952

contaminated?

53A

Hut

5m

St. 11904

735±120

-26.5

1258

1167-1392

1039-1416

53B

Hut

3m

St. 11905

445±105

-27

1481

1401-1631

1296-1481

92A

Oven

5m

St. 11902

430±95

-24.7

1494

1413-1630

92B

Oven

5m

St.ll903

470±95

-24.8

1450

1320-1618

Hornslandsudde (Sites 119,132)

5

Hut

18m

Ua-32857

1390±30

-27.6

646

632-664

602-674

bone

12a

Hut

16m

Beta-207939

1820±40

-23.3

191

136-236

85-323

12b

Hut

16m

Beta-209908

1570±40

-27.2

488

434-537

409-575

132b

Hut

20m

Beta-210238

1130±40

-24.8

920

881-980

780-991

5

Hut

18m

Beta-217790

140±40

-28.5

contaminated

15

Hut

12m

Beta-210237

260±70

-23.5

contaminated

132a

Hut

20m

Beta-217789

210+40

-26.9

contaminated

230

APPENDIX 2

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Index

The Aboriginal Populations oj NordicScandinavia (Nilsson), 5

Adam of Bremen, 16, 17, 18, 208, 213

agriculture. See farming

Ainu, 182-83

ahka, 175,182

Alfred the Great, 16

alignments

as archaeological features, 53

at Bjuroklubb, 113, 157

for corrals and fences, 157, 221

at Grundskatan, 84, 91, 113, 157

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 136, 139, 157

husbandry and, 157

reindeer and, 157

at Stora Fjaderagg, 108. 113, 157

Altarberget, 189

Altarringen, 186

Amazons, 17, 208

Angermanalven, River, xiii

Angermanland, 35, 37, 170

flrtgr, 195-96

animals, 23, 30, 173, 174, 176-84. See

olso husbandry; individual animalsAnsgar, 162

archaeology. See also research

boulder-field, xi

features in, 51-55

history and, 222

identity and, 7-9

in Scandinavia, xi, xii

in Sweden, xiv, 4, 7-9architecture. See constructionart, 31-32

artifacts. See also metallurgyfrom Bjuroklubb, 64, 166dating and, 145-47from Gene, 146

from Grundskatan, 73, 76, 83, 86,167, 170

from Hamptjarn, 197

from Harrsjobacken, 197

from Hornslandsudde, 132, 134,141,

167-68,170from Iron Age, 37-40from favre, 146from Jungfruhamn, 67from Kaddis, 195from Kvsnangen, 182from Luopa, 146from Norrbotten, 170from Obbola, 146of religion, 174, 175, 176seals and, 145-47from Snoan, 122from Southern Lapland, 145from Stalo, 145, 170from Stora Fjaderagg, 96, 108, 113,

170, 190from Storkage, 146from Stor-Rebben Island, 127, 128,

129,170from Unna Saiva, 147avan, 194

Baltic Sea, 19

Barth, Frederik, xi, 6, 27

bears

Ainu and, 182-83

burial of, xiii, 4, 174, 177-84, 191,213, 214-15, 221

dating and, 178-79, 180

deities and, 181-84

dvifellings and, 181-84

ethnicity and, 219

at Froson, 183

gender and, 181-82, 182-83at Grundskatan, 79-82, 92, 174, 177,178, 179-84, 191, 213, 214-15, 221hunting, 3, 177, 181-84

identity and, 219at Kvaenangen, 182osteology and, 178, 180, 182, 183in religion, 174, 175, 177-84, 183-84,191

in rock art, 32beavers, 26, 40Birkarls, 11, i8, 58hissie, 175Bjarmi, 16Bjastamon, 116

Bjuroklubb. See also Grundskatan;

Jungfrugraven; Jungfruhamn;

Lappsandbergetalignments at, 113, 157artifacts from, 64, 166caches at, 64cairns at, 64

charcoal analysis at, 65, 66,166dating at, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 141-49,166

derivation of, 60

elevations at, 45, 60, 63. 64, 65, 66,

166,202environment of 60excavations at, 60fishing at, 58, 59-60hearths at, 64-65, 66, 69, 135, 168history of, 59-60huts at, 63-68, 141-49, 168lichen growth at, 50, 60mapping at, 60, 66metallurgy at, 64, 165, 166, 168osteology at, 63, 64, 65, 66pits at, 73

place-name of 189reindeer and, 160Russian ovens at, 64, 85seals at, 168selection of, 43

257

Bjuroklubb (continued)

sites at overall, 59-60, 63-66Site 64, 63Site 65. 63

Site 67, 63-65, 165, 166, 168Site 68, 65

Site 70, 65-66, 141-49, 157

soil chemistry at, 60, 63, 64, 168

Bjuron Island, 43. See also Bjuroklubb

Bjurselet, 32, 34, 37, 116

blood, 174, 182

boats, 123, 163, 164, 208, 221. See also

travelbole. 18Bole, 149

Boleslav the Brave, 162

bones. See osteology

A Book on Lappish Life (Turi), 16

Bothia, Bay of, 12, 18. 21-22, 24, 194

Bothnian coast

bear bunal on, 4

climate of, 217-18

economy of, 217-18

environment of, ig, 21-23

fishing at, 25

food on, 12

history of, 57-59

hunting on, 12, 25

importance of, xiv, 11-12

labyrinths on, 2

maritime perspective on, 12, 217-18

place-names on. 2.199-200

settlements on, 217-18

sites on, 2Broange, 196, 202-3bronze, 35, 41Bronze Age. See Metal Ageburial

in Angermanland, 35

of bears, xiii, 4, 174, 177-84, 191, 213,214-15, 221

cairns for, 35-36, 39, 41, 53, 178

construction for, 178

cremation, 39, 41

dating and, 178-79, 180

at Grundskatan, 174, 177, 178,179-84, 191, 213, 214-15, 221

in Harjedalen, 39

hunting and, 39

in [amtland, 39

at Krankmartenhogen, 39

at Kvaenangen, 182

locations for, 177,181

in Metal Age, 34, 35-36, 39, 41

at Prastsjodiket, 34, 35

religion and, 174, 177-84, 191

at Smalnaset, 39

in Stone Age, 32, 41

in Trondelag, 39

at Vivallen, 39Bygdea, 50Bygdetrask, 39

caches

as archaeological features, 53at Bjuroklubb, 64at Grundskatan, 85, 91at Hornslandsudde, 132, 138, 139at Stalo, 145for storage, 151. 221cairns

