Akuzilleput igaqullghet = Our words put to paper : sourcebook in St. Lawrence Island heritage and history

1. Akuzilleput igaqullghet = Our words put to paper : sourcebook in St. Lawrence Island heritage and history

2. Table of Contents

Akuzilleput igaqullghet = Our words put to paper : sourcebook in St. Lawrence Island heritage and history

Krupnik, Igor

Krutak, Lars F

Walunga, Willis

Metcalf, Vera

Arctic Studies Center (National Museum of Natural History)

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Contributions toCircumpolar Anthropology 3National Museum of Natural HistorySmithsonian Institution2002

Alcuzilleput Igacjullghet

Our Words Put to Paper

Sourcebook in

St. Lawrence Island Yupik

Heritage and History

Akuzilleput Igaqullghet ! Our Words Put to Paper

Sourcebook in St. Lawrence Island Heritage and History

Group of women and children in Gambell, in front of the traditional underground house (nenglu).Summer 1886. (NAA 85-814)

An unidentified Yupik man from St. Lawrence Island, 1912.

Edna Sivuguq, wife of Yughqutaq (RobertTungyan) and mother of Avalak (Beda Slwooko), 1912.

contents

I 0 Piinlilleq—Qaakaghlleq

I I Foreword—by Vera Metcalf

12 Igamsiqayullghet

13 Acknowledgments

14 Credits

16 Introduction—by Igor Krupnik

Part One Our Faces and Names Captured in Records

22 Introduction

24 Jane Burn.The People of St. Lawrence Island (1921)

38 Fourteenth Census of the United States (1920)

54 Name List of Eskimo People Living at Puguviliak, Southwest Cape (1929)

56 Residents of the Yupik Community of Gambell (1912)

72 Riley Moore's Historical Photographs (1912)

101 Twelfth Census of the United States (1900). List of Gambell Residents

113 St. Lawrence Island Hunting Report (1907)

Part Two Yupik People Speak for Themselves:Stories and Writings of Our Fathers

18 Introduction

123 George Imergan (Yaagmiqun). Life Story (1940)

130 Paul Silook (S/7uk). My Early Memories (1940)

39 Mary Boulown (Amamenga). Life Story (1940)

145 James Aningayou (Anengayuu). Life Story (1940)

149 Dorcas Echok (Tuusugun): Story About My Life (1940)

52 Nelson K.AIowa (Aluwa): Diary and Letter from Savoonga (1937)

156 Sepilla's (David Sipela) Diary. 1903

I 58 Jimmy Ottiahok (Ataayaghhaq). The Way We Hunt in Gambell (1940)

161 Paul Silook (Siluk). The Big Wave of 1913 (1940)

163 James Aningayou (Anengayuu). The Stories I Heard of Old Villages (1940)

166 Sweeney (Uuyghaq). Stories from my 'Old Place' in Siberia (I 940)

176 Warren Koozaata (Kuzaata). The Story of the Gambell Village Council (1940)

180 Gambell Village Council Rules, 1940

186 Historical Photographs

7

PartThree Our'Old Day' Stories Documented

196 Introduction

198 Waldemar Bogoras. Stories and Songs from St. Lawrence Island (1901)

210 William F. Doty. Stories of the Eskimo on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (1900)

215 Paul Silook (Siluk). The Old Stories of the Meregtemiit People (1931 -32)

219 Otto Geist. St. Lawrence Island Eskimos Lost on the Pack Ice (1927-30)

222 Paul Silook. (Siluk). The Native Tribes in Gambell (1940)

226 Henry B. Collins. St. Lawrence Island "Old Stories" (1928-30)

235 Otto Geist. Notes Regarding the Famine and Epidemics (1928-29)

239 Otto Geist."Tribes" of Eskimos on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (1928-29)

242 Otto Geist.The "Real People" of Gambell and other Stories (1928)

244 Historical Photographs

Part Four How Other People Saw Us From The Outside

252 Introduction

254 Mikhail D.Teben'kov. Description of St. Lawrence Island in 1830

258 Henry W. Elliot.The People of Kagallegak (Kiyalighaq) in 1874

262 Vene C. Gambell. The Schoolhouse Farthest West. St. Lawrence Island (1901)

269 Vene C. Gambell. Notes With Regard to St. Larence Island Eskimo (1898)

272 William F. Doty. Log Book, St. Lawrence Island (1898-99)

285 William F. Doty. Festivals of the People of St. Lawrence Island (Winter of1899)

294 P. H.J. Lerrigo. Daily Journal from St. Lawrence Island (1900-1901)

302 Edgar O. Campbell. Excerpts from Diaries (1903-1905)

305 St. Lawrence Island Birth Records, 1901 -191 I (by E.O. Campbell)

3 13 Riley D. Moore. Social Life of the Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island (1923)

3 19 Riley D. Moore. Ceremonies of the Inhabitants of St. Lawrence Island (1912)

323 Riley D. Moore. Eskimo Measurements of Implements (1928)

328 Historical Photographs and Illustrations

Part Five Old Papers,Today's Elders:

Matching Memories and Written Records

340 Introduction

343 History of Gambell Boat Crews. With Anaggun.AkuIki, Kepelgu, Kuulu, and Paapi343 Hunting Crews and Captains in Gambell in 1900, 1909, 1915,1930, and 1938

357 Paapi (Merlin Koonooka). History of Modern Whaling Crews in Gambell

362 The "Old Town of Savoonga" of Our Early Years

363 Otto Geist's Plan of Savoonga (1930)

364 James Anengayuu. How They Came to Start the Village of Savoonga (1940)368 Awliinga (Tim Gologergen).The Story of Savoonga as I Heard It From Elders372 Tuullupak (John Kulowiyi, Sr.).The Town of Savoonga in My Early Time375 The "Old Town" of Savoonga in 1940 (Excerpts from the BIA Survey)378 Wangqetelen (Jerry Wonkitillin).The Town of Savoonga of My Early Years383 Preserving the Memory of the "Old Town of Gambell"

387 Paul Silook. List of Residents of the Village of Gambell, 1930

398 Bridging Paul Silook's Census and Memories of the Old Days. With Anaggun,

Akulki, Kepelgu.Avalak, and Ayuqi

414 Photographs

426428

438

441

464

AppendicesProject Photographs

Appendix /. List of Illustrations (with Photographers' Names and Institutions'

Reference Numbers)—by Lars KrutakAppendix 2: St. Lawrence Island Historical Photographs at the

Denver Museum of Nature and Science—by Lars Krutak and Elizabeth H.

Clancy

Appendix 3: Historical photographs from St. Lawrence Island from Riley Moore

Collection, 1912Volume Contributors

9

PIINULLEQ

Smithsonian-mun piyuwhaghaqngama I994-mi aghliighyukaagunga esghaghyamki uglalghii esghigalkefutqerngughtekaq. Llivelghat ilungitni kagpagluteng ayuqefiut ayumiighraget saghyat, igaqegkat neghightat,ulimaaghet, ungipaghatet, sivuliighamta neghqughrugitlu. Smithsonian-nginaan'ghituq uglaapigtuqkagpagvik tugukaat sivuliighamnneng.

Ima Edward W. Nelson-m takwaaqngamiki ayumightat nunaaghet uglalghii tagikaaguq Sivuqamunaapqughaaghyaqat, igaqughyaqat ungipaghaatemnneng, nangaghnemnneng, apamnneng, sivunemnneng,nengllugutemnneng—whangkunneng. Liisimakegkaaput ilangi tagikat Collins-enkut, Geist-a, Rainey, Bandi-llu apalluqluku ellmeng liigiksukegkaghteng. Ilangi liisimaghllaget alngunak liinnaqegkat neghighlukukiyaghtaallemnneng. Ilangi amalka ipapighqegpenateng aghsaan ayuqelghiit. Uglalghii ungipaqqerngughtekaat kagpagvignun iwernga whangkuta ugpeqsagutkaghput ellngit aflengakistengulukisivunemneng.

Kagpagvilghutaq igalghutaq allaaghhiinaq pelliinnaghtut yuvghiighnaghtut ilamnnun iwerngawhangkunnun megnunaghataghtut. Ukut igat veghutinginaanghitut ungipamsugneng, igaqegkaaneng,ungipaghaameng; kelgutngwii sagiqesqelluta kelengakistenguluta qavngaghniistun amalkakiyaghtaalleghput liilightuusiillu. Igor Krupnik-enkut, Kepelgunkuk ilangitlu kayusighikaagut yuvghiighaqlukiigat, mumighqughtenguluteng, agghistenguluteng whaken igameng—whangkuta pikaput sivulighpigaaluta.Naten naraqelleghqii, atulleghqii peqigsaghqat atunem.

Aapqughallghet igaquqat igat laluramkestun kukragnaghsug'nilnguut atightuqaaluteng, igaqegkatallakunginaghsugnilnguut; iwernga akuzilleghmegteggun sivuliighamta iknaqsuugnaghllagtut. Ungipamsugitneqaghtestii sagiqelleghqaghput ilamnnun, igaqegkat kelgutilghiit nekeggmetelleghtengiknaqsuugngalleghteng. Iknaqsuugusighqaput ugpeqingallemnnun pivakumtaamnneng Enkaam ukut igatmegnunapigtut pagitaaluteng.

Qaakaghlleq

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FOREWORD

On my first visit to the Smithsonian Institution in 1994,1 was immediately overwhelmed.There wasso much kept from us.The collections from St. Lawrence Island filled long rows of storage cabinetscontaining artifacts recovered from archaeological excavations, old photographs, early carvings, pagesof stories, and the remains of our ancestors. Although one of the largest and most prominentexamples, there are many other museums and private collections around the world with our cul-tural inheritance.

Since Edward W. Nelson disturbed the tragic solitude of the villages in 1881, many have come to St.Lawrence Island to excavate, inspect, interview, and record our history, culture, our grandparentsand families—us. We know many of their names, like Collins, Geist, Rainey, and Bandi, and each hadtheir own interests and reasons for coming. Some were learned, honest scientists seeking to gainknowledge of the past and our place in mankind's existence, while others revealed themselves asdisrespectful seekers of fortune and fame.The result of this period is bittersweet.A large amount ofinformation has been gathered and safely stored away, but we have come to believe others are thecaretakers of our inheritance, of our past.

These museum collections and research papers are interesting to others, but they are of vital impor-tance to us.This book represents not only the return of these stories, pictures, and details to us; italso returned our responsibility as guardians of our past and its lessons back to us. Dr. Igor Krupnikand Willis Walunga worked with many of us to review, translate, and make decisions on this collec-tion—this is ours, above anyone else's. What we now do with it is the next question.

The interviews recorded in English may seem simple, sometimes child-like,and some portraits showconfused and scared faces; but the conversations reveal a firmness of thought.The stories remind usof our responsibility to do what's best for each other, and most photographs show calm dignity oreven defiant confidence.The inherent strength of steadfast belief and reliance on common culturalvalues is evident throughout this book.That is why this collection is a cultural treasure.

Vera K. Metcalf

INTRODUCTION

I I

IGAMSIQAYULLGHET

Sivuqaghhmiinunllu Sivungaghmiinunllu liisimalleghmegteggun kayusighitkaneng, enkaam una qepghaqaqpiyaqlegughtestaat ilapgasimalleghmegteggun. Tamaaken apalluqluki igamsiqayugvikeghllagamsi. Yupiggaatsiivanlleghet liisimallghita sagiqestiinkut, qevuulluta pisqelluta.Anaggutenkut,Akulkinkut, lyaakankut,Paapinkut,Aghnaghaghniinkut,Avalagenkut,Aghwalngiinkut, Qagaqunkut, Saamkumiinkutjuullupagenkut,Kukulegmiinkut,Ayuqinkut, Elqilaankut,Awliingankut, Miinglunkut, ilangillu tamaakut, igamsiqayugvikamsi.

Qelpeghtiikut neghighluku igangllaqiitneng, Sivuqaghhmiitlu, Chukotka-ghmiitlu allgeghusamtamanikaghqameng taakuneng Social Science-et Program-ngitneng, Office-nganeng Polar Program-et,National Science Foundation-et ivaghillghitgun grant-meng (NSFAward OPP-9812881). Una ipaapeghiighumaaq igamsiqanaghhalek Sivuqaankuk Sivungaankuk yupiget agghistengita endorse-emaattaana itagnaqumaat. Qepghalguteputlu igamsiqayugvikaput kayusighikat yuvghiighmeng, agghilgutkimeng,itagnaqimeng.

Whavek pilleghmun kayutelghuteput igamsiqayugvikeghllaagaput Kaawhtaatenkut, Mangtaqulinkut,Tagneghlinkut, Sivungameng; Pulaaghutenkut, Sivuguunkut,Aqiilwaghhaankut, Sivuqamengjohn Homiak,Robert Leopold,VyrtisThomas,Jeannie Sklar, National Anthropological Archives-eneng; Sylvie Savage,Archives, University of Alaska Fairbanks-emeng; Elizabeth Clancy, Kristy Alexander, Denver Museum ofNature and Science-meng; Kathleen Hertel, Mina Jacobs, Anchorage Museum of History and Art-emeng;Dr.William W. Fitzhugh,Arctic Studies Center, Smithsonian Institution-meng; Uri Rodny, Project Databasedesigner-nga; Dr. Carol Zane Jolles, University ofWashington-meng. Amaghaleklu yupigni mumighqughtevutama Petuwaam yuvghiiqii igaqullghetYupiget akuzillghitni ama yuget aatghitn ukuni iganii.Igamsiqayugvikepigtaqaput taanallu Prof. Michael Krauss,AlaskamYupigita Ulungistun Center-ngitnilnguq,igamsiqayugvikaghput.

Taaqniitkun, taakutlu igamsiqayugviksugaput nenglluguteput—Aghnaghaghniinkuk, Ukuqankuk, BobMetcalf, Uwhaawen, Qigen'gu,Alla Krupnik-lu AnyaVinokour-llu liitelleghmeng kelgutivikegkanginkutiilqangitutmeggneng una qepghaqaghput apeghiightestekangat.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

To the people of Sivuqaq (Gambell) and Sivungaq (Savoonga) who shared with us their knowledgeand made this work possible through their support, cooperation,and goodwill, we give our warmestthanks.To Yupik elders who kept encouraging us by their wisdom, commitment, and enthusiasm—Ralph Apatiki (Anaggun), Conrad Oozeva (Akulki), Anders Apassingok (lyaaka), Merlin Koonooka(Paapi), Nancy Walunga (Aghnaghaghniq), Beda Slwooko (Avalak), AliceYavakseuk (Aghwalngiq), NelsonAlowa (Qagaqu), Joseph Noongwook (Saamkumii), John Kulowiyi, Sr. (Tuullupak), Morris Toolie, Sr.(Kukulegmii), Ora Gologergen (Ayuqi), Flora Imergen (Elqiilaq), Tim Gologergen (Awlinga), ClarenceIrrigoo (Miinglu), and others—we thank you all.

Our attempt at opening ("returning") historical documents to the Yupik people of St. LawrenceIsland and Chukotka became possible because of financial support from the Arctic Social ScienceProgram of the Office of Polar Programs at the National Science Foundation (NSF) through itsresearch grant (NSF Award OPP-9812881 ).This objective was achieved thanks to the endorsementof the project by the two village councils of the Native Villages of Gambell and Savoonga, and due tothe help of many of our colleagues who served as project reviewers, consultants, and advisers.

We greatly appreciate help given to us by many people throughout this project. John Waghiyi II,George Noongwook, and Elsie Pelowook from Savoonga; Hansen Irrigoo, Edna Apatiki, and GeraldSoonagrook from Gambell; John Homiak, Robert Leopold,Vyrtis Thomas, and Jeannie Sklar at theNational Anthropological Archives; Sylvie Savage at the Archives, University of Alaska Fairbanks;Elizabeth H. Clancy and Kristy Alexander at the Denver Museum of Nature and Science; KathleenHertel and Mina Jacobs at the Anchorage Museum of History and Art; William W. Fitzhugh, ArcticStudies Center, Smithsonian Institution; Uri Rodny; project database designer, and Carol Zanejolles,University of Washington all deserve our special gratitude. Beulah Nowpakahok from Gambell of-fered assistance in Yupik translation and Christopher Koonooka kindly checked the spelling of allYupik words, terms, and personal names in this volume.The ever-supporting role of Michael Kraussat the Alaska Native Language Center, University of Alaska Fairbanks, has to be specially acknowl-edged.

Finally, we want to thank members of our families—Nancy and June Walunga; Bob Metcalf, AngelaLarson,and GertrudeToolie;Alla Krupnik and AnyaVinokour—who delivered their various skills andtheir unreserved patience to make this project happen.

INTRODUCTION

13

CREDITS

The illustrations and historical documents compiled in this volume have been reproduced fromthe originals that are in the files of the following institutions:

• National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Archives, Manuscripts and Photographs, Alaska and Polar Regions, Elmer E. RasmusonLibrary, University of Alaska Fairbanks, Fairbanks, AK

Elmer E. Rasmuson Library, Rare Book Collection, University of Alaska Fairbanks,Fairbanks,AK

U.S. National Archives, Washington, D.C.Library of Congress,Washington, D.C.

Library, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution,Washington, D.C.

Sivuqaq (Gambell), May 1999

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National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.U.S. National Archives, Pacific Alaska Region, Anchorage, AK

Alaska Department of Health and Social Services, Bureau of Vital Statistics, Juneau, AK

(former) BIA Regional Office, Nome.AK

Denver Museum of Nature and Science, Denver, Co

Anchorage Museum of History and Art, Anchorage, AK

We are grateful to these institutions and their staff officers for assistance and for grantingpermission to make these documents open on behalf of the people of St. Lawrence Island.

Sivungaq (Savoonga), May 1999

INTRODUCTION

15

INTRODUCTION

This book is an outcome (one of many outcomes) of a tested partnership. In spring of 1998,four of us joined together to undertake a new heritage initiative in what we later called "knowl-edge repatriation." The original core group included Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) from Gambell;Vera Metcalf (Qaakaghlleq) from Nome, formerly from Savoonga; Igor Krupnik from theSmithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C.; and Lyudmila Ainana (Aynganga) from Provideniya,Russia. Several people joined us at later stages of our work.This was how a three-year effortnamed "The Beringian Yupik Heritage Project" (1998-2000) got started.

Our project was motivated by a shared understanding that residents of the North should havefree access to all documentary resources related to their culture and history and that specialmeans and venues should be developed to open these resources for community needs. Thisincludes, first of all, historical memories shared by community members, enshrined by elders as"oral knowledge." The Yupik people of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, deserve special praise fortheir strong commitment to their heritage and for many successful attempts at documentingtheir legacy in writing and tapes, like the three-volume series, Sivuqam Nangaghnegha. SiivanllemtaUngipagaqellghat. Lore of St. Lawrence Island. Echoes of Our Eskimo Elders (/ 985-89); St. LawrenceIsland Curriculum Resource Manual (1986), and others.The second part of cultural legacy is thestock of historical documentary records ("written knowledge") relating to Native communi-ties. The latter is preserved in the form of old archival documents, census materials, unpub-lished written notes, and various early publications. Unlike oral tradition preserved by elders,such a written record produced for over 120 years by scientists, teachers, missionaries, and afew educated Native writers remains poorly known to the very people it portrayed.

The value of the old documentary records for today's northern communities cannot be overes-timated. Early censuses and village surveys list hundreds of names of relatives and clansmenwho are long gone, and they recount the makeup of families and villages of grandfathers' gen-eration. Diaries and records of visiting scientists and first schoolteachers offer invaluable per-sonal information.They document people's use of old camps, list former clans and boat crews,report the names of successful whaling captains and community leaders. For their descendantsof today, particularly for the young people, it brings special pride to see their forefathers listedas youngsters and even children some one hundred years ago. Beyond names and stories, theold documents preserve faces and visual images of the old days through photographs, drawingsof traditional clothing, and scenes of village life.

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Many anthropologists, Native leaders, and cultural workers are anxious to see these historicaldocumentary resources open to local communities and being used in the various educational,language, and heritage programs. However, unlike elders' memories, the old documentary recordsare usually kept in places far removed from the northern villages.They are stored in files at thebig university libraries, governmental and local archives, offices of various agencies, and per-sonal collections of individual researchers.Though now user-friendly and more public-oriented,these institutions and places are sometimes hard to reach and often require a special purpose(and funding) to work at. Hence, a gap remains between people and the documentary recordsthat relate to and talk about their history.

This gap, we believe, has to be bridged through a process that we call "knowledge repatriation."Written knowledge once collected for scientific, administrative, or other purposes has to bereturned back as people's resource and shared with Native communities for their modern use.Of course, ideally this should be a network of many local "bridges," connecting individual com-munities to their written legacy in the form of old documentary records stored in big librariesand archives.This Sourcebook represents our effort toward such "knowledge repatriation" onbehalf of the Yupik communities of St. Lawrence Island,Alaska, and the Russian Chukotka Penin-sula, to which members of our team belong by blood, cultural relations, or professional ties.

In trying to open old documentary records to the Yupik communities of St. Lawrence Island andChukotka, we expand the term "cultural repatriation" well beyond today's meaning. Whereasrepatriation is commonly seen as a one-way return of skeletal remains and burial objects frommuseums to Native communities, "knowledge repatriation" is about sharing rather than givingback. For Native knowledge experts, and particularly for the elders, it is hard to view theknowledge about their tradition, either oral or written, as a collectable commodity, as some-thing that can be "taken," "stored," or "given back." The very essense of historical knowledge isto be shared to the advantage of the community by all knowledge experts—elders, archivalworkers, and researchers alike. Knowledge is about teaching, it is about retelling to other people;and its main venues are sharing, listening, and dialogue.

When we started our project in 1998, no blueprint or manual was available to show us how todo "knowledge repatriation"; so, many sections of this Sourcebook were created by experimen-tation. Our first task was to persuade the main keepers of historical records related to theYupik people of St. Lawrence Island to offer their files for copying and for sharing these copiesof historical documents with the communities of Gambell and Savoonga.To our surprise, thisfirst stage, collection, happened to be a fairly uncomplicated venture. All major documentary

INTRODUCTION

17

keepers—Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks, the Smithsonian National Anthropo-logical Archives, the U.S. National Archives, the National Archives-Pacific Alaska Region in An-chorage, the Bureau of Vital Statistics of the Alaska Department of Health and Social Services inJuneau, and others—are now very user-friendly in terms of their access and copying policies.People everywhere were very supportive; they were thrilled when told that these documentswere being copied for future use in Native educational and heritage programs in distant com-munities in rural Alaska.

In fact, getting copies of old records turned out to be the easier part of the job. Native peopleand general public alike tend to believe that there was hardly anything substantial published orwritten about small and distant northern villages.The situation proved to be just the opposite.The stock of available publications and unpublished written materials relating to many northerncommunities of today is often sufficient for a good-size library or a whole publication seriesfocused on one village. With regard to theYupik communities of St. Lawrence Island and Chukotka,the amount of available written historical records is sufficient to fill at least three or four morevolumes of stories and other materials (and maybe more). Thus, as collection efforts for theSt. Lawrence Island Sourcebook progressed, we were faced with a new task, selection.The readersof this volume have to be aware that this 464-page sourcebook is a selection of the many exist-ing documents and that many more sources are available to portray the island cultural tradi-tions and history.

As the old records were being assembled, another new task emerged. With the exception ofhistorical photographs, most of the original archival documents, like the old census sheets, BIAvillage records, diaries, and written notes are rather difficult to deal with. Often they are hardto read. Old spelling of Native names and place names was usually awkward and barely compre-hensible, and many practices and statements from the old days look insensitive to today's read-ers. Early censuses were conducted without proper knowledge of local family and communityties, and with Native names often replaced by English first names or nicknames. In order to beused in today's school and heritage programs, the old records have to undergo a procedure thatwe called cultural translation.

This latter process includes careful reading and checking of the old records by local knowledgeexperts, primarily by elders. Real people's names and place names need to be identified, so thatcorrect Yupik spellings can be introduced into the old records. Stories of early visitors have tobe checked for their accordance with the local tradition. Last but not least, every old documentusually stimulates human memory and triggers more stories by elders. Names and events are

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recalled and recollected. When faces on old photographs are identified, more personal storiesfollow.These invaluable comments need to be recorded and put together with the old recordsto which they belong. As the process goes on, elders become readers, commentators, and co-writers.This is the most productive form of exchange, when knowledge collected many decadesago produces more knowledge today.

Thus, the process started by our "knowledge repatriation" project turned out to be a long butexciting road. It brought us through several stages, such as collection, selection, and culturaltranslation of the old documentary materials, and matching old written records with memoriesof elders during several sessions in Gambell, Savoonga, and Nome. The five major sections ofthis volume illustrate these processes, with each section offering a unique combination of com-mon efforts at every stage. Part One: Our Faces and Names Captured in Records, and Part Two:Yupik People Speak for Themselves, represent the very core of "knowledge repatriation," sincethey literally open up official records and personal stories that were locked away for decades inarchival files.The next two sections, Part Three: Our'Old Day' Stories Documented, and PartFour: How Other People Saw Us From the Outside, are more about "cultural translation," sincethey advance various writings left by early outsiders to today's readers.The last section, PartFive: Old Papers,Today's Elders, illuminates the process of matching written and oral knowledgethrough elders' stories and comments regarding the old documents.

To all of us, the journey of the St. Lawrence Heritage Sourcebook project was highly rewarding. Atevery stage, it championed efforts in sharing, collective authorship, and community (rather thanindividual) focus. It has already made a significant impact on local views about the role of re-search and researchers and on relationships between Native communities and scientific institu-tions like the Smithsonian and the National Science Foundation. Discussions are currently un-derway on whether other Alaska Native groups might follow up with similar local projects inknowledge repatriation. This would be an invaluable contribution to the pride and dignity ofNative communities that were thought to be without any written history just a few decadesago. We believe that the people of St. Lawrence Island and other readers in Alaska and else-where will appreciate this message of sharing and respect that lies at the very heart of openinghistorical records to northern people that was pioneered by and for the Yupik communities ofthe Bering Strait area.

Igor Krupnik

INTRODUCTION

19

Gambell elders Angqatenganwan, Iqmaluwa, Ungalaq, and Ayakitaan, 1929.

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part one

Our Faces and Names Captured in Records

Introduction

Jane Burn.The People of St. Lawrence Island (1921)

Fourteenth Census of the United States (1920). List of St. Lawerence Island Residents

Name List of Eskimo People Living at Puguviliak, Southwest Cape (1929)

Residents of the Yupik Community of Gambell (1912)

Riley D. Moore's Photographs from St. Lawerence Island (1912)

Twelfth Census of the United States (1900). List of Gambell Residents

St. Lawrence Island Hunting Report (1907)

OUR FACES AND NAMES

21

INTRODUCTION

In the "good old days,"Yupik people never conducted population censuses. Nor did they counttheir numbers by villages or clans. Normally, everyone knew everyone's relatives, villagers, andclansmen by names and through an intricate network of kin ties, support, and obligations. Whenpeople wanted to say that this village or that group was strong in numbers, they normally usedcertain established formulas. For example, they would say:"You meet a kid in the street and youdon't know where he is from" or "Children went out playing in the morning and visited somehouses, and nobody knew where they were gone for several days." This indicated that therewere indeed very many people around.

Whereas the knowledge of one's relatives and villagers seemed as natural as seeing and breath-ing, it was also fluid like air, as people were born, grew up, got married, moved in and out, raisedtheir own kids, and passed away. Since no documentation and counting existed, the composi-tion of old communities and the names of those who were gone decades ago were preservedonly in the elders' memories. Everyone was supposed to know who and what was around andwho used to be around some years before, but just few elderly experts could recall names andcount families of generations ago. As more time passed, memories faded naturally, apart fromthose of truly outstanding people and events.

This is where written knowledge, in the form of historical documentary records, can offer invaluablehelp.Yupik people of the old days hardly paid any attention to or kept any memory of certain strangevisitors, who—like so many others—came and stayed for few days or weeks and never returned.Unlike others, however, they walked to every house on the island, and they recorded names andrelationships of every person, from elders to small children, on paper. As it happened, these visitorswere the census-makers for the U.S. Population Censuses—first for theTwelfth Census of 1900 andthen, again, for the Thirteenth Census of 1910, Fourteenth Census of 1920, and so on.The recordsof these censuses (as well as of several others) have been duly preserved in federal and state ar-chives. Today, the old census records emerge as unique snap-shots of the island community thatcannot be replicated in any other way.This is a resource of immense value, since the census sheetsuncover hundreds of historical names and show the true makeup of families, clans, and communitiesof some eighty and even one hundred years ago.

This section of the Sourcebook opens to theYupik people of St. Lawrence Island two of the earliestknown census records for their communities—those of 1900 and 1920. (A copy of the Thirteenth

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Census of 1910 was also collected during this project, whereas the Fifteenth Census of 1930 has notbeen opened to the public until recently). In addition, we enclose the registration of the islandpeople made by a resident schoolteacher,Jane Burn, in 1921; the list of adult hunters compiled byanother resident teacher, Edgar O. Campbell, in 1909; and the list of the Gambell community of 1912,reconstructed from the measurement forms filled out by a visiting anthropologist, Riley D. Moore.One later record, the Gambell census by Paul Silook (Siluk) of 1930, is presented in Part Five. Allthese records remain unpublished archival materials, as are dozens of Moore's historical photo-graphs of 1912, presently at the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution in Wash-ington, D.C.This is a resource long overdue since none of the listed documents was available or evenknown to the people of St. Lawrence Island before our project.

But neither old census sheets nor even historical photographs can fully speak for themselves,unless and until a huge amount of additional work and of elders' memory is invested. As en-closed copies of the original census pages illustrate, the old shabby forms have to be carefullyread—not an easy task!—often deciphered, and retyped. Correct spelling of all Yupik names hasto be introduced, so that people can be identified. Individual clan affiliation has to be added,since it has never been recorded by census-makers. Faces shown on old photographs are to berecognized and cross-checked by several elders.This is a special job that requires a good memoryand full dedication, but the outcome is very rewarding.To the present-day generations and tothe Yupik people of tomorrow it opens an opportunity to look for names of their ancestors andoften even to see their faces from the first available records of the early 1900s. It gives specialpride and pleasure to see your great-grandparents' names listed in records, and we hope thatthis effort of the Sourcebook team will eventually pay off.

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The People of St. Lawrence Island (305 People)By Jane Burn, Gambell Schoolteacher (1921)

Excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska, Fairbanks

[...] Everybody told us before we came that it would take one year for us [to]really understand the Eskimos and to know the 'Who's Who' of the Island. Wehave found that to be the truth, but it does not seem to me that it must be so forevery teacher if the information each gathers were passed on from year to year.At first, for instance, the ordinary provincial American such as we are, is apt tothink this a hard life, full of trials and sufferings with small rewards. TheEskimo know this and you bet they trade on it. There is not one man, woman,or child on this little island who has one to care for him or who is so poor thathe needs to beg from the teachers. With the exception of fourfamilies in Gambellall of whom have wealthy relatives, there is no person who is not far moreprosperous than any mere schoolteacher I ever saw. They have their living withlittle expense to them in labor, sacrifice, or money. They all have houses, skins,more guns than the most enthusiastic white hunter ever thinks of accumulat-ing, ammunition, stores of white mans food, boats which cost them a thousanddollars each, white mans clothes, phonographs, fine pipes—everything theywant—and more actual cash than they know what to do with. No white manknows or ever will know how much money they have.-Jane Burn, 1921

Gambell (village): five families in lumber houses, fifteen families in skin houses.

Massiu [Masaayu].1 Called an old man. Hunts little. Carves a little. Skin house. Only one15 year son living with him. No wife. One girl living with his brother. Son poor in school,much absent. Iyakitan [Ayakitaan] is his only brother. Poor in cash but rich in Eskimothings. Remains away from teachers save to borrow picture books occasionally. Of thegroup of most superstitious men.2

Apata [Apaata]. One skin house. Three occupants. Two little girls in school. Not goodattendance. Little girl bright. Has one older daughter, married. No wife. Oldest and there-

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fore boss of three other brothers, two living at Gambell, one at a far camp. Hunts little.Called old. Good carver. No English. Fairly prosperous. Did not like us.

Yaghak [Yaghaq]. Skin house. Four occupants. Wife. Daughter in school. Much absent.Grown brother, Blassi [Pelaasi], living with him. Apata [Apaata] his brother. Fair hunter.Fairly prosperous and progressive. Blassi [Pelaasi] the bachelor brother speaks Englishwell and attends men's night class. Not of superstitious element. Never come aroundteachers except to attend called meetings. No English.

Iyakitan [Ayakitaan]. Skin house. Seven occupants. One old wife and one young one.Sorcerer. Most superstitious man here. One daughter and one son in school. Two smallchildren. Massiu's [Masaayu] daughter living with him and going to school. Fair hunter,fairly industrious, fairly prosperous. Aloof from teachers. Cheerful as everybody is. NoEnglish. No relatives save his brother Massiu [Masaayu]. Young wife is a good worker.

Owhowin [Uwhaawen]. Woman. Husband invalid with TB. Skin house. Three occu-pants. This is the old woman who wrote us the unpleasant note soon after our arrival. Sheis now a good friend and she is adorable. Good worker. Cheerful. Fine mimic. Good storyteller. Two married daughters who are the wives of Athelingok [Aatghilnguq], brother toTimkaroo [Temkeruu]. One grandson [Aantagbmii] living with her going to school. Goodattendance. No English. Her daughters are among the good sewers on the Island.

Amagoo [Amagu]. Lumber house just built. One wife. (Had another but he turned herout in Siberia! She was a Siberian woman). One son who affects the company of older

I spell all the names as they sound with the English sounds of the letters, "a" of course varies from the longand short to the "a" as in "what." "I" and "e", "o" and "u" have only the long and short sounds. I will notburden you with the vowel marking. You will learn the[se] names soon enough. They like their Eskimonames better than the English ones which some of them have, though they often speak to a white personusing the English name of the person spoken of. [Jane Burn's note]

When I say superstitious, I mean that they are of the old time group who do things or refrain from doingthings for religious reasons. The younger generation of men are growing out of it, but none of them arewholly fearless of offending their old gods, whatever they are. Some, like Sepillu [Sipela] and Aningayu[Anengayuu] say they are not superstitious at all, but they too have steaks of losing their hold on the island,though the number and forms of worships do not seem to diminish or change as far as we can observe. Bysuperstition I do not mean their religion, either; just as many Christians are superstitious about Friday anda thousand little things; these people are afraid about moving old rocks, making fires in whaling time andsuch things. But I cannot hope to make you really understand the people with words. [Jane Burn's note]

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fellows and refuses to come to school without coercion. One half-blind adopted sonregular in school and excellent in scholarship. One daughter. Five in house. Good hunter.Fairly prosperous. They say he would have plenty but that he gives too much away. Heand Iyakitan have lived together till the Spring. No English. Industrious. Less supersti-tious than Iyak [Ayakitaan] with whom he lived. One married sister.

Yawakseuk [Yaavgaghsiq]. Skin house. Five in house. Two children in school. This manhas a grown son who speaks English-Pasquatak [Piiskwaghtaq]—and who is working forIyakitan's [Ayakitaan] daughter. Another son [Akiya] who is a reindeer apprentice in Peniu's[Pinaaya] camp. Wealthy. Good hunter. Industrious. No English.

This ends the little group living in the "North End" who are superstitious, aloof, and whospeak no English.

Montowkoli [Mangtaquli]. Skin house. Five in house. Intelligent wife who came to sew-ing class. One frying sized son, Anangti [Anangti], who is this year out of school for thefirst time. Anangti [Anangti] came to men's night class. One little son regular at school.Two small children, one of them born this year. Wealthy. Good hunter. Industrious.Little English. Progressive. Friendly to teachers although he never comes around.

Timkaroo [Temkeruu]. Clean skin house. Six occupants. Two wives. No children. Hisniece, her husband and baby live with him. Another sorcerer, but much higher class thanIyakitan [Ayakitaan]. Dignified old man. Does no work. No English. Wives good sewers.Relatives of Owhowin [Uwhaawen]. Athelingok [Aatghilnguk] his brother. Wealthy. Pro-gressive in spite of his superstition. His brother speaks English.

Aningayu [Anengayuu]. Lumber house. Seven occupants. This is the storekeeper. Threechildren in school. Wife and two children. This man is extremely wealthy, shrewd, intel-ligent, ambitious, progressive, adopts Laluramka's ways and foods as fast as he learns them.Has been many times converted. No superstition. Men's night class. As honest as any. Hasbeen the interpreter a long time. Not such good English as Sepillu [Sipela] of the reindeercamp, however. Friendly, of course, to the teachers. A likeable person.

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Booshu [Pusaa]. Lumber house, fairly clean. Four occupants. No wife, though the rumorhas spread this year that he married the widow Aganachlokuk [Aghnaghlluggaq], but shetold me that he was a no good husband and she has left him. Two sons in school. Goodattendance. One grown son, Iuwikson [Ayuwigbsaan], who speaks English and attendedthe men's night class. Superstitious but not progressive. Head of a house of five progres-sive men all of whom live in other camps. Best whale hunter. They say he has the stron-gest prayers and that the whales follow his boat. Industrious. Little English. His brothersareOtiyohok [Ataayaghhaq],Tatoowi [Tatuwi], Kinoko [Kunuka], and Aginaloo [Aghnilu].They all speak better English than he. His son is working for Shulook's [Suluk] youngestdaughter, Agaanangarak [Aghnangiighaq].

Ozeevooseuk [Uzivusiq]. Clean lumber house. Nine in house. Wife who speaks someEnglish, three children in school, one of whom will not attend next year, probably, havinggone as far as any of them go. Good attendance. Two smaller children, mother, grownbrother and uncle, who is the oldest man on the island, all living in house. Mother namedWeyu [Wiya]. She came with Owhowin [Uwhaawen] every Saturday to scrub the school-house. She is a good worker and the dearest old soul on the island. Grown brother, Kapunga[Qipenga], working for one of Shulok's [Suluk] daughters and therefore not much help insupporting Oz's family. Both men are constant attendants at men's night class. This manOz is the former storekeeper. Has one married brother Rakok [Raaquq], herder in Peniu's[Pinaaya] reindeer camp, but he is not much assistance to him save in sharing the meatwith him when the hunting is bad. He conducted the last year's teacher about over theisland. Next to Tangyun [ Taangyan] this man is the best carver. Unlike Tan, will attemptanything you ask him to make.

Oitillan [Uwetelen]. Skin house, seven occupants. Wife in sewing class. Two children inschool. One of them getting too big to attend perhaps. Little one the brightest child inschool. Perfect attendance. Son, Silook [Siluk], the school teacher. Son's beautiful wifeand baby living with him, or rather he and his family live with Silook's family, for Silookmakes the living. Industrious. Little English. Progressive. One brother at Sep's [Sipela]reindeer camp who will be herder next year. The man who married Oitillan's daughter [isnamed] Mugayok [Meghyuq]. Silook is friendly, willing, fairly capable, and lovable after agreat while of getting accustomed to him. Tungitoo [ Tangatu] is the name of Oit's brother.

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Kaningok [Qanenguq]. Skin house. Seven occupants. Three exceedingly bright childrenin school. Good attendance. Oldest boy, Ifgachlak [Ifkalleq], will not be in school nextyear. He has gone to Sep's camp to be apprentice. Wife chattering, laughing, Yaghe [ Yaaghu],member of the sewing class. One small boy. Maskin [Maasqen], his son-in-law and hisdaughter live with him. Industrious, always trying. Maskin [Maasqen] is one of the boysthe Campbells reared. He is intelligent. He is very fond of his wife. Maskin [Maasqen]and Tokoya [ Tukuuya] had twins this year but they both died.

Aganachlokuk [Aghnaghlluggaq]. "The widow". Skin house. Five occupants. Three chil-dren in school. Good attendance and good scholarship. This woman is sister-in-law towealthy Shulook [Suluk].

Shulook [Suluk]. Skin house. Eleven occupants. Two grown sons moving away with theirwives soon. One wife. Four married sons—Wamkon [Waamquun], who with his wife,two daughters and son live with him; Noongwook [Nunguk], herder at Sep's [Sipela]camp; Apitiki [Apeteki], recently married to one of Athelingok's [Aatghilnguq] daughters;and Ovi [Uvi], also recently married. These two last live with him now; but will graduallymove away. Two grown daughters. Amamunga [Amamenga], pretty, clean, tidy, andIknakinuk [Iknaqeneq] living with Konahak [Qunagbhaq]. Boolawan [Pulaaghun] is work-ing for Amamunga [Amamenga]. He is the sixth man to try to get her. He is wealthy andwill probably succeed. Kapunga [Qipenga], brother to Ozee [Uzivusiq] has been workingfor several years for Iknakinuk [Iknaqeneq]. He has one daughter in school who will notbe there next year, perhaps. Booshu's [Pusaa] son is working for her. This family is wealthy,progressive, ambitious, only moderately superstitious, educated. The children are good inschool and never miss a day. Wamkon [Waamquun], Apitiki [Apeteki] and Ovi [Uvi]came to men's night class and Ama and Ikna came to sewing class. They all speak English.Tangyan [Taangyan], the best ivory carver is his brother. Shulook [Suluk] good whalehunter. Friendly to teachers and nearest neighbors. Wamkon [Waamquun], the oldest sonwho lives with him, has one daughter in school and two small children at home. His wifealso in sewing class.

Konahak [Qunagbhaq]. Skin house. Eight occupants. Two wives, one of them young.Three children in school, one of them to be reindeer apprentice in Sep's [Sipela] campnext year. Good attendance. Mother always comes with baby astride her neck to see that

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her little boy learns fast. Old man is Konahak [Qunaghhaq] and unable to care for him-self. Kapunga [Qipenga], the boy who is working for Ikna [Iknaqeneq] lives with him, ishis only dependence for food except Sep [Sipela], his nephew, forty miles away. Supersti-tious. No English. Relation to Shulook [Suluk]. Sep [Sipela] takes care of them really andsends them food every day or so.

Ongwaluk [Ungalaq]. Skin house. Three occupants part of the time, though some of theyear two of his nephews and all their families live with him. Wife and one adopted son inschool. Bright and good attendance. Wealthy. Always trying to learn. He is uncle to theSW Cape outfit. He is a good carver.

Tangyun [Taangyan]. Old man. Best carver. Brother to Shulook [Suluk], brother-in-lawto Sep. [Sipela] One bright little girl always in school. Two grown sons, Oovookitak[Uveketaaq] at home and Yochkotak [Yughqutaq] married and living with Timkaroo's[Temkeruu] family. Oovoo [Uveketaaq] came to men's night class. One married daughterwife of Napowatuk [Napaghutaq]. This old man, although he is the best carver, cannot bepersuaded to undertake anything besides paperknives, napkin rings, and walrus teethchains. He does these exquisitely compared to the rest of the work on the island. Industri-ous, cheerful. A sweet old man much like Shulook [Suluk] though he has no English atall. He should have had the prize for the best carving at the Fair according to everybody'sopinion. Lives in Sep's [Sipela] lumber house.

Khkagak [Eghqaaghaq]. Skin house and lumber house also. However nearly everybodyhas a lumber house besides his skin one which he uses in summer to live in and in winterfor a tool and storehouse. They are very proud of their lumber houses. This picturesqueman has a wife and one child given to him by his nephew Napowatuk [Napaghutaq]. Napwith his wife and baby live with him and also Boolowan [Pulaaghun] in the winter months,though Bool [Pulaaghun] has a very preten[t]ious camp all his own over by the coal bedsand he is working for Amamunga [Amamenga] now. I hope he gets her. Extremely wealthy.Makes believe to be poor. Industrious, shrewd, no English. This is the man who hasfooled us so completely about his prosperity. We thought they were poor until just lately.

This completes the list of the Gambell inhabitants. It is the largest settlement on theisland.

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Camp Kivcechluk \Oayiilleq\

This is the next camp over the mountain from Gambell. Only two families live here.

Ungottinanowin [Angqatenganwan]. Lumber house. One handsome wife and one son inschool when they move to Gambell for the whaling. This son, Ochkagami [ Uughqaghmii],is the handsomest child here. The family is superstitious. Completely of the old regime ofthings. One young man cousin of the rest of them lives here also, Oseuk [Uusiiq]. Hespeaks English and attends the men's night class when he came here.