at Bjuroklubb, 64

circles and, 184, 186-87

fishing and, 62

graves, 35-36,39,41,53,178

at Grundskatan, 72, 77-78, 79-82,

84, 85, 90, 91, 141, 156, 180, 183at Hornslandsudde, 132, 136, 137-38hunting and, 62

at)avre, 213

at Jiuigfrugraven, 60-62, 90,188-89

religion and, 174, 180, 186-87

sacrifice and, 60-62, 186-87

at Snoan, 123, 124

at Stora Fjaderagg, 108, no

for storage, 156-57

at Stor-Rebben Island, 128Carta Marina (Olaus Magnus), 12charcoal analysis

at Bjuroklubb, 65, 66, 166

fuels revealed by, 141

at Grundskatan, 73, 75. 76, 78, 82,

85, 86, 89, 92,183

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 133, 136, 137,167

at [ungfruhamn, 66as research methodology, 47at Snoan, 122,123-24at Stora Fjaderagg, 108at Stor-Rebben Island, 126, 126-27,128

children, 174, 175

Christianity

churches, 57, 58-59, 122, 204-7, ^^3colonization and, 219, 221labyrinths and, 2,187, 212-13, ^^4'language and, 199place-names and, 199, 201, 209religion and, 162-63, ^7^~79' 187

chronology. See dating

churches, 57, 58-59, 122, 213. See also

Christianitychurch towns, 204-7circles

at Altarberget, 189

at Altarrmgen, 186

as archaeological features, 53

cairns and, 184, 186-87

construction of, 184-85

dating and, 189-90

at Forolsjoen Lake, 186

at Gagsmark, 186

at Grundskatan, 90, 92, 184,189,190-91

in Halsingland, 187-88

hearths and, 186-87

at Hornslandsudde, 131

at Jungfrugraven, 184, 188-89,190-91

labyrinths and, 214

at Lappsandberget, 68-69, 1^4' i^^,190-91

religion and, 174, 184-91

sacrifice and, 184-91, 214

settlements and, 190-91

sijddas and, 190-91

society and, 190-91

stones in, 53-54

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 109-12,113,131, 184, 189, 190

in Sweden, 186Circumpolar Region, gni, 24-25, 27climate. See also environment

of Bothnian coast, 217-18

ethnicity and, 219

farming and, 37, 149

fishing and, 149

husbandry and, 149

identity and, 219

in Metal Age, 35-36, 37

of Nordic region, 23-24

seals and, 149

in Stone Age, 29, 32colonization, 57-59, 209, 219-20, 221compass roses, 54, 121-22, 123, 125, 147Constantine, 212-13construction

of circles, 184-85

of graves, 178

of hearths, 151, 152

of huts, 151-53, 171, 221

of labyrinths, 211-12, 213contamination, 141-42copper, 35

258

INDEX

corrals, 157,159

cosmos, 175, 181-84

cremation, 32, 34, 39, 41

cultural clines, 27, 218

cycles, 24-26, 27. See also seasonality

Dalalven, 11Dalarna, 200Dal River, 11Damianus a Goes, 57dating

at Altarberget, 189

architecture and, 151-53

artifacts and, 145-47

bears and, 178-79, 180

at Bjuroklubb, 60, 63, 64. 65, 66,141-49,166

at Bole, 149

at Broange, 202-3

burial and. 178-79, 180

circles and, 189-90

contamination and, 141-42

elevations and, 45, 141-42

ethnicity, 218-19

fishing and, 147-49

at Gamla Hamnen, 112

at Gene, 146

at Grundskatan, 65. 73, 76, 78,79-80, 85, 86, 87, 89-90. 91-92,141-49, 166-67, 180, 189, 190, 213

at Hamptjarn, 197

at Harrsjobacken, 165, 197

of hearths, 46

at Hertsanger, 196

historical records for, 45, 46

at Hornslandsudde. 132, 133-34, i35'138, 139, 141-49, 151, 165, 167

hunting and, 144-49

of huts, 151-53

at Javre, 213

at Jungfrugraven, 60. 60-62.

188- 89.190

at Jungfruhamn, 66. 67, 141-49

at Kaddis, 195

at Krakanger, 196

of labyrinths, 211, 213

languages and, 163-64

at Lappsandberget, 69

lichen growth and, 46. 49-51, 147

in Lovanger, 195-96, 202, 203

metallurgy and, 165

place-names and, 199-200

religion and, 176, 178-79, 180,

189- 90sacrifice and, 189-90

sampling and, 141-42seals and. 144-49. 221shoreline displacement and, 46,

48-49,51at Snoan, 122, 123-24, 141-49in Southern Lapland, 145at Stalo, 145, 146. 170of stones, 46

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96, 108, iii.

112, 113. 141-49. 151. 165, 189, 190at Stor-Rebben Island, 126-27,

128-29. 130. 141-49. 151. 165trade and, 147death, 173-74

deities, 173-76, 181-84, 208drums, 175, 177Diiben, G. von, 5dwarves, 2-3, 171

dwellings, 173-74. 175, 181-84. See alsohuts

economy. See also tradeof Bothnian coast, 217-18identity and. 219of Lovanger. 204-7at Lundfors. 30in Metal Age. 37, 40in Stone Age, 30, 40Egil's Saga. 17, 18elevations

architecture and, 151-52

at Bjuroklubb, 45, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66,

166,202at Broange, 202-3dating and, 45, 141-42at Flurkmark, 29-30at Gamla Hamnen, 45-46,112.142at Grundskatan. 45. 72. 73, 75, 77, 79,

83,85.86,87,88,89,90,91,154,

190,202in Halsingland, 187of hearths, 152at Hertsanger, 196at Hornslandsudde, 45.131, 132, 134,

136, 139, 141, 154, 167of huts, 43, 151-52, 153-54at lungfrugraven, 60, 188-89, ^9°at Jungfruhamn, 45, 66. 141. 202at Kaddis, 194-95at Krakanger, 196of labyrinths, 211

at Lappsandberget, 68, 69, 188, igoin Lovanger. 195-96, 201-2in Metal Age. 43place-names and, 201-2

in research methodology, 43, 44-46

at Snoan, 45, 46, 121, 122, 123, 124

at Stora Fjaderagg, 45, 46, 92.

94-95, 96, 105, 108, 109, 112, 142,154, 189, 190

at Stor-Rebben Island, 45. 125-26,127, 128, 141, 154engravings, 54-55environment. See also climate;landscape

of Bjuroklubb, 60

of Bothnian coast, 19, 21-23

farming and, 19, 149

fishing and, 19, 149

of Hornslandsudde, 131

hunting and, 20-21

husbandry and, 149

identity and, 219

of Nordic region, 19-25

seals and, 149

in Stone Age, 29

of Stora Fjaderagg, 92-93Erik. Saint, 162eskers, 196-97ethnicity

dating of 218-ig

hypotheses concerning, 27, 41. 217and identity, 183,191issues regarding, xii, 1-2. 3. 5-7, 19,27

membership in, 3

Metal Age and. 6. 19. 218, 219

metallurgy and. 219

place-names and, 207-8

religion and, 3, 184, 219

resilience theory and, 217-23

Saami, 209, 217-23

Stone Age and, 218Eurasian region, i, 27, 217excavations, 46, 60, 68, 126. See alsoindividual locations; sites

Fahlmark. 34, 37. 40. 197family, 173-74, 175farming. See also husbandry

in Angermanland, 37

architecture and, 152

at Bjurselet, 37

climate and, 37, 149

in economy, 37, 40

environment and. 19, 149

ethnicity and, 219

at Hornslandsudde. 131. 139

huts and, 152

identity and, 219

INDEX

259

farming {continued)

languages and, 163, 164in Lovanger, 202, 205in Metal Age, 36-37, 40in Norrbotten, 208place-names and, 201at Snoan, 122

in Stone Age, 32, 36-37, 40

in Vasterbotten, 208fattig lapp, 15fences, 157Fenni, 13-15, 16Finland, 13, 17Finn King, 2-3, 171Finnmark, 13

Finno-Ugrian languages, 15-16Finns and Ter-Finns (Odner), 27Fisher-Lapps, 93-94fishing

architecture and, 152

at Bjuroklubb, 58, 59-60

on Bothnian coast, 25

cairns and, 62

climate and, 149

cycles for, 24, 25-26

dating and, 147-49

economy and. 21

environment and, 19, 149

at Grundskatan, 147-49

at Hornslandsudde, 131. 139, 147-49

huts and, 43, 152,154

at Jungfruhamn, 147-49

at Kaddis, 195

labyrinths and, 2,147, 211, 222

languages and, 163

in Lovanger, 202, 205

in Metal Age, 40

place-names and. 149, 201

religion and, 173, 174

seals and, 147-49

at Snoan, 122,123,124,147-49

in Southern Lapland, 145

in Stone Age. 40

at Stora Fjaderagg. 93, 147-49

at Stor-Rebben Island, 130, 147-49Flurkmark. 29-30, 34food resources, 12forests, 20-21Forolsjoen Lake. 186Forsa Church, 9n2Frakenronningen, 116Froson,183fuels, 141

Gabriel De la Gardie, Magnus, 173Gaddenaset, 213-14

Gagsmark, 186

Gamla Hamnen, 45-46, 95, 112, 142Gamla Uppsala, 213Gavleborg County, 43, 200gender, 17, 171, 174, 175, 181-82,

182-83, 208Gene, 146

genetics, 15, 16, 23, 207-8

Germanic peoples, 2, 27, 164-65, 217

Gesta Danorum (Saxo Grammaticus), 15

get-kdtas, 63, 151

giants, 2-3, 171

Gjessing, Gutorm, xi

glacial ice, 22-23

goat huts, 63, 151

gold,35

Gotland, 157

government, 3, 8-9, 57

Gram, 3

Gratrask, 38

grave sites. See burial

Grundskatan

alignments at, 84, 91, 113, 157artifacts from, 73, 76, 83, 86, 167,170

bears at, 79-82, 92, 174, 177, 178,179-84, 191, 213. 214-15, 221

burial at, 174,177,178,179-84,191,213, 214-15, 221

caches at, 85, 91

cairns at, 72, 77-78, 79-82, 84, 85,

90, 91, 141, 156, 180, 183charcoal analysis at, 73, 75, 76, 78,

82, 85, 86, 89, 92,183

circles at, 90, 92. 184,189, 190-91dating at, 65, 73, 76, 78, 79-80, 85,

86, 87, 89-90, 91-92, 141-49,166-67, 180,189,190, 213

elevations at, 45, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79,

83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,154,190,202

excavations at, 60fishing at, 147-49

hearths at, 64, 72, 76, 77-78, 80, 86,

87, 88. 91-92, 166-67,168,180hunter-gatherers at, 159hunting at, 92, 144-49husbandry at, 84-85

huts at, 64, 65, 72-85, 86-89,91-92, 141-49, 154, 166-67, 168'180, 181, 213

labyrinths at, 72, 88-89. 91, 92, 213,214-15

lichen growth at, 50, 89, 90, 92, 189,213

macrofossils at, 73, 75, 92, 127

mapping at, 72

metallurgy at, 86, 92, 165, 166-67,168, 170

osteology at, 68, 73, 76, 78, 79-82,89, 92

pits at, 72-73, 89-90, 91, 92, 157

place-names of, 194

religion at, 174, 177, 178, 179-84,

189, 190-91Russian ovens at, 72, 85, 91, 92sacrifice at, 184, 189, 190-91seals at, 92, 144-49, ^57settlements at, 190-91sites at, 72-92, 154society at, 190-91soil chemistry at, 73-75, 78, 80, 81,

84-85, 157

Halla, 37

Hallstrom, Gustaf, 5, 11, 72

Halsingland, 18,187-88, 213

Hamptjarn, 36,197

Hansen, L.-L, 6

Harjedalen, xiii, 39

Harrsjobacken, 36, 40, 165, 197

health. 174

hearths

as archaeological features, 52at Bjuroklubb, 64-65, 66, 69, 135,168

circles and, 186-87

construction of 151,152

dating of, 46, 145

density of 145

elevation of 152

in excavations, 46

at Gamla Hamnen, 112

at Grundskatan, 64, 72, 76, 77-78,

80,86,87,88,91-92,166-67, .-

168, 180

at Hornslandsudde, 64. 132, 134, 135,

136, 137, 139, 167, 168at Jungfruhamn, 66, 67reindeer and, 145religion and, 186-87, 221sacrifice and, 186-87at Snoan, 122, 141in Southern Lapland, 145at Stalo, 145

at Stora Fjaderagg, 96, 102-5, 108,112

at Stor-Rebben Island, 127, 128trade and, 145at Vivallen, xiiiwealth and. 145hem, 18