Konooku [Kunuka]. Lumber house. Two children in school when he moves to Gambell.One daughter living with Otiyokok [Ataayaghhaq] his brother. When one brother has nochildren another divided with another. One small child. No wife. Brother to Booshu[Pusaa]. Good hunter. Industrious. Little English. Progressive. Wealthy. Pays his bills atthe store but does not make many. With exceptions [s], most of these people trade mostlywith Pederson. He brings good quality stuff, exactly what they want, they can see whatthey are getting, and they love more than anything the trading on shipboard. One cannotblame them. They care absolutely nothing about what things cost. They want what theywant and they will get it.

I think the store would be smarter to copy his methods—charge a hundred percent profitand pay twice as much for their produce. The store this year paid for fox skins exactlywhat Pederson paid. But he bought them for seventeen-fifty and sold them for twice whatthe store sold the same thing for. The store sold cheaper and paid only ten for skins.They cannot see that it is the same thing besides their advantage of getting somethingback if the outside is still higher. It would be better to sell very high and very finethings and buy very high likewise. It is the only way to put the store on its feet withthe richer ones.

Kozatas \Kuzaata] Camp \Nengiighhaq]

Kozata [Kuzaata]. Wife and baby. This is Apata's [Apaata] oldest daughter. Skin house.Industrious. English. Montowkoli [Mangtaquli] and Soonogrok [Sunaaghruk] are his halfbrothers. Wealthy. His lone house stands on the mountain on the way to everywhere. Butfortunately for him, it is so near to Gambell that few people stop for "tea" on the way toand from places.

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Taphok [ Tapghuq]

Athalingok [Aatghilnguq]. Log house but exactly like a skin house. Two wives, three growndaughters married, though his youngest, Kingonga [Kingungha] and her husband Apitiki[Apeteki] live with him most of the time. One small son. Industrious, wealthy, brother toTimkaroo [Temkeniu]. Little English, Independent. Friendly. Trades almost entirely withPederson. Wears and eats and uses the very best of everything. His wives select the quiet-est patterns in goods and they know what is good when they see it. Best sewers on theisland, perhaps. If you insist, they will make your skins as soft as fawnskin.

Soonogarook [Sunaaghruk]. Log house. Clean. One wife. No children. Wealthy. Indus-trious. English. Fair carver. Progressive. Bought about five hundred dollars worth of thingsfrom Pederson this year and bought the very best of things nor once asked the price. I waspresent.

Camp Collier \Kangee]

Nemiyak [Nemaayaq]. Two room log house. Seven in one room. Nemiyak [Nemaayaq]has two wives, one adopted daughter school age. Tatoowi [Tatuwi], youngest brother toBooshu [Pusaa], his wife and baby live with him. He is Nem's son-in-law. Very supersti-tious. Old fashioned. Nonprogressive. No English. Fair carver. Wealthy. Tattoowi [Tatuwi]is wealthy and speaks English and is not so superstitious as his father-in-law. In the otherroom live Assoonaghuk [Asunaghaq], brother to Nem, his wife, one grown son, Nunraelu[Nanghila] and his wife. He also has one grown son, Noongonuk [Nungunaq], apprenticein Peniu's [Pinaaya] camp. Whole outfit wealthy. They do not invite every passing [dog]team to stop and have tea. This is the custom here and since nobody ever carries lunch,one who does not follow the custom in [disliked]. Nunraelu [Nanghila] speaks English.

Sevonga \Sivungaq] or Sepillu's \Sipela] Camp

Sepillu [Sipela]. Two room log house. Only house where one family uses two rooms.Though of course it is several families in one. 12 occupants. Clean house. One wife, threesons, two schoolage and exceedingly bright. One baby and one daughter living with hergrandmother in Noongwook's [Nunguk] house. Wealthy, industrious. Most intelligentand independent man on the island. We like him very much because he is not cringing

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nor timid about expressing his own views. He has disagreed with Mr. Burn several timesabout reindeer matters for which we regard him highly since he has been right each time.He is looked up to, a little feared, and a little disliked by most of the people because he hascast off all superstition nor will not respect the do's and don'ts out of fear of offendingothers. He is just the sort of man who would and could do big things. His half mother—one of his father's three wives—lives with him, also his foster brother, Tumbloo [Tamlu]and wife and his youngest foster brother Atata [Ataata= Tengasqen]. There are sons to theman whom his mother married. He was a real father to Sep and he is trying to be such afather to his young brothers as he calls them. They all seem to share equally. I expect Sep[Sipela] is worth in deer and other many things many thousands.

Noongwook [Nunguk]. Skin house. Eight occupants. Wife, mother-in-law, two brightsons school age, baby, apprentice Ifgachlak [Ifkalleq]. Brother-in-law to Sep. Son of Shulook[Suluk] in Gambell. Wealthy. Industrious. Good hunter. English. Good herder, accordingto Sep. By the way, all these people at Sep's camp are so wealthy and progressive becauseSep has organized them into a body of cooperation that exceeds anything we ever saw.They hunt together, all under Sep's leadership. Sep appoints the watchers for the deer andlooks after the welfare of the whole camp as if he were grandfather of everybody. ThisNoongwook [Nunguk] is next to Sep [Sipela] in intelligence and willingness to cooperate.They work together like brothers.

Oonmoohook [ Unmeggaq]. Skin house. 15 occupants. Wife, one bright little girl schoolage. 3 small children. Brother Mugayok [Meghyuq], wife and baby; apprentice. Tungitoo[Tangatu], his wife, and two small children school age; and one bachelor Stegurook[Estegraq], working forTungitoo's [Tangatu] little daughter. Oonmoohook [Unmeggaq]a.ndSteg are herders. Tungitoo [Tangatu] will be a herder next year and will move into his ownhouse. Mugayok [Meghyuq] is not even an apprentice. He merely lives with his brotherbecause he has nowhere else to live. He married Silook's [Siluk] sister. Oonmoohook[ Unmeggaq] is one of the wealthiest of the herders and nobody ever sees how he gets it.

Annogiyak [Anaghayaaq]. Skin house, eleven occupants. Wife, daughter school age;Immingan [Imingan] his former apprentice lately made herder with his wife and fourchildren; and Annogiyak's [Anaghayaaq] grandmother, oldest woman on the island, liv-ing with him. Wealthy. Industrious, English as all other reindeer boys. Good herder and

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good hunter. A sweet sort of a man. His father is Tutmatolik [ Tutmatelek] living over atCape Citnak [Sikneq]. Immingan [Imingan] is one of the most interesting characters. Hemade a splendid apprentice because he is so industrious. He lives with the man to whomhe was apprentice. He can do anything. He is a genius. He is the best singer and dancerand storyteller. He is a funny mimic and a lovable person.

Sep's [Sipela] whole camp is alive, cheerful, pleasant to be around. There is always laugh-ter and singing and drums going in some house. They hunt every minute of all goodweather. They have killed more meat at this camp than in Gambell. It is a group thatmight be excited to do almost anything that seemed practical to Sep. Sep is the rulingspirit.

Penius \Pinaaya\ Camp

Peniu [Pinaaya]. Log house. 10 occupants. Wife, baby; apprentice Gologorongen[Galaagerngen], his wife and baby. Apprentice Akeyu [Akiya], herder Kundlook [Qenluk]and two old women. Wealthy, charming, good English, good hunter, fair herder. Chief ofhis camp. Peniu's [Pinaaya] father was a Siberian Eskimo though he was born here withSt. Lawrence Island mother. He seeks to please and in truth he is one of the most pleasingpersons on the island. He has an attractive bearing and voice.

Pungowivi [Pangawyi]. Log house. 13 occupants. Wife, three small children; brotherWongottollon [Wangqetelen] with his wife and five children; His apprentice Kiyuchluk[Ggayeglluk]. Both brothers Siberian. Born there. Very wealthy. Industrious. A good hunterand herder.

Metuchluk [Meteghlluk]. Log house. 11 occupants. Wife, baby, mother-in-law. Appren-tice Noongonuk [Nungunaq] with his wife and two small children. His wife's three youngerbrothers and sisters large enough for school. Fairly industrious.

Waghyi [Waaghyi]. A tiny log addition to Metuchluk's [Meteghlluk] house. 4 occupants.Wife, two small children.

Rakok [Raaquq]. Log house. 10 occupants. Wife, small child, one grown son, Awetuk

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[Awitaq], his apprentice, Alowa [Aluwa], and his wife and three small children one ofwhich is of school age. His mother. He is brother to Ozeevooseuk [Uzivusiq]. Fair hunter.Fair herder, fairly superstitious, fair English. This fall when Farrar was visiting the camp,the men were attempting to lasso and mark the apprentices' deer. Nobody in the campsave Punggowiyi [Pangawyi] could use the rope. Farrar was indignant. He told the menwho had no ropes and who stood around with their hands drawn in out of their sleevesand warming them against their bellies that they must all have ropes next day and mustlearn how to use them between that night and next morning. That if they had no otherrope they must bring a fishing line—anything. This Rakok [Raaquq], who is a solemnfellow, took him at his word and appeared with a little fishing line, and what was moreremarkable actually caught one deer with it! Farrar told me this incident, but for my part,I don't see why they might not catch deer with fish line as well as any other sort.

Tumnik \Tamniq]

Kitluchkon [Qilleghquun]. Log house. 7 occupants. Wife, step father, Ekmalowa[Iqmaluwa], his two wives and one grown son, Toosuk [Tuusaq], and one grown daugh-ter. Wealthy, industrious, good hunter, English. By the way, this Toosuk [ Tuusaq] son toEkmalowa [Iqmaluwa] has a Portuguese father who married his mother, one of the wivesto Ekmalowa [Iqmaluwa], one time when he was wrecked here. When he left, he gave hermany presents and continues to send her "whole trunks of fine dresses" according to thenatives. Toosuk [Tuusaq], is named Booker by Dr. Campbell. He is intelligent and charm-ing. He is working for Aningayu's [Anengayuu] daughter.

Otiyohok's \Ataayaghhaq] Camp

Otiyohok [Ataayaghhaq]. Log house. 8 occupants. Wife very bright, son in school whenthey move to Gambell. His brother Aginaloo [Aghnilu], and his two children andMaleeutkuk [Maligutkaq], a frown bachelor working for Aginaloo's [Aghnilu] daughter.And Kokasowin [Qukasaghun], a dear man from Siberia lives with him also as sort ofservant. Wealthy. Brother to Booshu [Pusaa]. Industrious. Very funny. Always laughing.Good English. Independent.

34

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Echuk's \Iggak] Camp

Echuk [Iggak]. Log house. 5 occupants. Wife, two small children, mother. He is cousin toAningayu [Anengayuu]. Fairly wealthy. Fair hunter. English. Moves to Gambell for thewhaling in common with the rest of the world. He is a nice sort of fellow with a pleasantvoice.

Ataka's [Ataqa] Camp

Ataka [Ataqa]. 16 by 24 tent. 12 occupants. This is larger than most of the houses. Ataka[Ataqa] has an old wife and no children; He has adopted two, one of school age; Kingeekuk[Kingiikaq] and his wife, cousins, and Kolowiyi [Kalaawyi] and his wife live with him;Kanuchtugayuk [Kaneghteghyaq], his wife and two children all live together in this tenton the extreme east side of the island. Ataka [Ataqa], and I suppose those who live withhim, are wealthy. Ataka [Ataqa] speaks good English in the most musical voice I remem-ber to have heard anywhere. He is industrious and usually catches more foxes than anyother man. He caught thirty-eight this year, while the largest number caught by any otherman was thirteen. He is friendly, progressive, not objectionably superstitious. A heavytrader with Pederson but he pays his store bills.

Cape Chitnak \Sikneq]

Tutmatolik [Tutmatelek]. Half underground log house with split whalebone roof. Sep[Sipela] built it for himself when the deer were over there. It still belongs to Sep. 5 occu-pants. Wife, three children school age. One of his daughters, Mahkanak [Maghqaneq], isthe prettiest girl on the island. She has no tattooed marks. Sep's younger brother, Atata[Ataata], wants to marry her, but Sep says they are too young yet and he wants to be surethey love each other. Tutmatolik [Tutmatelek] is wealthy, a good hunter though he isgetting old. Always has plenty of white man's food. Herder Annogiyak [Anaghayaaq] ishis son and boss. No English. His children are bright.

SW Cape [Pugughileq]

Oktokiyok [Aghtuqaayak], Iwurrigan [Aywergen] and Irrogoo [Iirgu] live together, some-times all three families in the skin house, sometimes one family in the lumber house,sometimes one of the families in Gambell where they also have two houses. Oktokiyuk is

OUR FACES AND NAMES

35

the boss of the outfit by reason of his shrewdness and extreme cleverness. The skin housein which he lives belongs to old man Anowgatuk [Anagutaq], who is dependent on himnow for support. 15 occupants when they are all there. Oktokiyok [Aghtuqaayak] has awife and two adopted sons. Old man Anow [Anagutaq] belongs to his family. Iwurrigan[Aywergen] has a wife, one crippled son, one adopted daughter and one real baby whomthey will give to Oktok when it is weaned. Irrogoo [Iirgu] has a wife and two children.This outfit is wealthy, good hunters, industrious, progressive in the taking of new cus-toms, superstitious.

Ugulowuk [Aglughaq]. Skin house with lumber house adjoining, which the store rentedthis year. 11 occupants. Father Agak [Agaq], old mother and their two grown unmarriedchildren; his (Ungu's) wife, three children; brother Umworri [Amwaari] with his youngwife. Umworri has heart disease. Ungu [Aglughaq] is his brother-in-law. He is wealthy,not much English, industrious, good hunter, superstitious, fairly progressive. He and theOktokiyok [Aghtuqaayak] family trade largely with Pederson but considerably with thestore also. The SW Cape bunch live to themselves

By the way, Irrogoo [Iirgu], Richard's [Aghtuqaayak] youngest brother was a member ofthe men's night class when he was in Gambell.

Solkwako s \Elqwaaghqu] Camp \Ngusiik, Boxer Bayl

Solkwako [Elqwaaghqu]. Skin house. 5 occupants. Wife, three small children, and mother.He is moving his lumber house from Gambell to SW Cape now where he will live most ofthe year. He whales with that crew. Wealthy, industrious, English, good hunter. Killed theonly polar bear this winter which has been killed.

[...] This is the last camp on the island. We are back around to Gambell again. It is aboutthree hundred miles around the island this way and I am tired and I know you must beworn out. I hope it has been worth this work to you. I do not want our likes and dislikesto color the picture to you. One is sure to think his period of activity a momentous one.The natives truly do not remember even the names of the teachers save the Campbellsand the most recent ones, and most of them have forgotten back of Dooley. I cannotthink that, in view of that, that any [of that] matters, still they have grown to their present

36

SLI SOURCEBOOK

state of superiority over their next of kin, the Siberian Eskimos, just by the efforts of theteachers. Not much progress is made in any particular year, but certainly some progresshas been made in the quarter of a century during which the government] has been work-ing. I wish you every success and a pleasant year. I wouldn't take a million for my year uphere but I wouldn't give a dime for another one. That is why I am trying so hard to giveyou the complete story of our year—to ease my conscience for leaving so soon. Mr. Burnmay remain. He actually likes the country and the climate and feels the worthwhileness inthe work he has not found elsewhere. Take good care of him if he is with you next year.

Best wishes,

Jane Burn

OUR FACES AND NAMES

37

Fourteenth Census of the United States:List of St. Lawrence Island Residents

January 1920

The St. Lawrence Island residents (total recorded population of 303) were registered in 1920 byseven individual "places" or "villages": Gambell, Chivokok (Sivuqaq), Powoaluk (Pugughileq), Kanee(Kangee), Chivona (Sivungaq), Ivishtok (Ayv/'gteq), andTunanik (Tamniq), for which separate tables havebeen composed.

For all island residents listed in the Fourteenth Census, their place of birth as well as that of theirparents was recorded as "St. Lawrence Island" (see p. 39).This was certainly incorrect in many cases,particularly for the elderly generation that included many people born in or originated from Siberia.These data are therefore not reproduced in this table. People's native language ("mother tongue") inall census records was also erroneously listed as "Kutchin."

Yupik Name spelling and clan identifications for people listed in the 1920 Census were contributedby Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) in winter of 1999. His additions to the original census data are put initalics. For the final publication, the census table was cross-checked again by Christopher Koonooka(Petuwaq) in June 2002.

Symbols: ##—Personal number in the Census sheet; F #—Family number in the Census sheet;H #—House number in the Census sheet; Sex—Male (M) or Female (F); Marital Status (MS)—Married (Mr), Single (Sg), or Widowed (Wd).

Clan names and abbreviations: Ingl—Ingleghnaghmiit; Kang—Kangighmiit;

Kiwa—Kiwatangaghmiit;Kiya—Kiyaligaghmiit; Mara—Maramakut;

Mere—Meregtemiit; Nang—Nangupagaghmiit; Nasq—Nasqaghmiit;

Neng—Nengiighhaghmiit; Paga—Pagalighmiit (section of Sanighmelnguut);

Pugu—Pugughileghmiit;Qiwa—Qiwaghmiit;Sani—Sanighmelnguut/Aymaramka;

Siql—Siqllugmiitjapg—Tapghughmiit; Uwa—Uwaaliit; main!—Alaskan mainlander(s)

Total recorded island population of 303 included "native" ("native-born") families only. Families ofAmagu and Siivaghaq of the Laakaghmiit clan in Savoonga (Sivungaq), and of Alngiiwhataq of the

38

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Inleghnaghmiit clan in Gambell.all of Siberian origin, were not registered in the census sheets.Thosefamilies were permanently living on the island by 1920. In addition, a few Siberian families of theLaakaghmiit clan from the village of Ungaziq were wintering in Gambell in 1920-21.This broughttotal island Yupik population in 1920 up to 315 to 320.

Two school-teachers:JessieTashner (44) from Ohio and Reginald V. Dooley (30), naturalized British-born were listed as individual "families" in Chivokok (Sivuqaq) under nos. 58 and 59.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

39

COPY OF THE ORIGINAL CENSUS SHEET OF THE 1920 CENSUS FORST. LAWRENCE ISLAND, ALASKA

FOURTEENTH CENSUS OF THE UNITED STATES:

POPULATION-ALASKA

920

*^ Dorter-

KAMI

nam.

i

i

•fl?

wt

IP

V-a

H* Mil wan TtMl fftTT rf ■ **"** —, Jtaasfyl,lttl,in«tatft*Cu*r.

s

?

c

J

t

I

|*

m

.

- a

4 .

■

a

•

10

IS

14

14

flokakOKhok.

0

F

M

fe-

.y

- -

*.

flna«win.

Tife

F

rn

U

•y

Boolowon.

Brother

M

In

->o! 3

✓

E^hunuk.

Brother

JULF

In

Tevuk,

Mother ,

In

fluponho tuk. til s t er

Nephew

M

<

Aiilogliolooki Betty.

Ni«ce

p iln j

©aaru.

Daughter

J hr 1

3ls

Angosan •

K III. I

Anatoonxu, VI c to r i a.

.Niece

F lr. I

18

'.5

Tan§yan.

Head 1

0

F

M |ln ' 55: l;

v_

i—

Ngliktuk.

Wife

F IjivjjsU

Son

H L, , 161 *

Co gho,Either.

Daughter

F iln

47 -,Td

16

16

Akonohloohak.

-HMA

n p

F !-Tn.

Yaganekon, Geo r^e.

Son

M 1 inf^l 3

Pinekotuk.AdA.

Bmafcfcar.

r [ m,j.i21 3„

Pinanahlak.Llda.

Daughter

P ■ -

: *

17

17

_-Akiokijr/i>);?i "hAr*

Btad f

o !

F

Sf Tr, *3 ,.•

Wife

XL

Mb

id

Akohlp«ShA>.

-2aa

if kn 1: 3 !

Anahatuk. ■

K In .-•il_r'c

P

Jflook,pa^f

#

H

. JBfi

Jfeoi^k,M***er9t.

Tiff

?!

!HH

• •> ** w

Ban

H

40

SLI SOURCEBOOK

1920 CENSUS OF ST. LAWRENCE ISLAND, ALASKA

Name of place jL^^uroriLtfl.

Enumerated by

OUR FACES AND NAMES

41

1. Village of Gambell (Enumerated on January 2, 1920)

ffff

riff

rff

Registered

Registered

Yupik Name

Relation to

sex

Age

A/l C

Mb

Clan

Name

First Name

Head

1

1

1

Oozeversook

Andrew

Uzivusiq

Head

M

39

Mr

Pugu

2

Singlungu

Una

Singlenga

Wife

F

39

Mr

Sani

3

Azook

Stanley

Aazuk

Son

M

15

Sg

4

^OCiyungi

Josephine

Wayengi

Daughter

pr

11

Noosookuk

Bryan

Nusukaq

Son

M

6

6

Egahotuk (?)

Glen

Ngiiggutaq

Son

M

2

%

7

Wayu

Sarah

Wiya

Mother

F

79

Wd

8

Kaspoongu

Addison

Qipenga

Brother

M

28

Sg

Pugu

9

2

2

Booshu

Pusaa

Head

M

44

Wd

Sani

10

Iuwikson (?)

Ernest

Ayuwighsaan

Son

M

17

Sg

1 1

Nanganun (?)

Ben

Nuugnan

Son

M

11

Sg

12

Nuguyuk (?)

Solomon

Neghyuk

Son

M

5

Sg

13

3

3

Koonooka

lorn

Kunuka

T T J

Head

M

44

Mr

c

bam

14

Avehlkeak

Elfie

Avelqiiq

Wife

F

37

Mr

Sani

15

Ananganuk

Anangiinaq

Daughter

F

14

Sg

16

Ghemungowin

Lilly

Gimangaawen

Daughter

F

9

Sg

17

Toowari

Harold

Tiiwri

Son

M

7

Sg

18

4

4

Aningiyou

James

Anengayuu

Head

M

42

Mr

Mere

19

Akumahoni

Susie

Ukaaghhani

Wife

F

36

Mr

Mere

20

Ethel

Riighnak

Daughter

F

14

Sg

21

Kistevik

Stephen

Kiistivik

Son

M

11

Sg

22

Norman

Genuk

Son

M

8

Sg

23

Atangu

Son

M

3

Sg

42

SLI SOURCEBOOK

24

Puguuq

Mother

F

64

Wd

25

Kogassgun

Martin

Qukasaghun

Servant

M

39

Sg

Ingl

26

5

5

Shoolook

Suluk

Head

M

59

Mr

Pugu

27

Kiskanga

Qisgenga

Wife

F

57

Mi-

Sani

28

Vomkon

Patrick

Waamqunn

Son

M

38

Mr

29

Novoyellingok

Nellie

Nuugigalnguq

D.-in-law

¥

38

Mr

Sani

30

Amamingu

Mary

Amamenga

Daughter

¥

27

Sg

31

Oovi

Loyd

Uvi

Son

M

23

Sg

32

Opitiki

Homer

Apeteki

Son

M

20

Sg

33

Akanangaghak

Fanzy

Aghnangiighaq

Daughter

F

13

Sg

34

Angeko

Nina

Angiku

Gr.daught.

F

1 1

%

35

Kavenkuk

Tracy (?)

Aymergen

Grandson

M

3

Sg

36

Aknaly

Leah

Aghnali

Gr.daught

1;

1

%

37

6

6

Ikmilowa

Iqmalawa

Head

M

51

Mr

Sani

38

Makaghak

Mikaghaq

Wife

F

50

Mr

Paga

39

Aknaghakpuk

Aghnaghaghpak

2nd wife

F

48

Un?

Mara

40

Toozak

Booker

Tunsaq

Son

M

16

Sg

41

Kinelo

Rachel

Agigsnk

Daughter

F

10

Sg

42

7

7

Soonagarok

Moses

Sunaaghruk

Head

M

34

Mr

Pugu

43

Iyapa

Ayapaa

Wife

F

39

Mr

Nang

44

8

8

Athaiingok

Aatghilnguk

Head

M

44

Mr

Pugu

45

Otooku

Utuqa

Wife

F

41

Mr

46

Koohngu

Qiiunnga

Sis.-2nd wi

F

35

Un?

47

Anaghaluk

Thelma

Kingungha

Daughter

F

17

Sg

48

Kan gal uk

Tugutkayuk

Son

M

3

Sg

Here ends the enumeration of Gambell village

OUR FACES AND NAMES

43

2. Village of Chivokak {Sivuqaq) (Enumerated on January 8-9, 1920)

##

H#

F#

Registered

Registered

Yupik Name

Relation to

Sex

Aee

MS

Clan

Name

First Name

Head

49

9

9

Attiahok

Jimmie

Ataayaghhaq

Head

M

46?

Mr

Sani

50

Okwanangan

Isabel

Ukaamangan

Wife

F

24

Mr

Kiwa

51

Avaluk

Roland

Ayaleq

Son

M

9

Sg

52

Anguluk

Son

M

3

Sg

53

10

10

Aguheluk

Peter

Aghnilu

Head

M

41

Wd

Sani

54

Napak

Florence

Napaaq

Daughter

F

14

Sg

Sani

55

Anowaluk

Anaghaluk

Daughter

F

5

Sg

56

Oyatowen

Sadie

Uyatuwan

Daughter

F

9

Sg

57

Enok

Inauq

Lodger

M

42

Sg

58

Malakhotuk

Chauncy

Maligutkaq

Lodger

M

20

Sg

Sani

59

1 ]

1 1

Napaghayu

Napaghya

Head

M

51

Mr

Sani

60

Aknapehak

Aghnapiggaq

Wife

F

50

Mr

Qiwa

61

Calowiyi

Albert

Kalawyi

Son

M

24

Sg

62

Ahayu

May

Aghhaaya

Daughter

F

14

Sg

63

Aminiki

Ameneki

Daughter

F

7

Sg

64

12

12

Ehok

Calvin

Iggak

Head

M

39

Mr

Sani

65

Anakatongu

Dinah

Anaghaatanga

Wife

F

39

Mr

Paga

66

Akooto

Moses

Aqutu

Son

M

3

Sg

67

Pamayook

Lucy

Pamayuk

Mother

F

68

Wd

68

13

13

Iwarigan

Ira

Aywergen

Head

M

51

Mr

Nang

69

Yakoomni (?)

Nellie

Yaghunga

Wife

F

49

Mr

?

70

Toikatuk

William

Uniightaqaq

Son

M

13

Sg

71

Kanlook (?)

Ray

Uyaatiqaq

Son

M

7

Sg

SLI SOURCEBOOK

72

Beatrice

Mategtaq

Daughter

F

1 1

73

Taka

Tom

Taayqa

Son

M

15

74

14

14

Hokhkoghok

Loon

Eghqaaghaq

Head

M

45

75

Tinmewin

Tenmiiwen

Wife

F

54

76

Boolowon

Pulaaghun

Brother

M

39

77

Eghunuk

Edgar

Ighennaq

Brother

M

37

78

Ievuk

Ayevaq

Mother

F

65

79

Nupowhotuk

Lister

Napaghntaq

Nephew

M

26

80

Ahlegholook

Betty

Allighaluk

Niece

F

25

81

Omaru

Dora

Umara

Daughter

F

3

82

Angosan

Mark

Angusaan

Son

M

83

Anatoongu

Victoria

Anataanga

Niece

F

18

84

15

15

Tangyan

Taangyan

Head

M

55

85

Ngliktuk

Enlegtaq

Wife

F

55

86

Ooviktuk

Chester

Uveketaaq

Son

M

16

87

Oogho

Esther

Aaga

Daughter

F

6

88

16

16

Akonohloohak

Aghnaghlluggaq

Head

F

47

89

Yagamekon

George

Yaagmiqun

Son

M

13

90

Pinekotuk

Ada

Panikutaaq

Daughter

F

12

91

Pinepahlak

Lida

Panipaalla

Daughter

F

5

92

17

17

Aktokiyak

Richard

Aghtuqaayak

Head

M

43

93

Athanga

Edna

Atghaanga

Wife

F

39

94

Akohlpeghak

Frank

Akulpeghaq

Son

M

3

95

Anahotuk

Anavutaq

Lodger

M

54

96

18

18

Silook

Paul

Siluk

Head

M

27

97

Moowhok

Margaret

Muuggaq

Wife

F

25

OUR FACES AND NAMES

SgSg

Mr NasqMr PuguSgSg

Wd Uwa

Mr Nasq

Mr Pugu

Sg

Sg

...?

Mr PuguMr NasqSgSg

Wd Pugu

Sg

Sg

Sg

Mr NangMr PuguSg

Wd Pugu

Mr SaniMr Sani

45

98

Kunohak

Nolan

Kanuggaq

Son

M

4

99

19

19

Ogoolki

Akulki

Head

M

75

Wd

Pugu

100

Oseuk

Walter

Uusiiq

Grandson

M

20

Sg

101

20

20

Yavakseuk

Yaavgaghsiq

Head

M

50

Mr

Neng

102

Kerooku

Kiruka

Wife

F

47

Mr

Uwa

103

Peskwaktuk

Arther

Piiskwaghtaq

Son

M

25

104

Anangseuk

Alice

Aghwalngiiq

Daughter

F

13

%

105

Kiyahak

Anna

Qayaghhaq

Daughter

F

9

Sg

106

xkla rrpn

f\1J <7 /I /I f/71Y Id'AjiAflAfl'LL

1 >J tui 1C w

M

27

Mr

107

Tuparwak

Lucile

Teparghuq

Niece

F

18

Mr

Sani

108

Kowyeluk

John

Qawyalek

Son

M

Un?

Sg

109

21

21

Mantukoly

Monti

Mangtaquli

Head

M

42

Mr

Pugu

110

Aknahlkwapuk

Aghnalqwaapak

Wife

F

37

Mr

Kang

111

A n 11 n ct i

Alex

M

16

^g

112

Tonralingok

John

Tunghilnguq

Son

M

7

Sg

113

Agoolakhok

Bessie

Aghulaghquq

Daughter

F

3

Sg

114

22

22

Timkeroo

Temkeruu

Head

M

43

Mr

Tapg

IIS

Tootu

Tuuta

Wife

F

48

Mr

Nasq

116

Atagak

Atagaq

Cousin

F

47

Un

1 1 71 1 /

Yokhkoituk

Robert

Yughqutaq

S. in-law

JVI

?nzu

\Ar

jvi r

Pugu

118

Oovakayu

Edna

Sivuguq

Daughter

F

18

Mr

1 19

Avaluk

Beda

Avalak

Gr.daught.

F

2

Sg

120

23

23

Koningok

Qanenguq

Head

M

49

Mr

Pugu

121

Yagho

Yaaghu

Wife

F

49

Mr

Uwa

122

Tokoya

Nita

Tukuuya

Daughter

F

22

Mr

123

Ifkahluk

Irving

Ifkalleq

Son

M

16

Sg

124

Yshgonak (?)

Lena

Qellaamruk

Daughter

F

11

Sg

46 SLI SOURCEBOOK

125

Tapesuk

Abraham

Tapiisak

Son

M

8

Sg

126

Arlahnk

Willard

VV 11 Idl U

M

3

Sp

127

Maskin

Philip

TVlcitxsqcn

S-in-law

M

22

Mr

Siql

128

24

24

Konahak

Qu ncighhciq

Head

M

69

Mr

Nasq

129

Akayiku

Dorcas

Akuyckci

Wife

F

59

Mr

Pugu

130

Iknakenuk

Ruth

IknUqCHCq

Daughter

17

Su

i 31

Ki rngoktekuk

Sn owfl 3.1c c

C^CTHgligh tckdq

Z.I1U. W11C

\;

. >—

Wd

Siql

132

[yu

Nat

Aya

Son

M

14

Sg

133

Anaghahlkoyak

Flora

Anaghalquyaak

Daughter

F

9

134

Atahlok

Howard

Atalluk

Son

M

6

1 ^5

Wahln

W CU 11 LI

Waa/la

w ititiiii

1)311 cn tpr

1

^g

136

25

2S

Ongiluk

Head

M

59

Mr

137

Wahlkotu

Walkuta

Wife

F

69

Mr

138

K a vcj 1 q k n a k

l\.d V CllclPkl Id. IV

Wallace

VV dlldLV.

(t/lD/llorn/in

M

139

Irigo

Samuel

Iirgu

Cousin

M

31

Mr

Nang

140

Sonkongu

Esther

Sunqaanga

Wife

F

30

Mr

141

Minglo

V_>ldl V^llV^V-

A^ltHglli

M

Se

142

Iuki

Ora

Ayuqi

Daughter

F

3

So

143

26

26

Opootu

Apaata

Head

M

43

Wd

Sani

144

Okoolaukuk

Susie

Akuliqciq

Daughter

F

12

Se

145

Okonomogomi ?

Sarah

Aghnddmkdfni

Daughter

F

8

So

146

27

27

Yoghok

Adam

Yaghaq

Head

M

33

Mr

Sani

147

Tongotok

Taangutuq

Wife

F

Mr

Kiya

148

11 ci ill l n 1 a crn a

± IfciLil HI IfcLdldtLl Id

1 pfyipii(Til' 1oil 11

p

^g

1 H J

DldSSl

■

Lincoln

Pc Icicisi

Brother

IVI

^g

150

28

28

Masaiu

Masaayu

Head

M

Wd

Uwa

151

Niingarahak

Henry

Nayegreghaq

Son

M

13

Sg

OUR FACES AND NAMES

1 52

29

29

Ungottinganwan

Dick

Angqatenganwan

T T J

Head

M

44

Mr

153

Anasook

Anasuk

Wife

F

37

Mr

154

Okhkokumi

Edie

Uughqaghmii

Son

M

14?

Sg

155

30

30

lyakitan

Healy

Ayakitaan

Head

M

50

Mr

156

Noknaghon

Mary

Nuqneghun

Wife

F

30

Mr

156

Upkok

Daisy

Epeqaaq

Daughter

F

13

Sg

158

Kinooko

Carl

Uwaliq

Son

M

7

Sg

159

Ozuk

Daniel

Uuzak

Son

M

3

Sg

1 oU

Ahlingu

Adelina

Aallenga

Daughter

E

r

i

Sg

161

Papogak

Papegaaq

Cousin

F

59

Wd

162

Segohak

Ida

Sikaaghhaq

Niece

F

11

Sg

163

31

31

Menuk

Minaq

Head

M

66

Mr

164

Owawin

Uwhaawen

Wife

F

67

Mr

165

Savla

Jack

Aantaghmii

Grandson

M

10

Sg

Here ends the enumeration of Gambell village

3. Powoaluk {Pugughileq) (Enumerated on January 12, 1920)

166

32

32

Aglowak

Harry

Aglughaq

Head

M

36

Mr

167

Natakume

Lillian

Nateghmii

Wife

F

24

Mr

168

Nangeghak

Bernice

Naangighaq

Daughter

F

6

Sg

169

Karwi

Helen

Kargi

Daughter

F

3

Sg

170

33

33

Agok

Agaq

Head

M

70

Mr

171

Etukoyaghak

Iteghyaghaq

Wife

F

67

Mr

* According to the late Aghwalngiiq (Alice Yavakseuk, 1907-2002), Minaq came from a separate small clan, Sitmiit; hewas somehow related to Kaawhtaan and other people of the Kiwatangaghmiit clan, formerly from the easternsection of the island (Christopher Koonooka's note, 2002).

48

SLI SOURCEBOOK

172

Napokahok

Bill

Napaqaghhaq

Son

M

18

sg

173

Okoomu

Hilda

Ukuma

Daughter

F

14

Sg

174

34

34

Unwari

Harold

Amwaari

Head

M

24

Mi-

Pugu

175

Asa

Hazel

Aasa

Wife

F

23

Mr

Pugu

176

35

35

Tootmiteluk

Tutmatelek

Head

M

45

Mr

Pugu

177

Boohon

Puughhun

Wife

F

44

Mr

Pugu

178

Kakhkanik

Akivik

Daughter

F

8

Sg

179

Kava

Bobby

Kaava

Son

M

6

Sg

180

Ikanook

Nora

Ikanuq

Daughter

F

4

Sg

181

36

36

Kanikhtukayak

Kaneghteghyaq

Head

M

37

Mr

Qiwa

182

Taliknuk

Taliqnaq

Wife

F

43

Mr

Qiwa

183

Aknanahok

Aghnaanaghhaq

Daughter

F

5

Sg

184

Oossuhok

Daisy

Umiighhaq

Daughter

F

2?

Sg

4. Kanee (Kangee) (Enumerated on January 14, 1920)

185

36

37

Asoona

Asunaghaq

Head

M

63

Mr

Kang

186

Tupanga

Tupanga

Wife

F

61

Mr

Sani

187

Nunraluh

Norman

Nanghila

Son

M

29

Mr

Kang

188

Okwokayagan

Ukeghyaghaan

D.-in-law

F

29

Mr

Nasq

189

37

38

Nimayak

Nemaayaq

Head

M

56

Mi-

Kang

190

Panagah

Paniigha

Wife

F

59

Mr

191

Asapenuk

Asapinaq

2nd wife

F

40

Sg

192

Aninganga

Anengaanga

Son

M

15

sg

Kangi

193

Lkaluk

Flora

Elqilaq

Gr.daught.

F

6

Sg

194

Tatoowi

Morris

Tatuwi

S-in-law

M

29

Mr

Sani

195

Okwalu

Ukaala

Ukaala

Daughter

F

24

Mr

196

Kamoli

Qamughli

Gr.daught

F

2

Sg

Sani

OUR FACES AND NAMES

49

197 38

39

Ataka

Ataqa

Head

M

60

Mr

Qiwa

198

Okah

Aqaa

Wife

F

57

Mr

Sani

200

Kingeekuk

Theodore

Kingiikaq

Son

M

19

Sg

201

Avrowhok

Mariam

Avrugaq

Gr.daught.

F

16

Sg

202

Kokeyanga

Eya

Kukiyanga

Gr.daught.

F

12

Sg

203

Ngongiyu

Edward

Nguungaya

Grandson

M

6

Sg

204

Tokoserayuk

Tuqusighayuk

Lodger

M

39

Sg

Mainl

205

Aveeuhok

Elsie

Aviyuwhaq

Gr.daught

F

2

Sg

5. Village of Chivona {Sivungaq) (Enumerated on January 15, 1920)

206

40

Tungitoo

Jacob

Tangatu

Head

M

38

Mr

Sani

207

Yari

Yaari

Wife

F

41

Mr

Qiwa

208

Ango

A

Anna

Angu

Daughter

F

10

Sg

209

Kunok

Lucille

Qaanaq

Daughter

F

4

Sg

210

Atiku

Ateka

Mother

F

61

Wd

211

41

Owittilin

Daniel

Uwetelen

Head

M

54

Mr

Sani

212

Kayusek

Qiyasiq

Wife

F

54

Mr

Uwa

213

Emarmee

Oscar

Imaghmii

Son

M

14

Sg

214

Apangalook

John

Apangaluq

Son

M

9

Sg

215 39

42

Noongwook

Olin

Nunguk

Head

M

32

Mr

Pugu

216

Ohnomi

Annie

Aannami

Wife

F

26

Mr

Nasq

217

Kawokme

Nathan

Qagughmii

Son

M

9

Sg

218

Kowak

Francis

Kiiwaaq

Son

M

5

Sg

219

Komkihlkongen

Dwight

Kumkelqangen

Son

M

1

Sg

220 40

43

Anagayak

Logan

Anaghayaaq

Head

M

35

Mr

Pugu

221

Apeyeku

Polly

Apiyeka

Wife

F

55?

Mr

Nasq

222

Nalowi

Jeanet

Naluwi

Daughter

F

12

Sg

223

Toli

Jimmie

Tulii

Lodger

M

15

Sg

Sani

50

SLI SOURCEBOOK

224

Kakwok

Qaaqwaaq

Gr.mother

F

87

Wd

225

Emingan

Smith

Imingan

Lodger

M

29

Mr

Siql

226

Akeyik

Akivik

Sister

F

29

Mr

Pugu

227

Taknukli

Tagneghli

Niece

F

13

Sg

228

Pangawin

Bernice

Pangaawen

Niece

F

9

Sg

229

Stoogurook

Lewis

Estugruuk

Nephew

M

Sg

230 41

44

Sepillu

David

Sipela

Head

M

40

Mr

Nasq

231

Pararna (?)

Paayghi

Wife

F

35

Mr

Pugu

232

Tagnon

Frank

Tagiyugun

Son

M

8

Sg

233

Okok

Elsie

Ukaaq

Daughter

F

6

Sg

234

Nukatok

Jacob

Nuuqitaq

Son

M

5

Sg

235

Ugolary

Amllaari

Son

M

3

Sg

236

Asahoon

Asaaghqaan

Daughter

F

1

Sg

237

Pakok

Paakaq

Mother

F

62

Wd

238

Okaka

Ukaaka

Aunt

F

51

Wd

239

Tumblu

Tamlu

Brother

M

24

Mr

Nasq

240

Numilahok

Ramola

Nemelaghhaq

Ss(in-law)

F

19

Mr

Nang

241

Otooto

Earl

Tengasqen

Brother

M

29

%

242

Stigarok

Luther

Estegraq

Lodger

M

26

Sg

Pugu

243 42

45

Oonmohok

Jackson

Unmeggaq

Head

M

29

Mr

Kiwa

244

Paanga

Helen

Paanga

Wife

F

25

Mr

Pugu

245

Emukayon

Elsie

Imegyuun

Daughter

F

6

246

Patakanhuk

Petgenghhaq

Son

M

4

Sg

247

Anakayi

Anaghayi

Daughter

F

1

Sg

248

46

Mukayook

George

Meghyuq

Head

M

24

Mr

Kiwa

249

Maku

Lenora

Maaqa

Wife

F

19

Mr

Sani

250

47

Varie

Peter

Waaghyi

Head

M

Mr

Kiya

251

Iyouklik

Ayuqliq

Wife

F

Mr

Pugu

252

Oonglon

Unglun

Son

M

Sg

253

Bevonuk

Sivukrak

Son

M

Sg

OUR FACES AND NAMES 51

6. Ivishtok {Ayvigteq) (Enumerated on January 17, 1920)

254

43

48

Piniah

Amos

Pinaaya

Head

M

42

Mr

Qiwa

255

Anagiyou

Kattie

Ineghayu

Wife

F

31

Mr

Nasq

256

Natalu

Myra

Natilu

Daughter

F

2

Sg

257

\X7cj vera

\AntVtpr

p

uy

Wd

258

Ligaruk

Mabel

Legraaghaq

Daughter

F

8

Sg

259

Aslahakok

Daisy

Aghnaanaghhaq

Aunt

F

76

Wd

260

Kundlook

Oliver

Qenluk

Lodger

M

20

Sg

261

44

49

Galargaron

Theo

Galaagerngen

Head

M

24

Mr

Qiwa

262

Yapylin (?)

Yaapelu

Wife

F

23

Mr

Nasq

263

Owlinga

Timothy

Awliinga

Son

M

1

Sg

264

Akeah

Horace

Akiya

Lodger

M

18

Sg

Neng

265

45

50

Rakook

Raaquq

Head

M

41

Mr

Pugu

266

Payana

Pay ana

Wife

F

37

Mr

Nasq

267

Avetuk

Harold

Awitaq

Son

M

14

Sg

268

Paul

Sulughquun

Son

M

1

Sg

269

Pataatiya

Mother

F

68

Wd

270

46

51

....nlook

Wade

Meteghlluk

Head

M

38

Mr

Mere

271

Nukuvon (?)

Bertha

Nekevun

Wife

F

20

Mr

Sani

272

Kiyakak (?)

Tupaanga

Mother

F

41

Wd

273

Akomelingok

Fred

Aqumigalnguq

Br-in-law

M

13

Sg

Sani

274

Ruby

Nuughnaq

Ss-in-law

F

8

Sg

Sani

275

Meklahak

Christopher

Miklaghhaq

Br-in-law

M

4

Sg

Sani

276

52

Nongoonok

Vernon

Nungunaq

Head

M

24

Mr

Rang

277

Kayallak (?)

Cora

Quyalaaq

Wife

F

23

Mr

Mere

278

Flora

Elqilaq

Daughter

F

4

Sg

Rang

52

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7. Tunanik {Tamniq) (Enumerated on January 24, 1920)

279

47

53 Pungowiyi

Hugh

Pangawyi

Head

M

35

Mr

Qiwa

280

Nughuluk

Maggie

NegheUeq

Wife

F

20

Mr

Laak

281

Atata

Clarence

Ataata

Son

M

3

%

282

Elagasemu

Donald

Ilagaasiima

Son

M

1

%

283

48

54 Wongotolin

Jerry

Wangqetelen

Head

M

38

Mi-

Qiwa

284

Kislik

Kesliq

Wife

F

34

Mr

Qiwa

285

Okwangaleghak

Nick

Uqengeliighaq

Son

M

15

Sg

286

Sookuk

Robert

Suqaq

Son

M

13

Sg

287

Karrka

Hazel

Qaghiiq

Daughter

F

9

Sg

288

Omungi

Walter

Umengi

Son

M

7

Sg

289

Panarak

Panaaghaq

Daughter

F

4

Sg

290

Retwhongu

Martha

Ratwhenga

Daughter

F

1

Sg

291

Kyyouklok

Herbert

Ggayeglluk

Lodger

M

23

Sg

Sani

292

Panikise

Uugtekaq

Daughter

F

4

%

293

49

55 Kulukhkon

Lawrence

Qilleghquun

Head

M

26

Mr

Sani

294

Asoongu

Rosie

Aasunga

Wife

F

18

Mr

Sani

295

56 Alowa

Aluwa

Head

M

33

Mr

Mara

296

Angekon

Angiquun

Wife

F

23

Mr

Pugu

297

Kasook

Nelson

Qagaqu

Son

M

7

Sg

298

Wakerku

Isaac

Agigseghaq

Son

M

4

Sg

299

50

57 Slkwooko

Charles

Elqwaaghqu

Head

M

33

Mr

Ngus

300

Angemaluk

Amy

Angemelluk

Wife

F

24

Mr

Pugu

301

Nengki

Son

M

7

%

302

Kakesngak

Vernon

Qaqsungiq

Son

M

4

Sg

303

Tokangu

Taqaanga

Mother

F

73

Wd

Pugu

OUR FACES AND NAMES

53

Name List of Eskimo People Living at Puguviliak {Pugughileq),Southwest Cape, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska

This list was collected by Otto W. Geist during his stay at this campon April 5, 6, and 7, 1929. From Otto W. Geist's Collection,University of Alaska Fairbanks Archives, Box 4, Folder 94

First family: Oghokloogak (Harry—Aglughwaq*), Parttuxme (Lilia—Nategbmii), motherof Nonegukak (Bernice—Naangighaq), Kargew (Helen or Ellen—Kargi), Naggoyu(Naghuya), Tapelook (Tapghaluk), Ogngenak (Aghnaghaghniq).

Second family: Old people—Oghok (Old Man—Agaq), Etuguyughok (Old Woman-Iteghyaghaq); Napekoguk (Bill—Napaqaghhaq), Okoma (Hilda or E\da-Ukuma),older daughter. (Note: Kargew, or Helen (Kargi), the older daughter from Harry's,is living with the old people and was brought up by them.)

Third family: Oomgorri (Harold—Amwaarior Qaygeghtaq), Asha or Assa (Hazel—Aasa),his wife; Lozama (Mercy—Liisima), Iyowgluk (Jessie—Ayuqliq), and two chil-dren.

Fourth family: Ohktokayuk (Richard—Aghtuqaayak), an Eskimo medicine man, or sor-cerer; Athranga or Athronga (Atghaanga), his wife, Ookolpakuk (Akulpeghaq),their adopted son.

All these names, with the exception of the ones where there are two or more spellingsindicated, were written down for Geist by Assa (Hazel, Aasa). It is quite possible thatmany of these names need to be corrected. This, however, was not possible during thetime of my visit, because my work of locating possible campsites kept me away fromhomes during most of my stay there.

*Yupik name spellings introduced by Willis Walunga.

54

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These people have their own rules regarding worship and ceremonies, all of this evenaffecting their isolated life at this particular point. The dialect of the Southwest Capepeople is supposed to be quite pronounced, and the people are very much for themselves,(and) are not in favor of bringing into their homes Eskimos who do not belong to theirparticular tribe. Thus it happened that the three oldest girls, during my visit in 1929, hadnot yet been married, although two of them certainly were old enough to be given inmarriage: Okoma (Hilda, Ukumd) being probably close to twenty years old; Nonegukak(Bernice—Naangighaq) was undoubtedly between seventeen and eighteen, while Kargew(Kargi) was perhaps fifteen or sixteen years of age.

Shortly before I left St. Lawrence Island I revisited the camp, and during this visit I wastold that Nonegukak (Bernice) had, since my last visit, become engaged to a young man—a reindeer herder from Sevonnga (Sivungaq) on the same island. Such marriages are onlyreluctantly approved of by the old people, but having so many children on hand thepeople had to come to the conclusion that something must be done with these girls, theybeing a great burden on their families. It happens that many people living in the othercamps and villages on St. Lawrence Island are rather reluctant in making appropriatematches between their sons and daughters and people living at Southwest Cape. Thismay better be explained by the religious rites, such as worships and ceremonies, which aremuch different from the religious rites of the Eskimos who live in other places on St.Lawrence Island. It may thus clearly be seen what influence superstition has over thepeople, and what a mighty weapon the old time Eskimo religion still is.

[...] I found the people of Southwest Cape immensely interesting, and research by eth-nologists and anthropologists would prove immensely interesting if carried for a period ofseveral months at a time.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

55

Residents of the Yupik Community of Gambell

As recorded by anthropologist Riley Moore in 1912

The first anthropologist who did extensive research on St. Lawrence Island in the early 1900swas Riley Moore, from the Smithsonian Institution. He was a medical doctor hired as a fieldassistant to the Smithsonian physical anthropologist, Dr. Ales Hrdlicka. Moore spent the sum-mer of 1912 in Gambell conducting physical measurements of the people and studying localethnography and customs. As anthropologist Carol Jolles notes, Paul Silook (Siluk) of Gambell,then 20 years old, was Moore's primary assistant and interpreter in communications with thepeople of St. Lawrence Island.

Moore published two papers based on the materials he collected during his stay on the Island(see Part 4). He also left some notes of his visit that are now deposited at the National Anthro-pological Archives at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. Some of Moore's papersare also stored there with the files of his team leader, Dr. Hrdlicka.

Among Moore's various papers, a sample of some 180 individual data sheets for head and bodyanthropological measurements of the Yupik residents of Gambell is of special interest.1 Al-though each individual sheet has hardly any historical information beyond personal name andage (see a sample measurement sheet No. I for Immirigan, Smith Imingun, reproduced on theopposite page). Altogether these sheets offer an interesting profile of the Gambell communityof 1912. Both Moore's spelling of Yupik names and his estimates of individual age look fairlyaccurate, due primarily to Siluk's (or someone else's) local assistance.

Documents below present: (a) list of names recorded in Moore's original data sheets and (b) thereconstructed profile of the Gambell community by families, as based on Moore's records. Moore'soriginal measurements sheets at the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution arearranged on file with adult and senior men going first followed by adult women, then by young adultsof both sexes, and by boys and girls.The list of names, with specific notes, was compiled from the

According to Moore's notes,"measurements and other physical observations were taken on 180 indi-viduals of the total population of 292; and of many there were also secured photographs and casts.Those not reached included some of the old and some of the women, who were apprehensive; chil-dren, for whom the mothers were afraid; and a group of people at the Southwest Cape, only a few ofwhom could be seen."

56

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Tribe.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

Sex.

Measurements./ Age ^ ^

Duformntir:

Body:

Stature / *£^^-

Max. Hnger reach

Height BittingHead:

Length L.$L..hT..

/j^J*.

Height.../d?,,..../dT.

Face:

Length to nasion ,. -?

Length to criniou.../

Breadth, biaygom. / ■L/"' ■£/

Diana, front rain..

Diarn. bigonial ././.. /. *£T.....

Nose:

Length to naaion \jf~t.\3..

Breadth O*. f/

.1.1.

Mouth:

Breadth V*7/

Left Ear:

Length.. /,.../..

Breadth

%1

Miscellaneous.Cliest:

Breadth at nipple height ..jo&.

Depth at nipple height 3i-3e.^jC.

Left Hand:

Length

Breadth <5? / /

Left Foot.-

Length .. Z ^, . tr

Breadth -yf i

Left Leg:

Girth, max

Weight of Body:<

(With shoes,

outer garments.*

Observations.Color of skin rrf>£ S3 /~t

Color of eyes A, /3".

Color of hair

Nature of hair

Moustache s^£/.^r

Beard "Ci ^-otf^-r*-

Forehead..

Supraorb. ridges $....-<yrs?±~Gx££f.

Eye-slits i.^C-. XZro>r*^ *>^~4*-cl~ /L<^.

Physiological.

Pulse yd?...

Respiration '3-4

Temperature ^

Time of day J.,^^.^?...*?^,

State of health Jfs1ft?~Z^

Strength:

!r. hand ^ J~/~r v5~1. hand <^J. <*.. ...

[ lower \ j....

[ lower |

OUR FACES AND NAMES

original sheets by Lars Krutak and Igor Krupnik. People listed as "sorcerers" were evidently practic-ing shamans.The remark "photos" refers to face and side pictures of certain people he measured;most of these historical photographs are stored at the Smithsonian National Anthropological Ar-chives (see below and Appendix 3).

However, it was obvious from the list that many members of the St. Lawrence Island Yupik commu-nity were not measured by Moore in 1912. Some people were certainly at their summer fishingcamps away from the village. Neither the village of Pugughileq nor any of the reindeer camps wasvisited by Moore. In addition, the number of children in Moore's record is too small—which suggeststhat many small children and teens were omitted or avoided being measured.

List of names and notes from Moore's "Measurements Sheets" (with Sheet Nos.)

1. Immirigan (m), 24

2. Slkwooko (m), 23—means "fishnet,"photos

3. Annogiyuk (m), 23

4. Metukhlook (m), 28—means 'Raven'

5. Peniu(m)—32

6. Ootillin (m), 48—father of Seelook,photos

7. Wonggottillin (m), 35—sorcerer,strong-man—photos

11. Ozevoosuk (m), 31—photos

12. Atooku (m), 32—photos

13. Yovivukseuk (m), 43—father ofAkeya, boat captain

M.Asshoonu (m), 55—sorcerer15. Kingawouhok (m), 45—sorcerer,photos

18. Okinnello (m), 31, photos

19. Koonooku (m), 33—photos

20. Uoghpuk (m), 32—photos

21. Booshu (m), 37—"one of the strongestmen on the island; exults all others in'chinning' himself"—photos

22. Ozuk (m), 62—photos

23. Koworrin (m), 68—photos

24.Ughoolki(m),6825.Irrogoo (m), 24—photos

32. Atlohok (m),37

33. Ungurluk (m), 50—name means'armor—photos

34. Yughuntnuk (m), 30—photos

35. Konowok (m), 55—photos

37. Messiu (m), 50

38. Opu (m), 32—name means'grandfather'—photos

39.0ningon (m), 35—photos40. Opootu (m), 46—photos42.Minuk (m), 54—photos

50. Neghokhpuk (m), 33—photos

51. Mokuyok (m), 56

52. Waghyi (m), 30

54. Nupokhayu (m), 55

55. Muntokoli (m), 35—photos

56. Ungilo (m), 24—photos

57. Yoghok (m), 26, photos

58. Unggottinganawin (m), 37

59. Tungitoo (m), 32—photos

60. Gologoroongen (m), 24—photos

63. Iwoorigan (m), 38—photos

64. Soonogorook (m), 26—photos

58

SLI SOURCEBOOK

65-Okhtokiyuk (m), 33106. Ongosan (m), 34109. Enok (m), 30—photos115. Womkon (m), 31—photos117. Poozuk (m), 38—photos122.0thalingok (m), 35—means "un-named"

125. Ikhmiloou (m), 43—photos128. Boolowon (m), 32

130. Koningok (m), 37—"a markedexample of a type of which there areseveral men here"—photos

131. Olowu (m), 28—photos

134. Savlu (m), 68—"has a (humanfigure) tattooed on each shoulder;father born at Indian Point, Siberia—photos

149. Brro (m), 27

152. Otiyook (m), 27—sorcerer—photos

156. Kom(n)ooghak (m), 50

160. Tongyun (m), 48

163. Uonmookhok (m), 25—photos

\64. Seppilla (m), 31—photos

166. Shoollook (m), 52—photos

167. Otiyohok (m), 35—photos

169. Imoorigan (m), 42

170. Ifkowan (m), 60

171. Kaeluk (m), 6017-Okyuku (f),49

27. Yaga (f), 35—photos

28. Nglikhtuk (f), 48—photos

47. Kiskungu(f),50

48. Patateu (Pitatea) (f), 53

49. Weu (Wiyu) (f), 68—photos67.Weogho (f), 55

69. Konegurok (f), 30—"light snowfall,"second name Konnikgktikuk—"gathered"—photos

70. Poopi (f),267LOkwohoni (f), 29

72. Annooghotungu (f), 27

73.Singowin (f), 2975.Singlungu (f),3378.Ukonelskwok (f), 5480.Annonoongo (f), 598LOwhowin (f), 60—photos82. Annoguseook (£), 5284.Sevuk (f),6686.0sokhkun (f),29

89. Kisluk (0,31—photos

90. Yoghongwu (f), 31—photos

91. Keyussuk (f), 5692,Ottiku (f), 5697.0kemok (f),3198.0konahokpuk (f), 39

99. Povoowok (f), 57

100. Tooney(ook) (f), 27—"bestbasketmaker on island"

101. Kiyookok (f),35

102. Okonohloowhok (f), 32HO.Yorri (f), 32

118. Okonelskwogok (f), 31—photos

120. Otooku (f),33—"old"

123. Wohkentu (f), 55—photos

127.Annasook (f), 30

136. Ohlingu (0, 33—photos

138. Muzikku (f),72

139. Sowhorri (0,49144. Kerooko (f), 40146. Tokoongo (f), 62

150. Opiu (f), 54

153. Oko (f),49

151. Owgoolaengu (f), 26—Otiyook'swife—photos

154. Iyopu (f),31

155. Papoughok (f), 51—Ozuk's wife,name means 'hill's end'

157. Ohyleitukok (f), 58—photos

162. Matuk (f),62

165. Poongu (f), 26—photos

l68.Tongotuk (f),42

8. Ehink (m), 20—photos

OUR FACES AND NAMES

9. Maskin (m), 16—photos

10. Seelook (m), 20—photos16. Kulukhkon (m), 16—photos26. Blassi (m), 18—photos

29. Oseuk (m), 13

30. Tatoowi (m), 21—photos

31. Okiyu (m), 1436. Oovi (m), 16

41. Oomauhuk (m), 23, dwarf—photos

43. Peskwoktuk (m), 18—photos

44. Okwomingen, Isabel (f), 12

45. Omomingu (f), 20—photos

46. Ohmomi (f), 17

61. Killoimi (m), 18—photos

62. Kaspoongu (m), 21- photos66. Gapellou (0, 18—photos68. Yokhkoitok (m), 19

74. Ohliogholook (0, 19

76. Koozaathu (m), 20

77. Ohnomi (f), 20

79. Soonokoongu (f), 23—photos85. Mowhok (f), 18—photos

87. Kundlook (m), 18

88. Kulowiyi (m), 16

93. Khiyithlook, Herbert (m), 14

94. Insiikson, Ernest (m), 10—"make itstrong"

95. Opotiki (m), 13—photos

96. Ooviokitok (m), 9—photos

102. Nukkuvon (f)> 16—"a support tohelp one arise"

104. Oso (f), 11

105. Iknokmiuk, Ruth (f), 10—stron-gest—photos

107. Okwokayogon (f), 21

108. Numillohok (f), 10—photos

111. Raagunuk, Ethel (f), 7—"thename of a sea plant"

112. Tooli,Jim (m), 9

113. Osoongwu, Rosie (f), 8

114. Mileghotkuk (m), 12—"go withsomeone"

116. Okomeyellingok (m), 5—"neversit down"

117. Mooko, Lenore (f), 12

118. Kingukuk (m), 12—"the wormshave eaten him"— photos

119. Annogohluk, Thelma (f), 9

121. Onungti, Alexander (m), 9—photos124. Nokhnughon (f), 23 —"a brace

to keep something from falling"126. Kunuk (m), 5—"mould like grows

moist mont"129. Retwhoongu (f), 22

132. Ningiokan (f), 17—"untwistednoun"

133. Iyu (m), 8135. Ipkohluk (m), 9

137. Okwongilaughuk, (m), 8—"light"

140. Tupuroowok (f), 11

141. Okunongauhok (f), 6

142. Ovuroowuk (f), 8

143. Tokoyu (f), 16145. Ononmanuk (f), 7

147. Ozook (m), 8

148. Tilungu (m), 9—second name:Immugimi

158. Entugimoon (m), 14

159. Amoningwok (f), 416l.Nippuok (f), 7

60

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Reconstructed List of the Residents of Gambell, by Clan (1912)

The following list organizes people recorded by Moore in families and clans; it also includesthose Gambell residents who were obviously living on the island at this time but were missedby visiting anthropologist.This reconstruction based upon genealogies and early censuses wasdone by Igor Krupnik.Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) and Christopher Koonooka (Petuwaq) checkedall Yupik name spellings and clan identifications. Clans are listed, according to their traditionalresidences in Gambell (Sivuqaq), from the southern to the northern end of the village. Namesof family heads are given in bold.

The Qiwaghmiit Clan

F# Moore's Moore's Name Yupik Name Spelling Sex Age 1920 Census

## Spelling [1912] Numbers

12

Atooku

Ataqa

M

32(?)

197

153

Oko

Aqaa

F

49

198

60

Gologoroongen

Galaagerngen

M

24

261

118

Kingukuk

Kingiikaq

M

12

200

41

Oomauhuk

Umiighhaq

M

23

7

Wongottillin

Wangqetelen

M

35

283

89

Kisluk

Kesliq

F

31

284

137

Okwongilaughik

Uqengeliighaq

M

8

285

Suqaq

M

6

286

Qaghiiq

F

1

287

129

Retwhoongu

Ratwbenga

F

23

3 5

Peniu

Pinaaya

M

32

254

Ineghayu

F

23

255

Legraaghaq

F

1

258

67

Weogho

Wiigha

F

55

257

157

Ohileitukok

Aghnaanaghhaq

F

58

87

Kundlook

Qenluk

M

18

260

4

Kaneghteghyaq

M

30

181

Taliqnaq

F

35

182

OUR FACES AND NAMES

61

Pangawyi

M

22

279

Yangi

F

Legraaghaq

F

258

Nasqaghmiit Clan

128

Bolowen

Pulaaghun

M

32

76

8

Ehink

Ighennaq

M

20

77

106

Ongoson

J l ' 14 J1414 11

M

82

I'M I///I(Tvl MYI

M

3 1

7A

156

Konoohak

w'tt*r fJfJit 14

M

SO

128

17

Okyuku

A h/ivphri

J YK14. yCKCC

p

49

1 79

69

Konningitikuk

F

30

131

133

[yu

Ay a

M

132

105

Ikuokmiuk Ruth

Ihfi/inpyipn

11\ f 11414C fIC(4

p

10

130

Anaghalquyaak

F

1

133

Napaghutaq

M

18

79

/XlLlgpulUK

cr

1 7

1 /

oil

A Yi fltflJ If 1141,14,14, tlYt4

p

10

83

170

Ifkowan

LVJ

DU

Paakizq

cr

I / tP/7/J tP/7

p

42

238

Ataata

M

20

241

Tamlu

M

16

239

66

Gapellou

V/l/JtiPIU1 L414 UC L14

p

18

262

A tipvph/i \ n Mi i m i (Tn 11 pnlyjJcycKU [ill i ugutiiiiicu j

p

221

164

Sepillu

Sipela

M

31

230

Paayghi

F

25

231

Tengasqen

M

4

62

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Tapivupun

6/6

M

1

232

9 84

Sevuk

Ayevaq

F

66

78

Eghqaaghaq

M

38

74

Tenmiiwen

F

46

75

The Nangupagaghmiit Clan

10 25

Irrogoo

lirqu

o

M

24

139

79

Soonokoongu

Sunqaanga

F

23

140

11 33

Ungurluk

Ungalaq

M

50

136

123

Wohkentu

Walkuta

F

53

137

108

Numillohok

Nemelaghhaq

F

10

240

34

Yughuntuk

Yuguntnuk

M

30

12 169

Iwoorigan

Aywergen (or Nekregun)

M

38

68

Yaghunga

F

40

61

Taayqa

M

7

73

Yupestaaq

M

5

70

13 65

Okhtokiyuk

Aghtuqaayak

M

33

92

Atghaanga

F

30

93

The Siqllugmiit Clan

14 1

Immirigan

Imingan Smith

M

24

255

Akivik

p

20

226

Tagneghli

F

5

227

Pangaawen

F

1

228

9

Maskin

Maasqen

M

16

OUR FACES AND NAMES

63

The Nengiighaghmiit Clan

13

Yovivokseuk

Yaavgaghsiq

M

43

101

144

Kerooko

Kiruka

F

40

102

43

Peskwoktuk

Piiskwaghtaq

M

18

103

76

Koozaathu

Kuzaata

M

20

106

31

Okiyu

Akiya

M

14

Aghwalngiiq

F

5

104

Qayaghhaq

F

1

105

Pugughileghmiit Clan

z

oklwooko

Elqwaaghqu

M

23

299

74

Ohliogholok

Angemelluk

F

19

300

1 41)

Xokoongo

Taqaanga

F

62

303

1 1

Ozevooseuk

Uzivusiq

M

31

1

75

Singlungu

Singlenga

F

33

2

90

Yoghongwa

Yaghunga

F

31

147

Ozook

AaazuklLluuyuk

M

8

3

Wayengi

F

4

49

Wiyu

Wiya

F

68

7

62

Kaepoongu

Qipenga

M

21

8

48

Patateu

Pataatiya

F

53

269

24

Ughoolki

Akulki

M

68

99

Aghhaaya

F

58

32

Atlohok

Atleghuq

M

37

Ageza

F

29

Oseuk

Uusiiq

M

13

100

56

Ungilu

Angalu

M

24

64

SLI SOURCEBOOK

ss

Muntokoli

Mangtaquli

M

35

10S

118

Okonelskwoopok

Aghnalqwaapak

F

41

106

121

Onungti Alexander

Anangti

M

l)

107

Qciivangeli

M

S

Nunguk

M

24

21S

77

Ohnomi

Aannami

F

20

216

Qagughmii

M

217

64

Soonogorook

Sunaaghruk

M

26

42

1 S4

lyopu

Ayapaa

J r

F

31

43

122

Othalingok

Aatghilnguq

M

35

44

120

Otooku

Utuqa

F

33

45

Quun-nga

F

46

119

Annogohluk Thelma

Kingungha

F

9

47

130

Koningok

Qanenguq

M

37

120

27

Yaga

Yaaghu

F

35

121

133

Ipkohluk

Ifkalleq

M

9

123

143

Tokoya

Tukuuya

F

16

122

Qellaamruk

F

124

160

Tungyun

Taangyan

M

48

84

28

Nglikhtuk

Enlegtaq

F

48

85

68

Yokhkoituk

Yughqutaq

M

19

117

96

Oovookitok

Uveketaaq

M

9

86

166

Shoollook

Suluk

M

52

26

47

Kiskungu

Qisgenga

F

so

27

lis

Womkon

Waamquun

M

31

28

Nuugigalnguq

F

30

29

Angiku

F

3

34

OUR FACES AND NAMES

453695141

Omomingu

Oovi

Opotiki

Okunonganhok

AmamengaUvi

Apeteki

Aghnangiighaq

F 20

M 16

M 13

F 6

3031

3233

27 631 18

Imoorigun

Okonohloowhok

AymergenAghnaqhluggaqYaagmiqunPanikutaaq

M42 -

32

8990

28

Temkeruu

TemkeruuTuutaAtagaqSivnguq

114US116118

29

Rakok

RaaquqPayanaAwitaq

265266267

30

3

104

[from Pugughileq]

Annogiyuk

Osa

Anaghayaaq M 23 220

Aasa—Hazel Umwari F 11 175

The Kangiighmiit (or Qelughileghmiit) Clan31 14 Asshoonu Asunaghaq

82 Annogoseook Anaghasuuk

NanghilaUkeghyaghaanNungunaq

107 Okwokayongon

5552212120

185

187

276

32

NemaayaqPaniigha

M 50F 52

189190

66

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Asapinaq

F

32

191

Anengaanga

M

7

192

Ukaala

F

18

195

Ay maramkalSa n igh m e

'Inguiit v^lan

6

Ootillin

M

IV 1

48

to

91

Keyussuk

C^iycisic^ (or \^dfvniycicj}

p

JO

212

10

Siilook

Siluk

M

20

96

M )

85

Moowhok

Muuggttq

1

1 (i

7/

148

Tilungu/Immu]

Jimi Telenga/Imaghmii

M

<)

/

7 1 3

Alt/in{T/i 111n InimJiUllrlVUlliU JUijH

M

214

117

Mooku Lenore

p

i j

126

Konuk

Kanuggaq

i\ i

c

J>

15

Kingawauhok

Kingu waaghhaq

M

45

Tongotuk

Taangntuq

F

42

Muzikku

IVIczcka

p

79

/ Z

Kulukhkon

Qjlleghqufi

\ i

i VI

1 A

18

Okinello

Aghnilu

M

31

S3

97

Okemok

Akimuq

cr

D 1

161

Nippuok

I\I/i t\ si si

p

7

/

vi>'-t

19

Koonooku

Kunuka

M

33

13

70

Poopi

Paapi

F

26

145

Ononganuk

Anangunaq

i_"r

■7

/

1 5

Gimaangaawen

r

1 o

23

Koworrin

kJu waa v€ n

M

i\ 1

DO

Avalak

F

56

30

Tatoowi

Tatuwi

M

21

194

Uyatuwan

F

56

OUR FACES AND NAMES 67

21

Booshu

Pusaa

M

37

9

86

Osokhkon

Asaaghqaan

F

2')

94

Iwiikson Ernest

Ayu wighsaa n

M

10

10

Nuugnan

M

11

134

Saulu

Saavla

M

68

139

Sowhorri

Sewhaari

F

49

S7

Yoghok

Yaghaq

M

26

146

26

Blassi

Pelaasi

M

18

149

114

Mileghotkuk

Maligntkaq

M

12

58

1 13

Osoongwu Rosie

Aasunga

F

8

294

58

Ungottinganawin

Angqatenganwan

M

37

152

127

Annasok

Anasuk

F

30

153

Uughqagh m ii

M

154

59

Tungitoo

Tangatu

M

32

206

1 10

Yorri

Yaari

F

32

207

1 12

Toolie Jim

Tulii

M

9

223

Angu

F

208

92

Otikka

Ateka

F

56

210

38

Opu

Apa

M

32

72

Annooehotuneu

Anagbaatanva

F

27

65

1 17

Poozuk

Paazak

M

38

101

Kiyookok

Kayakaq

p

35

272

102

Nukkuvon

Nekevun

F

16

271

116

Okomyellingok

Aqumigalngnq

M

5

273

Nuughnaq

F

274

68

SLI SOURCEBOOK

40

Opootu

Apaata

M

46

143

L36

Ohlingu

Aallenga

F

30

140

lupuroowok

leparghuq

r

1 1

Akuliqaq

i;I

1 AA

1 ^tH

149

Broo

Pern

M

27

150

Opiu

Apayaa

l;

54

0 c

Moowhok

Muaggaq

i;r

1 V

Iintagnen

l\!

1 _

167

Otiyohok

Ataayaghhaq

M

35

49

Ayuqliq

cI

Ayaleq

M

51

171

Kaeluk

QilaklAghilluk

M

60

Walkuta

F

56

109

Enok

Inuuq

M

30

57

Iggak

i\ 1

04

yy

Pomoowok

Patnayuk

1

C 1

J/

<7O/

Nupokhayu

Napaghya

K A

IV1

53

59

Agbnapiggaq

t;r

/TnOU

88

Kulowiyi

Kalaawyi

M

16

61

93

Khiyithlook Herbert

Ggayeglluk

M

14

291

Aghaaya

cr

6

Amaningwok

Emengaawen

□I

A

Iqmaluwa

M

42

37

Mikaghaq

F

40

58

Tuusaq

M

8

8

OUR FACES AND NAMES 69

The Maramakut Clan

51 131

Olowu

Aluiva

M

28

295

132

Ningiokan

Angiquun

F

17

The Meregtemiit Clan

Metukhlook

Meteghlluk

M

28

270

Qiiyalaaq

F

15

277

53 20

Uoghpuk

Yuwaaghpak

M

32

7 *

ID

Singowin

Singaawen

F

24

61

Killoimi

Kelumii

M

18

Waala

F

4

~7'-J

lo

Ukonelskwok

Aghnalqwaaq

F

54

152

Otiyuook

Uutaayuk

M

28

151

Owgoolaengu

Awliinga

F

26

142

Ovuroowuk

Avruwaq

F

8

201

Kukiyanga

F

4

202

54 39

Oningou

Anengayuu

M

35

18

71

Okwohoni

Ukaaghhani

F

29

19

1 1 1

Raagunuk Ethel

Riighnak

F

7

20

Kiistivik Stephen

M

3

21

Puguuq

F

58

24

The Kiyalighaghmiit Clan

55 52

Waghyi

Waaghyi

M

30

250

Ayuqliq

F

25

251

70

SLI SOURCEBOOK

The Kiwatangaghmiit Clan

56

Imevvuun

M

56

80

Annanoongo

Ananaanga

F

59

163

Oonmookhok

Unmeggaq

M

2S

243

165

Poongu

Paanga/Helen Jackson

l;

26

244

Meghyuq

M

11

248

44

Okwomingen Isabel

I 1b/J/1111 Jl YMT/1YIl_y l\ a 11 If III rlYiA 11

p

1 2

The Uwaaliit Clan

57 22

Ozuk

Uuzak

M

62

155

Papooghok

Papegaaq

F

51

161

162

Matuk

Miitaq

F

62

50

Ncghokhpuk Negaghpak

M

32

Iyopa

Ayapaa

F

30

58 37

Messiu

Masaayu

M

so

ISO

Ukugha

\:

Nayegreghaq

M

5

1S1

59

Ayakitaan

M

40

155

124

Nokhnughon

Nuqneghim

1;

23

1S6

Epeqaaq

p

J

1 S~"

60 35

Konowok

Qenaaghhaq

M

Other

61 42

Minuk *

Minaq M

59

163

81

Owhowin

Uwhaawen

F

60

164

100

Toomeyuook

Tuuniyuq

F

27

46

Ohmomi

F

17

* See note on p. 48

OUR FACES AND NAMES

71

Riley Moore's Photographs From St. Lawrence Island, 1912

Since Edward W. Nelson's expedition to western Alaska and Bering Strait in 1878-1881, therehad been a keen interest in the inhabitants of St. Lawrence Island. It was believed that theMasinka, the island Yupik people, were distinct in various aspects from the Eskimo of the Alas-kan mainland.Thus, it was felt by Dr.Ales Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian Institution that quantify-ing the physical nature of the Islanders would reveal new insights into their past as well asprovide for suitable medical treatments of diseases in the future. With these justifications inmind, Hrdlicka arranged for Riley D. Moore, a young medical doctor, to visit St. Lawrence Islandin summer of 1912, with the task to collect physical observations of the islanders. Altogether,Moore obtained measurements, photographs, and plaster casts of about 180 individuals. Obvi-ously, the medium of photography was essential in this process of documentation based upon thescientific level of the day.

Most of Moore's photographs were quite simple, with the subject poised in a wooden chair orstanding upright in front of the camera. Of course, this was the standard photographic proce-dure of the time, since anthropologists of the early 1900s solely employed the photographicimage to obtain reliable comparative and anthropomorphic data. Moore also shot more per-sonal and spontaneous scenes taken from everyday life that immediately engage the viewer oftoday. He used these latter pictures as illustrations for his only extended article on St. LawrenceIsland ethnography (see Part Four), while the more "stiff" individual photographs were depos-ited at the Smithsonian Archives.They stayed there—rarely touched and never published—forthe next ninety years.

Lars Krutak, from the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian, recovered Moore'soriginal photographs and made them available for identification and reprinting.Willis Walunga inGambell,Vera Metcalf in Nome, and Angela Larson in Savoonga made copies of Moore's photo-graphs available to the elders and engaged them (and their memory) in a highly emotionalprocess of individual identification. The photographs of twenty-eight identified people placedbelow show the outcome of this truly collective effort.We tried to preserve some of Moore'soriginal photo captions (those are enclosed in quote marks), with more personal informationadded by Willis Walunga and Igor Krupnik. More of the original Moore's photographs on file atthe National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, are presented in Appendix 3.

72

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Asunaghaq ("Chief Assoona" of the early missionaries' reports, ca. 1855-1930), one of thetop leaders of the island community in the late 1800s; father of Nanghila (NormanNunraela) and Nungunaq (Vernon Nongoonok).

OUR FACES AND NAMES

73

Suluk (" Shoollook,age 52,father of Omomingu"), 186l-l930,given English name"George Washington"; appointed commissioner by Sheldon Jackson; befriended andwelcomed the first teacher,Vene C. Gambell; father or Waamquun, Nunguk, Uvi,Amamenga, Apeteki,Aghnangiighaq and Iknaqeneq; most respected person.

74

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Ungalaq ("Ungwiluk, age 50, boat captain," Whiskers Ungiluk, 1866-1939, father ofQavalghaq (Wallace Ungwiluk).

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Uwetelen, Daniel Oittillin ("Ootiillin, age 48, father of Seeluk"), 1865-1939), father of Si(Paul Silook), Imaghmii (Oscar Oitilin), and Apangaluq (John Apangalook).

76

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Uwhaawen ("Owhowin, age 60"),Owawin, 1852-1939, wife of Minaq, grandmother ofAantaghmii (Jack Antoghame).

78

SLI SOURCEBOOK

nlegtaq ("Nglikhtuk.age 48"), wife of Taangyan, mother of Yughqutaq (RobertTangy;Uveketaaq (Chester Ooviktuk).

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Pusaa (Booshu, 1875-1957), the eldest son of Quwaaren, father of Ayughighsaan (ErnestBooshu), Nuugnan (Ben Booshu), and Neghyuk (Solomon Booshu).

80

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Ataayaghhaq ("Otiyohok, age 35"),Jimmie Otiyohok, 1878-1965, second son of Quwaaren.

OUR FACES AND NAMES 81

Aghnilu (Peter Okinello, 1892-1971),fourth son of Quwaaren,father of Florence Napaaq.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Tangatu ("Tungitoo, age 32, an uncle of Seeluk"), Jacob Tungitoo, 1881-1950, father of

Jimmie 71////' (Tooli).

84

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Yaghaq, Adam,Yoghuk, 1886-1946, older brother of Lincoln Blassi (Pelaasi).

OUR FACES AND NAMES

85

J

lirgu ("Irogoo, age 24, a "strong man"), Samuel Irrigoo, 1891-1985, son of Waamseghaan,father or Miinglu (Clarence Irrigoo) and Ayuqi (Ora Gologergen); one of the top wres-tlers in early days.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

87

Ataqa ("Atooka, age 32"), Harry Ataaka, 1874-1957, second name Veghtekaq,raised Galaagerngen (Theodore Gologergen) and Kingiikaq (Theodore Kingeekuk).

88

SLI SOURCEBOOK

OUR FACES AND NAMES

89

OUR FACES AND NAMES

91

Paanga, Helen Jackson, 189 l-l 966, sister of L/z/Vo (Andrew Ozeevoseuk), wife ofUnmeggaq (Jackson), mother of Imegyuun (Elsie Kava), Petgenghhaq (Howard Jackson),Alakaghhaq (Paul Jackson), and Piilaka (Timothy Jackson).

OUR FACES AND NAMES 93

Qerngughtekaq ("Snowflake"), 1888-1959, born in Siberia; wife of Qunaghhaq, mother ofAya (Nathaniel lya) and Atalluk (Howard Konahok).

94

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Aghnalqwaapak, Aknahlkwapuk, 1881-1939, wife of Mangataquli, mother of Anangti (AlecAnungti), Tunghilnguq, and Talughun.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

95

Muuggaq, Margareth Silook, 1895-1971, wife of Paul Silook, daughter of Neghyuk.

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Nemelaghhaq, RamolaTumbloo, 1900-1991, daughter of Nekregun,wife of Alfred Tamlu (Tumbloo).

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Uveketaaq, Chester Ooviktuk, 1904-ca. 1935, son of Taangyan, father of Clifford Katuk andAlangayaaq (Hilda Tungyan).

100

SLI SOURCEBOOK

Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900:

List Of Gambell (St. Lawrence Island) Residents

Enumeration of the residents of Gambell (Sivuqaq) in summer of 1900 under the Twelfth U.S.Census was done by R.N. Hawley, who visited the island with the summer governmental patrolboat, U.S.S. Bear. Hawley's photos of some people from St. Lawrence Island (i.e. of Suluk, p. 250and Aghhaya, p. 424) were reproduced in the Eleventh Annual Report on Introduction of DomesticReindeer into Alaska (Washington, 1901). It took Hawley three days to make the census of thevillage, from July 27 to July 30.There was no record of any local people who assisted him in thistask.

Hawley's enumeration listed people by houses and also by individual families; however the or-der of houses in the census did not follow local village geography in any way. No individual agewas recorded though Hawley listed personal relations to the family heads—which could not bedone by an outsider without a local assistant. Identification of people recorded in Hawley'scensus sheets and their affiliation by clans was done by Igor Krupnik,Willis Walunga, and ChrisKoonooka. Modern Yupik name spelling was checked by Willis Walunga and Chris Koonooka.Symbols and clan abbreviations are the same as in the 1920 census table (pp. 42-51). Because ofthe poor name spelling, several residents recorded in 1900 remained unidentified.

##

H#

F#

Recorded Name

Yupik Name

Sex

MS

Relation

1

1

1

Imughayoon

Imegyuun

M

Mr

Head

2

Ananomga

Ananaanga

F

Mr

Wife

3

Belwinkhuh

Petgenghhaq

M

Sg

Son

4

Unmuktuh

Unmeggaq

M

Sg

Son

5

Mughuyuk

Meghyuq

M

Sg

Son

6

2

2

Savlu

Saavla

M

Mr

Head

7

Moonhangun

Mekakangan

F

Mr

Wifen.l

8

Soowaree

Sewhaari

F

Mr

Wife n.2

9

Appalu

Apaata

M

Mr

Son

10

Yaghoh

Yaghaq

M

Sg

Son, wife n.2

11

Pelasse

Pelaasi

M

Sg

Son

12

Ungkowee

Maligutkaq

M

Sg

Son

13

Akhlunga

Aallenga

F

Mr

D.-in-law

(wife of Appalu)

OUR FACES AND NAMES

101

Twelfth Census of United States, 1900 St. Lawrence Island(Copy of the original sheet for St. Lawrence Island)

14 3

3 Napagayu

Napaghya

M

Mr

Head

15

Aghinapektuk

Aghnapiggaq

F

Mr

Wife

16

Anagalungu

Anaghaatanga

F

Sg

Daughter

17

Yunge

Yangi

F

Sg

Daughter

102

SLI SOURCEBOOK

18

Emungawoon

Imengaawen

V

Sg

Daughter

19

Kallowee

Kalaawyi

M

Sg

Son

20

Toogoowoon

Tuusugun

F

Wd

M.-in-law

21

Koloo

Kuulu

M

Mi-

Br.-in-law

Mere

22

Poo-wak

Puguuq

F

Mr

W. of Koloo

23

Aningayoo

Anengayuu

M

Sg

Ad. Son

24

Raghinu ?

Riighnak

F

Sg

Daughter

25

Akisook

Akesuq

V

Sg

Daughter

26 3 ?

3 Nukhiyook

Neghyuk

M

Mr

Head

Sani

27

Apaycu ?

Apayaa

F

Mr

Wife

28

Bettowook

Pilugugpalluq

M

Sg

Son

29

Noweya

Nuugigalnguq

F

Sg

Daughter

30

Burro ?

Peru

M

Sg

Son

31

Yemeekikuk

Yimiggaq

F

Sg

Daughter

32

Mokwik

Muuggaq

F

^

Daughter

33

Inglugoun

Iintagnen

M

Sg

Son

34

Mokwuk

F

Sg

Daughter

35

Iyvowiksan

Ayugighsaan

M

Mr

Brother

Sani

36

Palaleeyu

Pataatiya

F

Mr

Sister-in-law

37

Nukmeegun

Nuqneghun

F

Niece

38

Aghotukuh

F

Niece

39 4

4 Rakok

Raaquq

M

Wd

Head

Pugu

40

Weeyu

Wiya

F

Wd

Mother

41

Ovzeevustook

Uzivusiq

M

Sg

Brother

42

Banga

Paanga

F

Daughter

43

Kabune

o

Qipenga

M

Sg

Brother

Pugu

44

Shoolook

F

Mr

2nd wife

45

Ungolla

Angalu

M

Sg

Son 2nd wife

46

Angealou

Angiquun

F

Sg

Dau. 2nd wife

OUR FACES AND NAMES

103

47

5

5

Tellungu

Telenga

M

Mr

Head

Sani

48

Attookka

Ateka

F

Mi-

Wife

49

Oowootillum

Uwetelen

M

Mr

Son

Sani

50

Keysik

Qiyasiq

F

Mr

D.-in-law

51

Sughiluk

M

Sg

Son

52

Seatook ?

Siluk

M

Sg

Son

53

Escakkwa

Isikwha

M

Sg

Son

54

Tungatoo

Tangatu

M

Mr

Son

Sani

55

Yaree

Yaari

F

Mr

D.-in-law

56

6

6

Toosuk

Tuusaq

M

Mr

Head

Sani

57

Mezzikka

Mezeka

F

Mr

Wife

58

Keeluktokogyuk

?/Tuquuyaq

F

Wd

Mother

59

Topangu

Tupanga

F

Sg

Daughter

60

Ikmaltoowa

Iqmaluwa

M

Sg

Son

61

Akka

Aqaa

F

Sg

Daughter

62

Pazzuk

Paazak

M

Mr

Son

63

Aghvosa ?

Ageza

F

Sg

Daughter

64

Keeluk

Qilak/Aghilluk

M

Mr

Brother

Sani

65

Sakomeek

Saqumik

F

Mr

Sister-in-law

66

Angkatungonoween

Angqatengan wan

M

Sg

Nephew

67

Kaloo

Qaalu

M

Sg

Nephew

68

Singling

Singlenga

F

Sg

Niece

69

Inguru

[died in 1900]

M

Mr

Boarder

70

Evagahma

Ivaghima

F

Mr

W. ofInguru

71

Pittumuktuk

F

Sg

D. ofInguru

72

7

7

Akulky

Akulki

M

Mr

Head

Puqu

73

Attyuu

Aghhaaya

F

Mr

Wife

74

Atteleak

Atleghuq

M

Mr

Son

Pugu

75

Annasook

Anasuk

F

Sg

Ad. Daughter

104

SLI SOURCEBOOK

7/C/ D

Aghooza

Ageza

I

KA r

1VI1

D.-in-law

77

Eyuuqkeak

Iyengqiq

M

sg

Grandson

78 8

8 Meklehak

Miklaghhaq

M

Mr

Head

Paga

7l)

Iknakenuk

Iknaqeneq

F

Mr

Wife

1 C D 1 1

(w. or razzuk)

oU

Aginattitowook ?

p

M rIV 11

Daughter

81

Kawarron

\ 1i\ i

c .

Sg

c

8 ">

Toony

Tuuni/Tuuniyuq

p

So

Daughter

oD

Ananmngwa

Anamngwaaq

pi

?

Boarder

iviaru

Q \

Wakeutaka

iVI

c_

s£

oon

8S

Akinapup

F

Sg

Daughter

86

Aviskitep ?