260

INDEX

herding

in economy, 40

ethnicity and, 219

at Hornslandsudde, 139

huts and, 160-63

identity and, 219

languages and, 164

in Lovanger, 205

in Metal Age, 40

of reindeer, 3, 8, 13, 164, 208

religion and, 174, 176

by Saami, i, 3, 8,13, 220-21, 222

settlements and, 40, 160-63

sites of, 160-63

in Southern Lapland, 145

at Stale, 145

in Stone Age, 40Hertsanger, 195-96heterarchy, 160-63Hildebrand, Hans, 5Historia Norvegiae, 16-17, 18historical ecology, 24historical records, 45, 46history. See also prehistory

archaeology and, 222

of Bjuroklubb, 59-60

of Bothnian coast, 57-59

of Holmon Island, 149

of Hornslandsudde, 149

of metallurgy, 2,165-66

narratives in, 4-7

of religion, 173

Saami in, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 4-7

of Scandinavia, 4-7

of Stora Fjaderagg, 92-94

of Sweden, 4-7

of Vasterbotten, 57-59History of Denmark (Saxo Grammaticus),15

The History of Lapland (Schefferus), 5,173

History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen (Adam of Bremen), 16

Holm, Carl, 72

Holmon Island, 62, 149, 199

Hornslandet, 213

Hornslandsudde

alignments at, 132, 136, 139, 157artifacts from, 132, 134, 141, 167-68,170

caches at, 132, 138, 139

cairns at, 132, 136, 137-38

charcoal analysis at, 132, 133, 136, 137,

167circles at, 131

dating at, 132, 133-34, 135, 138, 139,141-49, 151, 165, 167

elevations at, 45,131, 132, 134,136,

139, 141, 154, 167environment of, 131farming at, 131, 139fishing at, 131, 139,147-49

hearths at, 64, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137,

139, 167, 168herding at, 139history of 149hunter-gatherers at, 131, 139hunting at, 138, 139, 144-49husbandry at, 135huts at, 64, 132-39, 141-49, 154,

167-68, 170labyrinths at, 131metallurgy at, 134, 135, 141, 165,

167-68, 170osteology at, 132,133,134, 135,136,

138, 139pits at, 156

place-names of 131,139seals at, 131, 138, 139, 144-49selection of 43, 131shoreline displacement at, 131sites at, 131-40,131-40, 154soil chemistry at, 132, 135. 136, 139,157

taxation at, 131trade at, 139hunter-gatherers. See also huntingarchitecture and, 152characterization of 15cycles for, 24, 25-26economy of 40at Grundskatan, 159at Hornslandsudde, 131,139huts and, 152, 160-63in Metal Age, 40oil for, 24

religion and, 175-76Saami as, 2

settlements of 160-63in Southern Lapland, 145in Stone Age, 40storage and, 156-57hunting. See also hunter-gatherersbears, 3, 177, 181-84beavers, 26blinds for, 54, 92on Bothnian coast, 12, 25burial and, 39cairns and, 62cycles for, 24, 25-26dating and, 144-49in economy, 40

environment and, 20-21, 183-84

at Fahlmark, 197

gender and, 181-82, 182-83

at Grundskatan, 92, 144-49

at Hornslandsudde, 138, 139, 144-49

huts and, 154

ice, 12, 22

at [ungfruhamn, 144-49languages and, 164-65in Lovanger, 205at Lundfors, 30

in Metal Age, 33-34, 40, 117, 120moose, 26

osteology and, 158-59

reindeer, 3, 171

religion and, 173, 174

seals, 4, 12, 17-18, 22, 25, 30, 33-34,

40, 43, 116. 117, 138, 139, 144-49,

154, 158-59, 181seasonality and, 158-59sites of 43

in Southern Lapland, 145at Stalo, 145

in Stone Age, 30, 40, 117

at Stora Fjaderagg, 117, 120-21,

144-49,storage and, 156-57at Stor-Rebben Island, 144-49topography and, 22, 220-21husbandry. See also farmingalignments and, 157at Bjurselet, 37climate and, 149cycles and, 25in economy, 37environment and, 149ethnicity and, 219at Fahlmark, 37at Grundskatan, 84-85at Halla, 37

at Hornslandsudde, 135

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217

identity and, 219

at Jungfruhamn, 113

at Kaddis, 37

languages and, 163, 164

in Lovanger, 202

in Metal Age, 36-37, 40

osteology and, 158-59

place-names and, 159-60, 199, 201

at Ra-Inget, 37

reindeer, 157, 159-60, 161, 164, 199,221

religion and, 176seasonality and, 158-59at Stallverket, 37in Stone Age, 32, 36-37, 40

INDEX

261

husbandry {continued)

at Stora Fjaderagg, loi, 113, 159at Stor-Rebben Island, 129-30

huts. See also dwelUngs

as archaeological features, 52arrangement of, 153-55, 160-63, i?!'221

at Bjuroklubb, 63-68, 141-49,168construction of, 151-53,171, 221dating of, 144-45, 151-53elevation of 43, 151-52, 153-54in excavations, 46farming and, 152fishing and, 43, 152, 154in Gavleborg County, 43goat huts, 63, 151

at Grundskatan, 64, 65, 72-85, 86-89, 91-92,141-49,154,166-67,168,180, 181, 213

of herders, 160-63

at Hornslandsudde, 64, 132-39,141-49,154,167-68, 170

of hunter-gatherers, 152, 160-63

hunting and, 154

in Iron Age, 43

at Jungfruhamn, 66-68, 141-49

at Kvaenangen, 152

at Lillberget, 151

in Lovanger, 204-7

in Norrbotten, 43, 170

at Ofoten, 153

seals and, 154

at Snoan, 121-24, ^4^~49

at Stalo, 144-45, '46. 161, 170

at Stora Fjaderagg, 94-109, 112-13,

117-21, 141-49, 154, 158, 170for storage, 151, 156-57at Stor-Rebben Island, 125-30,

141-49, 154, 170at Varanger, 153in Vasterbotten, 43in Vasternorrland, 43at Vivallen, xiiihypotheses, 27, 217

ice, 12, 21-23identity

archaeology and, 7-9

criteria of 3

cultural clines and, 27, 218dating of, 218-19government and, 8-9hypotheses, 217-23issues regarding, xii, 1-2, 3, 7, 19,26-27

manifestations of 7

maritime perspective on, 217-18

Metal Age and, 6, 218, 219

and metallurgy, 41

place-names and, 2

religion and, 3,184, 219

resilience theory and, 26-27, 217-23

Stone Age and, 218idols, 174,184-86indigenous peoples, 8, 18, 27, 217,

222-23inscriptions, 163-64International Labour Organization, 18iron, 36, 41

Iron Age. See Metal Age

famtland, 39, 200Jarl, Birger, 58Javre, 146, 213Jonsson, Knut, 57fungfrugraven, 60-62, 90, 184,

188-89,190-91Jungfruhamn

artifacts from, 67

charcoal analysis at, 66

dating at, 66, 67, 141-49

elevations at, 45, 66,141, 202

excavations at, 60

fishing at, 147-49

hunting at, 144-49

husbandry at, 113

huts at, 66-68,141-49

osteology at, 66, 67-68

seals at, 144-49

Kaddis, 34, 37, 194-95katas, 145, 198, 200Kataselet, 38

Kjelmoy ceramics, 36, 165Kloverfors, 39Krakanger, 195-96Krankmartenhogen, 39Krupnik, Igor, 25Kusmark, 32

Kv^nangen. 152, 182, 205Kveni, 17Kvenland, 17Kvens, 18Kyrkesviken, 170

Labrador, xilabyrinths

as archaeological features, 54on Bothnian coast, 2Christianity and, 2. 187

circles and, 214

construction of 211-12, 213

dating of 211, 213

elevations of 211

fishing and, 2, 147, 211, 222

at Gaddenaset, 213-14

at Grundskatan, 72, 88-89, 9^' 92.

213, 214-15in Halsingland, 187at Hornslandet, 213at Hornslandsudde, 131at javre, 213lichen growth and, 147locations for, 211, 212, 213-15purposes of, 211religion and, 212-15, 222at Rison, 213

at Snoan, 121, 123, 128,147at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 128, 147, 189,213

at Stor-Rebben Island, 127,128-29, 213in Sweden, 211symbolism of 2, 211, 212-13landnam, 18

landscape. See also environment

place-names and, 196-97, 198-99,200, 201

religion and, 173-74, ^77' ^9^languages. See also place-names

Christianity and, 199

dating and, 163-64

ethnicity and, 219

Finno-Ugrian, 15-16

Germanic, 164-65

identity and, 219

in Metal Age, 16

place-names and, 193

pronvmciation, xvi, 163-64

religion and, 199

of Saami, 3,15-16, 18-19, 58, 160,163-65

Scandinavian, 163-64

territory of, 193Lapland, 13, 57lappar, 15Lappback, 131

Lappi, 15, 196, 197-201, 221

Lappmoberget, 131

Lappmon, 131

Lappnaset, 170

Lapponia (Schefferus), 5, 173

Lapps, I, 2, 13,15. See also Saami

Lappsandberget, 60, 68-69, ^^4-

190-91, 196Levy, Janet E., 8

262

INDEX

lichen growth

at Bjurokhibb, 50, 60at Bygdea, 50

dating and, 46, 49-51. 147

at Griindskatan, 50, 89, 90, 92, 189,

213at Javre, 213

at Jungfrugraven, 60, 60-62,188-89,190

labyrinths and, 147

at Lappsandberget, 69, 188

as research methodology, 49-51

at Snoan, 50, 123

at Stora Fjaderagg, 50, 113

at Stor-Rebben Island, 128Lillberget, 116, 151Lill-Mosjon, 170Limes norrlandicus, 11Litorina Sea, 29

Lovanger, 58-59,195-96.197-99, 201-7

Lower Volga basin. 33

Lvde River, 194

Lundfors, 30-31, 40, 165

Lundmark, Lennart, 18

Luopa, 146

macrofossils, 47, 73, 75, 92, 127Magnus Eriksson, King, 57, 58, 199Mangbyn, 59, 196, 202mapping, 60, 66, 72, 122Mare Botnicum, 12

maritime perspective, i, 12, 217-18. See

also Bothnian coastmark, 18

mercantilism. See tradeMetal Age

concept of, 29

elevations in, 43

ethnicity and, 6, 19, 218, 219

hunting in, 33-34, 40, 117, 120

huts in, 43

identity and, 6, 218, 219languages in, 16

metallurgy in, 33, 35, 36, 37-40, 41place-names and, 18projectiles in, 33, 34-35, 41religion in, 41rock art in, 31-32seals in, 33-34, 40, 116, 117, 120settlements in, 40-41society in, 35

technology in, 31, 33-35, 36, 41in Vasterbotten, 33-41metallurgy. See also artifactsat Angermanland, 170

at Bjuroklubb, 64, 165, 166, 168

at Broange, 203

dating and, 165

in economy, 40, 220

ethnicity and, 219

gender and, 171

at Gratrask, 38

at Grundskatan, 86. 92, 165, 166-67,

168, 170at Hamptjarn, 36, 197at Harjedalen, 39at Harrsjobacken, 36, 165, 197history of, 2, 165-66at Hornslandsudde, 134, 135, 141, 165,

167-68,170identity and, 219in Jamtland, 39at Kataselet, 38at Kyrkesviken, 170at Lappnaset, 170at Lill-Mosjon, 170in Lovanger, 203

in Metal Age, 33, 35, 36, 37-40, 41

at Nedre Back, 36

at Nolbyn-Mangbyn, 170

in Norrbotten, 170

religion and, 176

in research methodology, 47

seals and, 170

at Skramtrask, 38

society and, 35

in Southern Lapland, 145

at Stalo, 170

in Stone Age, 32, 40

at Stora Fjaderagg, 38. 170

at Storkage, 37-40

at Stor-Rebben Island. 129, 165, 170

in Sweden, 165-66

at Tame site, 38

as technology, 41,165-66

territory and, 5

trade and, 40

in Trondelag, 39

at Vivallen, 39

witchcraft and, 170-71Montelius, Oscar, xi, 5moose, 20-21, 25, 26, 29-30, 31-32,

40, 158morsa. 16. See also sealingMoten i norr, xv

Muittalus Samid Birra (Turi), 16

Namforsen, 31, 34-35narratives, 4-7

nature. See environment; landscape

Nedre Back, 36Nilsson, Sven, 5Niurenius, Olaus Petri, 57noaidis, 213Nolbyn-Mangbyn, 170Nordic region, 11, 19-25Nordmenn. 16

Norrabotten. See Bothnia, Bay ofNorrbotten, 43, 170, 193-94, -OO'208

Norrland border, 11Norse. See VikingsNorse Sagas, i

Northern Crossroads Project, xv

Obbola, 146Odner, Knut, 6, 27offerings

animal, 39, 182, 184-85, 191

blood, 174, 182, 184

for luck, 173-74

metal, 37, 146, 162, 171, 174Ofoten, 153oil, 24

Olaus Magnus, 12, 59, 160Olav Haraldsson, Saint, 213Older Edda, 171Olsen, Bjornar, 6