Avelqiiq

F

Sg

Daughter

07

O/

Aloowa

Aluwa

\ A

3g

oon

0 0

oo

Kowwowee

Kawawyi

l\ 1

Doarder

on O

y JSJto (oam o1i..okJ

l\ I

T__r J

Mead

prom oit

90

Beetoon

Piitun

F

Mr

Wife

91

Enuk

Inuuq

M

Sg

Son

Q 7

Gootina

Kutetna

\A

IV I

3g

Son

Atargun (Alargun)

Atargen

l\ I

Sg

oon

q4 i n

1U

10 Ghoongiukak

Nguungaya

IV l

\ 1 rA 11

neaa

Qiwa

/J

rVKKa

Aqaa

cI

IV I I

w ire

Q£/O

Owlangu

Awliinga

KAIV I

^g

Daughter

V/

Lrelowyingun

ualaagerngen

r. ii\ I

c

sg

c

bon

70

Nughaghuk

Kingiikaq

\ i

IVI

Sg

c

'1.1

99

Aveeysohuk

Aviyuwhaq

F

Wd

Mother

100

Ataka

Ataqa

M

Sg

Brother

Qiwa

101

Alanga

Alanga

M

Mi-

Brother

Qiwa

102

Tangootook

Taangutuq

F

Mr

D.-in-law

OUR FACES AND NAMES

105

103

Oomahuk

Umiighhaq

M

Sg

Grandson

104

Nay ah a

F

Mr

Wife n.2

] 05

[\T a cr n a vpp1 Ncttiiidy cv„

M

°g

106 11

11

Okungalatuk

Uqengeliighuq

M

Mr

Head

107

Athlutuguk

Allitekaq

F

Mr

Wife

108

Kisluk

Kesliq

F

Se

Daughter

109

Kaghok

F

Se

Ad. Daughter

1 10

Elgasseem u

HdgcLdsitnci

M

Mr

Brother

111

Seempu

Siingpa

F

Mr

Sister-in-law

112

Kainuktuguk

Kaneghteghyaq

M

Sg

Nephew

113

^JCegha

Wiighu

F

Mr

Wife n.2

114

Peenyyn

Pinciciyu

M

Se

Son w. n.2

115 12

12

Nukpoon

Neghqun

M

Mr

Head

116

Apagina

Apaghna

F

Mr

Wife

117

Upa

ApaalKen uuqu

M

%

Son

118

Iyokhk

s\yuqnq

p

^g

Daughter

1 1 Q

Toghisigluk

Tdgctluk

JVl

^g

Son

120 13

13

Kowarrum

Ciijiit/i/irpyi\y it n'li t t i c /1

M

Mr

Head

i ~> i

1 L 1

/wan. uk

Ansllsib

pr

Mrivi r

w ire

Poosee

Pusdd

IVl

^g

Son

123

Ityhatuk

AtcLciycighhuq

M

Son

Konota ?

Kunukd

IVl

^g

Son

1 ?4

Akineto

Aghnilu

IVl

Son

1 If

Iyatuk

Ayaleq

KAIVl

Sg

oon

127

Tatowee

Tatuwi

M

Sg

Son

128

Ookukheluk

F

Sg

Daughter

129

Nooneen

Nuugnan

M

Mr

Brother

* According to the late Aghwalngiiq, Alice Yavakseuk (Christopher Koonooka's note, 2002)106 SLI SOURCEBOOK

130

XT 1 1 1

Nakooluk

NaaghuLuq

F

M v

Sister-in-law

13 1

Napak

Napaaq

1

Sg

Niece

132

Ozzuk

Uusneq

F

Sg

Niece

133

Kasooka

Kusukaq

F

Sg

Niece

134

Angtokwapuk

Angtughpak

M

Sg

Nephew

135

Anagapuk

Aghnaghaghpak

l;

Sg

Niece

136 14

14

Megootuk

M

Mr

Head

137

Tailikuk

F

Mr

Wife

138

Muklumnuk

M

M r

Father

139

Papak

F

M r

Mother

140 15

15

Menuk

Minaq

\ t

M

Mr

Head

141

Hwawin

Uwhaawen

F

Mr

Wife

142

Ooyinguk

Taliqnaq

M

Sg

Son

143

Koninga

Quunnga

F

Sg

Daughter

1 A A1 44

Yagto

Yagta

M

Wd

Father

145 ID

1 O

Gittughutu

Gategata

M

Mi

Head

146

Nannakyuk

F

Mr

Wife

1 A ~l

14/

Aninga

Anenga

M

Mr

Son

14o

Mazika

Mazaqa

[ ■r

M r

JJau.-in-law

149

A 1

Angaka

Angagga

M

Sg

Grandson

1 CM1 50

Papoogayook

Fapegyuk

M

c

Sg

Grandson

151

Mukkatanga ?

Meghqataanga

F

Sg

Gr. daughter

152

Oyaghapuk

Uyghagpak

M

Mr

Brother

153

Akeyuh

Akeya

F

Mr

Sister-in-law

154

Poppey

Paapi

F

%

Ad.daughter

* See note on p. 48

OUR FACES AND NAMES

107

155 17

156

157

158

159

160

161

162 18163164165

166 19

167

168

169

170

171

172

173 20

174

175

176 21

177

178

179

180

181

108

17

Oozuk

Uuzcik

M

Mr

Head

Uwuci

Matuk

Miitaq

p

Mi-

Wife

Papoogah

Ptlpegfl-Uq

i

Mr

IV 1 I

Wifp nn ?w lie no.z.

Anayook

Anagyuk

M

Sg

Son

Ungawatuk

Negaghpak ?

M

Sg

Son

Bovlon ?

M

Jg

Soon km a n era

aUUU 1V1 Idl J lid

. S 7V 77 Z7/7/717 /TV/

F

°g

I)q 11 en tpr

L8

Avayook

Qenaaghaq

M

Mr

Head

Uwaa

Anaalook

Anaghasuuk

F

Mr

Wife

Un gawt uk

Negughpuk

M

Mr

Boarder

Uwcui

Iyapa

Ayupua

p

Mr

Wife

ivid^oy yuu

IrltlS lllty it

M

Mr

Head

Uwaa

Okowa

Ukughwu

F

Mr

Wife

JT-glld

Aghd

p

Daughter

Luktu

Lugtu

M

Sg

Son

Typoghama

Tupeghmii

F

Sg

Daughter

Tv3 k pra n

i y cirs.v^ Lai i

Av/ihi t/i/j itj a y111\ 11 it1111

M

Mr

Brother

Uwaa

iVILL I II .

Nuqneguhun

p

Mr

Sister-in-law

20

Raktok ?

Raaghhaq

M

Mr

Head

Peng

p

Mr

Wife

. .etunga ?

Ln tu ugu

M

Se

Son

21

A n cri vi l k/ viitii y i_i i\

A »f fT/]/lV/1SiJ 1 flYllH Villi

M

Mr

Head

Aleve

Topanga

Tup dd tigci

F

Mr

Wife

Mctuksuk

Meteghlluk

IV1

^g

Son

Okuphayagan

Ukeghyaghaan

F

Sg

Daughter

Koyalaak

Quyalaaq

F

Sg

Daughter

Mungina

Mangena

M

Mr

Brother

Mere

SLI SOURCEBOOK

182

Akinastuk

Aghnalqwaaq

V

Mr

Sister-in-law

183

Toonapa

Yuwaaghpak

M

Sg

Nephew

184

Ootygook

Uutaayuk

IVI

Sg

Nephew

i o c;

185

Gtoomy ?

Kelumi

M

Sg

Nephew

lot) LL

11

Kogalook

Qawyalek

\ A

rieaa

Neng

187

Aghiuka

Aghnaqa

F

Mr

Wife

loo

Koozata

Kuzaata

N A

Sg

oon

1 07

Koyyasuk

Yaa vgaghsiq

\ A

N A ,-IV11

Brother

Neng

190

Aghinankamu

At 1

Aghnaamkami

F

Mr

Sister-in-law

1 y 1

Peskwolup

Piiskwaghtaq

Sg

Nephew

192

Akayu

Akiya

M

Sg

Nephew

193

Kowktau

Kaawhtaan

M

Mr

Boarder

1

LiOopatuKu

cI

iV] r

Jx. s wire

1

lyj

Anabeeuuk

Aghnapiwaaq

cr

Sg

K's daughter

196 23

23

Tapeezuk

Tapiisak

M

Mi-

Head

Pugu

197

T T 11 1

Upukkok

Epeqaaq

F

Mr

Wife

1 OQ

Attughu

Ategha

nI

Sg

Daughter

199

A 1 1

Akumuk

A I

Akumuq

F

Sg

1 daughter

200

Kundlook

Qenluk

M

Sg

Son

201

Kiningook

Qanenguq

M

Mr

Boarder

Pugu

T AO

z(Jz

Yagto

Yaaghu

cr

\ A .■

Ml

D J'

oas wire

Tokoga

lukuuya

\ A

Sg

Ms son

1A

Wausukhuu

Waamseghaan

M

All

rieaa

Nang

205

a is;

Minanga

Emenaanga

t

Mr

Wire

206

Owiuarrga

Aywergen

M

Mr

Son

Nang

207

Yagto nga

Yaghunga

F

Mr

D.-in-law

208

Akokygu ?

M

Sg

Grandson

209

Atega

M

Grandson

OUR FACES AND NAMES

109

210 Ogmattuk

211 Iyivuk

212 Eguntnuk

213 25 25 Ifkawun

214 Pakok

215 Sipilla

216 Aunaminu ?

217 Yapillok

218 Okaka

219 Pyana

220 Inaklon

221 Apugaku

222 Enaghyoo

223 Anagotak

224 Tunlo

225 Naneeto

226 Annaghatuk

227 Kiyetook

228 Ongoosa

229 26 26 Amekuma

230 Bongawi

231 Oowalu

232 Storok

233 Kurringohtiguk

234 Eininguu

235 Iyoyu

236 27 27 Naukaruk

237 Beeneemu

238 Annagaya

Tiguyngent

M

Mi-

Ayevaq

F

Mr

Ighennaq

M

Sg

Ifkaghun

M

Mr

Paakaqi

F

Mr

Sipela

M

Se

Aannamii

F

sg

Yaapelu

F

Sg

Ukaaka

F

Mr

Payana

F

Sg

Asaaghqaan

F

Sg

Apiyeka

F

Sg

F

Sg

Enlegtaq

F

Sg

Tatnlu

M

Sg

Nanitaq

M

Mr

Anaghataq

F

Mr

M

Sg

5

Angusaan

M

Sg

Amikuma

M

Mr

Pangaawen

F

Mr

Uwaala

F

wd

Estiigruuk

M

Sg

Qerngughtekaq

F

Sg

Imingan

M

Sg

Ayuya

M

Se

Nanqaraq

M

Wd

Pinima

F

Sg

Anaghaaya

F

Sg

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Boarder Nasq

Bd's wifeBd's son

Head Nasq

Wife

Son

DaughterDaughterWife no.2DaughterDaughterDaughterDaughterDaughterSon

BoarderWife of N.Son of N.Ad.son of N.

Head SiqlWife

Mo.-in-lawSon

Daughter

Son

Son

Head

Daughter

Daughter

239 28 28 Kaloka (also J;

240 Kookeeyunga

241 Sabilu

242 Tughitugtoon

243 29 29 Assuni

244 Asu

245 Anatskapuk

246 Ottisone

247 Iyaclon ?

248 Nunglaloo

249 Montokoly

250 Nanyyook

251 Panneghu

252 Ookala

253 30 30 Kunnaak

254 Annasook

255 Attuguk

256 Akamuk

257 Soonkonga

258 Koontuk

259 Kingwatuk

260 Aglinatapuk

261 Elunga

262 Singawin

264 31 31 Seevatuk

265 Nanginu

266 Aratptuk ?

267 Gatapa

268 Washuka

:k) Kaluka MKukiiyanga FFF

Asunaghaq MA as a FAghnalqwaapak FMM

Nanghila MMangtaquli MNemaayaq MPaniigha FUkaala F

Qenaaghaq M

Anaghasuk F

Ategheq F

Akimuq F

Sunqaanga F

Qenluk M

Kinguwaaghhaq M

Aghnaghaghpak FM

Singaawen F

Siivaghhaq M

Enaangena F

Aratgaq M

Katapa F

Maasqen M

Mr Head

Mr Wife

Mr Wife no.2

Sg Daughter

M r Head /Gzrag

Mr Wife

Sg Daughter

Sg Son

Sg Son

Sg Son

Sg Son (in-law)

Mr Brother Kang

Mr Sister-in-law

Sg Niece

Mr Head Uwa

Mr Wife

Mr Wife no.2

Sg Daughter

Sg Daughter

Sg Son

Mr Brother ? Sani

Mr Sister-in-law

Sg Nephew

Sg Niece

Mr Head Siql

Mr Wife

Sg Son

Sg Daughter

Sg Son

OUR FACES AND NAMES

269

Eyatap

Iyiitaq

M

Mr

Boarder

270

Wayee

Waayi

F

Mr

Wife of E.

271

Yatkwirrigoo

M

Sg

Son of E.

272

Katmowayee

Kemuvyi

M

Sg

Son of E.

273

32

32 Anningtte ?

Ananvti

o

M

Mr

Head

274

Aghinagta

Aon dpci

F

Mr

Wife

275

Bunga

Paanva

o

F

Sg

Ad. daughter

276

Teengathaquan

M

Mr

Boarder

277

Annathotoyuk

P

Mr

Boarder ?

278

Nowgootuk

S

Sg

Son of Tng.

279

Xingatwelat

F

Sg

Dau. of Tng.

280

Getingawin

F

Sg

5

Dau. of Tng.

281

33

33 Shoolook

Suluk

M

Mr

Head

282

Kashunga

Qisveiwa

F

Mr

Wife

283

Wunkone

Waamquun

M

Sg

Son

284

Noongwook

Nunguk

M

Son

285

Ooy

Uvi

M

Sg

Son

286

Appetoky

Apeteki

M

Sg

Son

287

Amamunga

Amamenga

F

Sg

Daughter

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St. Lawerence Island Hunting Report, 1907

From Edgar Campbell's Notes—Archives, University of Alaska Fairbanks

These hunting data were extracted from Edgar O. Campbell's notes deposited at the Archivesof the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Dr. Campbell, who lived for several years on the island asa teacher and missionary, evidently tried to document various aspects of local life in his diaries(see Part 4) and notes. He performed birth and death registration, and he also tried to collectannual statistics of marine mammal catch by individual hunters.

The record below represents a list of local hunters (about fifty names out of the total numberof sixty to sixty-five adult males and teens in the community at that time), with the numbers ofindividual catch of walruses,"mukluk" (bearded seals),"seal," and foxes from June to Decemberof 1907—"from leaving of ice to Christmas." This is a fairly detailed record that covered thecatch of 57 walruses, 55 bearded seals, 1,350 seals, and 24 foxes. However, neither the mostproductive spring walrus catch nor the results of spring communal hunt for bowhead whaleswere documented. Nor should the accounts of individual hunters be taken for granted as reli-able catch returns. A similar though more extended list by Campbell of sixty-six hunters for theyear 1909 (presumably organized by boat crews) is presented in Part 5. Campbell's originalspelling of hunters' names—or maybe of someone else who retyped Campbell's notes severalyears later—is preserved. Modern Yupik spelling is added as a separate column. Campbell's"Report" is the earliest record documenting individual annual catch of marine mammals on St.Lawrence Island.

St.Lawrence Island Hunting Report:From leaving of ice, June 1907, to Christmas 1907

Name

Yupik name

Walrus

Mukluk

Seal

Fox

Blassi

Pelaasi

3

9

85

Skivooko

Elqwaaghqu

2

43

10

Ehink

Ighennaq

1

4

117

2

Sellok

Suluk

2

60

2

Kaepoongu

Qipenga

6

5

83

5

Tatoowi

Tatuwi

11

4

103

10

Ungiloo

???

1

2

IIS

Nunrallu

Nanghila

6

4

61

1

Nupowhotuk

Napaghutaq

1

10')

23

Ungwilluk

Ungalaq

1

OUR FACES AND NAMES

Konooghok

C^ndghbdcj

22

Ozuk

LJuzdk

1

Neghokhpuk

Negdgl)ptik

1

7

]VIessiu

Addsddyu

4

Nupohuyu

Mdpdghyd

2

12

Opu

Apaa

2

Iyagitan

Aydkitddn

Kaeluk

Qilak/Aghilluk

1

Ungott

A ngtjdtengd n wd n

1

20

Kooloo

Kuulu

1

1

21

Kolo

Qddlu

27

Knnuktufrusuk

fc> O

Kd n egh teghydtj

14

^X'onggott.

WdJigcjetelen

7

7

Otooko

Atdcjd

30

Hoknkooghok

Eghcjdd^hdcj

1

30

16

Ungoson

A Yigusdd fi

I

Asshoonnu

Asundghdq

2

1

16

Umogo

Attidgu

2

1

26

Ogoolki

Atlohok

Atlcghucj

1

8

Opootu

Apddtd

2

1

10

Ungiloo

??

3

Yovwokscuk

Ydd vgdghs i (j

1

33

Stoogurook

I^slllVi LI UK

2

41

Ozcvoshook

LJz>i vnsicj

7

Rookok

Rddtjucj

20

Kowann

Qu wdd T€ n

4

1

Booshu

PllSdd

7

ii

Otiyohok

Atddyaghhdq

2

3

15

Koonoku

Kimnkd

1

1

17

Okinello

Aghnilu

2

16

1

I 14

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Ooitilin

Uwetelen

1 o

111 n ( t i 1mm

1 LAI Ici-l I WW

I CI 1

2

17

Iv i n o m \ \' m hnL

l\lflYLv lASLlllYlJr/CCLI

2

1 i

TnVnwa n

AlivW VV al 1

Ij~kugh U Yl

1

1

7

1VW11W11W1Y

(in yi/i/icrli/m

1

4

Iworrigan

Aywergen

zz

i u

Okhtokiyuk

Aghtuqaayak

1

16

Boolowon

Pulaaghun

2

28

Schoolboys

Caught Nothing

Hunters from

the 1909 list:

Temkoroo

Temkeruu

Muntokoli

Mangtaquli

Oningou

Anengayuu

Yokhunuk

Yughuntnuk

Womkon

Waamquun

Tungyon

Thdngydn

Koningok

Qanenguq

Soongorook

Sunaaghruk

Brro

Peru

Gologooroongu

Galaagerngen

Swlu

Saavla

Yoghok

Yaghaq

Menuk

Minaq

Irrogo

lirgu

Enok

Inuuq

Nunginan

Nungunaq

Nughpuk

Neghqun

Poozuk

Paazak

Metlohok

Meteghlluk

Killoimi

Kelumii

OUR FACES AND NAMES

+

wo

1/

Yupik People Speak for Themselves:Stories and Writings of Our Fathers

Introduction

George Imergan (Yaagmiqun). Life Story (1940)

Paul Silook (S/7uk).My Early Memories (1940)

Mary Boulown (Amamenga). Life Story (1940)

James Aningayou (Anengayuu). Life Story (1940)

Dorcas Echok (Tuusugun). Story about My Life (1940)

Nelson Aluwa (Qagaqu). Excerpts from Daily Journal (1937)

Sippella's (David Sipela) Diary. 1903

Jimmy Ottiahok (Ataayaghhaq).Jhe Way We Hunt in Gambell (1940)Paul Silook (Siluk).The'Big Wave' of 1913 (1940)

James Aningayou (Anengayuu).Jhe Stories I Heard of Old Villages (1940)Sweeney (Uuyghaq). Stories from my'Old Place' in Siberia (1940)Warren Koozaata (Kuzaata).JUe Story of the Gambell Village Council (IGambell Village Council Rules, 1940Historical Photographs

YUPIK PEOPLE SPEAK

INTRODUCTION

Most of the texts in this section are taken from the original typewritten transcripts stored inthe Dorothea C. Leighton Collection at the Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks.Dorothea C. Leighton (1908-1989) was a medical anthropologist who traveled to St. LawrenceIsland with her husband, Alexander H. Leighton, in the summer of 1940. Over a period of tenweeks, the Leightons conducted personal interviews and collected biographical stories.Thosewere transcribed, typed, and then remained in Dorothea Leightons personal possession forover forty years.

Back in 1940, the Leightons were doing medical and psychological research, trying to learn howthe struggles of everyday life influenced individual personalities, interpersonal relations, andemotional health in Native American communities. In the past, Western medical doctors werelargely ignorant of Native culture and this had a negative impact on Native patients and treat-ments for various illnesses.The Leightons sought to correct this outlook by giving Native peoplevoices of their own to express the courage, strength, and ingenuity they used in solving theirday-to-day problems.Thus.the Leightons felt it was very important to preserve the exact word-ing of each individual who worked with them. The bulk of their recorded data was collectedamong theYupik people of St. Lawrence Island (in summer of 1940) and the Navajo people ofNew Mexico (in winter-spring 1940).

Overall, some eighty personal stories and interviews were collected in Gambell by the Leightonteam in 1940 over a period often weeks.The Leightons never returned to St. Lawrence Island andfor over forty years made hardly any attempt to publish their materials.Their data, however, wereactively used by Alexander Leighton's student, the late Charles C. Hughes (1928-1997) during hisfield work in Gambell in 1954-55 and in his many publications, including his book, Sivoukak: TheEskimo Village in the Modern World (1961). It was not until her retirement in 1979 that DorotheaLeighton was able to come back to her Gambell field notes of 1940 and to process the old tran-scripts. In 1982, she donated her entire collection to theArchives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks(UAF).

The Leightons collected personal stories and interviews from a broad cross-section of the Yupikcommunity of Gambell, including elders, young men and women, and even children. Some of the lifestories are very short, while others are substantial and very long. Several interviews were recorded

SLI SOURCEBOOK

and processed under imaginary names (pseudonyms) to keep people's anonymity; others keep thereal names of the storytellers.The Leightons' file at UAF remained the largest collection of personalnarratives of the Yupik people of St. Lawrence Island from the late 1800s until the stories ofYupikelders started to be documented through annual elders' conferences and under theTitleVII heritageprojects of the 1980s.

The section below presents a sample ofYupik stories recorded by Alexander and Dorothea Leighton.Yupik names and correct spellings have been introduced by Igor Krupnik and Willis Walunga.Thissample is just a small portion of the entire Leighton collection, and the value of the stories keepsgrowing as time passes. For an interested reader, we also enclose the full list of materials available inthis file at the UAF Archives (see below).The present Dorothea C. Leighton Collection at the UAFArchives is divided into three parts:(I) life stories,diaries,folktales collected in Gambell in 1940;(2)diaries of Edgar O. Campbell, the early teacher, medical doctor, and missionary who worked on St.Lawrence Island in 1901-1910 (see Part Four); and (3) photographs of the people of St. LawrenceIsland made in Gambell in 1940. However, a modern reader may experience substantial problemsidentifying the true names of storytellers and of the cited characters in several recorded stories,since Dorothea Leighton had deliberately changed (disguised) many personal names. She thenrepeated that pattern in her only publication of the narratives she collected on St. Lawrence Islandwhich appeared in a special issue of the journal Northwestern Anthropological Research Notes in 1983(vol. 17, nos. l-2,"Eskimo Recollections ofTheir Life Experiences"). In that publication all personaland geographic names have been made up, so that readers could not identify any particular personmentioned in the story.This was the practice if not the requirement of the day.

Two more pieces in this section present original writings by the Yupik people of St. Lawrence Island.The first is a sample from David Seppila's (S/'pe/o) daily journal of 1903, the first-ever published textwritten in English by a St. Lawrence Island Yupik person. It was published as an example of theimpressive progress in Native education in the Fourteenth Annual Report on the Introduction of Domes-ticated Reindeer into Alaska, produced under the editorship of Sheldon Jackson in l904.The secondpiece is an excerpt from the late Nelson Alowa's (Qagaqu) daily journal (diary) of 1937-38. It wassent in several handwritten letters to an archaeologist, Dr. Froelich Rainey, who conducted excava-tions at the ancient site of Kukulek near Savoonga during the 1930s. Shortly before his death in 2000,Mr. Alowa kindly granted permission to publish pieces from this unique document as an illustrationof writing done by St. Lawrence Island people some sixty-five years ago.To a reader of today, theseearly samples of personal journals open a rare window to daily life on the island through the eyes ofthe Yupik people themselves.

YUPIK PEOPLE SPEAK

Q

Sweeney's Story (Paul Interpreter)

August 10. 1940

It seems to me that when I first awoke I knew there were lotsof people at Indian loint. I remember people told me that there wereno people living right at Foint, but farther back in interior1 there

o~ +<-<!-

is lake, and by lake there lies old village. In spring the peoplecame down to coast and hunted there at Jroint, and after whaling wasover the people stored away their catches out of reach of animals, and

I heard there was a chief at Indian Point named Tathleemuk, mean-ing five. He

I »*■*■ , •

roint. Tathleemuk was so small when he shove head of eider duck through Uxa

5 belt he drag body on ground. His wife's breast was as long as hair seal,A U I

-young, maybe that long (measuring 3 feet). And has two children, very

athletic, both sons, no slat org. Dwarf-child-father, When hav'e~pleasant

time, he sling whale ribs and skull5 into three pieces—very strong.

Also Tathleemuk %& with old people to hunt. He set netsfor

salmon and seal, ca-b^fe- lota, ..what he supposed to take Indian Point. He

stored away some kind of plant for whale ceremony. He filled large

seal pokes and took good care scTdogs or any human^eefcne*-touch them.

Besides that he dried salmon with head, only removing internal organs,

A A

and filled another poke, which he was to take to Indian foint to havesome kind of celebration. Then people gathered some kind^roots, 1 to6 l£ inches~diameter. People have to ezamine the inside of rootsflsplitti^VC* roots. Some have heart—very seldom found, ffihen find one, very muchpleased,A&3T good medicine for consumption.

Page from Dorothea Leighton's typed interviews of Sweeney (Uuyghaq), 1940.

120 SLI SOURCEBOOK

Index to the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection at the UAF Archives

Series I

Box Folder :Folder Title

I 01: Aiyaksaq*: Life Story

02: Aiyaksaq: Life Story, Stories03: Aningayou, James: Life Story #104: Aningayou, James: Life Story #205: Boolowan, Mary: Diet06: Booshu, Ben N.: Life Story07: Boulown, Mary: Grandmother'sStories

08: Boulown, Mary: Life Story09: Campbell, P. M.: Gambell Eskimo'sDiet

10: Campbell, P. M.: Biography

I I: Campbell, P. M.: Deer Round-up

12: Campbell, P. M.: On Foods They Eat

13: Dorothy: Why We Have Fog, Food

14: Dorothy: Life Story

15: Echok, Dorcas: Life Story

16: Edith: Grandmother's Stories

17: Edith: Life Story, Stories

18: Florence: Life Story

19: Florence: On Beliefs, etc.

20: Florence: Women and Tobacco

21: Gotulik: Interview

22: Gracie: Diary

23: Gracie: Interview

24: Gracie: Life Story

25: Hazel: Life Story, Commentary

26: Hugo: Story About Myself

27: Imergan, George: Life Story

28: Ina: Early Life Story

Box Folder :Folder Title

29: Irigoo.Ora: Diet30: Jimmy: Life Story3l:John: Nolan's Story32: John: Autobiography^ 33: John: Life Story34: Kakoktok: Life Story35: Kaqoyak: Life Story36: Kazighia: Life Story37: Konahuk, Ruth: On Food38: Konahuk, Ruth: On Food39: Koneak,Wotan, James: Hangings,

Suicides, etc.40: Koneak: Diet Diary41: Koneak: Life Story #142: Koneak: Life Story #243: Laskok: Life Story44: Laskok: Life Story, Mother's Story45: Lawrence's Mother: Life Story46: Likak: On Suicides47: Manny: Polar Bear Story #148: Manny: Polar Bear Story #249: Margaret: Life Story50: Margaret: Stories51: Narrok: Life Story52: Nellie: Life Story53: Nellie: Life Story, Stories54: Nupek, Florence: Life Story55: Nupek, Florence:Thoughts on HerDrawings, # I

* Several personal names (such as this one and others) have been deliberately changed by DorothLeighton to preserve the anonymity of her storytellers.

YUPIK PEOPLE SPEAK

I

56: Nupek, Florence:Thoughts on Her

68:Silook, Paul: Life Story, tattoos, #369:Sweeney (Siberian): Life Story #170:Sweeney (Siberian): Life Story #271 :Tatoowi, Morris: Life Story72:Tattoowi, Morris: Life Story, Stories73:Tatoowi: Gambell74:Tungyan, Robert: Life Story75:Tungyan, Robert: Notes76: Ungott, Eddie: Life Story77: Ungott, Eddie: On Food78:Warren: Diet79:Warren: Life Story80:Wotan: Suicides, Hangings, etc

Drawings, #257: Omian: Life Story3 58: Pauqoyuk: Life Story59: Pindok: Life Story60: Ruth: Life Story61: Sally: Life Story, Interviews62: Sarah: Life Story63: Sevak: Life Story64: Sevak: On Health, etc.

65: Sevak:Talk

66:Silook, Paul: Life Story, tattoos, # I67:Silook, Paul: Life Story, tattoos, #2

Series 2

Box 4 81: Campbell, Edgar O.: Diary, etc., Copy, #I82: Campbell, Edgar O.: Diary, etc., Copy, #283: Campbell, Edgar O.: Diary, etc., Copy, #384: Campbell, Edgar O.: Diary, etc., Copy, #485: Campbell, Edgar O: Diary, etc., Copy, Original86: Leighton, A. and D.: Correspondence87: Leighton, Dorothea: Anthropologist By Accident

Series 3 Box 5 Folder 88 Photographs

122 SLI SOURCEBOOK

George Imergan (Yaagmiqun): Life Story

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "George Imergan—Life Story," No. 27, Box 1

First thing what I knows about my life is beginning from year 1918. And since I waslearned my life, we were at Camp, between Savoonga and Gambell, calls, Taphook[Tapghuq]. Our house is in under the ground, that is, called 'igloo' [nenglu]. It is warmhouse, no windows, no need any kinds of stoves, just seal oil lamp. We live in that camponly for six or eight months. We left this village in August for Camp until first month ofSpring season, and we come again to Gambell. We live four months here.

In the camp my father [Aymergen] has busy time in hunting and trapping and work, andmother [Aghnaghlluggaq] has lot of business, too. She sewed, our clothes, mine and threesisters', and my father's. Sometimes she went for gathering some kind of leafs that we caneat and for keeping for winter times. Because in this camp there were not much openwater, in winter times. But my father went to Gambell by dog team and bring some freshmeat. Gambell has many a fresh meat in winter time, because there was open water wholewinter, and has time for hunting every day, for seals and walrus, and big seals too. Sowhen he brings some meat we ate the leaf mixed with fresh meat and oil. But some ofthem were not eaten until, if we go back to Gambell, my mother wants to take with it tothe people, to be divided among houses. (I) am sure people likes to taste this kind sincethat time. Now few people can (do) gathering now. When we just came home to Gambell,the people bring us some meat and some nice things to eat, and then my mother gavethem leaf. Now more kinds of food we don't taste, only former people can eat it.

I don't think much about anything in those days. But I have a playmate, he is nice boysame in age as I am, same height. I have stuttering when I speak, and he is just the samewhen he trying to speak he stutters. Stuttering is kind of hard to speaking, am sure it ishard. When I trying to speak to him I couldn't say any word, and he is just the same I do.His name of Eskimo is Kowangali [Qawangelt]. Our fathers and mothers laugh at uswhen they listen for us. He and I both growing fine, no fighting in playing.

YUPIK PEOPLE SPEAK

123

In those days our fathers were hunters, by canoe fishing and seal hunting to lagoons, andto cliffs for young cormorants, they brought plenty in summer time. When my fatherstays home he carved some ivory, some times he make some wooden dish, or some toys forme, and for my sisters. He keeps those carvings, for Gambells teacher or store, ifwinter comes. He go there and sold them with seal skin and some times ivory tuskstoo and few of fox skins. He don't use to have trapping much, because, in those dayspeople don't know everything about the thing what we use to have now in this presentdays. I know now we are great change than former peoples. They do not know how toget more money.

When my father come home to camp, he brought what he had buy from store. This iswhat they need mostly in those days. Firearms, ammunition, calico, kerosene, pilot bread,molasses, only those I taste in those days. Now I can taste hundred of things than formersthings. Much poor English speaking.

I don't remember how many years we did back and forth to camping and back to Gambell.We have skin house here, we live in when we come from camp. Now we are deserted thiscamp to Gambell, and dwell here until now. Now far as I know at Gambell beginningwith year 1915. I have many playmates at here, my cousins and other boys and girls. Andthis my playmate at camp, Kowangali [Qawangelt], died that spring in here.

In the month of April, my uncle, boat captain in whaling or walrusing times, togetherwith us his relatives having celebrate the whaling Seasons Sacrifices of what they gather insummer leafs, and had keep in pokes, and beside these some dry walrus and big seal meat.So in this month they open it end offered. This seems to me, in those days, people thinks,only by Sacrifice, when they offered meat and leafs, God should prepare Gift for them forthe spring season. So we can know now by our Bible, those kinds of Sacrifices wereOffering to Devils. The word of God says, "Sacrifices and Offerings thou wouldst not,"so I believed not by Sacrifices. Man can catch what the need for man, that had preparedfrom beginning of the Creation, had mentioned in the Holy Bible. I believe whole Bible.The world is framed by the word of God. Something new, what we seen now and heardare mention in Bible. Now after this one-day Celebration of Sacrificial meat Offerings,many days after, my father begin his Idol Celebration. They celebrated for three or fourdays. They sang and dance in every house. When they finish from in one others house,

124

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then to another, from morning till night. In those days there were many different kinds ofworshiper, Idolize Celebrating, Offering of Sacrifice, call moon worship, like my uncledid. But in different months each captain of the boat they offer Sacrifice. Now there werefew people who can do this kind of Celebrations, in the present days. And when theSpring's hunting season ends, the hunters of a boat with Captain celebrate one day, theyoffer sacrifice again. I think that is thanks offering, they have kept meat from which theyget from this spring. In those days there were different kinds of worshiping. In each housethey celebrate, and sometimes each man can keep their own week Celebration. And therehas Sorcerers too, Far as what I remembered about these Sorcerers, there has two kinds,some kinds are magicians, and other kinds can heal which had wounded, or sick ones. Ido not know about the magicians, I just hear from others, and I don't have watch either.

In these present days, there were none like now. In these days, every Spring people comefrom Siberian side, for trade. They have parkas, fancy balls, and fancy boats and somedeer-skins, and deer legs for sell. So this peoples buy them, Siberian women like somepans, wooden marrow plate which we use in launchen time only, and any kinds of Ameri-can things, sewing needles and calico, dress, any kind kettles, and toys for their children.And their men like canoe, paddles, walrus hides, Big seal skins, any kinds of Americantools, Firearms, Ammunitions, shirts. Sometime they stay here many days. The people ofSt. Lawrence Island take a race with them by running. Sometimes they beat us, some-times we beat them. And sometime after running race, then they wrestling. Some menwere strong in Siberia. So they beat us. Sometimes we beat them.

In those days they have strongest man, in either place, and fastest man too. So this isauthority of men in here, and in Siberian, they have no Councilmen and Officers, no ruleor anything what we use to have now. Only the older peoples can making rules, andauthority was in strong mans and fast mans. But this authority is belongs to one's tribe. Inthis Island there has four or five tribes in those days. If each tribe has a strong man, andhas fast man, these two are their warrants. So other's tribes should honor this kind ofman. Mostly each tribes having a power for others, and trying to make a good men, theycall strong men and fast runners with good. And each tribe could keep the Celebrationsof their Idols worshipper together. And each tribes has religous, should not be mixed withother tribes religous, nor, serve with it. Their Sorcerers were something like a doctors notlong, they have wages when they work for the sick. Some were very wonderful healers. I

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don't seen myself, how they did. But some I know, by talking about the pains they canstops the pain. Like the prayers they talk softly, these prayers could memory. So differentpeople can use these prays for sick. Some were good talkers, no matter they were notSorcerers. These prayers were many different kinds, for diverse kind of sickness, and eachhas different words, and can be used only for pains for pain, and made for wounds forwound. And the sleepless could deep sleep by the prayer, without medicine. Every eachprayers were unlike. And they have medicine men too but we don't have been seen, we arenew peoples in this present day. We don't think much for medicine men and for Sorcerersthat can heal the body. Only we know the physicians now, and it is our hope, shall be ableto do as much as those people. In those days they has no radios, do not knows what dayship will be here. But Sorcerers can tell the time for anything, same as Radio. Sorcererscan knows the ships will be here tomorrow, the day, which they appoint is right. Some didmiss. Sometimes they can tell man shall have something catch, or the weather will begood or bad. Some has right, and others did miss. In this present have none now, becausethere has a radio, that all people can hear the message from stations.

Now in this days there has no anything that we had been seen and known, we are chang-ing every year. Now we are not trying to know the olden times thing, but of new thing.We like Government laws, Doctors, and everything that Americans have.

I knows one time in fall, must be in September, five peoples been fishing by skin boat,and they been lost, they don't have been come back. All St. Lawrence Island people don'tsee them nor know about it, neither found anything something from it in around thisIsland. And in that fall, it was flood, great storm from Southeast Wind, and great swellsfrom west shore, and our house and others three houses, been washed off. So we run awayat night to on top this Hill, and stays there until tomorrow. That morning swells weregoing down, and the wind getting calm. Some go back to village again, we found nohome, we feel sorry. Everything what we have in our house, is gone, so we become poor.My father has some dogs. He sold to somebody, and bought some clothes for us. And welive in my uncle's House. And in that fall, my father begins sick. But he can (do) carving,he is not worse yet that year, he buy something for us from the store. We have teacher thattime, and the teacher gave the 1 x 3 ceilings to the ones whom have no home, fromGovernment lumber. So we have ourselves too. So my father keeps it until Spring, andthen next Spring comes, my father was worse and could not work nor carving, and my

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uncle [Taangyan] with his sons having buy some new lumbers from store, and build alittle house for us with that lumbers from teacher has given, and when they finish it welive in it. My father still getting worse, and could not go out doors, So my mother beginshis hard business, keeping for his husband, and for our foods and clothing. And in thatfall, September first 1917 I attend to school. In November my father died. So we arebecome fatherless. When I was in school, boys and girls fight me. I won't behave towardthem, that's all I [do] cry and go home. My mother had hard time to get food for us, andclothing for us. She get something to do from peoples, and peoples gave her sometimesfood, and some-times old clothes for us. But we live healthy seem as those who has niceclothes.

When school times I was trying to learn. Everything what the teacher give I workedall I can. Sometime when I go home, my uncle [ Taangyan] teach me how to make theEskimos thing, because at last when I become man I might hard time to make some-thing, what the Eskimos used to have. Both my mother and our uncle having reportus we fine children. So I keep on trying to learn both in school and at house. Ouruncle teachs me how to build a skin house also. It is lots of work to do, it has manyropes every one or two years can be changed the roofing walrus hide and the skinropes that were put on same time. In one or two or more years pass, skin roofing canbe old. If the year has much rain weather, the roofings using should be short, and ifthe year has much sunshine weather, the skin roofing should be last longer. And atlast when I become twelve years of age, I can think more something else, and learnand remember something what my uncle had teach me.

.And in school, mostly I have been trying to learn some Eskimo, not much English. Inthose day people don't like much English speaking and works too. But this present days isnot so. Now children like English more than Eskimo. Now clothing were change andlanguage and religous too. Their minds were change specially. They disobey the Ancestralrules, even I. It seems to me Government laws are perfect. Houses are change, food werechange too, and boats can be drived by motor now; before they use paddle, and sails. Wecan hear new things, we forget the Ancestor words. Songs have changed, everything ischanged. Only but Race can not be changed.

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At last when I become fifteen years of age I study how to shoot the guns. My cousins, myfather's brothers' sons, when they go hunt they take me with, by walk in winter time,when ice comes. In summer times I can go with them for duck hunting. At last I learnhow to shoot, and could catch duck and seal myself. My cousins buy a new gun for me,and they don't worry about me. When I learn, I can go hunt alone. So our mother can restfor food for us because I can get food myself. And my sister gets a job from teacher andearns money. So we fill our stomach and clothed. And I school for twelve years and quitin the year of 1928. And from this year I begin fox trapping. And my uncle says I mustnot go so far from village first because I am not know much about something else yet.When storms come I might lost my way, so I don't disobey him always because he istraining me. So I did what he says, every day I went to see my trap with a set in end of thislake. Some day I miss, and went for seal hunting, sometimes for ducks. This is first timeI did fox hunting, and I caught just one in that season. And after trapping I begin forcarving.

And at last I can think for something else to make. I watch my cousins when they makesome sleds and some other things. So I try and try to make something what they canmake. At last I can make some for me, some those things which my cousins have made forme before. And, I have puppies that summer, so if winter comes they grow, and I can gohunt by dog team. And I can go for trapping too. So it's easier to me if I go farther, thanbefore, and can caught seals and big seal more than before. I caught foxes more thanbefore, sometimes blue foxes too.

In 1932 I bought some lumbers from store to repair our old little house, and make amore room too, because we are growing and having little supplies too. Before this myolder sister did married and been leave to her husband home. In 1933 I was thinkingfor new house, so in that winter, I had good luck. I caught eighteen foxes and 1 blue.Foxes were worth about forty dollars and blue foxes about sixty dollars. So I was veryglad and I talk to the Store's directors and with President too. So they order somelumber for me that year, and received July 1934, and begin to build in last part ofJuly. This lumbers and other things, they cost about $300.00. And we worked thebuilding, three men help me every day. We finished everything in September. So Istart for duck and seal hunting. In same year I did trouble from my back. But I was

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good enough for work and hunting. In other year I am more worse, but I can work,and hunt, every year worse comes. And in 1939 I never trapping and hunting. This isthe worst one I been in November, never go out doors until last part of December.Now am little better again.

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Paul Silook (Siluk): My Early Memories

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Folder: "Paul Silook—Autobiography," No. 66, Box 3

I was born at Gambell, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, somewhat in September, 1892.

In my first remembrance, it was either Christmas or Thanksgiving Day. I do not knowhow I and my older brother get in the school house with a coffee pot to be filled withcoffee for the teacher. The same time I received a doll with beside the pot of coffee.

From since I do not remember until 1900, and could remember always from since. I donot do much thinking myself, only I follow the instructions of my parents. But as my ideais that I do not even think to be selfish and jealous, because it makes me think that I ampoor myself, so I thought as putting people's mind to myself who feels about the sameliving as I have. Also my idea is to be [at] peace with every other boy.

Every while my mother has another child, but died, so I am dear to my father and mother.[...]

As I remember my mother sew some things and traded to the traders for white man's grubfor me to eat, so is my father, make something and traded some of his personal things forgrub. Since I remember I use tobacco. It is said that my aunt, whose interest is in exchang-ing things, has taught me to use it, so that she should buy tobacco with other things withit for me.

Once when the teacher came and I first saw magazines and lead pencils, I was so inter-ested about them, made me restless and caused me to cry. So my mother bought a pencilabout four inches long with a pair of boots. This made me feel to pay back my parentswhat they have done to me. This idea is when I grow up to be a man.

I begin to hunt in boat after I became a man. I was in another men's boat, hunting withthem, made me feel to have a boat of my own and start a living of myself. Even if I

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become a man I barely have clothes, but getting enough to wear from the Siberian na-tives, exchanging walrus skin for it, which keep me having some clothes, but 1 do notworry about it.

One spring my father [ Uwetelen] bought several sacks of flour from the traders. At thesame time I am interested in netting auklets. As I have no net of myself, while my fatherand mother do not know about it, I bought an old worn out auklet net, exchange it froma boy with a sack of flour. Afterward I was worry about it for not telling my parents aboutit, but I told them what I have done. They do not even scold me, but was glad that I geta net for myself. From since my experience in netting auklets begin. I began to makeauklets myself of sinew which my grandmother twist to one long piece from sinew, windedin a winder.

I was not trained to make some things, especially fancy work, but I was brought up tohave my own experience.

As I have said before about my father's old custom, he used to be very superstitious aboutsome things that the other people had to do. When I got sick one time he let me lie overa small filed glasses which he bought for me from one of the trader[s]. He tied a smallpiece of baby seal dyed in the red bark to the glasses and took it out and shove it betweenthe skin lashing which holds the walrus skin covering of the house.

I got better, but I do not go out for a while, until I am able to walk around in the sleepingroom. So one morning he and Mother [Qiyasiq] took me out. I carried a walking stick inmy hand, while Mother bringing out a flame of fire built on a piece of board and set it onthe ground, right side of the entrance way but some distance away. Father brought theglasses and took the dyed hair from it and burned it. He let me put my feet on the glassesas though I am stepping on it, one foot at a time, first my right foot, then the other foot.

He pretend grabbing from the metal and throw it up into the air, and break the glassesand put them on the fire and pretend to shake me over the fire and then quench it andthrew it away, board and all. His belief was that he pays for my life from the spirit that istrying to take it from me.

Another time he gets a man who knows some kinds of prayers to the spirit to have me atreatment. The man prayed over me in a very low whisper, which I cannot even hear what

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he says. When his treatment has done my father paid him something that he has, andwith the thing he put skin of some sort of animal, a short piece or raw hide and somechew. These things Mother took to the man's house in a platter, the same platter we eatfrom.

As being a boat captain he was has a boat Captain's hunting pouch, made of walrus hide.It is about as big as a largest hand-bag. With the pouch there are two visors made of bigseal's hide. Those were worn when they killed a bowhead whale. Also he held a moonworship like other boat captains.

He keep some things to eat for this purpose. This he held in the middle of winter. This

was the way he does.

During the day in the latter part, he asks his boat crew to come over to my house andprepare these things for the following morning. At night he would sing some whalingsongs which are absolutely different from dancing songs in its tune.Before singing he and mother and brother would go out in the night and go to the boatand pray there for a short time and come back to the house and sing.

The following morning he and his boat crew goes to the boat and put it down as thoughthey are to go out hunting. The hunting equipment are in the boat, which are whalingequipment.

Afterward, Mother and with other two men take the prepared things to eat in dishes tothe boat and put them in the boat. The boat is dragged to the beach and the people staythere waiting for the sun's arisen. After the sun rises my father sacrifices these preparedthings and the crews eat and I was among them eating with them. After eaten up all thethings we come home and his ceremony is ended.

As I have said before, my brothers had died, so it make my father think to change hiscustom, so that his children might live after. His idea is as though the persecutor the devilmay think that he is a different person.

But in some way I do not know, he goes back to his old way again, until in 1929 or 1930,my youngest brother got nervous and decide to change his old custom which I had thoughtabout long before. So I agreed with him, so is my father.

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In my first days of hunting I use to take a sling and gather some pebbles to shot-sling atthe birds. One day as I was in one of my father's crews, we killed a big seal. The crews werecutting it up and I was shooting with my sling at the birds. As I have only one pebble left,I waited for a large flock. Then it happen a large flock came near by. I took my pebble andput it in my sling and swung it at the flock. All of a sudden the pebble hit a bird, thenanother, and another, and then another, which were four in all. I was very proud of thefour birds I had slung with one pebble, and had never heard about any one lately whoshot four at a time.

From since I was very fond in slinging birds, but now I am not. My boyhood is a hardone. I could hardly have enough ammunition to shoot at the birds, but I do not care.When my father buys few bars of lead I make shot out of it and loaded my shells with itand shoot birds with it.

[...]

Since I first remember my father or uncle's wives when having a child, they are not al-lowed to eat rotten meat, neither baby walrus nor young seal meat. The reason is whendelivering they fear that they will have a hard time. The other reason, people used to thinkthat they think to have boys instead of girls.

When a young woman with a child is to go out, of course person have their parkas out inthe outer room. Before she goes outside of the house, she do not put her parka on but stepright out before the door and come right in and put her parka on and can go out. Everymorning when she rises up from the bed, she puts on her clothes and goes out and comein and can do her errand.

The reason is so that when she is going to have a child should not have a hard time. Soalso the husband do the same thing for her. When a child appear, she is in bed for fivedays and can go out after five days. She is not allowed to eat raw meat until the navalof the baby is cured.

While a child is still weak the mother does not eat any kinds of roots until the child canwalk. The reason is if she does eat roots while the baby is not walking it will cause muchsnow blindness. Also while the mother is still in bed, she does not drink any water untilafter the fifth day.

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If the child grew, especially a boy, the mother is very cautious, as if the boy wounded, orcut himself badly, she should not drink any water until the wound is cured. Even the boybecome a young man, the mother still taking care of some wounds that takes time to behealed.

If a woman had a boy child, whenever she is to dance, the father-in-law puts his beltaround the woman's neck who is his daughter-in-law. This is a sign of honor, because thepeople used to praise a woman who bear boys, but now-a-days people do not care aboutonly boys, but people like both boys and girls alike.

The woman is taken care only by the woman when having a child, so also it is not knownby men. It is a secret problem.

[...]

When I was a boy I was more interested in seal shooting and duck shooting, but myinterest was less in trapping. The reason is that my father does most seal hunting.

After I can remember he held a ceremony, whose beginning is same as the other cer-emony. Dried seal skins were hanged around the house over the lamp, and has dried bigseal meat for to offer a sacrifice.

Dancing and singing were included, which Father says, that was not in the ceremony, butwhen his guests decide to have the singing he let them do their will.

He used to be a good seal hunter and says, we his sons are men of the ceremony, so John,my youngest brother [Apangaluq] is a good seal hunter.

After I grown up to be a man I use to have a poor dog-team, which I raise them myselfand bought a few of them from neighbors. Nearly every fall, I use to kill big seals, youngones, and some time I shot walrus. Later I stop using dog teams and hunted on foot,especially before the snow falls. I walked about four to five miles, carried my gun and sealhook and skin ropes on my back. When I shot a seal, I have to carry it on my back to theway home.

My mother use to gather some grains for the winter, so farther and I have to go with her.

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After my sister born in summer, father, mother and I used to go hunted for auklet chick-ens, out on the cliff which is a mile off from the village. One time my aunt and one of myplaymate went with us. We climbed up over the mountain and climbed down on theother side of the mountain and walked back along the side of it, capturing some aukletchickens. Of course, I and my playmates had grown to be a manhood.

On the way we three of us, my aunt and the other boy, came to a beautiful running creek.Father and mother was in front of us about several hundred feet ahead. We were verythirsty, so we drank from it. As soon as we overtook father and mother we told themabout our drinking from the creek. Both scolded us and told us that creek is forbidden todrink and told us if we drink from it, will cause a person a bad heart, or heart trouble inthe future. This scared us a little, but forget about it later.

[•••]

When I am still young I do not think much about thunder storm. One time since Iremember, there was a thunder storm. When it roars my grandmother was so scared,which seems very funny to me.

[...]

Some years afterward another thunder storm happen which I was scared. But once I waswalking with Lawrence [Qilleghquun] to the south side about two miles off the village. Ihave new trousers and Lawrence [Qilleghquun] wore a new parki. While we were walkingit begins to rain. I took off my trousers, so also Lawrence took off his parki and shelteredby a large whale skull. While we were there we heard something roaring, which scaredLawrence, who is younger than I am. I try to have him kept from his scare and told himthe roaring is the roar of waves. I know myself what it was. After the rain stops we bothrun home. By the time of our arrival the village, the lightning begin to flash and we werescared, but it did not last long and it stopped.

[...] One spring while we are hunting in a whale boat, Iyakatan [Ayakitaan] kill a whale.While we were cutting up the whale, wind arose from the east. We were about twenty ofthirty miles off shore on the western side. The wind was not fair to sail straight home. Wehave to sail one way and turn to another way home.

It was beginning to get dark when we start for home. My father was our captain, and I wasbeginning to have chicken-pox. It was tough time for me. I have to lay down near the

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stern of the boat and have a pain. A poke was spread under me and another (poke) on mefor blanket. We did not wait for the other boat but sail right along until we arrive to thesolid shore ice. There we saw a flash of light going up the air away from the shore ice.

We waited there fore a while until a boat came and told us that one of the boat struck acake of ice and broke their boat, but another boat was near, so they came and mend it forthem.

We arrive home after the break of the day. As soon as the boat struck ashore I stepped offand went home, not helping the crews, for I am suffering. I stayed in bed for couple weeksand recovered of my chicken-pox.

A year after, I became the shooter [sivuyaghta] of the boat, taking the place of my uncleTungatoo [Tangatu]. At the same time we have no dogs, so when we kill some walrus Ihave to load sled and drag it to the house.

One spring the shore ice was about two miles off to the open water. We have to drag ourboat to the edge at the hunting hours.

As soon as we come home and arrive to the place where we had launched with a load ofmeat, I and my uncle have to load each sled with meat and drag it home while my fatherwas waiting. He waited there for us for several hours. The other boats who had arrivedwith us have teams of dogs and they haul their loads at once.

So when we come home the other had woke up from their sleep while I and my uncle stillhauling meat home. The trail was very smooth on the way to the village.

One day the shore ice begins to move while we were home and our boats were at the edgeof the shore ice. The other people hitched up their dogs to their sleds and drove them totheir boats, while I and father and uncle and two of our crews ran to our boat. Our boatwas light and in hauling them home we were among them. Of course we have to drag itabout two or three miles. Later the shore ice broke and goes off, so save us from draggingit for a far distance.

[...]

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Some time I and my uncle [Tangatu] shot 10 to 16 walrus in a day, also good many bigseals in a day. Our boat leaks pretty bad, but we do not care much about it for the windhad blown it twice and damaged it very badly.

At that time no one has any motor, so we have to row out and in when the weather iscalm.

Years passed when I became an apprentice to one of the herders. I went with my boss sealhunting to the eastern side of the Island and stayed several days near southeast cape of theIsland. On the way coming home when we were on the northern side of the Island, ourmotor was not in good condition. Some way the oil does not work right. We tried manyways to have it work, but could not. So my boss asked other elderly men to pray at themotor and see that who can run it. So two of the men tried but did not work. Of courseit was an Evinrude, the old style one.

At last he prayed over it in his own way and cranked it, but did not run. I took turn andcranked it once and it runs. The motor runs for a long distance without any oil, which wewondered about it. By the way, my boss is one of the sorcerers. After running it severalhours my boss was to praise it, holding his hand over it, which stops it and never morework again. So we have to sail part of the way to our house.

I took all my family, my wife and Nolan [Kanuggaq] only. One time I killed a female sealwith young as big as my thumb. Nolan [Kanuggaq] played with it for a while, thenafterward when he got tired of it, he ate it raw.

Afterward when I received my appointment, I came home and hunted in Adam's [ Yaghaq]boat for one spring, and another spring I hunted in Dick's [Angqatenganwan] boat fortwo springs. Another year I hunted with Andrew [Uzivusiq] and was with him for severalsprings until I get my own boat. The first we have 3 ° horsepower Johnson motor andlater four-horse power.

A year afterwhile, having the same 4 horse-power motor, Booshu [Pusaa] kills a big whalewhile few of us were out hunting. We were on the northern side of the village and thewind arose from the north. It is a good thing that we were among the ice, so we run ourmotor among the ice back home, after cutting up the whale. As soon as we landed on the

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eastern shore, shear pin of our motors propeller broke. It was narrow escape for us. If thishappen while we were off shore, the wind will drift us away.

[•••]

At that time in my early manhood I was interested in hearing stories, old custom, andlove to write them. Later I have more interest in them. One thing is in my mind thatwhenever natives have interested in some things that has been adopted from white people,it seems to me that when whites enter to it spoils the natives interest. As I myself think thenatives tried their best. I am not praising them but saying the truth. As for myself I amnot equal to anyone, as perhaps I am the least.

My idea is when a person complains (to) other, perhaps they realize their own righteous-ness by themselves. So my idea is to treat every one alike, because at the end of the ageevery one will stand before the Judgement Seat of Christ and will be judged. This idea isI adopt from the Bible. So I do not care in the flesh whether a person do not like me ornot, but I would be a friend to every one.

My father was use to be quick tempered, but I do not want to follow it, but only thing Iwould follow the way he instruct me to do. Only one instruction I did not keep. I wasforbidden not stay up at night when the night gets short.

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Mary Boulown (Amamenga): Life Story

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "Mary Boulown—Life Story," No. 8, Box 1

July 11, 1940

When I was little girl my playmate is Anna [Aannami, Annie Noongwook], Alfred's[Tamlu] sister. Her father, Ifkawn [Ifkaghun]. We are very good friends. Her sister is myuncle's wife, that old woman they took to July on sled {Roberts [Yughqutaq] mother,Enlegtaq). Sometime all day we go to that woman's house, we play all day, and that woman'sdaughter, too. We play some games, jumping, and we play inside the house. That timeinside the house not much light, we use lamps from clay. But we never care about dark.And then inside we play make little 13 house. We use little man made of ivory, that big(one inch). We made them stand. Now we have that kind, that little man. Sometime weplay wooden doll. Sometime we play with doll we make ourselves; we have clothes likethese. In winter time we play that way.

In summer time we play swing, play tag, hiding. Sometimes we play with sides. First wehave big sing, we try to see which side have lots of songs. After singing we do that way {tagin teams). (What kind of songs?) Me sing about what kind of faces that side had, what theirhair, about their clothes. We sing, that girl tried to get married, but that men don't likeher. Funny songs, we sing. Sometime we sing about that girl not much good sewer. That'sone game that way.

Sometime on that beach we make with our feet like this (spiral). One girl in the middle.We singing. We start at the outside and come in. When we in, that one in middle try totouch, come after us. We run out in these circles. If she touches us then we go in middle.

What else we play? Every day that girl, that my best friend, we go to school same time. Ifwe go out we go always together. We go together get some greens. And we go to schooltogether. In school every Friday that girl and me sweep the floor. She is older than me. Shemarried my brother [Olin Nunguk], the one at Savoonga. Last year she died. I think (shewas) eighteen when she married my brother.

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{Otherfriends?) That one, Tatoowi's [Tatuwi] wife [Ukaala]. We do like that together inschool. She is younger than me. Jimmy's brothers wife [Ukaala], my father's relation'sdaughter. And Silook's [Siluk], Paul's wife [Muuggaq], good friend. May be that's all.

{How old when you learned to sew?) I think same as this, seven years. {How teach?) Somehard to teach, some quick learn. My, embroidering sewing hard to learn. My mothertaught, and Ruth's mother [Akayeka Dorcas, mother of Ruth Iknaqeneq?}. That womanlike my father sister. He give her Ruth to raise. See, long time, our relation, when theyhave no children, they give them children. Sometime my mother ripped my sewing, I cry.Then I do it again. Then I learned little bit. Then after that I do it myself, I learn. Sewmany clothes for my brothers. Then my mother not much sewing, she get weak, eyes notmuch good. My sister, Pansy [Aghnangiighaq], she help me; I teach her. She learn fast,she is good sewer, faster than me. This girl' s mother. Then she married Ernest,[Ayuwighsaan] but she died. When Mr. Smith was here, she died. This girl was about twoyears old.

{What start on, learning to sew?) First, raincoat. Easy to sew. First, women's, because thestitches are on the inside. When I learn to sew straight, then men's, where stitches are onoutside. Use running stitch, only not this way {white way); this way {straight in and out, asthey sew skins now). Then boots, short water boots, for my brothers. Man's boots, theystretch hard, so I do no go-hunting boots. And pants. First thing she teach me makingthread, very hard, hard to learn. Then the top seams of boots, not the soles. They are morehard. When she think I can sew seams good, then she let me do these {side seams on soles).Oh, hard! Then after that I do this one {end of soles), I do all. In one day I do one side, thenin one day I do whole thing. I get faster and stronger, too. Then she teach me biting this{sole), first, she soaked little bit in water, then she cut for me, then she teach me biting.Some women, they don't know now; its hard. {What do they do?) They let other woman.

Now my eyes are not much good. Maybe too much headache. My eyes hurt, too, when Isewing. I make them hurt. I can sew outside alright. Sometime I sew outside, I look up Ido not know the one who is coming. {Can't accommodate fast.)[•••]

At first our teeth hurt, too hard! We try to take off the whole blubber because some ofthem left there, sometime make big hole in skin. Then they dry them. First we wash outthe oily skins with water, and soap. After skin dry, we scrape {motions away from self meat

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side. For making water boots we never make soft, only scrape. For make pants and stock-ings we make soft {indicates rubbing between hands). We wet little bit, we rub like this,make soft. Then when they dry we scrape again, we stretch them. And we cut for pantsand stockings, and mittens too. {What kind seal?) Hair seal. {How about spotted seal?) Toomuch shrink. We make winter boots, not much wet. {Mukluk?) We do like seal-skin. Takeall the blubber off, we wash the hair little bit, then we tie with rope on the seashore and letthe waves wash it. {How long leave it?) Not long, maybe ten minutes. Sometimes men takeoff the hair. Woman too can take off hair. Then we dry it, mostly outside. When they drywe use for soles. {How long soles last?) Not one year. These {pointing to hers) will be oldbefore winter. {When were they made?) June. {When make winter ones?) September.{How many times resole?) Two times, then make new boots. But when I was a girl I neverput two times, I make always new ones! {Laughs.) This is not sealskin {pointing to ties), thisis reindeer skin. I made this winter. {How make them?) First put in warm place, put insack, sad I hang up. That time when I hang it up it was warm weather, and my room, too,get very hot. If I let stay two days, it will not much smell. I let stay three days, it is little bitstrong smell when I take off the hair. I soak in water, change the water every day. ThenElton [Napowhotuk, Angqaki] dry it on rack {indicates hanging over in a fold). We letdried outside.

[...]

Many girls use that skin. You, too, that girl she tell me. {What use otherwise?) Sealskin,always sealskin. {How make seal white?) We put in hot place two or three days. Then we letdown. Hot place make hair come off. Then we twist with two sticks wood, we twist hard,this way and that way. We soak in water, until the smell, it get a little off. The water getnew every day, then we twist every day. When they get clear we never soak any more. Wesee the holes, every holes. Then one arm we never sew, we blow. Then we go outside, weblow {to inflate the skin). Before get finished, we rub with snow, rub the dirt off with snow.Then men hang out, on a pole through the neck and one. Stay there many days.

[...]

That big wind [of 1913], that's very terrible. Water come up very fast. When night cameour father tell us, I think we can't sleep. Waves grow very fast. When we go out we sawthey took canoe near to our house. {Waves?) Yes. I think that time flat, little bit flat. Thenwe go to mountain. We took our grandmother, too. First time she didn't like go, but wetake her. She says, "You better leave me here." {Why say that?) She like die in her son

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house. I think because—somebody buy first house, lumber house, then that one next. Westay there at mountain three days, maybe three days. Water going down very slow. Andmy two uncles, Hazel's father [Aymergen] and Robert's father [Taangyan], live with us inone house. Then my young uncle move to Walter's [Uusiiq, house of AkulkP.} house,because we are too many I think. {How many?) {Counts on fingers.) I think sixteen. {Justone room?) We made two, one here, one here. That time our Eskimo house is big. We havepicture of that house.

Then what time, sometime, Hazel father [Aymergen] sick, all winter he sick. (What wrong?)His arm swelled this way {upperpart). {Old?) Not old, our youngest uncle. When he getmore sick he come to my house. From that to my brother's house. Only himself, he come,leave his wife and children Walter's [ Uusiiq] house. (Why come?) I think he want to cometo his brother's house. We take care of him. All his children is small. Uncle's is bigger thanothers. Then my father and brother make house for them, maybe big as Thomas'[Apasengaq] house. Near to us, they made house. And before winter, he died. {All thesame sickness, arm?) I think something more sick, only I notice this arm. {How big Hazel[Aasa]?) Maybe this big—{Looks about ten or twelve.) My father and brother [Suluk andWaamquun?], we help them always. And my father's relation, too, help them, the chil-dren. {What way help?) By food and clothes, changing the cover of the house, skin.

That my uncle is good singer, and good carver too. Songs about his carvings sometimes,about bell ringing and combing hair. Hazel [Aasa] can comb hair and other side too.Only call Hazel [Aasa] "Daughter." Little pots with covers, paper knives, chains, someother things, too, he could carve.

{Ever hear him sing to cure sick?) I was little. Only I heard, I didn't see. {Not allowed in?) Wescared. We heard they let some kind devil in to help; all dark, blow out lamps. Only ourfathers go inside. "Our grandmothers explained it this way. She say, 'These man exercisein dark, get strong very quick, fast, then they learn how to make these songs, do thesething."

{What do then want to have a good time?) Singing, that it. What look like, house? Roundoutside; inside living room long, room at back, made of deerskin, all deerskin, around.Covered with lots of grass all over. Only they have no window. They are warmer than weuse now. When warm day come we take off the snow, we shake the grasses, after we take

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off the snow we fix them again. Take it off the outside roof. The frost and snow both.Every day we take off of this hole (ventilator), its cover; take off all the snow and the sidesof the room. The hole let out the hot air, like ventilator. We had a little hole in the insideroom, too. Our father take down, then we girls sweep off and take outside {the snowoutside). Sometime he sweep for us. He's busy all the time. Our father, he never tired ofwork. Woman things, too, he can work. Lamps, and empty the buckets, sometime he sawa little bit, from his hole {that is, made). He is good father.

Only in warm weather we do that way to house. Cold weather, front curtain only we hitwith stick and take snow outside. Going inside and outside make that way. When ourroom gets smoky, we wash with water, then we scrape with mincing knife. When our feelgets sticky of floor, we wash, not scrape, just wash. (How often?) Not every day. We takecare our floor, 'cause we sit always with our skin right on it. We never wear anythinginside, everybody. (Same way now?) No more, we try to cover always. (Who told you to dothat?) From teachers, our first teacher, he try to make us cover. (Keep room cooler?) Whenget very hot, we put little stick under curtain. (I explain.) No, not so hot. WTien we getvery hot at night we do this way. (With blotter and walrus rib, indicates how they hold thecurtain down tight if cold, and put it down to their shoulders if hot.)

Now, myself, in my house we use another pillow, not on wood. And I change my curtain,too, now cloth. (Not so warm?) Just right. Just for summer. (How many lamps in roomwhen you were child?) Four, some three, small room. Our room big. Sometime I put a littlelamp in that corner to my sister. Sister has died, Ernest's [Ayuwighsaan] wife.

All sewing, never missed one day. (How old when began?) Maybe big as my girl, I knoweasy things. (About nine.) Sister smaller, she's next to Ruth [Iknaqeneq], last one. Mostly Iraised that younger sister, only my mother, she nursed her. I take care of her, make take abath, changing clothes. I take her outside sometime. 'Cause my mother had lots of work—sew and cooking, making skins, scraping skins, make oils for lamps.

In winter we pound oil from blubber. Then when we finish pounding, we cook. Walrusoil is the best, not as much smoke as seal. (That is, seal doesn't smoke if walrus is put with it.)When cooked we pour in some big can, coffee can, five pounds, that much. Sometimeswe pounded many and put in big kerosene can; we put same place. Before warm weathercome we pound plenty. When warm weather come we cut very thin and cook. Take

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Grandmother. Mother

Womkon'sWife

X X

o X

Sister

X

X

Mary

(Used to sitthis way)

longer to make oil that way than pounding. {Ever use blubber in lamps without extractingoil?) Yes, walrus blubber sometime. Seal blubber make much smoke, but if mix littlewalrus oil not much smoke. Our pots get very smoky with seal oil.

{How long take to boil kettle of water on lamp?) Not one hour maybe. {People like the lampsbest for cooking?) Yes, in winter time. In summer, too, some people live in that roomalways. One who has no lumber house. Says hasn't moved into own summer house thisyear because of husband's coughing. I ask how long married. She says long time. {19 to20, or 14 to 15?) I think after twenty, because my father didn't let us marry. {Why not?)Because he always pet me. I think that's why I nearly lost when I had my first baby, notcome out quick.

{Why sickness makes her give away baby?) Lot a people were sick that time. {How?) I don'tknow what kind sickness. My mother too sick to take care of baby. {How other woman feedRuth [Iknaqeneq] ?) From cream, condensed milk, and flour.

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James Aningayou (Anengayuu): Life Story

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "James Aningayou—Life Story," No. 3, Box 1

June 18, 1940

(Tell what you remember when you were little.) All right. Begin from just the beginning ofknowing something? (Yes.)

I was begin to know something, used to we were camping other side of mountain. Sum-mer time we live in just the frame covered with the walrus skin. Then when the coldweather come, move in to what you call, in the ground house, ngloo [nenglu]. Three sidesplace for sleep and one above, just something like a shelf. Then what you call, entrance,way to go in, kind of a narrow hole, toward the sea, and build an extra frame of wood. Youunderstand, that kind of square room and entrance, very narrow and leave little hole end,then over that build another frame, and cover on top too, cover with sod. Leave a littlehole on the corner, for come out, and go in. Then we stay there until the month of,sometime January or February. Come to here after that.

Then built another frame, then covered with walrus skin. Then built extra room forsleeping inside. Just like you seen, Charlie's [Elqwaaghqu?] place. Something like that,extra room. We use an oil lamp to burn. Then when the spring comes, first part of June orlast part of June, tear down that frame house, everything, then ready for summer. This isenough about camping and moving to winter house.

Then at that time, no steamer. All got sailing ships. We saw lots of them going by, whal-ing. Then later on we saw steamer, after that getting less sailing boats. Then nothing butskin canoe, no whale boat. And I saw skin canoe sail, made from walrus stomach, but I donot know how many stomachs make enough for one sail. Kind of a square sail, eachsewed with seal skin. Just top has a yard, nothing on the bottom. Then later on I sawmade from a print bottom for whaler, made exactly shape of the square. Same thing, justone long stick on top. Then after steamers being here, I saw one whale boat, bought fromIndian Point [Ungaziq in Siberia] It was Andrew's father [Iyengqiq, father of Andrew

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Uzivusiq]. Then the next, Sepillu's [Sipela] father [Ifkaghun]. He died; he was the chiefhere. Before that I think some ship was wrecked somewhere near here and brought overhere for whale boat. When hauling up to another beach, just rolling over sideways, sternand stern, until get right to another beach. We laughing about that; now other way wehave to be very careful of our boats. I never seen myself, but I heard.

At that time I saw four ngloos [nenglu] here at the village; one over here {northeast) rightclose to the work shop. Another one close to Wamkon's [ Waamquun] lumber house. Youknow that house, two stories high. I saw that when they making it, it is a new one. All theyoung men came together help. Use that kind of shovel that you got yesterday; at thattime no steel shovel. I think they use driftwood for burning. Another one is my own, myfamily. That was old. Just a use for in the winter, not all year around. When move outfrom that ngloo [nenglu], open up over the entrance pretty good sized hole, for air themout. Not only that one, but all ngloos [nenglu], open that way for air them out whenmove out. Then the fourth, almost to end of our village. That was the wife, has family.{Who?) My wife.

And I saw what they call a ceremony? {Ceremony?) Yeah, some kind of worship. I saw twomen, funny men. They were two cousins. They have make the song for asking each otherby the song, words sing into the song, asking something they wanted. Each way, oneperson I don't think any used lately. Oh, wait, I wonder still does Timkaroo [ Temkeruu]has, but I am afraid won't show it to you. {What house?) I forget what number, but I doubtnot allowed to show you. He is strict what he believe, and used to have worship themoon. But not the same month, in three months, that worshipping part. Different tribes,certain months that they worship. Begin from February to March, or April. Now onlytwo boats worship moon in February. {Now?) Yes, now at Gambell. (Who?) Adam [Yaghaq]and Dick [Angqatenganwan]. But long ago when I was a little boy whole village did that.They handling very carefully, and put aside moon-worship things. They call very Holy.And in March, Warren [Kuzaata], the mayor, you know him? I think only him now thatmonth and in April, Lister [Napaghutaq]. (Who was taking down the walrus skin the day Itook the picture).

Then just a short time ago, two families have been worship, sacrifice to grandfathers.Where we saw yesterday, some polar bear rocks and old graves and fire burning. Littlepiece of meat and drop in the fire. That mean give those dead grandfathers. Then piece oftobacco put underneath the rock, I think one or more. Giving that to the person who use

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the tobacco. I have been with them before, so I know very well. I don't know what theydo, other boats. Well, I think that all the things I remember. So what else is interesting?

{Anythingyou can remember, all the things?)

While I am staying in camp, ngloo [nenglu], I am little boy, one man found a dead whaledrifting in with the ice. Just came in the fall. That was right whale, or bowhead. Andpeople are cutting it on the ice. I think it was two different times they went after somemeat or skin and brought home. And third day southeast wind began with the rain, heavyrain, melting the snow all over the land, Island, and one kind of filling up on top the lake,on top the ice. The wind drove the water this way toward the village. At that time not verythick ice on the lake, and water press down the ice, close to the edge of this side. They saycoming home at night, very dark, with a dog team loaded with mungtuck [mangtak](whale skin), they couldn't tell was pressing down the ice. I heard that some men just putarms out for sail, so coming quickly. Then five men get into it, and two, three men saved,narrow escape. My stepfather [Kuulu] says he heard those men hollering, having goodtime back of the wind (sailing). They didn't know times they coming to. Save by the whippushing against the water, they couldn't hold it, ice slip. They had to land way over tosand pit. Sepillu's father [Ifkaghun] almost died, too. I forget the third man; oh, Jimmiesfather [Quwaaren, father of Jimmie Ataayaghhaq]. I think he used a long knife, strikedown on the ice and haul out against the wind. (How old are you?) I don't know, maybetwo or three years old, about that. I guess I know something that time at that age? Some-times, that time just like I went to sleep, even I am awake. (Mean?) I suppose you hadbeen same thing. You are watching something and see something and then you go to sleepand don't know nothing till you wake up some place else. That is the way I remember. Iwas that way a long while until my father died. I never be sleep again when I see things,except at night when I sleeping; no more forgetting anything. When my father died I waspretty small.

That time my father had ceremony, too, so after him his relative take his place. Onecertain bluff, he own that place to worship, to sacrifice each year. He died in the spring.Then his relative, he took us, my mother and myself, to his place to have a little sacrifice.Then we stayed between the bluffs, in a big valley over there (south), all full of auklets. Sothick, going around [were] the auklets, on a sunshiney day they come just like a shadow,covering the sun.

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Somebody saw a whale out in the sea, dead whale that time. Four canoes went out to goafter it and tow it in, and cut it up there. I don't know what is the really name for thatwhale, kind of small. So thin skin, about Vs of an inch thick, maybe less, 716. Then theydivide that meat. Mantaukali's [Mangtaquli] grandfather was related to my father, too.They left some meat for me. They went on to the river to catch some salmon. When theycoming back my father died on the way, I think about 18 miles from here. He take sickand died. {What happened to your father?) I think he had heart trouble; he died suddenly.

I had one older brother, too, but different mother. My father, he married that older brother'smother, and after she died he married my mother. My older brother, he was a goodshooter and fisher, too. He died before I know everything. Somebody says, when aiming,he just raise the rifle and fired, every time hit it, pretty near.

We had another kind of rifle, was brass, I don't know what you call it, between barrel andstock, this part was brass. Shells was something like a 22, very much like it, but large.Then we had two rifles -one "carpine" {carbine) and one long. And a 44, but shell like a22. When firing hits the edge of that cartridge. My father's relation, he take care of one ofthe long rifle until I am big enough to use it myself. I don't know what become of it now,gone. And fur traps he take care of. Then when I big enough, big boy, he give me half, myfather's relation. {What relation was he?) I don't know, some way cousin, maybe not closecousin. {Father's mother or father?) My father's father and their father's father may be closecousins. Still I have one trap left. Well sometime I "stocked" {stopped). I couldn't think ofsomething else. I think they thought of my father more because one of Mantaukali's[Mangtaquli] grandfather's family drift away and they ask for help to row against heavywind, and my father came to them and says, "I will go, I am going to die with." Finally,get that man brought to shore. That is the way my father made better friend to them.That is the reason I think they thought of me more myself, too.

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Dorcas Echok (Tuusugun): Story About My Life

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder, "Dorcas Echok—Story About My Life," No. 15, Box 1

One time I remember my brother and I were playing with a pup. We put her in a box andfed her. Our uncle [Kalaawyi or Ggayeglluk] at Savoonga had brought her. It was atwinter time.

Gracie [Anaka, daughter of Kuzaata or Akulmii, daughter of Qilleghquun] and I alwaysplayed together. Sometimes we played house, sometimes with our dolls, and sometimeswith balls. One time while she and I were playing house, we saw Mr. Thompson coming.We ran away from him, but he called us and gave us candy. That was just [a] few days afterthe celebrating the Fourth of July. Sometimes we played with her brother {who has died)and my brother. Sometimes I played with Doris [Mekenga?]. When they all went toschool, Anna [Anaghasuuk, daughter of Qilleghquun] and I played.

One summer day, it was raining, Ethel [Riighnak] came and told us a boy was born at herhome. I went with her but I was afraid to kiss him when Clara [Akesuq, daughter ofAnengayuuV\ asked me to, because she was very skinny. I was about five years old.

In that following winter my grandmother died, but I wasn't so much sorry for her, but myyounger sister Mathilda [Imengaawen] was crying for her.

In the spring I was six. One morning the sun was shining, James' mother [Puguuq?],Daniel [Utumek], Winfred [Kuulu] and I went to the mountain. That was the first timeI went to the mountain. During that summer I went to the mountain several times.When we didn't go [to] some places, Gracie and I played and sometimes we carried somewater. That fall they asked me to go to school, but I refused, but now I'm sorry.

In the winter I had a little sister. I was anxious to hold her in my arm, but they didn't letme until she was fat.

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In spring and summer Anna, Clara and I played together, but sometimes Anna and Clarahate me, sometimes Anna and I hate Clara and sometimes Clara and I hate Anna.

In fall I didn't go to school again. I took care of my little sister. I was eight years. That yearBessie Koozaata [Analluk], Joseph Lester [Qunaghhaq, son ofNapaghutaq], Lewis Iyakitan[ Tagitkaq], Clara James [Akesuq], Herbert Appassingah [Asaggaq] and I came to schooltogether. Few weeks later Vivian Silook [Anaghayi] came too. Bessie [Analluk] and Vivian[Anaghayi] always didn't like me. When Gracie [Akulmit] and her parents came fromtheir camp, she and Anna [Anaghasuuk] came to school. These two girls didn't like Anna,again. Then Anna and I get together and hate them, too. We hate each other since thattime until we were at age of twelve or thirteen. Then we were friends until now.

At the age of nine I first went to Savoonga. My father [Iggak] and I went. At age ten Ididn't go. At eleven I went with my father and brother. I stayed at Savoonga and my fatherand brother went to the corral. I was homesick. While we coming back to Gambell weslept at Camp Collier and the next day they killed a mukluk on our way.

Next year early in June we all visit there except my father and Daniel [ Utumek], but wedidn't stay there long. Then that summer I went with my father and two brothers to thecorral. Sometimes I went picking berries and playing tag or play hide and seek with othergirls. One time while we were playing tag I fell down on a rock and cut my lip. Now I hada scar. Sometimes I took care of my two little cousins and my other cousin's little daugh-ter. That fall on Saturdays I would go picking berries with some ladies.

Then in winter when they washed clothes and baked bread in the community kitchen Iwashed some clothes, sometimes baked bread. Only on Saturdays.

In the spring I first have this sickness I'm having now. I was thirteen. In summer we allwent to Savoonga except Calvin (my father) [Iggak], but he went too, a few weeks later.While we were there, Gracie and her parents [Qilleghquun] went to their camp. Somepeople from here and there went to the corral.

That fall Moses [Aqutu, Dorcas' elder brother] went to Unalaska Hospital. Mary Ann[Pamayuk, Dorcas' little sister] was not well the whole winter, because she was crying forhim always.

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After trapping, Albert [Kalaawyi] and his family visited us. In summer I didn't go toSavoonga. I went with Gracie [Akulmtt], Anna [Anaghasuuk] and their grandmother[Aghnaghaghpak] to the mountain for getting some of our greens.

In winter at school I was Rexographing some paper for our language, but I quit going toschool at first part of March, because I was sick again. I stayed in bed for two months. Iwas fifteen. I spent the summer not doing much and rested every day. Then on middlepart of August I coughed a little again.

In fall Elizabeth [Sivungaghmit\ and I did some things such as hectographing for ourSunday school every Wednesday. For two weeks I did some hectographing for Mrs.Daugherty for her school children to work. Just before Christmas Elizabeth \Sivungaghmii\and I opened the Red Cross boxes and divided some things among the school children fortheir Christmas presents.

At January I went to school when they started. I was in charge of sewing supplies forgroup two and Jessie O [?]. for group one. She and I arranged then after our sewing class.Since Christmas I was downhearted until one evening my burdens rolled away. That waswhen I came to Christ, and several other girls and boys come too. Then we started goingsome places and house, praying and praising.

Several times I baked bread with other girls. One time mine was not good. Then one dayafter school I was sick again and I'm staying in bed since that time.

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Nelson K. Alowa (Qagaqu): Diary and Letter from Savoonga, 1937-38

This letter, to the archaeologist Dr. Froelich Rainey, and portions of the diarywere excerpted from the Froelich Rainey Papers, Archives of the University ofAlaska Fairbanks. Folder: "St. Lawrence Island Diaries and Letters,"No. 69, Box 4

10/9/37

Sevoonga, Alaska

Dear friend, Dr. F. G. Rainey:

I hope you are alright. I sent some of my Dairy [diary] this fall by North Star. I amfeeling sad always and thinking, my father left me this summer and my little sister too. Iwas cut that Dairy this spring. I me busy for whaling in Gamble. I wish I see you someyear.

Christopher [Miklaghhaq] and William [Piluguk] are alright. William always talkedwhile you are work in Kukulik. This fall couple of persons work for ivory for carving,because they need for year.

The house in Kukulik, they fox den under the floor. Maybe Geist [Otto Geist]hear them they will surprised for his house.

This spring two whales get in Gambell and we saw the navy air plane this summer.It is lovely to see and New Cutters passed this summer.

I got two girl now and oldest is play himself.

Tell Jean Bunnell Hell-o for me. Maybe she like fishing again by Alberts [Kalaawyt]boat. Good bye

Yours truly,

Nelson

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Diary starts on Sept. 6, 1937

Sept. 6 Mon, we did'nt go to Kukuluk (Kukulek), because too raining, & high wind,from north W & top of our mountain, got Lot of snow so every person's carving and stayhome.

Sept. 7 Tues. Again we did'nt go to Kukuluk in morning, because rain, calm wind fromNorth, 9. A M clear, But the rivers are high to across, In morning the persons are huntingfor young Cormerants. Some of them's try to catch sea weeds on the shore. After noon, Iwork for work shop to carpenter, when I quit in work, I go home and carving.

Sept. 8 Wed. we come to work at Kukukluk, William [Piluguk] & Harold [Raaquq] &Nelson [Qagaqu]. we work both Trench KY.KZ, and we finished KY to the clay to 14ft.level and Harold [Raaquq] work KZ to 13 ft not quiet, finished But we did'nt usedHarolds [Raaquq] boat,—because got big hole and It, is Lovely day & calm wind fromSouth east, when we start KY got water and Vh foot and we have by empty can's, William[Piluguk] & I, both Trench got water, Thawed by 4 1 foot 3 inch and KZ Thawed onlyfoot again, very few specimens, we found in both Trench's.

Sept. 9Thurs. North wind, good weather, we work K.Z to 13-14 But 14 ft level, notquite thawed, because dam so cold that night we find, very few specimens. After noon, Iwrapping the specimens & clean them & put labled to them. I put oil some of tools. Onereason!, maybe I mistake. I divided the old Ivory to my crew good one. All other things,I send to village to divided them.

Sept. 10 Fri. we did'nt go to Kukuluk, to work finished that Trench, because I wantthawed down, little bit, all most finished K.Z. 14 to the clay, only middle. I stay and workin store, packed some carvings.

[•••]

Sept. 24 Fri. following by North east wind, in morning clear and after noon Sunny, justonly few boys went hunting for birds, That time I was hunting etc. also, other person stayhome and carving and some in work in store and packed some carving & Ivory, to sent byNorth Star, if she come any time. Still Ollin [Nunguk] & Rookok [Raaquq] work fortheir boat.

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few person used—saw mill for cutting drift wood. This morning dam so cold and nobody stay longer out doors. 9.A.M. in evening three herder, come with herd. But thoseboys got all wet their clothes.

Sept 25 Sat. N.W wind blow hard & cold in morning, few boys went—hunting for birdsand Chief Herder call me to get herd William [Piluguk] & Edward [Nguungaya], we goand we take about 3 hrs driving few miles when we get villages chief herder after us and hekilled 18 dears. After when he finished I butched [sic] one & carried home. Also Rookok[Raaquq] worked his boat & Ollin [Nunguk] too.

Sept 26 Sun. Clear & cold from S.E. wind, very calm also in morning the ground little bitfrost & the little water in ground got ice. So I stay home & keep Sunday, all the peopleKeep Sunday too. 11 oclock the bell rang to church and we take two Service in a day.Afternoon couples of young mens went to play in the cliff with their pistol of 22 specie inthere way the put Tasket to shoot who is best shot and some went to eat blue berries toother side of cliff. George [Meghyuq?] & Luther [Estegraq] went to dig to N cape to finesome old Ivory and he came before dark he got banched of Ivory, in villages the womensthe pick some sea weed on the shore, one old man he going to piled some drift wood andhe carried some also Rookok [Raaquq] & Ollin [Nunguk] still work his boats, still notfinished yet.

Sept. 27 Monday. In morning, very calm wind from S.E. wind 3 boats went fishing forcod fish, But they did'nt get much. In that morning very raining after noon clear. Roy[Uyatiqaq] Gambell boy came from Camp Colleier with 3 cows, he got 500 salmons inriver of other side of our mountian we call that river Ollin's [Nunguk] camp. Lot ofsalmon's. 2 A.M. Albert [Kalaawyt] call me to work in store again, to put all the suppliesto fix, right to place, W.M. & Edward [Nguungaya] help them, and he paid me $1.35.

Sept. 28 Tues. In morning Misty & Calm wind from west wind. Roy [Uyatiqaq] wentback to Gambell very early in morning with five crews. Willard [Atleghuq] & John[Qawyalek] Warren [Kuzaata] boy they go too. Ollin [Nunguk] went get some driftwood by whale boat I crew for them[.] Albert [Kalaawyt] went to his campers, he cameback on same day, But getting dark. Tiddy's found dead walrus very fresh in his camp andFranks [Tagiyugun] camp found old dead walrus. In that day he met Frank's [Tagiyugun]fishing in ca[r]ol he got boat load of fish. Alberts [Kalaawyt] & Edwards [Nguungaya]

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boat went fishing in here. Albert [Kalaawyt] boat got 8 cod fishes & Edward's [Nguungaya]boat 12 cod fish and 2 Halibut fish, one large about 4 ft. long wide 2V2 ft. and News fromGambell person Kill walrus this morning. Ataaka [Ataqa] hurt his leg by drift wood hetry to carry to saw mill.

[•••]

Nov. 24 Wednesday. Clear & calm from NE. I went to put some fox baits. I shoot one foxbut I missed it. some person putting there baits too. some went hunting for birds & seal.Ollin [Nunguk] came from his camp. Logans [Anaghayaaq] camp caught lot of seals &mukluk, Lot of woods some went piling some wood, some work in Government house &filling the oil tank, also ready for Thanksgiving. Afternoon feed dogs.

Nov. 25 Thursday. Windy from NE wind Tatoowee [ Tatuwt\ son & Frank W [ Taglaan]came from his camp and he need some things, he sold one fox. Frank W got six fox byshoot. In evening we have Thanksgiving, every body eat Government School house. Newfrom Tabhook [ Tapghuq] those two mens found dead fin back whale and lot of seals and4 walrus dead, in I put my baits by dog team I saw two fox. Other person putting therebaits two. some piling wood near the villages. Couples of boy hunting.

[•••]

Dec. 24 Friday very clear from NE wind 4 boats went hunting But nothing some wentLook their trap only Tungitoo [ Tangatu] 2 fox and Luther [Estegraq] one, also camperscame for Xmas. 3 oclock Xmas ready having good time & some persent. Afternoon feeddogs & carrying ice & chop wood also. Isaac [Alowa, Agigseghaq] Howard [Jackson,Petgenghhaq}}, Christopher [Miklaghhaq] and Smith [Imingan] went Gambell for Xmas.

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Sepilla s (David Sipela) Diary, 1903

"A Sample Month from the Log Book of Sepilla,an Eskimo Reindeer Herder at St. Lawrence Island"

Excerpted from the Fourteenth Annual Report on the Introduction of

Domesticated Reindeer into Alaska (Sheldon Jackson, editor)1904, Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, pp. 73-761

This is the first known sample of the original handwriting produced by aYupik person from St.Lawrence Island and published in a governmental report that was presented to the members ofthe U.S. Congress.

Saturday, 1.-March month. Peniuk [Pinaaya] cooked. Snowing day. Sipilla [Sipela] andPetenkuk [Petgenghhaq] went to move work deer. Peniuk shoveling snow. Sholook [Suluk]come from S. E. Cape and two women and one boy. Peniuk split wood. Petenkuk makehole lake. Sipilla got water, one barrel.

Sunday, 2.-Petenkuk cooked; clear day. Sipilla and Peniuk went go to (reindeer) station,got proveen (provisions).

Monday, 3.-Petenkuk cooked; clear day. And [Laplander] and Sipilla and Peniuk camefrom village. Brought food and two sack coal. Kerappl and Blexen [Reindeer] drug. Antistay station one week; he sick. Petenkuk take two deer for head wood; make fast. Anti andSipilla, split wood.