Om Lappar och Lappland (Diiben), 5On Lapps and Lapland (Dtiben). 5Orkneyinga Saga, 15Orosius, 16, 18orthography, xvi, 163-64osteology

bears and, 178, 180, 182, 183

at Bjin'oklubb, 63, 64, 65, 66

at Gamla Hamnen, 112

at Grundskatan, 68, 73, 76, 78,79-82, 89, 92

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 133, 134, 135,136, 138, 139

hunting and, 158-59

husbandry and, 158-59

at Jungfruhamn, 66, 67-68

at KvEnangen, 182

religion and, 174, 176, 178, 180

as research methodology, 46-47

seals and, 158-59

seasonality and, 158-59

at Snoan, 122

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96-105,108-9, ii-^' 113-21. 157,158

at Stor-Rebben Island, 126, 127,128,129-30

Othere from Halogaland, 16, 18

INDEX

263

Pite River, 194pits

at Bjuroklubb, 73

at Grundskatan, 72-73, 89-90, 91,

92, 157at Hornslandsudde. 156at Stalo, 145

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96, 104-5,108

place-names. See also languagesangr in, 195-96avan in, 194at Bjuroklubb, 189on Bothnian coast, 2, 199-200at Broange, 196conclusions, 201, 208-9in Dalarna, 200dating and, 199elevations and, 201-2eskers in, 196-97ethnicity and, 207-8at Fahlmark, 197farming and, 201fishing and, 149in Gavleborg County, 200genetics and, 207-8at Grundskatan, 194at Hertsanger, 195-96at Hornslandsudde, 131, 139husbandry and, 159-60,199, 201, 221identity and, 2in Jamtland, 200at Kaddis, 194-95kata in, 198, 200at Krakanger, 195-96landscape and, 196-97,198-99,

200,201languages and, 193Lappi in, 15, 196, 197-201, 221of Lappsandberget, 69, 188, 196Lapps in, 2, 15

in Lovanger, 195-96, 197-99, 201-7

at Mangbyn, 196

Metal Age and, 18

in Norrbotten, 193-94, 200

parts of, 199

rebben in, 193

reindeer and, 159-60, 199, 221

religion and, 173, 199, 201, 209

settlements and, 201-7, 208-9

skatan in, 193-94

in Skelleftea, 194,196-99, 221

at Stora Fjaderagg, 93-94

at Storon Island, 196

at Stor-Rebben Island, 125, 130, 193

in Sweden, 199-201

territory and, 15, 18, 193-201, 208-9

Ume, 194

at Utsjoki, 199

in Vasterbotten, 200

in Vasternorrland, 200poor Lapp, 15Prastsjodiket, 34, 35prehistory, 29. See also history; Metal

Age; Stone Ageprojectiles, 33, 34-35, 41pronimciation, xvi, 163-64punctuated sedentism, 26, 218, 220

quarrying, 165

radiocarbon dating, 45, 46, 47, 142. See

also datingRa-Inget, 37Rathje, Lillian, 17rebhen, 193Regin, 171reindeer

alignments and, 157

Bjuroklubb and, 160

court case on, xiii

hearths and, 145

herding of 3, 8, 13, 164, 208, 222

hunting of 3, 171

husbandry, 157, 159-60, 161, 164,

199, 221identity and, 219

place-names and, 159-60, 199, 221in religion, 177at Stalo, 145storage and, 156at Stor-Rebben Island, 129-30religion. See also Christianity

animals and, 41, 173, 174, 176-84

artifacts of 174, 175, 176

bears in, 174, 175, 177-84, 191, 221

burial and, 174, 177-84, igi

cairns and, 174, 180, 186-87, 220

children and, 174, 175

circles and, 174, 184-91

colonization and, 219

cosmos in, 175, 181-84

dating and, 176, 178-79, 180,189-90

death in, 173-74

deities in, 173-74, 175, 176, 181-84

drums in, 175, 177

dwellings and, 173-74, 175, 181-83

ethnicity and, 3, 219

family in, 173-74, 175

fishing and, 173, 174

gender and, 174,175, 181-82, 182-83at Grundskatan, 174, 177,178,

179-84,189, 190-91in Halsingland, 187-88health and, 174hearths and, 186-87herding and, 174, 176, 208history of 173at Hohnon Island, 199hunter-gatherers and, 175-76hunting and, 173, 174husbandry and, 176identity and, 3, 219idols in, 174, 184-86at jungfrugraven, 184, 188-89,

190-91labyrinths and, 212-15landscape and, 173-74, 177, 191languages and, 199at Lappsandberget, 184, 188, 190-91in Metal Age, 35, 41metallurgy and, 176osteology and, 174, 176,178, 180place-names and, 173, 199, 201, 209reindeer in, 177rituals in, 173-91of Saami, 174-75, 214-15, 221sacred sites, 161, 173-76sacrifice in, 174, 176,184-91settlements and, 190-91sijddas and, 161, 175society and, 175-76, 181-84, 190-91in Stone Age, 41

at Stora Fjaderagg, 184, 189, 190

trade and, 147

traits of 174-75

of Vikings, 162, 171rengard. 159-60research. See also archaeology

conclusions of 40-41, 120-21,144-45, lyi' 183-84, 191, 201,208-9,217-22

features in, 51-55

hypotheses for, 27, 217

intentions of 9

methodology for, 43-51, 141-42, 217

questions for further, xiiresilience theory, 2, 26-27, 4^-Rison, 213rock art, 31-32Rudbeck, Olof 4runes, 163-64Russian ovens

as archaeological features, 54

at Bjuroklubb, 64, 85

264

INDEX

at Grundskatan, 72, 85. 91, 92at Snoan, 85, 122, 123, 124Rygh, Oluf, 5

Saami

derivation of, 13

ethnicity of. xii, 1-2, 3, 5-7, 19, 27,

41, 207-8, 217, 217-23ethnographic overview of, 13-19genetics of, 15, 16, 23, 207-8in history, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 4-7hypotheses concerning, 27, 217identity of xii, 1-2, 3, 7, 19, 26-27,

217-23

as indigenous peoples, 8, 27, 217,222-23

languages of 3,15-16, 18-19, 5^'160, 163-65

population of, 13

religion of, 174-75, 214-15. 221

territory of, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 5,11,13,i5~i9' 57~59' 193-201, 208-9,220, 221, 222Saamiland. See Sdpmisacred sites, i6i, 173-76sacrifice. See also burial; offerings

of animals, 176, 221

cairns and, 186-87

circles and, 184-91, 214

dating and, 189-90

at Grundskatan, 184, 189, 190-91

in Halsingland, 187-88

hearths and, 186-87

at Jungfrugraven, 60-62, 184,188-89, 190-91

labyrinths and. 214

at Lappsandberget, 184, 188, 190-91

in religion, 174,176,184-91

settlements and, 190-91

society and, 190-91

at Stora Fjaderagg, 184, 189, 190Sdpmi, 13, 16, 57sampling, 46, 141-42Saxo Grammaticus, 15, 166Scandinavia, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, i, 4-7, 11,163-64

Schefferus, Johannes, 5, 13, 57, 173sealing

artifacts and, 145-47

at Bjastamon, 116

at Bjuroklubb, 168

at Bjurselet, 116

boats and, 208

climate and, 149

dating and, 144-49, 221

in economy, 30, 40environment and, 149fishing and, 147-49at Frakenronningen, 116at Grundskatan, 92,144-49,157at Hamptjarn, 197at Harrsjobacken, 197at Hornslandsudde, 131, 138, 139,144-49

hunting seals, 4, 12, 17-18, 22, 25,30,33-34,40,43,116,117, 138,139,144-49, 154, 158-59, 181

huts and, 154

at Jungfruhamn, 144-49

Kvens and, i8

languages and, 164

at Lillberget, 116

in Lovanger, 201-3

at Lundfors, 30

in Metal Age, 33-34, 40, 116,117, 120

metallurgy and, 170

oil from, 24

osteology and, 158-59

processing in, 157

seasonality and, 158-59, 220

sites of, 43

at Snoan, 124

in Stone Age, 40,116,117

at Stora Fjaderagg, 96-105, 109,113-21, 139, 144-49,157'

at Stor-Rebben Island, 130,144-49

trade and, 34, 147, 201-3

words for, 16seasonality, 158-59. See also cyclessedentism

Early and Late Metal Ages, 220

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217

punctuated, 26, 218, 220

in Stone Age, 29

storage and, 156seite, 161, 175, 189, 214settlements. See also sites

on Bothnian coast. 217-18

circles and. 190-91

cycles for, 24-26

at Fahlmark, 40

at Gene, 146

by government, 57

at Grundskatan, 190-91

at Harrsjobacken, 40

of herders, 160-63, 220-21

of hunter-gatherers, 160-63

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217

at Jungfrugraven, 190-91

at Lappsandberget, 190-91

in Lovanger, 201-7

at Lundfors, 40

in Metal Age, 40-41

place-names and, 201-7, 208-9

religion and, 190-91

sacrifice and, 190-91

society and, 190-91

in Stone Age, 29-31, 40-41

structure of, 153-55, 160-63,shamanism. See witchcraftshooting blinds, 54, 92shoreline displacement, 46, 47-49, 51,

131, 145sijddas

circles and, 190-91

at KvKnangen, 182, 205

in Lovanger, 205-7

religion and, 161, 175

in social organization, 220-21

system of, 145, 160-62, 163sites. See also excavations: individualsites; settlements

on Bothnian coast, 2

at Bygdea, 50

of herders, 160-63

of hunting, 43

in research methodology, 43-46sacred sites, 161, 173-76of sealing, 43

structure of 153-55, 160-63, 171Sjdllhdllorna, 131

Skandinaviska Nordens Ur-Jnvdnare

(Nilsson), 5skatan, 193-94Skelleftea, 58, 196-99, 221Skellefte River, 194Ski-Finns, 13, 17-18skis, 39-40, 171Skramtrask, 38Skrid-finnar, 13, 17-18Smalnaset, 39Snoan

artifacts from, 122

boats at, 123

cairns at, 123, 124

charcoal analysis at, 122, 123-24

churches at, 122

compass roses at, 121-22

dating at, 122. 123-24, 141-49

derivation of 122

elevations at. 45, 46,121,122, 123,124farming at, 122

fishing at, 122, 123, 124. 147-49hearths at, 122, 141huts at, 141-49, 141-49

INDEX

265

Snoan (continued)labyrinths at, 121, 123, 128, 147lichen growth at, 50, 123mapping at, 122osteology at, 122

Russian ovens at, 85, 122, 123, 124seals at, 124

shoreline displacement at, 48

sites at, 121-24society

circles and, 190-91

at Grundskatan, 190-91

at Jungfrugraven, 190-91

at Lappsandberget, 190-91

in Lovanger, 201-7

in Metal Age, 35

organization, 208-9, 220-22

religion and, 175-76,181-84,190-91

sacrifice and, 190-91

settlements and, 190-91

sijddas, 145, 160-62, 163

wealth and, 163soil chemistry

at Bjuroklubb, 60, 63, 64, 168

at Forolsjoen Lake, 186

at Grundskatan, 73-75, 78, 80, 81,84-85, 157

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 135, 136, 139,157

at jungfrugraven, 60

at Lappsandberget, 68-69,

in research methodology, 46

Southern Lapland, 145

sta, 18

Stallverk, 31

Stallverket, 37

Stalo, 3, 144-45, 14*^' I'Si, 170Steckzen, Birger, 11Stockholm, 58Stone Age

animals in, 30

burial in, 32, 41

climate in, 29, 32

concept of, 5

economy in, 30, 40

environment in, 29

ethnicity and, 218

farming in, 32, 36-37, 40

fishing in, 40

herding in, 40

hunter-gatherers in, 40

hunting in, 30, 40, 117

husbandry in, 32, 36-37, 40

identity and, 218

metallurgy in, 32, 40

projectiles in, 41religion in, 41rock art in, 31-32seals in, 40,116, 117sedentism in, 29settlements in, 29-31, 40-41technology in, 29-30, 30-31, 32, 41trade in, 40

in Vasterbotten, 29-32, 40-41stone circles. See circles; labyrinthsstones, 46, 53-54. See also alignments;

circles; labyrinthsStora Fjaderaggalignments at, 108,113, 157artifacts from, 96, 108, 113, 170, 190cairns at, 108, nocharcoal analysis at, 108circles at, 95, 109-12, 113, 131, 184,