Tuesday, ^.-Sipilla cooked; clear day. Anti and Petenkuk got wood, two driving deer.Peniuk went to see deer; all right. Anti and Petenkuk split wood. Sipilla and Peniuk taketwo driving for head wood.

Wednesday, 5.-Peniuk cooked; clear day. Four boys went to move work deer. Boys takelasso. Sipilla and Peniuk got deer behind work deer place; break one deer. Turn out Donderand Blexen. Anti split wood. Mr. Egan (reindeer station supervisor) came from village(Gambell). Mr. Egan take station deer meat. Sipilla and Petenkuk make hole lake.

Sepilla has had, perhaps, the advantage of a mission school for two or three winters—(Sheldon Jackson'soriginal note).

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Thursday, 6.—Petenkuk cooked; clear day. Ami and Sipilla went got after wood. Mr.Egan came from village. Peniuk and Mr. Egan went to see deer; all right. Mr. Egan countdeer. Sipilla and Peniuk take two driving head wood. Sipilla and Peniuk went to fox trape;no got. Petenkuk split wood.

Friday, 7.—Sipilla cooked; clear day. Anti and Peniuk and Petenkuk got wood, two driv-ing deer. Sipilla split wood. Peniuk and Petenkuk take two driving head wood. Sipilla andPeniuk went to fox trape; no got. Petenkuk make hole lake.

Saturday, 8.—Peniuk cooked; clear day. Sipilla and Petenkuk got wood, two driving deer.Anti went to see deer all right. Peniuk split wood and make hole lake. Sipilla and Petenkukcame house, brought wood. Sipilla and Petenkuk take two deer driving head wood; makefast. Anti sick eye house in evening.

Sunday, 9—Petenkuk cooked; clear day. Anti and Sipilla and Peniuk went to move; workdeer and other deer too. Some look moss; come house in evening.

Monday, 10—Peniuk cooked; clear day. Sipilla and Petenkuk went to go station; got coaland 2 deer for food. Anti went to see for moss. Peniuk split wood.

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Jimmy Ottiahok (Ataayaghhaq): The Way We Hunt in Gambell

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder, "Jimmy—Life Story," No. 30, Box 1

Maybe I'll first tell you about the old-time way my father [Quwaaren] hunted. He usedharpoons for hunting walrus and seal and bolas for birds in the winter time. In summerhe used snares for all kinds of birds. He had a different way of hunting seagulls. He usedtomcod for bait—just threw it on the beach. The seagulls would think the waves tossedthe fish up. He would set loops of whalebone toward the wind and the gulls would walkinto them and get caught when they went for the fish. In winter he would also make alittle net of whalebone, 6' x 8', and used it to catch saw-bills in any little corner of openwater. The saw-bills dive down into the open water and when they come up they arecaught in the net. He caught ducks all the time that way.

The best hunting is when the ice first gets here. When it started coming, everybodywould go to the top of the mountain, they were so very glad to see the ice coming in. Theyhad been eating old meat for a while, some families were out of meat, they had been alongthe beach all the time looking for dead seals. Everybody was picking up seaweed so theywould have something fresh to eat. Everybody wanted the ice. It meant they would havea regular supply of meat.

As soon as the ice got to shore, next day people would go out on it. Some would findcodfish floating and some would find murres that couldn't fly very far. Some peoplecaught walrus, but not many seals because they didn't have rifles. I don't remember howmany got drowned, but very few.

The only gun they had had one barrel and a round bullet. They poured powder into thebarrel then a pad. Then they put in the round bullet. Finally they added the primer, justlike a little cap. Then they would watch and wait for a seal. If they didn't see a seal andwanted to come home, they would have to shoot into the snow because it was very dan-gerous to keep the bullet in the barrel. Next time he went hunting and found open water,he would load it again. He missed a lot of shots because he didn't understand shootingvery well.

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Most people hunted walrus with a harpoon. They never stopped hunting while the weatherwas good. Almost everybody would hunt except the crippled people. Sometimes whenthere was very good light and a north wind they would go out hunting in a skin boat.They put two little sleds under the skin canoe. Then everybody would want to go alongso they could get a share if they caught a walrus. When they got a walrus they would dragthe whole thing ashore on a whalebone sled. They don't leave behind the liver, heart orintestines, but the meat is the most important part. When they get home they wouldloosen it up from the whalebone sled and there would be lots of boys standing aroundwatching. The captains would give each of us boys a little piece. What was left they woulddivide very carefully among the crew members, trying to make the pieces the same sizeand the walrus skin, too. The crews' relations would come to where the walrus was, too,and ask for a little piece. They had to give them a little.

Talking about other things, in February every boat captain would start getting ready tosacrifice to the moon for good hunting. Sometimes two boat captains would do it thesame day. At last in April, I think, they would sacrifice. The sacrifice was with sour greens,baby walrus meat, some dry meat and some willow leaves. In my generation they alsoused Russian tobacco and reindeer fat and meat. They would wait for the shore ice tobreak, then sacrifice in the open water. They would throw some of it into the water, someinto the air to give them luck. Then all the men on the Island would divide up into boatcrews. People were hunting all the time.

I've left out hunting foxes. Maybe I will explain that now. Not many people were huntingfoxes and there were very few traps. At that time they all used old-time traps. They wouldtake a whale rib and drill a hole through it. In the center of the hole they would put apiece of wood attached to strong sinew, and there would be a wooden plate in the middle.The sinew was then twisted very, very tight so that it would make the wood hit the platevery hard. They put a little piece of meat on the plate. The fox would eat the meat andbite the sinew and get hit right in the mouth.

[...]

When I got back I got nice brother, good father. Then I build on my house, that Paul[Siluk] got it now, Paul [Siluk] house. I go own my boat, second year, then I got seventy-five fox. Getting higher all the time, fox skin. I feed my brothers, my father, I take care ofthem. Third year, I got lot of walrus over there, lot of seal, ninety-eight fox. I best year Ihave. Then I bought nice house. Then all the people looking for camp, because I am not

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die, it was very good. Everybody didn't care. Now no room for camps. Now begins in-land, too, make camps.

Then after that I decide worship nothing. I do like white people—catch'em whale, noworship. Everybody watch me, dead, 'cause of that no worship, whale. I don't die, every-body begin no worship anything.

I been trying now keep clean house, show the people. I have happen my wife die. I feelvery sorry about it. In my mind, what way I live, no hope for good times, never changemy thinking, about very, very good wife. Good work, keep house clean, good cooking. Idon't know what to do, maybe some way I am happy.

[...]

Now I think my generation belong to Siberia, Indian Point. He first came, man with fivesons. Very poor hunting over there, Indian Point. He heard about it, good hunting placeGambell is, lot of food. He decide coming over, for winter. He was on hunting here, itwas good. Then he going to stay another year. Still good year all the time. Raise hischildren very good. Then became man, all the sons. They let marry all Gambell, all Gambellwoman. Then can't go back to Indian Point, too many family. Than make children, up tonow. Name of that man, Nanivawyarok [Nanivgaruk?], name of that Paul's father. Myrelation now Booshu [Pusaa], Kunooku [Kunuka], Tatui [Tatuwt], Lincoln [Pelaast],and Paul [Siluk], and Lawrence [Qilleghquun]. I don't know down the Indian names atSavoonga, but we have some relations there, but they came from Nanivawyarok [?], goodmany generations (ago). For that reason I go all the time see my friends at Siberia. I got lotof friends over there at Indian Point.

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Paul Silook (Siluk): The Big Wave of 1913

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "Paul Silook—Life Story," No. 67, Box 3

When I was young my house had moved several times. One time I moved it to the bankof the shoreline. At one time in fall, the swells were high on the west shore. In the eveningI was preparing to eat my supper. One of my relatives was with me who was to stay upduring the night to watch.

In a few minutes as we sat around the platter to eat, one of us looked out the door and sawwater in front of us, where there was a shallow valley. The waves had reached (us) almostand it was caused by tidal waves. I did not eat but told my mother and brothers, who werein the sleeping quarter. They put on their clothes and went out to go to the house of myuncle [Tangatu] which is farther back from the beach line. Only father stayed in thehouse keeping watch.

In a few minutes while I was in my uncle's house I heard the people are fleeing to themountain. My mother sends for my father who is in my house to tell him about thepeople who are fleeing. So I did. I and Father picked up one deer skin from my house alsoa woolen blanket and we all fled to the mountain which is a mile off from the village.

We put the deer skin among the rocks, spread it one a level place and father covered uswith the woolen blanket to keep the rain and wind off. It was raining hard and the windwas high from southeast. We stayed there all night and after the dawn of the day we cameto our house when the waves got little low and the tide goes back.

During the day I understood about five houses had been washed away by the tidal waves.The following night we did not flee but stay in the house and stay up all night. Duringthe night I and my uncle went to the beach to see the waves. The waves were very low, andfound that all kinds of seaweeds had drifted in by the waves. I and my uncle gather onlythe clams, and filled two ten-quart pails with it.

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At the same summer I was scared by another tidal wave, the wind was from north. We allput up tents by the mountain, but did not stay in them. At that time Mr. and Mrs.Coffin, the teachers, fleed also.

From since I often stay up some nights when the waves begin to get high. But later I donot stay up, when I have an idea about is, what I think is, if the world is going to be endedthen we cannot protect ourselves. Also I trusted what I believe, "God the Creator."

V

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James Aningayou (Anegayuu): The Stories I Heard of Old Villages

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "James Aningayou—Life Story," No. 3, Box 1

June 26, 1940

I heard a little about the two villages that are gone, from starving and sickness. Maybeolder people will tell you better. I will tell you just a few things. We can begin withKialegak [Kiyalighaq], Southeast Cape. They do hunting something like here -whaling,walrus hunting—but the people are quite different. What will you call the person if aperson say something to him and he get mad quickly? What you call that? {Hot-tempered.)Yeah, something like that. If somebody says something, then everybody rush to putting iton armor. But they do not fight, just get ready and not fight. They have a little bit differ-ent n'gloos [nenglu]; entrance has a kind of narrow part, and has a little hollow place.They have a chimney made from a hollow wood. I seen those myself, when I took Mr.Collins over. That place was rocky, at the point. There was another village, move up alittle toward the north, an old village hardly show up now. At that point they have lots ofspotted seal, resting in the summer on the rocks. That place now we hunting for seal, inthe summer time. I do not know much about it.

We come back to Kukulik [Kukulek] now. They not whaling, but they have lots of walrus,mostly male walrus. Not whaling right whale like we have, except, maybe if they dowhaling in the summer time, whaling for Devil Fish [gray whale]. You know that whalehas lots of something grow on top of the skin. We learn from the whalers the name ofthat. They had one time, I guess, a shortage of meat or something. Somebody strike ayoung male walrus, pull it right on top the ice. Cut it up before it died. Kind of a cruelty,having a good time cutting that live walrus. That is the way they had their fun with it.(Said in a disapproving tone.) When summer came, the same year—they have a rockyplace, too—they heard sounding rocks, just like an earthquake. But doesn't earthquake,but sounding like the rocks hitting each other, in front of the village. They were scared.And a short time afterward, same year maybe, something happened to them. Nobody will

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know exactly what happened to them, sickness or starving. One man is better off than allthe rest in that village. I forget his name. Move out every summer from n'gloo [nenglu] tothe frame house. That year was somebody went over, they had water there and some meatin front of them. They had little room made from deer skin, something like a tent, butwhen the night come two strings tied up, made from a skin, hair on it, hair inside. Some-body came in from here; they saw everything ready there and thought the people werealive, just sleeping. When curtain was pulled up, all were lying down along wood pillow;you know our way lay down? Just all dead people. That is the way we found out. I guessnobody will tell exactly what happened to them. It's maybe either starve or sickness. Youbetter ask for Paul's father; maybe he tell you better than I can. (Did cutting up the livewalrus have anything to do with it?) Some people says it was because of the walrus some-thing happened to them, account of the cruelty to the walrus.

Well, I try start right here, go to Kialegak [Kiyalighaq] now. Must be it was after I wasborn myself, but before I know anything. They were short of meat, on account of thepoor year, must be storm of something. Everybody hard time. Some people starve. And Iheard of one man that time, he not eating any meat himself, let the wife to eat the meat.Himself suck it from her breast. That is the way both is saved from starving, until they getmeat. Isn't that good? That is wonderful. {Said in a feeling tone.) But some other peopleare very selfish. They want to eat everything they can; let the wife and the children starve.They is very poor. I heard my wife's grandfather was the richest in this village. He hasmost everything and he is strong so he can hunt, when others are getting loss of strengthon account of no eat. Went out with the canoe, way out looking for walrus; finally theygot one, a pretty young walrus, and brought home, all skin and meat, no bones. It was sofar out, he got home till dark. He pull the meat on the toboggan whalebone. They weregoing to divide among the canoe. Everybody come, all the village. He give them a littlewalrus skin about the size of the hand. He told them to take it home, "with your family orwife, boil it before you eat, and add more to it." They not listen to him, they eat it upright away in the raw. He try to chase them away but still around him, standing like tokeep off the dogs to eat their meat. He tried to chase them away with a whip. Since thenI heard many times many people talking about it, man worse than dogs when they hun-gry so bad.

My father also, he got some walrus the same year. So we better off too. My mother toldme, she says, "Some proud young men here, they came to me when short of meat, buy

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something a little meat from me." They says, "Don't tell anybody we trade somethingwith you." Account of the shame from other people, "because proud themselves." {Whatmean?) Some people look down, big young man, something like that. Other people wouldsay, "He is like any of us, no good, trading to the woman." {What should they do?) Usuallywhen they work it on the ice, that is the man's business. When brought into the house,then the woman's, the woman handle it then. That's the woman's turn, in the house,handling the meat. That's why those young men not allowed her to tell somebody elseabout them.

Some people starve that year. Some kill all the dogs they have and boil them to eat, andboil their dry walrus skin. And some people start to go somewhere and starve to death onthe way. We had hard year that one. But I didn't know myself, just like a sleeping thatyear; heard from the mother. {Anybody eat any one else?) No, only dogs. I never heard. Ibeen eating myself a dog one time. {The Indians like dogs to eat.) Some people like it heretoo, especially pup. When dead, open up and clean inside out and hang, then boil in oil;they says very good. {Tell me about your dog eating.) We had short of meat, and poor year,poor spring. We had a little meat from the spring hunting, so we had used up during thesummer. Then in the fall we have nothing to eat, while we waiting for ice to appear. Mystepfather had two dogs, I think. He kill one, is very fat. Then he boil the muscle of thehind legs and front legs. That was good. Finally, a short time the ice get here, then we getseal and walrus, and I was glad. {Eat any of the rest of dog besides the muscle?) No, I think heboiled the neck too, not the head, just throw it away. Probably, I have forgot, back bonetoo, and the rib. {When was this?) I don't know, long before Mission building put up.Long before that ship wrecked near to us. {Can you remember any very hard years whenmeat was scarce?) Yes, different times. {Next time tell about that?) Yeah.

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Sweeney (Uuyghaq): Stories from my 'Old Place' in Siberia1

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "The Siberian #1," No. 69, Box 3

August 10, 1940

It seems to me that when I first awoke I knew there were lots of people at Indian Point[Ungaziq in Siberia]. I remember people told me that there were no people living right atthe Point, but farther back in the interior there is a lake, and by the lake there lies the oldvillage. In spring the people came down to the coast and hunted there at the Point, andafter whaling was over the people stored away their catches out of the reach of animals,and they scattered about to the north side of Indian Point.

I heard there was chief at Indian Point named Tathleemuk [Tallimak], meaning 'five'. Hewas somewhat of a dwarf, and was the first one to discover Indian Point. Tathleemuk[ Tallimak] was so small when he shoved the head of an eider duck through his belt, hewould drag the body on the ground. His wife's breast was as long as a young hair seal,maybe that long {measuring3 feet). And he had two children, very athletic, both sons, nodaughters. When the dwarf's children wanted to pass the time, Tathleemuk [Tallimak]would sling whale ribs and skulls into three pieces—he was very strong.

Also Tathleemuk [ Tallimak] went with the old people to hunt. He set nets for salmonand seal, and caught lots, which he was supposed to take to Indian Point. He storedaway some kind of plant for the whale ceremony. He filled large seal pokes and tookgood care that no dogs or any human could touch them. Besides that, he dried salmonwith the heads on, only removing the internal organs, and filled another poke, whichhe was to take to Indian Point to have some kind of celebration. Then people gatheredsome kind of roots, 1 to 1 inches in diameter. People had to examine the inside of theroots by splitting them apart. Some had a heart—but it was very seldom found. Whenthey found one, they were much pleased because it is good medicine for consumption.

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If a person had consumption and if someone had a heart of the root and sympathizedwith the invalid, they broke a little piece from the heart and take it to the patient. Firstthey have a little prayer over it, then they tie it over the person's heart. After that, some oldpeople took the patient out, away from the village, where people had not been walking,and let him run before them and the people followed. They did not fear making himworse. While the patient runs and when he breathes hard, he begins to spit out. But theylet him run even if he throws out a lot of blood. The older person has a stick that long{measuring length of the arm). When the patient throws blood, the old person stops andstirs it with a stick, and if he does not find anything in the spit, then he runs after thepatient. Sometimes a person who runs after being treated correctly may fall flat afterthrowing a lot out. If he throws out a lot, they examine it and when they find little thingslike bladders but with no opening, then they rejoice over the patient because they thinkthat he is going to recover and heal. When they find these things, the old people wouldrest the patient for a long time. After he has rested they turn back and walk home, notrunning any more, just easy walking. After that the patient never has sickness like thatagain. The old people told us these little sacs [sic] cause them to tremble when they breakand the blood begins to run out, which gives the patient a hemorrhage of the lungs.[...]

I'm going to tell you what I heard, until you get tired of me. When Tathleemuk [Tallimak]goes from his camp to Indian Point—it takes one day's journey if the weather permits—after arrival they take a poke filled with plants and store it in a cache. If they kill a whale,they put the flukes in the cache and no other meat is ever put in. After they have storedthe poke in the cellar and after they enter the house, they take dried meat, cut a piece ofit, and also open a poke of salmon with heads, and lighted lamps. And laid in the centerof the main room lay dried meat on either side, one opposite another. The old womencome around when preparing for this celebration. They cut a little piece of salmon headand tail, dried meat from both ends, and sacrifice it to [?]—I do not know to where theysacrifice. After the sacrifice they put the flame of the lamp into a flat bone and take it outand throw it toward the dawn. After having thrown this out, they come in the house, putthe lamp aside, cut the salmon into strips, and dry it out to distribute to guests, neigh-bors, and try to make sufficient amounts for the guests.

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People used to come before that chief, and after sacrifice, neighbors bring them freshmeat, because these people had not tasted fresh meat while away at camps. When eachbrings meat, they exchange.

Then also during this month people plan to go further north to get some deer, to theChukchees. The people who go up there will know where the deer men v/ill be becausethey have already received their report a year before. And so, when they come to theappointed place, the people send younger men up into the interior where the Chukcheeshad made it known where they will be. The Chukchees never come down to the coast.The younger boys, those who started to travel there, journeyed two whole days withoutmaking a stop, and finally arrive at the place. The rest of the people stay on the coastwaiting for their messenger. After several days the messenger come with some of theyounger Chukchee men. News always brought by the messenger, letting them know thatthe following morning they are going to drive the herd down near the coast. If deer mengoing fast, it takes them three days to come to the coast, sometimes five days. They takegood care of their deer and make many stops. If the Chukchees think they will arrive onthe following morning, they send another messenger. Next morning the deer men are insight, and they move their tents to follow, and stop along the coast. They put up tents ina row, with Chief in "rear." Next to the chief is the one who is like "first mate"—man whohas less deer than the first one. The Chief comes to the people and tell them he needs togo to rest his deer because he will slaughter them the next day.

The next morning the Chief instructs his first mate to command those with lower ranksto work very hard. Commonest Chukchee has sometimes ten deer, which he never touches,never for food or clothing—something like a laborer. Boss supplies them with food andclothing. When butchering, they catch deer by the leg; they make their way among thedeer, pushing them into opposite directions with their hands; they are very tame. Whilelaborers are butchering, the boss lays the carcasses with pierced side up, and puts a pieceof willow under their head for a head rest. The boss takes a cup of water and pours a littleat the mouth and at the point where the knife had struck, and at the hind quarter. That'stheir "responsibility." The Chukchees' butchering is very fast. Traders have to skin themas fast as they can. If the boss thinks there is enough butchered, he tells the people to stop.Boss of Chukchee distributes all the deer that have been butchered according to whattraders have. Sometimes ten or twenty deer. Afterwards, the traders give what they bring—big seal skin, intestine rain parkas, skin rope, boots, anything that the Chukchees need.

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After butchering, the Chukchees turn back to the interior and the boats launch back toIndian Point [Ungaziq]. After they arrive at their homes, these people keep a steer carcassstored away, a fat one, with plants they stored previously.

Also at that time there were many good boat captain, and each stored away a whole steercarcass, poke of plants, and a bundle of Russian leaf tobacco. After they store these threethings, then they never touch them, but they leave them just as they stored them. The restof the deer are kept in the house for drying.

Later, when it begins to freeze outside, the people prepare some more things for winterceremonies. After freezing, they prepare some fine apparal for the ceremony, long beforeit begins. Then, after the ground freezes, they put up the winter houses. After they put upa house, one of the head men sends his wife to a sorcerer to come and sing. Then the wifecomes to the sorcerer's house, and stop at the door, and not come in to the sleepingquarters. She then calls out to the wife of the sorcerer. The sorcerer's wife realizes that theyhave come after her and that something is happening in the house. The wife of the sor-cerer says to the messenger that she will ask her husband if he is willing to go. The wife letshim know that he is coming.

Afterwards, they invite relatives, and others who are not sorcerers. So after twilight, thesorcerer comes to the house he is going to sing in. When sorcerer enters the house, theboss talks with him. He is asking for him to come and sing, to tell him about the future.Perhaps some harm would come in the future.

When all the people who have invitations come in, they put out all the lights. As soon asthe lights are out, the sorcerer begins to sing and seems scared about something. Whilethe sorcerer is singing, they have helpers—some kind of spirit, devil. These devils orhelpers bring up some of those who are going to stir trouble and these devils bring themin. Afterwards, the sorcerer instructs the owner to put some images around the inside ofthe house: a small bow and arrows—just imitation—or a little piece of stone, on bothsides of the house. He then uses a piece of sinew. (Drive sickness away?) Yes. Over thedoor, a very small whip and a small net, fish net. High enough so that nobody's headtouches them.

After the instructions are given, the boss of the house gives a piece of sinew that had notneed stripped and ties a bead at one end. The sorcerers are very strict about themselves, if

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not treated correctly, because some harm might come to them. When the sorcerer singsand receives his pay, he tells the boss that he has saved them from the trouble that wascoming to them.

Everybody does that, every one who moves to the winter house. That is their custom.When the sorcerer comes to his own house, he ties that piece of sinew at one corner of thesleeping room. He just makes one knot.

August 26, 1940

{Going to tell me about childhood.)

When I first remember, it seems like an old woman was scolding me, made me wake up.Reminding us that our neighbors are dying.

Then again, I do not know anything, but second remembrance I can remember very well.We were in or with other families. Man named Kawowi [Kawawyi], we stay in this man'shouse. That man bought a bottle of whiskey and gave some to me. I was about seven oreight years old.

When I got drunk, I don't know about it myself, but my father take me from house tohouse, so scared I might be unconscious always. While father carry me, I come to mymind again.

Then, I forgot about that part of my remembrance. But once my father and uncle on mymother's side, pull me up to exercise, even at midnight, to become athlete. This was longafter I have whiskey. I used a tea kettle that held one gallon, for exercising, you knowwhen tea kettle filled with water to its boiling point, over seal oil lamp. The exercise is justbending the legs. And a man sat by it with a drum in his hand, beating this drum, and hassong with it. Wording of the song is thus: "A while ago I say so." They repeat over andover.

Then when these two men send me out with iron—carry in my bosom, like crowbar.Then I carry that bar around away from the house; as I go around my arms get tired sothey drop down. Then when I come back my family were just getting up—I start early inthe night.

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It happen that when my father see me in my face and if he notice my face was sweating,then he urge his wife, my mother, to give me just boiled meat, hot meat. At that timewhen my mother boiling meat for me, my father sat opposite of me and tell me not toworry. Remind me about our custom, that when foreigner comes it is shameful for aperson whose people not to join in the contest.

Then after telling me these things, he told me the reason for letting me do the exercise, isthat I may not be persecuted by other boys. We have no rules or any high ranking people,but the strongest person and swiftest may be the rulers.

In Siberia when person becomes strong, swift—hard to explain uses of lance—he becomelike a governor. Most of the other people are subjected. So my father have me—otherfamilies same way with their boys. So when a person becomes like that sort, he has somekind of sign on his clothes. So when a person comes from other places with these signs onclothes, these, the people of that place, have much fear about their being beaten, and notwinning in the contests.

The signs on the athlete man has something sewed behind their legs—dyed baby-sealhair—with the hair sewed on from one leg to other leg, upwards.

The reasons of their parents scolding was for two things—for contest and for the icemoving around, so that they can run as fast before current changes.

So when athletic people gather together its very interesting. It made me a little afraid to—it makes me want to pass out the water.

In winter, when having wrestling on frozen ground, our elbows begin to blister. I wrestlemany times, I am stronger than those of my age. A person may be strong but have shortbreath.

After my exercise, my father made me a very short harpoon. This was the very first timethat my father make a harpoon, after he grow to manhood.

Father seems to teach me by making that harpoon for me, and that is the very first time Iam going to be hunting on the ice. My first hunting, I was going out farther without anyhunting gear, only harpoon, and he took me on the moving ice. Then when we come to

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crushing ice we just stop, me behind my father, because of fear the ice might crush me.When we come to open water, my father make a shelter and we sat behind it watching forseal and big seal. Afterwards, a seal comes up through open water and my father shot at it,sometime kill it. I have little sled which I haul the seal for my father. Sometimes when wekill six or seven seals and pile them on the little sled and he let me haul them all the way.The reason my father take me along is to learn the movements of the currents. We aretaught this because if we are ignorant, we may be lost. Since I remember, several peopledrifted out on the ice. One time I was drifted away in a storm.

When I learn to hunt alone I make a little skin canoe that a man can carry on his back.When I hunt with skin canoe I put one or two seals in canoe and paddle home. When Ireach solid ice, I put the seals on the sled and drag it home. When I came home, theneighbors' wives come to get meat from me. When I kill big seal, I put up a signal for theothers to come and share with us. When I come home from hunting, I first have frozenmeat for meal—either liver, fish, and tomcod. In the morning I eat boiled meat before Istart out hunting.

First time I went whaling was when my parents didn't know about it, seems like I runaway from them. I was forbidden not to go. I just wear skin trousers, no deerskin. At thattime they were in the boat somewhere north of here, they could see our houses. Theykilled several walrus. I was cold and nobody in the crew know me that I have thin cloth-ing. After loading their boat with skins, baby walrus—they kill twelve altogether—andturn to Indian Point. And it was first time the boat captain recognize that I have thinclothes. The boat captain took off his sealskin pants and one of the other men took off histoo, and let me put them on. That was great help, and when we arrived we missed myfather, mother, uncle and uncle's wife—they were scattered looking for me, to investigatewhether I was lost.

While they were unloading, I recognized a person who—was my uncle. When my unclecome near, the boat captain went to meet him. My uncle ask the boat captain, "Is he reallySweeney?" Because they had given up their hope for me. And the boat captain take me tomy uncle telling him that they don't know until they are pretty far off from the land thatI had run away, because I was so interested. So he ask him not to scold me, and promiseto let him have one skin and one baby walrus. Then my uncle told me to go and hitch uphis dogs—While he was waiting on the beach. So I went and hitched up his dogs and

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drove them to the beach, loaded the sled with the meat, and went back home with myuncle.

At home, when my family gathered together, I should have been scolded, but my unclesaved me from scolding. So from that point forward, I have to put on my warm clothingalways when I am ready to go out hunting.

Only time a whale was killed when I was in a boat was at another place further south,Plover Bay. (Why go down there?) I was asked by a person who was related in some way togo and hunt, to be one of their crew. These people whaled in the fall. Whales go south inNovember, they follow the coast. So the boats launched away from the village, not reallyput them in water, but on the beach, waiting for the whales. So when a whale comes alongthey push their boats out. Some come to the whale before it submerges. Then, the boatthat I was in killed a whale and towed it onto the beach, and they have their ceremonies.They didn't go hunting for some time. Only the boat stays, a part of the ceremony. Theone that kills the whale cuts off parts of the flippers, just the ends, the nostrils, the eyes,chin, part of lower abdomen. Place them on their house. And stay there for maybe acouple of days, without making any kind of noise. Then put their three pokes on top ofthe house and tied the darting gun at the center post of the main room, and the whalinglance.

When kill one whale the ceremony lasts five days. If more than one, then ceremony lastthree days.

{Why have tattoo marks on chin?) I was the oldest child in my family. In trying to save mybrothers and sisters my father ask some woman to have me tattooed. The woman had allkinds of prayer when she tattooed me. While the woman is tattooing a person, everystitch as she goes has something to say with. My father trying to save me as best he can, heput leather bands around my wrist and forehead, with beads hanging down all over myeyes, and beads on each sole of stocking, stitched through—to save his child from death.Also on every joint beads are stitched, and sometimes little bells on elbows. On clothes.My father sewed little pieces of squirrels kettle on the band around my shoulders andunder arm. Part of parents' idea to save children.

{Why come to Gambell?) Reason I come here, for three years we are very scarce of food.First year we are very short of food all winter. Then during summer we stored some food

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away, and during the winter our food did not last us for all year around. Then third yearwas our hardest year. I got lean myself. We were so hungry and was so lean I killed ourpuppy and cut the legs and boiled them, to eat them for scarcity of food. I was so lean thatwhen I go out and I try to walk, it made me very dizzy. Because I eat only a bite of driedwalrus skin. Then it happened I hadn't eaten anything for several days. In whaling time Iwent to a house, man named Pungowiyi [Pangawyi], and I saw that he was feeding hisboat crews. By the same time I enter the house the man's crews comes out from thesleeping quarters, with sweaty faces because they are having a good meal.

I found that this man was preparing to go out hunting. He told his crews to prepare theboat. When all the crews go out, Pungowiyi [Pangawyi] inquires what I want. I told himthat I come to exchanged a box of cartridges for a little piece of meat so that my child mayhave little broth. Then that man took the box of cartridges and looked at it and begins tohave sympathy on me. Then he told his wife to fill a dish with deer blood and put a pieceof walrus hide and take it herself to my wife—secretly, so neighbors may not see.

Then I went out with the hunters. I came to the boat—I was the only one to put my handon the beam of the boat because I was so weak. When all of the crew steps in the boat, Ibegan to step too, but one man in the crew spoke out that I shouldn't go. Then the boatcaptain told me to step in and told the man he shouldn't say that. When they put up thesail I saw a walrus way out on the horizon. I try to show it to the crew, but they couldn'tsee it. Four times it submerged, and the fifth time the crew begin to see it. The walrus wasfeeding. When we came to the place where it was, we put a sail on and waited there.Then, when it came up, they shoot at it, and wounded it, but they shot off 40 shells of405 calibre. Four shells of 30 calibre doesn't kill the walrus. When the walrus comes upand submerges, blood was coming out all over, but it was never yet seriously wounded.Then finally they kill it, harpoon it, and cut it up in the water. And the boat captain didn'thave me work because he thinks that I had have them kill this walrus because I need foodvery badly. The captain thanked me.

When we arrived to the shore, they unloaded the boat, and the boat captain gave everyman that comes a walrus hide as big as man's palm, but most of it was leftover. The boatcaptain have me take the biggest piece. He even told me that I didn't help him by work-ing, but that I help him in great way, miraculous way.

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That was the reason why I moved here from there, because I think it might happen thereevery year, at Indian Point. My idea was that if I ever have children, so I can keep them inmeat, not in wealth.

Now, I will never go back to Indian Point, even to visit. Maybe they ask me about Gambelland I must tell the truth about the living here, and they not like it. I worry sometimes thatmaybe I have to go back, something like drag me back, the Russians.

{Have any persons been dragged back?) No, not in my remembrance nor in that of myfather.

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Warren Koozaata (Kuzaata): The Story of the Gambell Village Council

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks. Folder: "Warren—Life Story," No. 79, Box 3

July 16, 1940

(How did the village council start?) The council start from Mr. Troutman [school-teacher],for the village council. We got only, I think, five councils. Samuel [Iirgu] was the mayorthat time when start. Might be they take four years, then change to one council. Thattime I was a councilman, and then we meeting in this room.

In winter time, I forget the month, might be March, I don't know. It was a very stormy,from the north wind. Somebody knock at our doors. They tell us one boat came fromSiberia. We going out and see them. We find them in Samuel's house. All the crew thereexcept three of them lost. Some of these very freeze, their feet and face. We will help themand work with them. Me will help Mr. Troutman helping that men. They told us one ofthem they left over down there, two of them they pointed to the south way. That samenight we will going to look for that man by the south way, and Mr. Troutman, by walk.But we will come back not far. It was very stormy, windy and cold. After that, I don'tknow, might be two or three days, the weather came warmer, and misty. Jimmy[Ataayaghhaq] and James [Anegayuu] and Mr. Troutman going look again. Then findone man, where they left in their boat, skin boat. He landed near to that point. Thenafterthat, when they got the care, we tried to find that two of them. Several teams goinglooking. We never find them. But now we never finded the bones. Just we guess they fallto the sea. But now they got still for council. From that time I was start for the council toright to here. (What did Siberian boat have do with council start?) just before that we start,I think, not long ago.

(Tell me more about the council) In four years they will try to elect a new man. From thattimes Samuel [Iirgu] was change, I will be mayor of the village. I will try to help thevillage people, and make a rule for cleaning, and help each other, when they get a hardtime or sick, and the sickness[?] were killed. And four years, we will ask for electionfor another mayor. Elected same mayor, but two other councilmen. First, that is not

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followed, the rules. But still try to make the rule. Some of them follow the rule, butthe younger one hard to make.

We make a rule for the hunting in the boats spring time, because before, the most boatsometime they kill twenty walrus in one day, just got the head. They lose all the flesh. Andwe talk about that, too, and the cutter ask about that too, and we make a rule. We decidefour walrus enough for one time kill. Try to save all the skin, except the bones. And someboats break the law again, four boats the same spring. And we meet about them and try tomake strong rule for every one. We take one head arrested from all the boats—one headof ivory of walrus. We sell to the stores, and we keep the money for the communities. Tryto make a use for poor people. And we talk about the communities more, with the storepresident. And they decide, first we ask them for carving or some other kind of tradingfor that community fund, and got trading for some kind we want for the communities.But hard to get a small sale to the store. Then buy the fox skin. Then we sell our fursto the store. We take every dollar every communities fund. {One dollar per fox skin soldgoes to the community.) Mr. Smith was help us, too, on that. When village mens findout what, they were glad about it.

Then we will try to build a house. Mr. Smith was help us. From the Government, lumberand the big machinery. Then sometimes we have not enough to trade in spring time forwhaling, we need the community money. Then one years before that, we have the shortoil and short meat too, we use the communities money. But now we are very well glad forthem. [...] When the council start now we have not many troubles, before that littletroubles. {What?) Any kind troubles—trapping, hunting, sometimes trouble in the vil-lage, too.

{How do you elect members?) We will nominate first. Some of the council or some of thevillage will pick the names they thought the best man. They nominate four men for themayor, then everybody will vote. The same the councilmen. Then we decide for fouryears. {How long were you mayor?) Might be this is my fourth term. {You mayor now?) Yes.They call me mayor and vice-president. They want me for teaching the young one. Foryoung council. {Whose idea was that?) Village people. {Who are the young ones?) Ben[Nuugnan] was the president now. When we meeting I will try to make him head. Whenthey ask me to help him, I will, and when we get hard time, we call our teacher to help us.

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{Who can vote?) First when we start, they vote four mens, that is, four mens before westarted what we have now. Only we says yes or no by the vote. Everybody says yes, excepttwo or three mens, people no. Then we will vote for the president, then councilmen.Whole village vote about those. {Can children vote?) No. Might be down to twenty-oneyears, vote from twenty-one years. {Do women vote?) Yes, womens. {Could they be on thecouncil?) Yes Sir, they vote for council, secretary and treasurer.

{What was it like here before you had any council?) No head men in this village before wehave no council. Only the teachers will be report, when we get bad kind of trouble. Inspring time the cutter captain will be, same as judge, in the spring time. And we have somany little trouble every year, mostly every year. Might be that why Mr. Troutman startfor the council. {What did the village people think of the council?) They think about it, itwas good for the village. But we had a hard time. Making rule, our teachers try to make usmake our rules ourselves. We will try to make, up to here, 1940.

{Can you tell me any more about the trouble you had?) That, when we got breaking rules webring to the meeting, we try to find out and we find out what kind of trouble, then try tomake square. When they get square, then we forgot. Then two persons will got trouble.When they call us, first we will try to find out very truly, and we will help them hard as wecan, and settle them.—Only too bad I don't talk too good English. Might be I say somebackward.

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{How did they settle stealing when you were little?) I don't know, I didn't know that myself.Might be they stolen, I don't know, I don't remember them. When I was a little boy myfather always teach me try to make me keep off stealing. He taught me that time manytimes. I will try to follow what he said to me. {They got along all right without laws?) Youmean what my fathers told me? No rules that time.

{Fight?) Oh, yes {Smiles.) When I was a little boy, I knew some part of that. I didn't knowwhat did liquor come from. Just I heard came from Mr. Pransie. His wife make a whiskey,and this village people learn from her, and they make themselves. When they drunk, oh,lots of trouble. I been heard from myself, seen singing and crying. And they sell some foxskin for the whiskey, and fighting. {Any one ever get killed?) I don't see for myself, but Iheard before that somebody was killed. But every year the revenue cutter will try to makestop. Every year a little less, but still making whiskey. But now no more. Now we try tohold it, never drunk. Because we heard before they got lots of trouble, and they sell for

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whiskey what they had. I don't care how much the price, they sell for drink. {How did theyget it stopped?) The revenue cutter Bear will make stop. I don't know how. {Stop making ithere?) Stop everything. {Do you have any rules about whiskey?) No, only the village peopleask about it; we try to hold it never drunk.

{Any native try to stop whiskey?) I don't know. I think mostly didn't want whiskey now. JustI heard one man—I see that man—might be that cutter called him Captain Jack, we willcall him same name. He is only talk English in this village. He gave them notes, might befor the whiskey. In the spring time when the trading ship was come around here—I nevergo myself, I was little that time—just he gave his note to the captain. That captain takeout the whiskey from the ship, open up, and run out to the sea. That man, Captain Jack,he has much drunk. When the boat was come back from the ship, our people laugh aboutthat. Our boat has some very big drunk. But the revenue cutter will try to make themstop. Some of them the native people, too. Might be they thought themselves for stop.That is all I know about the whiskey. {Ever try any?) No, I never touch, because my fatherwas watching me always. He been drunk, too, but not so much. He never go out but justin house.

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Gambell Village Council Rules

This document was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Box 4,Folder 85, Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks

RULES ENACTEDNative Village of Gambell, July 17, 1940

Act I. Hunting.

1. In hunting whole year round every boat must watch each other.

2. If one boat has trouble with their motor they should put a flag at the bow of the boatas a sign if they think that cannot run their motor. In calm weather they can decide bythemselves.

3. Every boat must keep a fire filled extinguisher always in the boat.

4. Every engineer of motor must not smoke while operating the motor.

5. In chasing some walrus by boat, shooter must be careful in shooting first see if othersare not on the way.

6. Every boat must try to keep away from others in going after some walrus.

7. a) Every boat must kill no more than four large walrus and one small walrus at atime, unless a boat may be attack by herd of walrus. One can shoot at them in tryingto escape.

b) Every boat should kill four female with young and one extra baby walrus if itsmother had sink. They should not try to rob the baby only.

8. If any boat kill more than the law allows, one extra pair of tusks should go to thetreasury as a fine. This penalty is for killing by an attack also if one or two extra iskilled.

9. Every boat should not go after walrus that is among the ice, if they are sure that theyare not certain about it, or if the food is not scarce. It is fair for the boat to leave theload if danger is happen.

Act II. Treating foreign people.

1. Every member of the village should treat any person of foreign natives fairly, if a groupof people had been drifted in, in the boat either on the ice, and take good care of themuntil a time for them to leave.

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2. Every members should try to save any foreign natives from clangers on the ice if he istheir sight.

3. Every boy should not play with the foreign property, or not try to damage, or any oftheir own peoples property.

4. If any person had damaged some property of others accidently should replace it as theowner request.

5. Any person who do damaged others property in a mean way should pay a fine equalvalue of the small thing damaged and equal value for a big thing. One half the valuewill be forwarded to the treasury and the other half to the owner.

Act III. Safety of dog-team.

1. In traveling with dog-team every team must keep watch of others in a storm, in caseone might get lost and do not know the way. It should be fair to tie a rope to eachother. Even in good weather one should not leave other who travels first time untilthey are in safe place, especially after crossing lagoons or any other danger places.

2. Every traveller must not start to travel in a storm if necessary unless something isneeded so bad.

3. Safety of dogs: All dogs should be chained in spring, summer and fall and should betaken good care, water and feed.

b) In winter they should be chained also and can be turn loose when they getspoor and let them stay loose until th[e]y get fat again.

c) All young dogs must be chained before they are grown dogs.

d) Every one should kill all the sick dogs. Every owner of dogs must chain oldand young dogs if he decide to let it live. If the old dog had been goodworker must be chained always.

e) If a young dog is killed by another man's dog the two parties can decide betweenthemselves what they should to do.

Act IV. Marriage.

1. In order to have greatest happiness it is believed that a man should not force to marrya woman against his own wishes or a woman to man.

2. As soon as a boy and a girl or a man or woman desire to be married the matter shouldbe reported to any of the council members and the officers should interview the par-ties of both. If there is no objection on both parties then the parents of both shoulddecide the engagement.

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3. The old custom of working for a girl should be continued as it is honorable customfollowed by our fathers and forefathers and mothers. The minimum time required forworking for a girl should be one year for a single man, and three months for a wid-ower. If a boy or a boy's parents desire to increase the time they should decide betweenthemselves but no more than a year. The maximum time required for working for agirl will be not more than two years.

4. For breaking of engagement: If a boy or a girl should break the engagement it is fairfor both parties to discuss over the matter and decide between themselves what to do.But if both parties are not satisfied about the matter then this matter should be broughtup to the council to discuss.

Act V. Cleanliness.

1. Every house keeper of every house should have scrubbing once a week.

2. Every family should have their clothes washed once a week.

3. Every person should have a bath at least once a week.

4. Ground should be raked every year. If the ground has not raked, the council will havethe person to rake it where it has not been raked.

5. The community workshop should be cleaned, whenever the boss of the shop shouldappoint some men to do the job. Every person who work in the shop should sweep itafter their work is over. If a person who do not sweep after using it will reported to theboss of the shop and the boss will let the worker clean it. The boss of the shop will putup a notice about borrowing tools. The boss will decide about damages.

Act VI. Liquor.

1. Every person must not buy liquors whenever any foreigner try to sell and a personshould reported it to the village council.

Act VII. Smoking.

1. All young men should not be allowed to give cigarette or any other smoke to theschool children under 16 yrs. old.

2. Any one who give cigarette to any school children is to pay a fine.

3. Penalty is as follows: The council will send him to the teacher to do a job about 8 hrsat .25<f an hour and the total amount wage will be forwarded to the council.

4. The other work will be done too, which is to a family needed some one to work forthem.

5. If the rule is not followed the labor will be doubled.

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Act VIII. Helping poor and sick people.

1. As our father have done, helping each other in many ways for sick and needy. Thisshould be continued as long as the people have enough.

2. The community will provide it in a dire need.

Act IX. Curfew.

1. There will be curfew for the children to be in before 10 PM. This curfew will be for theyoung people to stop playing ball also.

2. Young people must stop play with swing at 10 pm until 7 PM.

3. Between 10 PM in the evening and 7 am the young people must not make any noisearound the school and mission bldg.

Act X. Steady school attendance.

1. All the parents should have their children in school when they are in good health, onthe other hand, if they are not too sick.

2. All the parents should have the teacher know about their boy child as soon as thewhaling begins. If they are not hunting they should send them to school.

Act XI. Drifter object.

1. If a dead sea-animal is drifted and if seen by a person who has no boat should let itknown to the man who has a boat and if he is one of the crew. The two parties candecide about it between themselves after getting it in.