189, 190compass roses at, 147dating at, 95, 96,108, iii, 112,113,

141-49, 151, 165, 189,190elevations at, 45, 46, 92, 94-95, 96,

105, 108, 109, 112, 142, 154, 189,

190

environment of, 92-93fishing at, 93, 147-49Gamla Hamnen, 45-46, 95,112hearths at, 96, 102-5,history of 92-94

hunting at, 117, 120-21, 144-49, ^5^husbandry at, loi, 113, 159huts at, 94-109, 112-13, 117-21,

141-49, 154, 158, 170labyrinths at, 95, 128, 147, 189, 213lichen growth at, 50, 113macrofossils at, 127metallurgy at, 38, 170osteology at, 95, 96-105, 108-9, 'i^,

113-21, 157, 158pits at, 95, 96, 104-5, ^'^^place-names on, 93-94religion at, 184, 189,190sacrifice at, 184, 189, 190sealing at, 96-105, 109, 113-21, 139,

144-49, 157. 158seite at, 189

shoreline displacement in, 48

sites at, 94-121, 154storage, 151, 156-57. See also caches;

cairns; pitsStorkage, 37, 48, 146Stornorrfors, 32Storon Island, 196Stor-Rebben Island

artifacts from, 127, 128, 129, 170cairns at, 128

charcoal analysis at, 126, 126-27, 128

dating at, 126-27, 128-29, 130,141-49, 151, 165

derivation of 125, 130

elevations at, 45, 125-26, 127,128,141, 154

excavations at, 126

fishing at, 130, 147-49

hearths at, 127, 128

hunting at, 144-49

husbandry at, 129-30

huts at, 125-30, 141-49, 154, 170

labyrinths at, 127, 128-29, 213

lichen growth at, 128

macrofossils at, 127

metallurgy at, 129, 165, 170

osteology at, 126, 127,128, 129-30

place-names at, 125, 130, 193

reindeer at, 129-30

sealing at, 130, 144-49

selection of 43

sites at, 124-30, 154Storuman, Lake, xiiisurveys, 43Svear, 16Sweden

archaeology in, xiv, 4, 7-9

circles in, 186

colonization by, 57-59, 219, 221government of 3history in, 4-7labyrinths in, 211metallurgy in, 165-66place-names in, 199-201welfare system in, 8

Tacitus, P. Cornelius, 13-15Tame, 38

taxation, 58, 131, 222. See also Birkarlstechnology

in Angermanland, 35

at Bjurselet, 32

development, 41

at Fahlmark, 34

at Flurkmark, 29-30, 34

at Hamptjarn, 36

at Harrsjobacken, 36

at Kaddis, 34

languages and, 163

at Lundfors, 30-31

in Metal Age, 31, 33-35, 36, 41

metallurgy as, 165-66

at Namforsen, 34-35

266

INDEX

at Nedre Back, 36

at Prastsjodiket, 34, 35

at Stallverk, 31

in Stone Age, 29-30, 30-31, 32, 41

for travel, i

at Vannas, 34Terfenni, 16territory

of languages, 193

metallurgy and, 5

of Nordic region, 11

place-names and, 15, 18, 193-201,208-9

of Saami. xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 5, 11, 13,^5~^9- 57~59' 193-201, 208-9,220. 221, 222of Scandinavia, 11Thirty Years' War, 5Thomson, Christian, xitin, 35tjiellde. 176

topography, 21-23. '''^o landscapetrade. See also economy

at Broange, 196, 202-3

Circumpolar Region and, 24-25

dating and, 147

in economy, 40

ethnicity and, 219

at Gene, 146

hearths and, 145

at Hornslandsudde, 139

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217

identity and, 219

languages and, 164-65

in Lovanger, 196, 202, 203

at Mangbyn, 196, 202

in Metal Age, 34, 35, 40

metallurgy and, 40

religion and, 147

in Scandinavia, i

sealing and, 34, 147, 201-3

in Stone Age, 40transportation. See boats; traveltravel, i, 164-65, 220. See also boatstrees, 183trolls, 2Trondelag, 39Trygvesson, Olaf 162Tuna, 16Turi, fohan, 16

Ulfsson, fakob, 58, 196Ume River, 194United Nations, 8Unna Saiva, 147Utsjoki, 199

Vannas, 34Varanger, 153

Vasa, Gustaf 131, 209, 219Vasterbottenfarming in, 208

gender in, 208

history of 57-59

hunter-gatherers in, xiv

huts in, 43

Metal Age in, 33-41

place-names at, 200

shoreline displacement in, 48-49

sites in, 2

Stone Age in, 29-32, 40-41Vasternorrland, 43. 200Vikings, i, 2-3, 162, 171vin, 18

Vivallen, xiii, 39Vladimir, 162Volundr, 2-3, 171vuobme, 176

Wallerstrom, Thomas, 18wealth, 145, 163Weland, 2-3, 171welfare system, 8Westberg, H., 131Westerlund, Ernst, 11whales, 24

witchcraft, 5,15, 41,164,170-71,182

Wolf Eric R., 9

women. See gender

wood, 39-40, 183

World System Theory, 24-25, 220

Zachrisson, Inger, 5

INDEX

267

About the Author

Noel D. Broadbent earned his Ph.D. in 1997 at Uppsala University in Sweden. From 1983-1989, hewas Director of the Center for Arctic Cultural Research at Umea University; from 1990-1996 hewas Director of the Arctic Social Sciences Program at the National Science Foundation in Washing-ton, D.C., and from 1996-2003 held the Chair of Archaeology and Saami Studies in Umea. Since2004 he has been on the staff of the Arctic Studies Center in the Department of Anthropology atthe Smithsonian's National Museum of Natural History. Among his awards are two NSF Director'sAwards, The Antarctica Service Medal, the Svea Orden and the Hildebrand Prize of the SwedishArchaeological Society.

269

Noel D. Broadbent is

one of Sweden's foremost experts on northSwedish archaeology and hterally wrotethe book on the prehistory of the Skelleftearegion on the North Bothnian coast. Broad-bent is on staff at the Arctic Studies Centerin the Department of Anthropology at theSmithsonian's National Museum of NaturalHistory.

f Jl Smithsonian Institution^ Scholarly Press

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Washington, D.C. 20013-7012www.scholariypress.si.edu

For orders, please contact

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Archaeology • Cultural Studies

"Broadbent's Lapps and Labyrinths has broad applicationand demonstrates the value of anthropological studies forbalancing the dominance of history in native studies.

This work is in the best tradition ofScandinavian archaeology and breaks new ground forscience and society."—William W. Fitzhugh, Director,Arctic Studies Center, Smithsonian Institution