2. But if it is seen by any person away from the village should be owned by the personwho sees it first.

3. If two people sees it and if both parties to own it, should be reported to the coun[c]iland the council will decide what they think is right.

4. Drift logs should be owned by a person who sees first. If two person has trouble aboutit should be reported to the council.

Act XII. To keep child from danger.

1. Every adults must not urge any child to danger, but they should keep them away fromany kind of danger. This is not only for a person to do to his own family, but to anychild. Every parents must put some explosive substance out of reach in case of a child,or a pointed object, or these should be under lock and key.

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Act XIII.

1. Every person should try to help a person as best as he could when in danger.

Act XIV. Transferring teachers, nurses, and missionaries.

1. When the teacher, nurse or missionary is deciding to go to somewhere, this should bereported to the Mayor who will call any one to take either of the above to the placewhere they wished to go.

Act XV. Swearing or angry words.

1. Every adult must not say any evil words against the other, on [the] other hand do nottease each other in the way which makes the other mad.

Every one must be in peace in the general meeting or any where at any time.

2. Do not criticize any person whether a person is not good.

Act XVI. Hunting ground.

1. Every man must not reserve any hunting ground or not to be selfish. Every huntingground is free to every hunter.

Act XVII. Trapping.

1. Trapping ground should be free to every trapper, but every one must not jam eachother. On [the] other hand every trapper must not shoot a fox near another mans trap.

2. In clear days every dog-team or man should travel away from other's trap, in case ofdogs might tear up a fox caught in a trap.

3. It is in liberty to travel the way home any where if the trail is lost or if in storm.

4. If a fox caught in a trap should be torn by dogs in a storm the two parties can decideon it. If the parties cannot settle the matter, it should be reported to the council whowill discuss and settle the matter.

5. If a fox caught in a trap is torn by another man's dog, the offender should replace it.

Act XVIII.

Any person should not try to overcome those whom he had elected to a higher rank. Ifany person try to overcome those elected ones will lose his membership.

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Penalty for breaking the village laws:

Penalty for Act I: If a boat do not tow the other boat whose motor is in—bad conditionin a bad day, should pay a fine of 5 gallons of gasoline. This 5 gallons will be forwarded tothe one whose motor is broken.

Penalty for dog team of Act III: If one dog-team does not tow the other should loan him,one of his best dog for two weeks.

Penalty for Act IV:—If a dog is seen loose, the owner will pay a fine of $2.00.

Council Members: (Signatories)

Homer Apatiki [Apeteki]

Walunga [Walanga]

Eddie Ungott [Uughqagbmii]

Ben N. Booshu [Nuugnan]—President

Warren Koozaata [Kuzaata]—Vice President

Paul Silook [Siluk]—Secretary

RobertTungyan [Yughqutaq]—Treasurer

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part three

Our 'Old Day Stories Documented

Introduction

Waldemar Bogoras. Stories and Songs from St. Lawrence Island (1901)William F. Doty. Stories of the Eskimo on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (1900)Paul Silook (S/7uk).The Old Stories of the Meregtemiit People (1931-32)Otto Geist. St. Lawrence Island Eskimos Lost on the Pack Ice (1927-30)Paul Silook (S/7uk).The Native Tribes of Gambell (1940)Henry B. Collins. St. Lawrence Island "Old Stories" (1928-30)Otto Geist. Notes Regarding the Famine and Epidemics (1928-29)Otto Geist. "Tribes" (Clans) of Eskimos on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (1929)Paul Silook (S//uk).The "Real People" of Gambell and Other Stories (1928)

Three "Strong Men" of Gambell (from left to right): Samuel lirgu, son of Waamseghaan; Moses Sunaaghruk,son of Iquk, and Amagu, son of Piinteghla, from Siberia. Amagu used to be the top wrestler in Gambell inearly years. As the time passed, two younger ones became stronger. Moses was the strongest in thesedays.The three are pictured with the weight-lifting rocks carried over from the mountains (Willis Walunga'snote).

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INTRODUCTION

The written narratives of theYupik people, presented either in their original writing or in transcriptsby outside researchers, were relatively late in the making. They emerged as products of advancedliteracy or, at the least, of advanced fluency in English (or Russian) by the local people as a result ofschooling and active contacts with the outside world. Numerous earlier accounts were once writ-ten down by outsiders as rough translations or retellings of the original Yupik stories. Many werelater published as samples of local folklore and historical tradition. Often the published versionwould be barely recognizable to its original narrator, since foreign language, alien grammar, and thebookish style of early folklore publications made it rather a product of scientific English literacy thanof Yupik oral history. Still, every Yupik story put to paper by an outside visitor was an evidence ofmutual interest, willingness in communication, and of what might be called today intellectual exchange.

Several factors were essential to make an early recording of a Yupik story in the other languages asuccessful enterprise. First to be listed was appreciation of the value of local folklore and historicalaccounts by the outside visitors, since only dedicated newcomers were eager to listen to the storiesof local people, let alone to put them into writing. Second was the willingness of the Native peoplethemselves to retell their stories to outsiders through the prolonged and often painful process ofdocumentation. Third, the two sides had to establish a certain level of mutual understanding andfluency in communication, using one of their respective languages, interpreters, or even an interme-diary language as a means of interaction.Whatever the procedure used in each individual situation,every Native story put into a written text some one hundred years ago was a sign of cooperationand trust.

This did not come easily nor simultaneously across the vast Inuit/Eskimo area from the Bering Straitto Greenland. The earliest published or written versions of Eskimo folklore and historical textscome from Greenland from the early to mid 1800s. In other Eskimo areas they did not appear untilmuch later: in Western Alaska in 1878-1880 (as recorded by Edward Nelson), in the Barrow areaduring the late 1880s, on Baffin Island in the early 1880s, and in the most distant sections of theCanadian Arctic not until the 1920s. The first known writings of Yupik stories from St. LawrenceIsland were made in 1899 (see below).

The selection ofYupik stories reproduced below was sampled from various published and archivalrecords, roughly between 1900 and 1930.This is of course the tip of the iceberg, since many moretexts are available in writing from this and later period. To a Yupik reader of today such a collection

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may be of special interest. It offers numerous folk tales, personal and folk names, and ethnographicdetails that refer to the "old days," often beyond the stories commonly recalled by today's elders. Inaddition, it opens a whole stock of local narratives of the famine (or epidemics) of 1878-80 that leftbehind the devastating record of human losses as well as of memories of pain, trauma, and sufferingsfor generations of the island residents. The tragic story of 1878-80, known from and retold inseveral governmental and scientific reports of the time, was the focus of special inquiry for manycontemporary visitors, from the U.S. Coast Guard officers to missionaries to teachers to lateranthropologists. They kept asking questions and made numerous recordings of the stories and memo-ries of survivors. This tradition is now fading quickly, since most present-day Yupik elders are unwill-ing to recall these stories because their own parents rarely if ever talked to them about the eventsof 1878-80 when they were young. As such, it is still one of the most sensitive chapters of theisland's history and one that calls for the utmost reservation and respect. We believe that such awarning is necessary to everyone who is eager to look through the pages of outsiders' notes andpublished accounts in search of memories long gone and narratives long suppressed.

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Waldemar Bogoras: Stories and Songs from St. Lawrence Island (1901)

The stories and a fewYupik songs below were recorded by a Russian anthropologist, Waldemar(Vladimir) Bogoras, during his short visit to St. Lawrence Island in summer of 1901. Bogoraswas then a member of the American-funded Jesup North Pacific Expedition, and he had alreadyspent about three months in the village of Ungaziq (Chaplino) on the Siberian side. From overthere, he came to Gambell with a group of Siberian Yupik people, traveling in three skin boats asreported in the diary of the U.S. agent and school teacher, Doctor P. H.J. Lerrigo (see excerptsfrom his diary in Part 4). Bogoras spent just a few days in Gambell (from June 5 to June 10) andhe returned to Siberia together with other Siberian visitors in their boats.Very little is knownabout his visit, although Mr. Lerrigo reported that on June 6 he "assisted Mr. Bogoras in investi-gating the language, manners, and customs of the (St. Lawrence Island) natives."

From Bogoras' diaries, field notes, and his later publications, we do know that he was collectingdata on the Yupik language and that he was also recording old Yupik folk-tales and stories. Heknew some Yupik and he wrote down stories and words in Yupik using a writing system of hisown. But most probably he communicated in the Chukchi language (of reindeer herders, Quy/7/qet),which he spoke fluently, or he used his Siberian friends as his interpreters. Sixteen Yupik storiesfrom Siberia and St. Lawrence Island and several songs recorded by Bogoras and translated intoEnglish were published in his small collection, The Eskimo of Siberia in 1913 (The Jesup NorthPacific Expedition, vol. 8, pt. 3—see page 199). Four of Bogoras's stories and seven songs col-lected on St. Lawrence Island are presented here. The songs were accompanied by Bogoras'original Yupik transcription, which has been rewritten for this book by Willis Walunga (Kepelgu)and Christopher Koonooka (Petuwaq).We also preserve Bogoras' original footnotes and thenames of his storytellers; although in all cases but one (Acunarak = Asunaghaq) it is now hard tosay whether his narrators were local people from Gambell or his travel companions from Siberia.

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The Jesup North Pacific Expedition

Edited by Franz Boas

Memoir of the American Museum

of

Natural History

NEW YORK

Volume VIII

III. - THE ESKIMO OF SIBERIA

By WALDEMAR BOGORAS

LEIDEN NEW YORK

E. J. BRILL j Q. E. STECHERT

Printers & Publishers American Agents

1913 1913

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From: W. Bogoras, "The Eskimo of Siberia"

1. Raven Swallows Blubber.

Raven, who live in Ceri'nak {Sighinek, Sireniki), married among the Reindeer-men. Hisfather-in-law said, "They say that the islanders [on St. Lawrence Island] are this year quiterich in walrus-meat. I want to eat sea-food.'—"Aha!" Raven flew away, and came to theisland. The people of the island had just killed a whale. They used only the hides of thelargest walrus that they had caught. All the blubber was left on the shore. Raven swal-lowed plenty of blubber, and could fly away with difficulty only. When he came home andalighted near his house, he vomited all the blubber. It was as much as a load for sevensledges. Then he wakened his wife and father-in-law. They ate of the blubber. There theylived, eating blubber.

Told by Milu'tarak [Milutaghaq], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, 1901.

2. The Woman and the Doer of Violence.

In the village of Kuku'lik1 [Kukulek] there was a man stronger than all his neighbors.Therefore he took the food from everybody by force. If a man had killed a walrus andhauled home a sled filled with meat, the strong man would take possession of the hauling-strap, and take home sled and all. The people were afraid to show resistance. He would killthose who were disobedient. One day a man killed a thong-seal, and was taking the meathome. The strong man met him on the way. "Oh, you have killed a thong-seal?"—"Yes, Ihave." The Doer of Violence put his foot upon the runner of the sled. "What are youdoing?"—"Be quiet, or I shall kill you!"

He left the sled and came to his wife. "And where is the meat?"—"In truth, I was bringingit, but the Doer of Violence took it away from me."—"But why didn't you defend it? Ourlittle children have no food."—"He threatened to kill me."—"Ah, but I will go and getback the meat!" She went, and soon overtook the strong man, who was hauling the meat."You there! Why have you taken the food from my little children?"—"Go away!"—"Giveme my meat."—"Let me alone, or I shall kill you!"—"Will you?" She caught him by the

Now wholly starved out, as well as several other villages [all footnotes by Bogoras].200 SLI SOURCEBOOK

arms a little below the shoulders, and broke the humerus of either arm. "Ah, ah, ah! Pleasedo not tell our neighbors! They will kill me. Do not bring such shame upon me! I haveplenty of meat and peltries. I will give you everything. Let me escape with just my barelife!" And, indeed, she did not tell what had happened. He gave her everything he had,and they lived in wealth and joy. From that stock came the family of Kuva'r [Quwaaren].1

Told by Milu'tarak [Milutaghaq], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, 1901.

3. Creation of St. Lawrence Island.

When Creator was creating earth, he made at first the shore of Uni'sak [Ungaziq]; then hemade the Russian land, after that the American land. Then he felt tired, and lay down tohave a rest. The sun, however, had not set, and he said, "It is still light. Let me createsomething small. So he stretched out his hand, and took from the bottom of the sea ahandful of sand. He pressed the water out of it,—and therefore our island is called Cibu'kak,[Sivuqaq] ("pressed out," "wrung out"),—and put it upon the ground before himself.Then he picked up a few small pebbles and put them in various places on this mound ofsand. These were men. They were weak and without enterprise.

He said to them, "You must take your food out of the water. I shall not give you reindeer.They are too good for you." They sought food, and found a walrus, a thong-seal, and aringed-seal. Still it was not enough, and they were starving. All the people died of starva-tion; only an orphan was left alive. He was covered with scabs; his skin had large ulcers,and in some places hung down in tatters. He had no food for nearly a month. So he lay inthe cold sleeping-room, unable to rise. His body was covered with an old coat of bird-skins without feathers. He lay shaking with cold, and asking for a speedy death.

He wanted to sleep, but could not. So he prayed to the Sea-God,1 if not for food, at leastfor a little sleep. But the sleep did not come.

Then he prayed to the Upper God for a little sleep. The sleep did not come. But the Sea-God had compassion on him, and sent a walrus. The walrus came roaring, and emergedout of the ground near the house. Then it plunged back, but left behind a few jelly-fish.

A rich Eskimo of the Village of Cibu'kak [Sivuqaq], on St. Lawrence Island. There was another Kuva'r[Quwaaren] much richer, in the village of Uni'sak [Ungaziq], on the mainland of Asia.

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Some of them were right in the sleeping room. The boy felt around with his hands. Hefound one jelly-fish, and swallowed it; but his stomach was so little used to food, that hedied of cramps. The Upper God had compassion on him, and brought him back to life.He ate five more jelly-fishes, and died again. The Upper God brought him back to lifeanother time. Now his stomach was stronger. He ate plenty of jelly-fish, and felt better.Still he had no sleep. He prayed again to the Upper God, who had compassion on himand sent him sleep.

He slept three days and two night. Then he dreamed. Six women—one old one and fiveyoung ones—entered the sleeping-room. They put everything in good order, cleaned awaythe rubbish, spread the skins, and lighted the lamp. Then the room was warm and tidy.He wished to move nearer the lamp, and then he awoke. The sleeping-room was dark andcold, as before. He prayed again for sleep, but without success. Three days and two nightshe was there, trembling with cold, then he dozed off and had the same dream. The womencame and put the sleeping-room in order. The old woman said, "We are assistants of theUpper God. We must not waken him till everything is ready. Now prepare the food!" Theyounger women brought a large dish filled with fish, walrus-meat, and seal-blubber. Therewas everything except whale-skin.

He was awake, but felt afraid to stir, lest the happy dream should vanish, as before. Thenthe old woman nudged him, "Get up! The meal is ready." He ate. The old woman uri-nated into a chamber-vessel, and rubbed his body all over with urine. Instantly he washealed of his sores. She blew upon him, and he became strong, like a walrus. Then hecopulated with all five of the younger women, one after another; so that his name afterthat was The-One-Copulating-with-Five-Divine-Women. After that he went out and setoff, journeying towards the sky. He came to the Sun-Man, and said, "Give us reindeer!"Sun-Man answered, "I cannot do so. In the world above me there lives another Godgreater than I: he would be angry. Instead of that, I will give you something large and oily,— a great mass of food. Keep it as your property." He took two handfuls of small pebbles."Take these, and when you come home, throw them into the water. The young mandescended, and threw the stones into the water. They turned into whales of various kinds.After that he lived on the surface of the sea. He walked about with the walrus. In the end

Ima'm Kiya'rnarak [Kiyaghnaghaq]. Kiya'rnarak fully corresponds to the Chukchee Va'irgin, and signifies"(Good) Being."

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the people of Kuku'lik [Kukulek] killed him by mistake. When dying, he said, "Such areyou, and such shall be your fate. When you go out to sea, you shall be drowned. Whenyou stay ashore, you shall die of starvation. When you have food enough, you shall bevisited by to'rnaraks [tughneghaqs] of the disease." After that he died. That is all.

Told byAle'qat [Aleqat or AHiqat], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, 1901.4. The Shaman A'bla [Aavla].

In the village of Cibu'kak [Sivuqaq] there lived a rich man and a strong man. The nameof the latter was A'bla [Aavla]. They had a running-match, the course being a circle. Thenthe rich man said, "Now let us wrestle!" A'bla [Aavla] said, "All right!" They wrestled neara tumble-down house, and then left off and shot with bows. A'bla could not hit the richman. He was too nimble, and would jump aside. Then A'bla said, "Though you do jumpaside, now take heed! With this arrow of mine I shall hit you." He took an arrow from hisquiver, made of whalebone and quite small, and shot at the rich man, who turned on thespot where he was standing, and fell down dead.

A'bla [Aavla] was very angry. He went to a solitary place and live there. After a while therecame to the island a man from the village of A'vak [Avan],1 in two large boats, and withhis whole family. They brought reindeer-skins for sale. They went to the village Kuku'lik[Kukulek] to gather wood, and one of the boys was lost. His father, who was a shaman,could not find him. The people said, "Go to A'bla [Aavla]. Perhaps he will do somethingfor you." The father went to A'bla. A'bla said, "Who knows! Probably I too shall notsucceed. Still I will try, at least." He took a small hatchet made of shell, and pretended towork on a piece of wood. All at once the lost boy shouted. He swept by, crying, carriedalong by a to'rnarak [spirit, tughneghaq] of the mountains. A'bla was still chopping withhis hatchet, and did not even look up. The boy passed by again, and he saw him, but theto'rnarak [tughneghaq] who carried him was invisible. Still A'bla aimed at him, and threwhis hatchet. The to'rnarak [tughneghaq] cried aloud, and the boy fell down; but after amoment he was swept along, being carried away again by the to'rnarak. A'bla gave chase,but could not overtake them. Whatever the shape he would assume, whatever song hewould sing, the to'rnarak [tughneghaq] was ahead of him, though quite near. At last hesang the song of the ceremonial of boats. Then the boy fell down.

On the Asiatic shore.

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A'bla [Aavla] came to him, and asked him, "What is your name?" The boy answered,"My name is A'bla [Aavla]"—"Oh, oh! And what is my own name?"—"Your name isA'pilo [Apilu]." Thus they exchanged names. Then the new A'pilo [Apilu] sent his ownson to the boy's parents. They had shaved their hair, and were sitting in the sleeping-room,mourning. The shaman's son came, and said, "My father sends for you."—"Why? Did hekill a walrus on the shore?"—"I do not know. He sends for you."—"Perhaps he has founda stranded whale."—"I do not know. He bids you come." They went, and saw their lostboy. Then the father, full of joy, filled a large boat with skins and new clothes, with beads,and with everything they had brought for sale, and gave it to the shaman. He took oneskin, one fur shirt, and one long bead necklace.1 Everything else he gave back. Thus theylived.

Told byAcu'narak [Asunaghaq], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, 1901.

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1. Yupik Personal Songs1

Original transcription, translations, and footnotes by Bogoras. Modern Yupik transcriptioninserted by Willis Walunga.

My stomach is yearning for my cousin. I would leave Cimcai'va [Simsaywa] here; but Iwish he would give me in his storehouse a drink of molasses mixed with hard bread-crumbs, a liquor not stupefying.

Ilu'ka ka'mna aliya'takuk ilura'mni. Milus-iwa'mkin Cimcai'va una.

Interior this one is desiring to my cousin. I would leave him C imc ai'va this.

W'oiw'o'wminun2 ka ca'min tur-I'ma ka kobutnaia'xpina korla'mi akomla'lirmi

In his storehouse with what indeed he would be pour for me with with mixed one

molasses

nakikra'rmi unirani'lnurmi.3

with hard bread with one not robbing force.

Sung by QaTu'wak [Qallevakt], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Iluka qaamna aligataquq ilughamnun. MilusuwamkenSimsaywa una. Guyguminun qaa sameng tughimaa qaa kuuvunnayaghaghpengaqughlaameng aqimlelegmeng neqekragmeng uniighniilngughmeng.

2.

From whom shall I have tea to drink? I shall have it from the Northwesterner, from theRussia, my cousin. He will give me this brick-tea of good quality. My stomach will feelwell. Drinking tea, I shall laugh.

Each of these shamanistic songs is a song by itself.They are supposed to be sung by the to'rnarak [aidespirit, Wghneghaq] of the female shaman who sang them, and to be addressed to her. So in several casesI had to translate yuk [yuk],yu'k [yuuk],ta'ru [taru], "human being," instead of "man."From the Chukchee wui'wun ("log-house").

This word, in the Asiatic villages, is contracted to uni'lnurmi [unilngughmi]. A few more words appearon the mainland of Asia in the contracted form, and on St. Lawrence Island in a fuller form.

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Na kin-mi kaiurnaia'xs-ina? Aiva'xtami, Rusi'xtami, ilu'rarma kirpicinani4

Wherefrom shall I drink (tea)? From that to the from the Russian, my cousins with brick-tea his

northwest,

pini'lrimi. Ilu'ka pinio'ryuxtuk, kaiurniru'na ninlaryu'xtuna.

with the good Interior felt-well, on my drinking I laughed,

one. my

Sung by fripe'wgi [Nepatvyt], an Asiatic Eskimo man, a native of Uni'sak [Ungaziq], on St. LawrenceIsland, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Nakenmi qayughnayaghasinga, aywaaghtamengRuuseghmiitameng ilughaghma kirpis-enganeng pinilghiimeng. Iluka pinighyuugtuqqayughnilunga nenglaghyugtunga.

3.

I found here for myself a woman. She walks much in an overcoat of calico. She is aruddy one, she is a pretty one.

Xwa'ni naTkutuna arnami, il'a'xlaxi kiypara'lik, kabi'lnurni pinilri'mi.

Here I found (for with a walking having an over- with a ruddy with a pretty

myself) woman, (much) coat of calico, one one.

Sung by ftipe'wgi [Nepawyi], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Whani naalkutunga aghnameng piyugllalghiiqiipaghalek kavilnguugneng pinilghiigneng.

This song was not composed for my own benefit. It originated a year before my arrival, when themissionary of St. Lawrence, an American, bought a few pieces of brick-tea of Japanese make from theRussian steamer Progress. The Japanese brick-tea is inferior in quality to that made in China and broughtby the Russian traders by land from the west.

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4.

I will go and look for game. I shall also throw at the birds my throwing-balls.Na'ni xwa'na is-xapirl'a'na, kawa'rmin i'ma milurmilla'na, xwa'na

Where I shall look at it for at the birds also I shall throw, 1

myself,

milurmil'a'na anaia!

shall throw, ah!Sung by Ka'l'i [Qalii], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Nani whanga esghapaglanga qawaagmeng amamilughmiglanga, whanga milughmiglanga anga iya.

5.

I wounded a seal which is always escaping. I could not find it. With what shall I stab it?With my small whip.

Naxcalirlu'na kimaryuwuma'min, ib'aril'una axturyu'wumaka. Ca'mi unri'rlana,

On my procuring with one always running on my seeing I have not been able With what shall I stab,

a seal for myself off, (to find) it.

kakcawuxa'rmi unri'rlana.

with a whip small I shall stab.

Sung by Ci'mpak [Simpaq], an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Neghsalighlunga qimagyugumameng ivaghilunga aghtughyugumaaqa. Sameng uunghighlanga kagsawughhaghmeng uunghighlanga.

6a.

I am singing here at the trading-dance. O young man! This one makes me perform thetrading-dance in the outer tent. Let him himself also dance.

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Xwa'na aturnaya'xtufia ma'ni marla'rni. Nuka'lpiyai, marlariyarli'na ca'mani.

I sang one time here at the trading- O young man! he makes me perform there (in the

dance. the trading-dance outer tent).

I'ma aro'lal'I una.

Also let him thismove around one.

Whanga atughnayaghtunga maani maghlagni. Nukalpigayu maghlagiyaghlanga samaniama aghulali una.

6b.

What shall I ask for? I will ask for a walrus-hide, for a new one, for a large one withoutpatches.

Ca'mi tunxci'rlana? Ti'npixarni i'ma, nutara'rni i'ma, l'kukarnilnu'wni anilri'rni.

About shall I ask? About walrus- thete, about a fresh there, about one without about a

what hide one patches large one.

6 (a, b) Sung by Ku'puna [Kuupunga], an Asiatic Eskimo woman, on St. Lawrence Island,May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Sameng tungsighlanga tanpeghhaghmeng imanutaghameng ima ukimallghilnguugneng aangelghiigneng

7. Shaman's Song.

When shall I sing this song? It is good to be listened to. Oh, let all those sitting in the outerhouse around give something to that to'rnarak [tughneghaq]\ Let them throw their presents,and let them stay at his own place! Oh, you there, women! shout with me! shall I sing it?You will be given joy by that one in the sea. You shall laugh. Now it is finished.

Qa'kun naras-u'wnak aparixtukuna'ks-iu? Cibukamyu'na.5 1'mna tu'nlit-hu

When one well to be shall I tell it? I am a man of That let them give

listened St. Lawrence yonder to him

5 Cibu'kak [Sivuqaq] is the name of a village on St. Lawrence Island, the larger one of the two.The islandtakes its name from it.

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tamaxarmi ti's-ka'rum, milu'rlit-hu, akomra'l'i ni'mini. Ima'ni, arna'ni,

by all those being let them throw let him sit in his place O you, O women!

outside, it to him, those there!

ara'xtina! Apal'ixtukuna'ks-iu. Kuwaiukaxlaku's-i kana'kin-ka, ninlaryu-

shout with me! Shall I tell it? You will rejoice from that one you

below [in the

sea],

kaxlaku's-i ima'ni. Na'nuk.

will laugh there Finished.

Sung by Acu'narak [Asunaghaq],6 an Asiatic Eskimo man, on St. Lawrence Island, May 1901.

(Modern Yupik Transcription): Qakun nagasugnaq apallightuqunaqsiqu.Sivuqaghhmiinguunga. Iimna tuunlitgu tamaghhaghmi tesqagum milughlitgu aqumgalinemini. Imani aghnani araghtengnga apallightuqunaqsigu quyayukaghllequsi kanaken-qaa nenglaghyukaghllequsi imani. Naanguq.

Acu'narak [Asunaghaq] was a shaman, and also a descendent of a family of shamans. His great-grandfa-ther, also Acu'narak [Asunaghaq] by name, had much fame. Even now tales exist about the deeds heachieved. His grandson also showed me a few tricks, some of which I have described elsewhere (Bogoras,The Chukchee, volume VII of this series, p. 448).

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Stories of the Eskimo on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (1900)By William Furman Doty

William F. Doty was the second American teacher and missionary placed by Sheldon Jackson incharge of the newly established governmental school on St. Lawrence Island in 1898. Overall,Doty had spent about fourteen months on the island. His main recorded legacy was his annualdiary ("log book") that was published in Sheldon Jackson's Ninth Annual Report on Introduction ofDomestic Reindeer into Alaska in 1900 (see Part Four). Beyond his annual diary, Doty also pro-duced a forty-page-long general description of the people of St. Lawrence Island that was printedin the same volume of the Ninth Annual Report (pages 186-223). Doty's ethnographic sketchremained by far the most detailed scientific description of the Yupik people of St. LawrenceIsland for years to come. It also included texts of a few folklore and historical stories overheardand written down by Doty on the island.These were the first narratives of St. Lawrence Islandpeople published in English as samples of the local Yupik tradition.

Chief Assoone's [Asunaghaq] Historical Sketch

The first captain who brought a ship to this place [that is, Gambell] was Captain Salmon,who came about forty years ago or earlier. He traded for whalebone which he saw rottingon the ground. The people had no use for the bone except the small slabs which they usedin making fishing line and thread, and they threw the big slabs away. After observing thatCaptain Salmon was willing to trade for this bone, the people saved it. The second captainwas named Moore, and came when Assoone [Asunaghaq] was too young to notice theevent. Guns have been used here about fifteen years. Strong bows and arrows were effec-tive against enemies and their game. An arrow could be sent clear through the body of abear if no bone was struck. Whales and walruses abounded. There were more people atthis place formerly than now. Even long ago, houses were built above ground in the sum-mer, but in winter the underground houses were used. However, Assoone's [Asunaghaq]father built a very large overground house for the use of his friends and family during theentire year. This house was as large as the school building.

The famine which destroyed nearly all of the inhabitants of the island occurred aboutnineteen or twenty years ago. The villages have never since then been repopulated. Thedead were not buried, but left to decompose where they fell, as the other people were too

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feeble to give them burial. Sometimes a canoe party would be blown by a gale to IndianPoint [Ungaziq], Siberia, and be put to death.

Shoolook's [Suluk] Legend

The Massinga [Masingka] men, according to Shoolook [Suluk], have believed in onesupreme god. Myerapuk [Mayeraaghpak], the Massinga Moses, was a very big giant whoused to walk in the Bering Sea, sinking only waist deep, so tall was he. He was the friendof god and interpreter or prophet to the Massinga people. He visited all places and allpeople. The Indian Point and other Eskimos, Nakoorooks* [?], hold the same tradition.The soil of St. Lawrence Island and elsewhere was soft, but this man with his knife cut offlarge blocks from the soft mountain and made them stepping stones, rendering themfirm. There are many of these stones near the sea along the lower sides of the mountain.He made seats also in the side of the mountain where he could rest, making them firm.The snow now remains in them, but in summer time they can be seen. He was a friendand teacher of the "First people" and thus aided many of the Eskimos here and elsewhere.Myerapuk [Mayeraaghpak] in the spring used to walk in the sea near the shore and catcha whale in one hand and put it in his "atkok" [atkuk]—his fur blouse—making it fast, as inan apron, by means of ropes. Sometimes he would catch walruses and big seals and otherfish in the same way. In the fall he would eat one whale and then lie down to sleep for thewhole winter and would not awake until spring. Often he caught bears (white and brown),foxes, and other animals and ate them. He was very generous to his friends, the Massingamen, and other Eskimos, and often would throw whales, walruses, and other creatures onthe shore for them to eat. He had a stentorian voice and the people would feel afraid whenhe talked. When he awoke from his sleep he would talk a little, and all people could hearhim and know that he was awake. When Myerapuk [Mayeraaghpak] would see a manpaddling a kyak [qayaq] he would often give him food.

* Nakuruq, meaning "good" in Inupiaq (Christopher Koonooka's note).OUR OLD DAY STORIES

Friends of Myerapuk [Mayeraaghpak]

Yupagh'aghat [Yugpagaghaat], who were dwarfs "half arm" high, who had also very bigvoices, were very strong, could lift a walrus, one little man taking the tail end and oneother dwarf taking the head. They could lift a big walrus like the present species betweentwo of them; but a very small whale about 4 feet long was so very heavy that they couldnot lift it and had to fasten ropes about it and very slowly pull it to shore. The presentMassinga men occasionally find one of these small whales (probably a porpoise) and canlift it between two of them, but cannot, of course, lift a big whale.

Once when the little men were trying to lift one of the small heavy whales, God, said. "Donot try to lift it; it is too heavy; fasten a rope to it and so pull it to the shore." The littlemen had small houses. The dwarfs lived south. They may have been Japanese, Aleuts, orIndians.

Two dwarfs from the south were blown by a gale to the Massinga [Masingka, Yupik]village. The Massinga men said quietly to one another that they would kill them, thinkingthat it would be easy and that they were not overheard. The Massinga people crowdedinto the house which sheltered the dwarfs, and attacked them, but the latter were stronglike gods and broke in the chest bones of their assailants and crushed their skulls. Then thedwarfs escaped, going south on pieces of ice.

First People

The chief was bad. If he caught a whale he would allow the meat or flukes to rot in theblubber room and give rotten food to the people, keeping the good food for himself anda few friends. He helped only a few people. God did not like this.

His son tried in the winter to strike with a harpoon a big seal which was on the ice near theshore, but missed his aim. The seal would go down and reappear further off. He trieddesperately to strike big seals, but always failed. Then the floe ice went off, young iceformed, and big seals disappeared. The young man got on a cake of young ice and thewaves tossed him to and fro and made him very sick, so that he took out his knife and wasabout to kill himself when he heard a voice saying: "Where are you going?" "I am going

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down," he said. God bade him go to his house, saying that his place was a good place. Theyoung man could not see any person and marveled whence the voice proceeded. Aftersome more tossing, he again took out his knife. God spoke to him again: "Your father, thechief, is a very bad man. I give him whales and he allows the meat to become rotten. I donot like him, but I will take you to heaven." The young man then killed himself.

By and by god put the young man in a box so small that he had to double up, and said tohim: "Your father makes the food rotten that I give to him and the people suffer. I do notlike this and shall make you suffer." So he gave him a small piece of food—about the sizeof a lump of sugar—and a little water and locked the lid of the box. He made the youngman suffer hunger and thirst on account of his father's ill doing, but did not allow him todie a second death.

The father could not sleep, worrying over the disappearance of his son, when all efforts ofthe people and himself proved unavailing to find him. A little girl whose father, mother,and grandparents were dead was a "woman doctor." She sang to the chief that the youngman had been taken by god and was now in a box. Then god allowed the chief to walk upa path (like a ladder) to heaven and told him to look at his son in the box. Then the sonsaid: "Father, I am nearly dead from hunger." God told the chief: "I am angry with you formaking the food which I give you rotten, and I shall make your son rotten." The chiefasked god what he would receive from him to make good the wrong. But God said that hewould not take anything that belonged to the chief, but that he would not lessen his anger,and would make his son rotten. Then the chief went down from heaven to his house.Again after a time the chief went to heaven and asked if god would accept a fine youngdog. God said he would, and he let the son out of the box and washed him. Then the twowent home. The chief was good after that, being warned to make food rotten no more.

Depopulation of Several Villages

Formerly there were large villages at South East Cape and North East Cape, numberingtogether possibly 300 people, while there were smaller ones, numbering in all 150 inhab-itants, at Cape Kuhuliak [Kukulek], Cape Sieperno, and a promontory east of this latterone. Simultaneously, or nearly so, these several villages were depopulated. From a repu-table native at Gambell [Suluk??] I learned that about the same time when these villageswere depopulated the village at Gambell lost half of its numbers, while the death rate at

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South West Cape was yet larger and that there was great loss of life at Indian Point andgenerally along the Siberian coast. Starvation resulted by reason of a succession of fierceblizzards, which prevented hunting, and, furthermore, from an unusual scarcity of sealsand walruses.

An old woman who now resides at Gambell, having left one of those villages on the northshore during the fall preceding the fatality, or the previous one, asserts that the people ofher village flayed a walrus alive and threw the suffering creature back again into the sea, inthe hope that they would secure it in due time after it had gained a new skin.

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The Old Stories of the Meregtemiit PeopleNotes from Paul Silook (Siluk), St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, 1931-32

These stories were excerpted from the OttoW. Geist Collection, Archives of the University ofAlaska Fairbanks. Folder: "Paul Silook Notes, 1931-32," No. 44, Box 9." It is unclear whetherthis was original Paul Siluk's text or one written up by Geist.

"[...] Following is a story told by Ungiluk [Ungalaq], an old person who is a grand-child of the Mirruktu [Meregtemiit] people and the oldest living descendent of thesepeople."

Notangi [Nutangi]

Once there was a man whose wife's name was Notangi [Nutangi]. It came to pass that shebecame sick. She was ill for several days and steadily got worse until at last she died. Thehusband did not bury the body but kept it in his house for days. The body began to haveodor and swelled for it filled with air.

One morning the man told his people in the house that the woman was no longer of thefamily and asked them to help in the funeral. They held a ceremony and had a funeralprocession. They buried the body at a certain place above the village.

The man visited the body every day for he was greatly grieved at the death of his wife. Andevery day the birds began to break more holes in the body.

One day when he went to the grave the body was not there. He searched for it everywhere;he went to every rock and small cliff about the place but no body was to be found. Therewas nothing to be seen but the tracks of fox at the place where the body had lain. At last hedecided to follow the trail the foxes had traveled. He walked all night until he came to thefoot of a mountain that lay between Sevookuk [Sivuqaq] village and Poowoonveluk[Pugughileq] village, the mountain called Poovokhpuk [Puvugbpak], where he climbed tothe top.

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As he came clear to the top he saw a ningloo [nenglu] whose ventilator was open. Hepeeked in and saw a lamp sitting in the center as though someone was having a ceremony.He saw a large dish, which was filled with foam.

Some moments later he saw a man appear with a drum in his hand who beat it and beganto sing. The words of the song were as follows: Notangee nge—san nitmoong—aghoolarowak—kan aengenge notoon hloo ngok—kana—nakit took—kana [Nutangii-ngisanitmeng aghulagugaaq kaana ngii ngi natenlluunguq kaana maketuq kaana]. Finally ahead appeared from the dish of foam and began to rise but it fell back again.

Then the man said that some of the parts were missing. He asked someone to go after it.Finally two white foxes came out and went down the trail the man had just come from. Ina moment they came back and entered the ningloo [nenglu]. One of them dropped a boneof the little finger from her mouth and the other bone of a big toe. The man again sang thesame song and at last the same head appeared from the dish and arose.

The watching man recognized his wife as she reappeared in the sleeping room. Then he letthe wind in through the hole and the lamp got in disorder. The man who had sung toldthe boys to go out and put the shade of the hole to one side for he thought the wind hadchanged its direction.

The man went down from the roof of the house and waited. The two boys met him nearthe entrance. He told them to tell the man to let him have his wife. He told them hewould give them a sword, a dog and some other things to pay them. The two boys went inand told the man what the husband of the woman had promised. And so the man of thehouse let the woman go out to her husband. Then the man took his wife home.

When he arrived home, he made a tiny wooden sword, a toy dog and took them withsome small pieces of meat to the place where no people had been. He said that he broughtthe things he had promised and left them there. The next day he went to the same spotand found the things were not there for the spirit of the people he had seen had takenthem. In this way he brought his wife back to life again.

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Old Stories and Beliefs

Belief of being unkind to the old person. It is not right to treat the old person unkind forthey would cause harm. The first old person treated unkindly.

Beyond Mirruktu [Meregta] lived an old man with his wife who had no children. Amongthe people there was a young man who was a good whaler. Every spring he killed a whaleand divided the meat equally with his people. The old man was also treated kindly.

It happened that he had killed a whale again. When the hunters came ashore, the old mancame as usual and began to cut pieces from the meat as he had always done before. But theyoung man told him to stop cutting for he wished to share his meat with his crew. The oldman did not pay any attention to him. The young man continued trying to stop him. Atlast he got angry and so the old man went home without any meat.

When he arrived home he made a small image of a whale and a small toy boat. He went toa small pond where the boys usually played. He put up as many toy houses as there wereat the village and played there. He put the wooden whale into the pond and let the smallcanoe strike it. The canoe he called the young man's.

Then he went back home without going to his house, he went to the beach and threw thetoy whale and the toy boat, telling them to do as they wished to do. Then he went hometo his small topek [tupeq]. When he arrived he told his wife to have the house open thatthey might watch toward the sea.

In a few moments they saw a whale coming from the east, following the shore and whenit came in front of the village it stayed at the same place and blew. The men of the villagewent after it and finally the good whaler struck it. Then the whale pulled the lines towardthe northeast, leaving the land, but the canoes pursued it. When they were on the horizonthey killed it and began to tow it.

While they were towing it, the wind arose from the west. Some of the boats unloosedthemselves from the whale and went home. But the good whaler held on. At last the windblew harder and the last canoe, which was the good whaler's, let loose and paddled for

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shore. But it was too late. It was very rough and they could not go against the wind. Thewaves upset the boat and they were drowned. When they had all died the wind calmeddown.

For this reason the Eskimos never treat an old person unkindly. They believe some can domore stronger [things] than the other.

The two stories preceding belong to the Mirruktu [Meregtemiit] people, one of the tribes[clans] at Gambell.

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St. Lawrence Island Eskimos Lost on the Pack Ice

Excerpts from the Notebook of Otto W. Geist, Bunnell-Geist Bering Sea Expedition, 1927-29(Otto W. Geist Collection, Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Folder entitled, "St.Lawrence Island Eskimos on the Pack Ice," No. 142, Box 5).

"[...] Some years agoTimkaroo's [Temkeruu] father became lost on the pack ice, on whichhe drifted to Siberia. It was fortunate that he landed at Cape Navarin, Siberia, distantapproximately 290 miles from St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Timkaroo [ Temkeruu], who isliving at the present time (1929) on St. Lawrence Island, was at the time of his father'sexperience a very small boy aged about two years. In all there were six men who drifted outon the ice together. During the long drift two of the men unfortunately fell ill with diar-rhea. None had rifles, but the hunters were still in the possession of their harpoons (wal-rus) and spears. With these hunting weapons the men were able to kill on the floating icetwo walruses. The men were drifting on the ice for approximately three months. Drinkingwater could be obtained only from the snow on the ice. The snow was put into the neckpart of a walrus stomach, which then was tied up. The snow was melted by being carriedin the walrus stomach on the bodies of the men. It was usually held against a man's stom-ach, as this method is said to melt the snow or ice very quickly. The two men who wereafflicted with diarrhea could bear it no longer, and killed themselves by sticking theirknives into their hearts. This, however, was done when they found that they could nolonger get around. The survivors buried the bodies on the ice.

All this happened when the first ice arrived at St. Lawrence Island sometime in November,and while the men were drifting on the ice floes with the strong south current south of thevillage of Gambell. While hunting off the island, the hunters had already killed severalwalruses when the south current broke up the ice around the island, leaving the menhelpless on a large floe to drift with the south current without a chance to reach shore.After drifting for several weeks they finally sighted the mountains and hills of Cape Navarin.The pack ice lodged against the shore enabled the men to go towards the land. Whiledoing so they reached more solid ice cakes on which were found traces and tracks of men(Siberian Eskimo hunters?). These tracks were followed up, and eventually the men camewithin close range of two men who had rifles in their possession. One of the Islanders,who had sometime previous been with the Siberian Chukchi, addressed the two men withthe rifles from a respectable distance by crying "Ivokiameet!" [Ayveghyagmiit], which is

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the name by which the St. Lawrence Island people are known to the Chukchi folk ofSiberia.

The two Siberians, who had been on a hunt, proved to be quite friendly, and offered theSt. Lawrence Island hunters seal oil which was carried in the sheath of the penis of a malewalrus. The Chukchi eat snow, which they have saturated with the oil. The St. LawrenceIslanders, not being used to such food, did not relish the snow and oil. They preferred towait until the Siberians led them to their village, where more appetizing food could beobtained. Dried fish, however, was all that the Chukchi had to offer them. After arrivingat the village, the St. Lawrence Islanders had a worship of thanks. This ceremony wasperformed by rolling around in the village dump pile, on which all sorts of trash, includ-ing urine, was dumped. The Chukchi were very kind to them, and presented them withheavy skins for clothing, and ready-made clothing, as well.

During the first year after their rescue, the lost men, not knowing exactly where they were,began to travel northward by boat and over land, in the hope that they might reach apoint from which they might return to their island. Some of the Siberian people duringthe next spring went to St. Lawrence Island for a visit, and informed the Islanders thatthey had heard that some people had drifted away on the ice and had landed somewhereaway south of Indian Point. The Siberians mentioned, also, that these men who came onthe ice had been seen somewhere near Anadyr, Siberia. During the next year, the lostIslanders traveled as far as Indian Point [ Ungaziq], but unfortunately did not arrive at theplace before the Indian Point Eskimos had departed for another visit to St. LawrenceIsland.

The St. Lawrence Island Eskimos who had drifted away felt quite fortunate, indeed, at notbeing killed at first sight by the Siberian hunters; for, in the olden days, according to theSt. Lawrence Island Eskimos, every man and party who had drifted away from points tothe northwest of St. Lawrence Island, may they have been people from the Alaskan main-land, Sledge Island, the Diomede Islands, or even the Siberian mainland, without excep-tion were annihilated on short notice, usually even before the poor people who had driftedaway were able to set foot on St. Lawrence Island. Thus, we have the story of the St.Lawrence Islanders living at S.E. Cape (Kialegak, Kiyalighaq) who had killed at one timeforty people who had unfortunately drifted away from their homes in Wailing [Uuleq,Uelen], Siberia. It is said, however, that the forty Siberian hunters had attacked and tried

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to kill the people of Kialegak [Kiyalighaq], but the final outcome resulted in the killing ofall the Siberians.

The lost men eventually returned to St. Lawrence Island by way of boat from Indian Pointor thereabouts and joined their families.

NOTE (by Otto Geist):

The foregoing information was obtained by me directly from the St. Lawrence IslandEskimo, Timkaroo [ Temkeruu], the person mentioned in the article as being the son ofone of the men who drifted away. The translation was accomplished with the aid of JimmieOtiyohak [Ataayaghhaq] as interpreter.

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Eskimo "Tribes" in Gambell

From: Paul Silook (Siluk) "Life Story," July 13, 1940

These entries are obviously excerpts from a transcript of an interview attached to Paul Silook's"Life Story" deposited in the Dorothea C.Leighton Collection at the Archives of the Universityof Alaska Fairbanks, Box 3, Folders 67 and 68 (see also Part Two). Interviewer's questions aregiven in parentheses; modern spellings ofYupik personal names and clan names are in brackets.

"... The native people [of Gambell] are divided into tribes [clans]. One tribe is Carl'sfamily [ofCarl Iyakitan, Uwaliq]. Chauncey [Maligutkaq], Eddie [Uughqaghmii], Jimmy[Ataayaghaq], Ernest [Ayuwighsaan], Lawrence [Qilleghquun], and I are another tribe.(All one tribe together?) Yes, all one tribe. Then Warren [Kuzaata] and Norman [Nanghila]are one tribe. Andrew [ Uzivusiq], Moses [Sunaaghruk], and Wamkon [ Waamquun] areanother tribe. Samuel [Iirgu] and James [Anengayuu] are another, and Lester's [Napaghutaq]family another. And I learned that only Carl's people [of Carl Iyakitan, that is, Uwaaliit]are the people of Sevuokuk [Sivuqaq], Gambell; all the rest of them are descended fromother places. But in some way my own family, really my father and his father, are related tothe Kukulik [Kukulek] people. My grandmother was from Kukulik [Kukulek]; my father'sgrandmother was from Kukulik people, and his grandfather was from Siberia, I thinkfrom Indian Point [Ungaziq]. But my family is really called Kukulik [Kukulek] people.

(Give me the Eskimo name for each tribe and the names of all the people in it):

1. Oowa-ieit [ Uwaaliit]. Carl's tribe [of Carl Iayakitan, Uwaliq]; Aiyakitan [Ayakitaan],Carl's father; Henry Massaiu [Nayegreghaq]; Daniel Oezuk [Uuzak], Carl's brother;Kayrooga [Kiruka], Warren's uncle's wife; Yagoe [Yaaghu], her sister; these women areAiyakitan's sisters. Most of them (Not these mentioned) have died. My father's mother[Ateka ?] came from that tribe; she died.

2. Aima-ramkit [Aymaramket]. Paul Silook's father [Uwetelen] and brother [Apangaluq]and children; my whole family [Siluk], my wife is one of my tribe. (Because she mar-ried you?) No, she was anyway, her father. Jimmy [Ataayaghhaq], all his brothers[Pusaa, Kunuka, Aghnilu, and Tatuwi] and their children; Chauncey [Maligutkaq]and his brothers [Apaata, Pelaasi, and Yaghaq]; Lawrence [Qilleghquun] and his fam-

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ily; Dick Ungott [Angqatenganwan] and his son and children; Jack Kolo [Aantaghmit],Andrew's wife [Singlenga, wife of Uzivusiq], and Wamkon's [Nuugigalnguq] wife.

3. Amixdoyut [Amigtuughet]. Warren [Kuzaata] and his uncle (Old men with shavenpoll who lives with him), Yavaset [Yaavgaghsiq]. Nanreayla [Nanghila] belongs to thattribe; but this tribe has two names, but according to Nanreayla's [Nanghila] peopletheir really name is 'Klo-re-lyut' [Qelughileq; Qelughileghmiit—another name is Kangiior Kangighmiit; note by Willis Walunga].

4. Po-wo-yelaymit [Pugughileghmiit]. Andrew [Uzivusiq], his children and nephews(Walter?—Uusiiq); Moses [Sunaaghruk], his brother [Mangtaqult] and son;Timkaroo[Temekeruu] and his brother; Wamkon [Waamqun], his brothers [Uvi and Apetekt\and children. (His sisters?) His sisters, too. George [Aymergen] and his sisters; Abraham[Tapiisak], his brother and sisters. That is all of that tribe.

(What tribe is Charles [Elqwaaghqu—Slwooko]?) I don't know Charles's tribe, perhapshe is the same as Wamkon [ Waamquun]; he is from Southwest Cape. I don't know aboutWalunga [Walanga], too; he is from Siberia.

5. Meruxgamit [Meregtemiit]. Samuel [Iirgu], his brother [Aywergen] and children, andsister; James [Anengayuu] and his children. That is all of that tribe.

6. Naskayamit [Nasqaghmiit]. Lester [Napaghutaq], his uncle [Eghqaaghaq ?] and uncle'sbrother [Pulaaghun]. (Where does Walter [Utisiiq] belong?) I mentioned Andrew's[Uzivusiq] nephew.

Fred [Angi], Sweeney [Uuyghaq], and Thomas [Apasengaq] are from Indian Point[Ungaziq]. I don't know their tribe. They came here not long ago.

(What do the names mean?)

1. (Uwaaliit) Means The-People-Living-at-the-Extreme-North-End. Since I can remem-ber they have their house at the north end of the village.

2. (Aymaramket) I do not know the meaning of our tribe.

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3. {Amigtuughet) Means Behind-Door-Shut-Always. Their ancestors were called bythat name because they are very stingy. Whenever they kill walrus or any animalthey shut their door always, so that their neighbors won't come to ask for themeat.

4. {Pugughileghmiit) Means People-from-Southwest-Cape.

5. (Meregtemiit) People-from-Meruxta [Meregta], the other side of this mountainhere [Gambell].

6. (Nasqaghmiit) They are from Nashuk [Nasqaq], just this side of the big lagoon onthe other side of the mountain.

(How important are these tribal names?) They don't care much about it. But, on theother hand, each boat has a name, the same that has been inherited from their ances-tors. Carl's boat is named Koyuyat [Qureghaat], or Oowaleit [Uwaaliit], sometimesone name and sometimes the other. Then Chauncey [Maligutkaq] and my boat isKukulayamit [Kukulegmiit]. Dick's is Erununyelngoot [Ighneghiilngut], meaning 'NoInternal Organs.' Then Ernest [Ayuwighsaan] and Jimmy's [Ataayaghhaq] isAima-ramkit [Aymaramket]. Warren's [Kuzaata] is Amixdoyut [Amigtuughet]. An-drew, Moses and Wamkon have their tribal names, so have James and Samuel. (Theyall have boats with the same names?) Yes, Andrew [Uzivusiq], Moses [Sunaaghruk]and Wamkon [ Waamquun] have the same name, and James [Anengayuu] and Samuel[Iirgu] have the same name. Charles has Vov ut [ Vuuvghet], that means this walrusskin in our sleeping quarter floor. Then Lester's [Napaghutaq] is named Axpo-wit[Aghpuuget], 'Puffed Up.' That is all the boats. (Doesn't Sweeney [Uuyghaq have aboat?) He has a little boat, but no name. These names, we are still using them.

(Any division of crews along tribal lines?) No. (One from your tribe could work inAndrew's [Uzivusiq, that is Pugughileghmiit] boat?) Yes. Several times I help inAndrew's boat. First, when Walter's [Uusiiq] father was living, I was one of the crew.While they are having their moon worship they never have people from another tribecome to feast with them. If one comes around, they let him step into the boat and eatthere. Their idea is if a person from another tribe should come and eat with them,

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they will have harm. So only people from their own tribes come to eat with them. So,Wamkon [Waamquun] and Moses [Sunaaghruk] and also Lester's [Napaghutaq] tribeand Carl's [Ayakitaan, that is Uwaaliit]. But in our tribe everybody is at liberty tocome and eat with us.

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Henry B. Collins. St. Lawrence Island 'Old Stories'

Excerpts from H. B. Collins' field notes of 1928-30stored at the National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution,Washington, D.C.

The excerpts below have been selected from H. B. Collins' handwritten notes in several of hisfield notebooks of 1928-30. Some notes were written down by Paul Silook [Siluk], who wasthen working as Collins' field assistant, or were Collins' transcripts of stories narrated by Silukduring their stay in archaeological camp. Others were more like short summaries of ethno-graphic data that Collins was collecting on the island parallel to his excavations of old sites atGambell and on the Punuk [Punguuk] Islands.This selection of Collins' notes was prepared byIgor Krupnik and Lars Krutak; all Yupik spellings were checked by Willis Walunga and Christo-pher Koonooka.

Stories about the Famine of 1878

" 1878 (or 77) was a year of bad winds from S and SE instead on the N wind which bringsdown the solid ice. The ice was broken up and was not possible to get out to hunt walruseither on foot or by boat. So none were killed and since the preceding summer and fall thegame had been scarce (and) there was no food stored away. Consequently famine fol-lowed. This seems to have been followed by an epidemic of some sort for Gambell peoplegoing to Kukuliak [Kukulek]. [...] SW Cape [Pugughileq] found some meat cachesaltho(ugh) most of the people were dead."

(Collins Notebook A, 1930, Box 55, p. 100)

Stories about Old VillagesGeneral Remarks

All the (old) villages have people always. It was told that Punuk [Punguuk], Kukuliak[Kukulek], Kayaleghaq [Kiyalighaq], South West Cape [Pugughileq], Evgaq [Ivgaq] arealmost as old as Gambell [Sivuqaq]. The underground houses were last used in about afterthe famine. They stop(ped) using them because they think that it makes them look differ-ent to the spirit who causes the death (the plague).

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[...] The surface houses used all the time because for several reasons: one reason is becausethe people are too lazy to dig(;) because they do not know how to build it. Because theycan live in the surface house as well as the underground house.

[...] The last houses and village are abandoned because of the influenza. The people fearedto live in them because they would happen the same way.

(Miscellaneous, Box 52, Silook Diaries/Notebook 1928—29, Punuk Islands)

Sivuqaq—Gambell

(77) Two whale jaws standing close together near the outer narrow strip between the lakeand sea a few hundred yards south from the village are said to be the remnants of a barri-cade needed by the Gambell people many years ago when attacked by the Siberians. TheSiberians would usually land on the north shore and the Gambell people would seekprotection behind the line of whale jaws and then await the attack. For an attack summerhouses would be built on the south side of the stockade.

(Collins Notebook B, 1930, Box 55)

(27) See vug' e nuk [Sivugnaq], an old campsite about ]/i mile beyond the end of theGambell Cape (Pe lug'e nuk) [Pelegnaq?] formerly used as summer camp previously forbird hunting cormorants, sea gulls, auklets, guillemots, puffins. One or two houses; (sawonly one, but Paul [Siluk] thinks there may have been one or two more). Still used assummer camp.

(Collins Field Notes, 1930, Box 55)

Pugughileq—SW Cape

The place S.W. Cape [Pugughileq] was settled by only two men, one of the man namedKaka [Qaaqa—see story in Sivuqam Nangaghnegha, vol. 3, pp. 14-18]. When these two mendiscovered first, there were only but Polar bear and it(s) water(s) was full of bowheadwhale. When these first to make a settlement, they killed bears and burn(ed) their blubberand so these make the bear leave the place until now.

(Miscellaneous, Box 52, Silook Diaries/Notebook 1928—29, Punuk Islands)

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Punuk Islands [Punguuk]

One or more of the recent houses at Punuk [Punguuk] are said to have been built by somemen who came from Kialegak [Kiyalighaq] to there, having made enemies of some of theKialegak {Kiyalighaq) people. Jimmies {Ataayaghhaq) wife's (Isabel Ukaamangan of theKiwatangaghmiit clan) grandfather was one of these.

(61) (Collins Notebook B, Box 55, 1930)

[...] The people of Punuk {Punguuk) do not live all the time on the island but they livedoften at Kangeksuk (Qangeghsaq) and Kayaleghak {Kiyalighaq). They lived on the islandonly for walrus hunting. Sometime the last people would go to Indian Point {Ungaziq inSiberia) and live a year the(re). [A similar note elsewhere] Sometimes these people went toIndian Point and spent a year or two. So these last people's ancestors were descended fromSiberia.

[...] The Gambell people always traded and visited with them, but Kukuliak {Kukulek)people did not trade with them (the Punuk people).

[...] The last people in the old village at Punuk {Punguuk) 50 years ago are known by theoldest man Massiu {Masaayu ?). He said that they are living when he was a boy, but can'tremember very well. They (Punuk people—Pungughmiit) stays most of the time atApavwook {ApavguT). They go often to Punuk Island {Punguuk) only in very calm weather.

(Miscellaneous, Box 52, Silook Diaries/Notebook 1928—29, Punuk Islands)

[...] The ancestors of the last people of Punuk lived there always.

[...] It is not for certain. Not sure from some place a canoe load came up here and aftertheir landing the wind arose for a long time, so they could not go back to their own landand stayed there always and multiply until right now.

(Collins Diary, 1928—29, Punuk Island)

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List of Old Villages and Recent Sites

1. 4 miles W of Sevunga (Sivungaq) is an old village called Evuguk (Ivgaq).

2. About 11 miles W of Sevunga is Kongee (Kangif), small old village. 3 families livethere now.

3. About 8 miles W of Kongee (Kangii) is a slightly larger old village Taphoq (Tapghuq).

4. Between them and Gambell are three single ningloos (underground houses):Ningerhuk (Nengiighhaq), Neskuk (Nasquq), Pungokosek {Penguqusiq).

5. Kukuliak (Kukulek) about 3 miles from Sevunga.

6. About 3 or 4 miles E of Kukuliak {Kukulek) is a small old village Taphapaguk(Tapghapagaq). 4 or 5 houses between Taphapoguk (Tapghapagaq), Kongorsuk(Qangeghsaq) are from single ningloos, Iviqtuk (Ayvigteq), Unguviuk {Unguvigaq),Akolaka (Akulakaq), Tamnek (Tamniq).

7. Kongorsuk (Qangeghsaq) is about 5 miles W of N.E. Cape. 3 or 4 houses.

8. About one mile W of N.E. Cape is Sevuoka (Sivu or Sivuqaa), about 3 or 4 houses.

9. About half-way between N.E. Cape and E. Cape is one house, Apavuguk (Apavgu).

10. At East Cape is Kuluginu (Kelugnaa). This name, Kaluginu (Kelugnaa), is appliedto the entire coast section from East Cape to Apavuguk (Apavgu) and means 'Main-land.' Must have been named by Punuk people for they lived there in summer tofish for salmon—Punuk (Punguuk) people living at Sevunga (Sivungaq) are calledApavugukameet (Apavgughmiit) and Kaluginukameet (Kelugnaghmiit), besidesPungugomeet (Pungughmiit).

11. Large old village, Keeyaliguk (Kiyalighaq) at Cape Kialegak.

12. One house 2 ° miles S of Gambell, called Oeenuk (Uuyneq).

13. About 7 miles S of this house there is a small village of 3 or 4 houses, Kavaluguk(Qavalghak).

14. 3 or 4 miles S of Kavaluguk is small village, Kitgneepaluk (Ketngipalak).

15. Another small settlement at Boxer Bay, just south east of West Cape, Ukngseek(Ngusiik), one house occupied. There are other perhaps between here and S.W.Cape but Paul (Siluk) does not know exactly of them.

16. S.W. Cape has the second largest settlement on the Island (next to Gambell).Puwoweluk (Pugughileq). 2 houses now occupied. Paul does not know of the Sside of St. Lawrence.

(Probably copied 1/14/30) this follows from next page).

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St. Lawrence Island Clans and Their Origin

1. Owahlat [ Uwaaliit] or Koraquak [ Qureghaat], the people who dwell at the northend of the village. Only 2 houses left [Iyakitan and Masaayu] and nine people, with theaddition of five Indian Point, Siberia people [Apasengacfs family?] living with them. Oneof the Owahlat [Uwaliit] men has a whale boat, which bears the name of the group. Onemore house formerly. Owahlat [Uwaaliit] Paul [Siluk] thinks have always lived at Gambell.

2. Imaremkit [Aymaramket=Sanighmelnguut\. Nine houses. Six whaleboats. Over100 people. Imaremkit, Paul [Siluk] thinks is a Chukchee word, because they have nonelike it. They come from Indian Point [Ungaziq], Siberia, and there they were the mostnumerous people.

[...] Jimmie Otiolak [Ataayaghhaq], a member of the Imaremkit [Aymaramka] tribemade a trip to Indian Point {Ungaziq), Siberia a week before the Northland arrived to geta certain kind of plant needed for his brother Buscha {Pusaa), for a ceremony in "whaleworship" in commemoration of the whale he {Pusad) had killed some weeks before. TheImaremkits claim to have come from Indian Point and whenever one of them kills a whalehe must have for the ceremony that follows this particular plant used by his forefathers.The Imaremkit people say they are descended from a woman who lived at Kukuliak{Kukulek) but who was sold to a man at Indian Point. Her grandchildren then returned toSt. Lawrence, living at Gambell (Sevuokuk = Sivuqaq). These descendents are known bythe above name and also as Kukuligamut {Kukulegmiit) from the original ancestor.

3. Puwowlluqmeet {Pugughileghmiit). People from S.W. Cape {Pugughileq). Sevenhouses at Gambell, about 50 people. Only one house at S.W. Cape of this tribe, anotherhouse of Gambell people. (...) Name for S.W. Cape is Puwowelluk {Pugughileq), usualEskimo arrangement.

[...] S.W. Cape people are supposed to come from Imtook {Imtuk), a short distance southof Indian Point (actually, near Sireniki = Sighinek). Language is the same as at Imtook{Imtuk), where some words are pronounced differently than at Indian Point.

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4. Merooktameet {Meregtemiit). One house. They are from an old village 3 miles eastof Gambell called Merookta (Meregta). James or Stephen's (Anengayuu) tribe. James(Anengayuu) boat called this. These (people are) also from Plover Bay (in Siberia).

5. Nangopagakameet (Nangupagaghmiit). 2 houses. Come from Nangopagak(Nangupagaq), lU mile S.E. of Merookta {Meregta). The people camp at Nan. in summer.No year round residents. [...] Tradition that these people came from Plover Bay (in Siberia).

6. Kinleghkutmeet (Kenliqaghmiit) or Amiqtowgut (Amigtuughet). One house(Kuzaata and his father Yaavgahjsiq—Christopher Konooka's note). Come from Kinleghkut(Kenliqaq), 20 miles E of Gambell. Kinleghkut is now washed away. The lagoon en-croaching on it about 12 years ago.

7. Naskagomeet (Nasqaghmiit). 2 houses. From Naskoq (Nasqaq), about 14 miles Eof Gambell. These people have their summer camp at the latter village. No people livethere today.

8. Apovwokmeet (Apavgughmiit) or Poongwokmeet {Pungughmiit). There are twobrothers with their families called this, living at Sevunga (Sivungaq—evidently, those listedwere George Meghyuq and Jackson Unmeggaq). They are descendents (grandchildren Paulsays) of the last inhabitants of Punuk (Punguuk). They (the last inhabitants) lived parttime at East Cape (Apoowok?, Apovwok?—Apavgui) hence the dual designation.

9. Kiwahgomeet (Qiwaaghmiit), some from west of Indian Point (Qiwaaq). 3homes (of) these at Sevunga (Sivungaq), 2 Tomlu {Tamniq ?).

(No Box Number?, 1930)

Selected Notes about Siberia

[...] Plover Bay people (Egeghaghmiit) talk a mixed Eskimo and Chukchee dialect,using words of both in an ordinary conversation. Among themselves they talk moreChukchee than Eskimo.

[...] East Head (Bald Head?) people {Avatmiit) talk Eskimo, but more like S.W. Cape

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{Pugughileq) than Gambell. They do not use Chukchee except when talking to them.

[... ] Plover Bay {Egeghaq) speech is closer to Gambell than (to) S.W. Cape {Pugughileq).[...] Indian Point (Ungazighmiit) do(es) not use Chukchee. Their language is like (thatin) Gambell.

[...] East Cape, Siberia, (language) understood by Paul {Siluk). Some words are a littleshorter (cut off) than St. Lawrence Island

(Miscellaneous, copied 1/15/1930)

Stories about Ancient Wars in Siberia

(60) Paul {Siluk) says there are stories from Siberia Eskimo that speak of Tuningit (Tannget—strangers, enemies), a race of people who fought with the Eskimo. Says they come fromthe South of Indian Point {Ungaziq). There is a race of people who live in the far northwho are practically invisible.

(Collins Notebook A, 1930, box 55)

(119) Tuningit, a race of people known of by the Eskimo. They are said to be a race ofpeople who live in the far interior, related to the Chukchee. Speak Chukchee but differentdialect. Live on fish, (on a river...?) and have reindeer. Have fine skins. Many are whis-kered and are also called Le lu'ramkit {Laluramket). This word is from Chukchee. Lalut,"whiskers" and rumkit "tribe."

The Tuningit live far up the Anadyr. Are said to have fought the Chukchee in earlier times"persecuting" them, i.e. raiding and plundering them.

Tuningit'^, used by Coast Chukchee for "white people" more than Lalurumkit{Laluramket).Before coming of whites the Siberian Eskimo got from the Tuningitthrough the Chukcheelarge iron knives, lance blades, iron metal needle cases, needles, beads, deer-skins andparka (these were better than Chukchee) and other clothing, brass pails. (Collins Note-book B, 1930, Box 55)

Change Tuningit data as follows: means in Chukchee "those who come to fight."

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Miscellaneous Ethnographic Notes

[...] The wrist plate which (was) worn by a warrior. Ungiluk {Ungalaq) knows when theyare using them. It is made by the owner and curved. Sometimes they used part of the polarbear's paw (the palm).

[...] The slat armor are made by the Gambell people and do not learn from any otherplace. The hoop armor are the same. Later on the slat armor of metal are bought from theSiberian people. Also can made themselves too.

[...] Pamiyook [Pamayuk, mother of Calvin Iggak] says, The oldest man ever lived in herchildhood named Blassi [Pelaasi—evidently after whom Lincoln Blassi was named]. Hetold the decoration was done by the first people. It is not for any reason but for havingpretty things. Each village had tried to have (the) best weapons and things.

(Box 52, Silook Diaries/Notebook 1928-29, Punuk Islands)

Poongok (Punguuk) people when naming a child go outside and call out its name. Spiritof dead person is said not to look after its namesake. If names are few, a child may be giventhe name of a locality, such as a certain rock, cape, etc.

Most name(s) mean something. Silook (Siluk) = wing feather; Soonogowk {Sunaaghruk) =mud; Teerwoeree (Tiiwrt) - middle post of a house; Nukiyuk {Neghyuk) - wants to eat;Kunuhuk {Kanuggaq = little blood; Emoghornee {Imaghmit) = people of the sea; Iyak'etan{Ayakitaan) = impenetrable; Nokna' whan {Nuqneghun) = to hold on; Kunu'ku (Kunuka) =to stick (with something sharp).

[...] The proper spelling of Ievoghiyoq (Ayveghyak) is Ivoghyaget {Ayveghyaget) and themeaning is a group of walrus or herd of walrus. They were called by this name becausethey are like a herd of walrus on the ice as we can see them from distance.

[...] Houses at Gambell have no sleeping platforms, but Paul {Siluk) has heard of these ashaving been in use in olden times. Gambell floors are of earth or whale bone. Wood tooscarce.

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[...] Women do not take part in whaling, but if the crew might be hard to recruit, a feware known to have gone and rowed.

(Collins Collection, Box 108, Folder St. Lawrence Island, n.d., misc. ethnological notes)Vocabulary of Tribal Names

Eskimo name for their tribe = Upick (Yupik), singular, Upeegut (Yupiget), plural

Real men/man = Uuke [Yuuk]

Chukchee = Kweeglithkut [Quyillget]

Indians = Indiagameet [Iintiyaghmiit]

King Island = Ookeelagameet [ Ukivagmiit]

Diomede Islanders = Engalikameet [Ingalighmiit]

East Cape = Nuvogkahameet [Nevuqaghhmiit]

Indian Point = Ungazechmeet [Ungazighmiit\

Plover Bay = Tasegameet [ Tasighmiit]

East Head, near Plover Bay = Avatmeet [Avatmiit]

Koryak? = Karakut [Karaaket]

Asiatic? = Karumkeet [Qaaramket]

Alaska = Pagenuch [Paagna?]

Alaska Eskimos = Pahgomeet [Paagkumiit]

Cape Prince of Wales = Kuguchmeet [Kegegghmiit]

White man = Lalurumkit [Laluramket]

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Notes Regarding the Famine and Epidemics on St. Lawrence IslandDuring the Winter of 1879-80

This information was obtained by Otto W. Geist on St. Lawrence Island from thefollowing people: Ikmallowa (Iqmaluwa), Ootillin (Uwetelen), Ungalla (Ungalaq),Booshu (Pusaa), Koonooku {Kunuka), Otiyohok (Ataayaghhaq) and Owowin{Uwhaawen), and several other women on March 29, 1929. Otto W. GeistCollection, Archives, University of Alaska Fairbanks, Box 3, Folder 68

"... There were two famines that the people know of, the first one was about four yearsbefore the second one, which was in 1879-80. The second was the worst. Kukulik (Kukulek)and Kialigak (Southeast Cape—Kiyalighaq) people came to Gambell for meat during thewinter of the second famine. Some died on the way to Gambell for they were too weak totravel. Both of the above named places were very short of meat. Finally no more men cameto Gambell for food; they were too ill or dead from hunger and disease. The disease wassomething like diarrhea. None of the people had been sick before, but then after thefamine most of them died even after they have plenty of meat again. They were eatingblubber, which is believed to have caused the diarrhea. As soon as they were revived theyalso died from diarrhea.

A group of white men from a boat [U.S.S. CorwinV[ examined the graves during some ofthe research work for skulls [in 1881] with bullet holes in them. Dr. Nelson from the U.S.Cutter Corwin found the bodies. Some of the natives in trying to get meat drifted away onthe ice and were lost.

In the spring before [that is, of the year 1879] food was also short. Many sea gulls werecaught with gravel. The famine came in the fall. Gambell people went to the SouthwestCape {Pugughileq) for meat and got it. The Southwest Cape people during the fall gotmany seals in nets. Gambell people did not use nets, the reason for that being great break-ers. However, the people on the other side of them to the east did use nets. This particularfall Gambell people tried to use seal nets but could get no seal, the reason was the strongcurrent. Perhaps Kukulik {Kukulek) people came to Gambell in the fall for food. Thismade the people in Gambell short of meat. Now both Gambell and Kukulik people were

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without meat, but the Southwest people [still] had plenty of meat. The families that wereshort of meat in Gambell went to the Southwest Cape to bring home food. No boats camein the fall but many boats came in the spring [of 1879]. Corwin with captain Healy, thenthe trading boat Kamny (or GamneyT) stopped on the island to trade with the natives andwas all the summer before the famine. He traded food, ammunition and whiskey [under-lined by O. Geist] for ivory and whalebone and all other boats also had whiskey. Onecaptain whose name was Lyre Balen, but his real name was perhaps Roy Bailley and Cap-tain Keeley also traded and sold whiskey.

When it began to snow in the fall there were real earthquakes on the Island. Kukulik{Kukulek) people could see the fire from the friction between the rocks and boulders onthe beach. During this earthquake late at night, between eleven and twelve o'clock theclay hangings of the lamps swung to and fro. In Gambell there were no frame houses atthat time; there were only igloos [nenglus—underground houses], Siberian or groundtype on Saint Lawrence island. The walrus skins used for roofing were taken down and cutand used as food with water. Many winds and storms had set in and made it almostimpossible for hunting; the winds were mostly from east, southeast and south. That win-ter of 1879-80 the ice arrived on the Island not before February 15th or at the same timeof the worship of Ottiyohok' (Ataayaghhaq) tribe [the Sanighmelnguut = Aymaramkaclan]. People were weak when the ice came, only the strongest could go to hunt. This wasone time when the captain of the seal boat (skin omiok = angyaq) worshipped before thenew moon or at their regular time for this offering, so that they could use the leftover foodfrom the worship for their families.

Ikmaloouua's {Iqmaluwa) and Iakatan's {Ayakitaan) families had the strongest boat crews,so these two boats hunted most of the time. After the boats could not be manned anylonger, for there were no more strong men, the boats could get no more food, and theoomiaks did not go far for they were too weak.

The second starvation was after the ice came then there were no more Kukuliks [peoplefrom Kukulek] seen. They may have already perished before. However, it is known thatwhile hunting on the ice five people were carried away to their doom. Three people dippedinto the water for one had gotten a walrus and all wanted to help to get the walrus on theice, which was too young. Three men froze to death, some others were saved. They werevery weak to come with the meat. The bravest men are now gone; they had frozen to deathoff the shore near Gambell. The people could see the five men drift away on the ice but

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could not help.

Most people died before the ice came and as the ice came they caught one walrus, cut itup, then tried to get the other one. Gradually food came until there was an abundance ofit. By March and April [of 1880] the people had too much and died faster then before. InApril there was plenty to eat and the survivals got well again. Crews were divided with[among?] oomiaks, but some boats lost all their crews. Ungalak's (Ungalaq) family afterthe famine used women and boys for crews. Ungalaq caught a whale and landed it on thewest shore in the vicinity of the second point from Gambell. It was a large whale and intwo days all the meat and skin was saved and gradually the survivals got well again.

Geist's Note: Large boats [trading vessels??] had already steam engines.Some Southwest Cape (Pugughileghmiit) people spent the winter in Gambell. There wasalso a famine in the Southwest because so many people were getting meat at Gambell andsome Southwest people died in Gambell.

That winter as soon as the snow fell, Okamangan (Ukaamangan), Otiyohok's (Ataayaghaq)grandfather came from Punuk (Punguuk) Island with a dog team [Walanga's Note:Ukaamangan is Ataayaghhaq's wife name; so, this must be a different person. I believeUkaamangan is from Punguuk and her grandfather came with the dog team]. He wanted tobuy dogs? There was no famine at Punuk Island. He knew about the earthquake, buthaving gotten into the famine he was storm(?) bound. He could not go back becausesomebody had already killed and eaten his dogs (sleigh dogs). Siberian people stopped inGambell, one at Ungalak's (Ungalaq) home named Soworak and one named Kofkok(Qiifqun ?); they had killed these two dogs and had eaten them. (Nine) Siberian familiesstopped for the winter in Gambell; they were of Ungalak's family [Nangupagaghmiit??].Three of the Siberian families perished, also one Siberian died from drinking whiskey.However, not all dogs were killed, some were used for hunting. When some Siberian stolethe dogs, one of them howled so loudly that he hung the dog up by neck and choked himto death.

Aningayo's (Anengayuu) wife grandfather had bought most of the whiskey. He dranksome, but sold most of the whiskey to Kukulik (Kukulek) and Kialiagah (Kiyalighaq)people. Whiskey was sold in ten-gallon barrels, ten- and five-gallon containers; also inblack glass bottles. Some of the bottles, however, had clear glass. Most if not all barrels

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found in these surroundings had been used for meat and were picked up on the beachafter they were discarded. Glass bottles of all colors painted with powder, cans and suchthings were purchased by Kukuliks {Kukulegmiit) and other village peoples for orna-ments. They were thought very beautiful and ivory was paid for them. A rich man [in?]Kukulik had a wife for whom he bought lots of beads. This man also possessed a real brassarmour. His name was Sechoahak {Sigughwaaq?) (This armor is [now] in the Museum inthe Alaska College [UAF]). Appata's (Apaata) father at Kukulik went into the rich man'shouse. The family has already dismantled the aagra, their winter room. A tent frame wasup ready for the cover, therefore it may be surmised that these people lived through thewinter and died in the late spring. Boat sails of walrus stomachs were used as a curtain,behind it were the bodies of children. Also there were the bodies of the rich man's family.A small movable aagra was stretched in the other place, and the bodies of those who hadendured throughout the famine were found there. They all looked as if they were asleep.The natives think it peculiar as it looked as if they had all died at the same time.

During 1929, Otto W. Geist went to the Southwest Cape to talk this matter over with thepeople of that particular place. Especially did he have a long talk with Ohktokoyuk(Aghtuqaayak), whose statement differed somewhat from statements obtained from allthe men of Gambell. It all resembled the information of E.W. Nelson, as given in hisreport in the volume, "[The] Eskimos of [about] Bering Strait" (1898, page 269).

Ohktokoyuk's statements were that the people were always drunk and when the ice camethey did not wish to hunt; they thought that there would be plenty of time to get theirfood later on. At Gambell after everything was said, I asked the following questions: "Didthey have big times during their worship in the fall?" The answer was, "Yes." "Had Dr.Nelson or whoever the white man was who visited the island, and Eskimo interpreter andif so who was he?" Ikallowa {Iqmaluwa), Ungalla (Ungalaq) and Silook's father (Uwetelen)said "No". [...]

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"Tribes" (Clans) of Eskimos on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska

Notes Collected for the Alaska College Museum by Otto W. Geist, 1928-29.Otto Geist Collection, University of Alaska Fairbanks Archives,Box 3; Folder 67

[Modern Yupik name spellings are introduced by Willis Walanga]

The Eskimo [ Yupik] families on St. Lawrence Island who claim to be the descendants of[those] Eskimos who had lived on St. Lawrence Island proper as far as it is possible tofigure back, including all the Eskimo traditions, are the following:

- Massiu (Masaayu)

- Iyakatan (Ayakitaari).

Both of above claim to come from Seevookok (Sivuqaq).

The family of Soolook (Suluk), Ozevoseuk (Andrew—Uzivusiq), Montokolu (Monte—Mangtaqult), Moses {Sunaaghruk), Alec (Anangti), John {Tunghilnguq) Timkaroo(Temkeruu), Adnanook (Aatghilnguq) claim to have come from Southwest Cape, St.Lawrence Island, Alaska. Also Womkon (Waamquun), Lloyd (Uvt), Homer (Apeteki),Nungook {Nunguk), George (Aymergen—Yaagmiqun), Kapoonga {Qipenga), Walter(Uusiiq), Stanley (Aazuk or lluuyuk), Bryan (Nusukaq).

Andrew's (Uzivusiq) sister is Angattinganwan's (Angqatenganwan) wife (Anasuk)—samefather but different mother. Andrew's father had two wives, both had children. Kepoonga(Qipenga) and Rakok (Raaquq) are brothers of Angattinganwan's wife (Anasuk). Andrewhad same father—Jackson's wife (Paanga) is his real sister. Eddie {Uughqaghmii) nowmarries Andrew's daughter (Wayengt).

The family of Iwoorigan (Aywergen) and Irrigoo (Samuel Iirgu), Oktokiyok (presently atSouthwest Cape, Aghtuqaayak), Aningayou (Anengayuu) and Ungalok (Ungalaq) claimto have come from Missagameet (Mesagmiit) near Seeevookok, northwest St. LawrenceIsland. Also Tom (Taayqa), Clarence (Miinglu), Roy {Uyaatiqaq), Kestivik {Kiistivik—Stephen Aningayou). Ungalak [Ungalaq) is Tom's (Taayqa) brother.

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Note: Missagameet (Mesagmiit) is the old village site just on the other side of the moun-tain and a little NW from Marruchtameet (Meregta). Aningayou's (Anengayuu James)mother and Echak's (Calvin Iggak) were sisters. The father of Echak is related to Booshu{Pusaa, second cousin), who descended from Indian Point {Ungaziq).

Eskimos who claim to come from Boolowoon's (Pulaagbun) camp [are]: Hokhkojhok{Eghqaaghaq), Boolowoon {Pulaaghun), and Nopowotok (Lester—Napaghutaq).

Families who claim to descend from SW Cape [are]: Tangyan {Taangyan) and Kaningok(Qanenguq). Logan {Anaghayaaq) is from SW Cape; both his father and mother are fromSW Cape. Albert {Kalaawyi) and Herbert (Ggayeglluk) belong to Indian Point Clan.

George {Meghyuq) and Isabelle Jackson (Ukaamangan) from St. Lawrence Island: theirfather was from Poongok {Punguuk) Island, mother from Gambell.

Families who claim to be old Siberian stock from Indian Point (Ungaziq):

Booshu—Pusaa

Otiyohok (Jimmy)—AtaayaghhaqKoonooku—KunukaAghnelo—AghniluTatoowiy— TatuwiApaata—ApaataYoghok (Adam)—YaghaqBlassi (Lincoln)—PelaasiChancy—Maligutkaq

Ungottinangowon (Dick)—Angqatenganwan

Wootillin (David)—Uwetelen

Silook—Siluk

Oscar—Imaghmii

John—Apangaluq

Ikmolowa—Iqmaluwa

Kelukhkon (Lawrence)—Qilleghquun

Booker— Tuusaq

(Toozok (Booker T. Washington—Tuusaq), the son of the present wife of Ikmalowa was ahalf-breed of a negroid character. Booker contracted tuberculosis during Geist's stay on St.Lawrence Island and passed away in the early spring either in January or February of theyear 1930).

Some of the new arrivals from Siberia are the following families:

- Walanga (Walanga) and family with two wives from Plover Bay, Siberia

- Alghngekhtuk {Alngiiwhtaq) and Oyghok (Sweeney, Uuyghaq) from Indian Point

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(Ungaziq). Note: Both of above families live together. Alghneghtook {Alngiiwhtaq) isrelated to Booshu (Pusaa).

- Apasingok (Thomas—Apasengaq) from Indian Point, Siberia.

In Sevoonga {Sivungaq) one partly deaf man (Qukasaghun) now living at Savoonga, St.Lawrence Island, is also a late arrival from Siberia. Imingan (Smith) of Savoonga comesfrom Indian Point. His father was an Indian Point Eskimo although his mother's fatherwho was from St. Lawrence Island was not known. (Perhaps one of the stolen ones fromSt. Lawrence Island).

Sepilla {Sipela)—from Neskok (Nasqaq), (also) Askarak's (Eghqaaghaq???) family. Seppila'swife (Paayght) is Mantakuli's {Mangtaqult) real sister. Also his step-brother Toomblo(Alfred—Tamlu), and sons of Sepilla. Sepila's father had one wife—she is his real mother.Sepilla's father drowned. Tumbloo's father married Sepilla's mother; he had then two wives,each of them having children. [Before] Tumbloo's father had one wife, she is Tumbloo's(Tamlu) real mother.

Drummond {Hugh Pangawyi) of Sevoonga came from Cape Ehring [Bering?], Siberia atwhich place his father and mother resided.

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The "Real People" of Gambell and Other Stones

Excerps from Otto W. Geist's field notes. Otto W. Geist Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder, "Paul Silook Diary, 1928," No. 35, Box 8

(The text is obviously a transcript of Siluk's story if not a record made by Siluk himself)

It is said that all the people of St. Lawrence Island were descended from different countries[areas], only two brothers and a woman which were the real people of Sevookuk [Sivuqaq].It is told that they do not know their far back grandfathers were come from differentplace, but they are called Sevookaghmeet [Sivuqaghhmiit]. Iyakatan [Ayakitaan], Massian[Masaayu] and their aunts are the real people of Sevookuk [Sivuqaq], also Ayooklik[Ayuqliq, wife of Peter Waaghyt] at Seevoonga [Sivungaq].

Poongook (Punuk Island)—October 13, 1928

The people of Poongook (Punguuk) are not known by any of the oldest person [s] atGambell now. One says that when the people of Gambell were multiplied they scatterabroad and established at different places, perhaps at the places, which they think wasbest. It is said that one time the people of Poongook [Punguuk] and the people of Keyaleghak[Kiyalighaq] were enemies. Each never visit to each other. After some years later theybecame friends and can visit each other. Sometimes the people of Keyaleghak [Kiyalighaq]spent some of their time at Poongook [Punguuk] for walrus hunting.

The last people of Poongwook [Punguuk] lived most of their time there for walrusing andtrapping, but moved often to different camps, as to Kangehsuk [Qangeghsaq], Keyaleghak[Kiyalighaq], and also to Apavgook [Apavgu], which is right at the main island west ofPoongwook [Punguuk].

The grand children of these last people are living now. The names are George Mokuyok[Meghyuq] and his children, Ananangu [Ananaanga], Notakhnakhak [Nutaghregaq,Margaret Mokiyuk], and Kawok [Qawaaq], his nephews, Pothanbak [Petgenghhaq,Howard Jackson], Soolugo [Suulngu], Peluku [Piilaka, Timothy Jackson] and Alakahok

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[Alaakaghhaq, Paul Jackson] and Immgun [Imegyuun, Elsie Kava]. They live at Sevoonga[Sivungaq]. Isabel Okwomangan [Ukaamangan, wife of Jimmy Ataayaghhaq] at Gambell.

Their Hunting Harpoon Heads

"The scratched harpoon heads were done by the first people of one village, not knownwhich of them. But by one of the village, then when the other sees them they carved theirslittle different, so as to show the beauty of theirs.

Neither of these harpoon heads can hold a walrus, because they are not strong enough tohold a walrus. Also the open socket harpoon heads are not strong.

A story which accompany this is: Once there was an old woman and her niece who livedin a small ningloo (nenglti). At that time they do not know anything about walrus. So thisold woman wish to have some kind of sea animal beside seals.

So one night she sing a regular worshipping song. She [sing] the song over and over againwhich finally at last her niece [heard] the grunt of walruses which can be heard on thenorth side of Gambell.

She sing until the walruses came on land and cross the Gambell point from north to westat the back of the village. Then she bade her niece to go around and tell all their [neigh-bors] to make the right size of harpoon head for walrus, so the neighbors made harpoonheads as large as we are using now. So after that they do not make small harpoon headsever since."

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St. Lawrence Island woman in front of her winter home of whalebones and split wood, 1889.

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Gambell woman (Paanga, Helen Jackson?) with small boy on her shoulders, 1912.

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How Other People Saw Us FromThe Outside

Introduction

Mikhail Teben'kov. St. Lawrence Island in 1830

Henry Elliott. People of Kialigak (1874)

Vene C. Gambell.The Schoolhouse Farthest West (1901)

Vene C. Gambell. Notes With Regard to St. Lawrence Island Eskimo (1898)

William F. Doty. Log Book, St. Lawrence Island (1898-99)

William F. Doty. Eskimo Festivals on St. Lawrence Island (Winter of 1899)

P. H.J. Lerrigo.Abstract of Daily Journal on St. Lawrence Island (1900-1901)

Edgar O. Campbell. Excerpts from St. Lawrence Island Diaries (1903-1905)

St. Lawrence Island Birth and Death Records, 1901-191 I (by E.O.Campbell)

Riley D. Moore. Social Life of the Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island (1923)

Riley D. Moore. Eskimo Festivals on St. Lawrence Island (1912)

Riley D. Moore. Eskimo Measurements of Implements (1928)

Historical Photographs and Illustrations

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INTRODUCTION

To the people of St. Lawrence Island, their life and tradition goes back to time immemorial, back tostories and events that are hardly seen through ages and generations.To the outside world, the firstwords of the island to be named "St. Lawrence" came in the late 1600s and early l700s.These wereoriginally vague rumors and second-hand references collected by the Russians in the follow-up ofRussia's gradual expansion toward Alaska and the Bering Sea.

The aim of this section of the SLI Sourcebook is to present a sample of and a perspective on the kindof information that is preserved in a 250-year body of such early records. Whereas the stock itselfhas been reviewed, cited, and recounted many a time in various publications, it was hardly everexamined from the point of view of its value to the island residents and to their own view of theirhistory.The sample of texts and stories presented below is, thus, the first attempt at both openingthe old narratives to the people of St. Lawrence Island and at cultural translation of the records leftby the outside visitors of many decades and generations ago.

While reading these early records, two things come immediately to mind. First, how early the out-side world got to know some key facts about St. Lawrence Island, and second, how little had beenactually known about Yupik lifestyle, worldview, and community structure during the first two hun-dred years of documented contacts. The island itself was first named "Saint Lawrence" on August18, 1728, after the Russian Orthodox calendar (because it was that saint's day), by the Russian navyexpedition on board the St. Gabriel under the command of Vitus Bering. By the mid-1700s, theRussians were also aware that local people spoke the same language as the residents of the nearbyChukchi Peninsula of the Siberian mainland, and that they lived, like the Chukchi, primarily by walrusand whale hunting. It was known that the islanders wore parkas made of bird-skins and that theywere connected through trade and visits with the nearby Siberians. Since the mid-1700s, the loca-tion and names of six major Native villages on the island have been recorded, that is, of (clockwise)Chipukhan [Sivuqaq], Nunen [?],Kukuli [Kukulek], Pugun [Punguuk], Kijunan [Kiyaliqhaq], and Pujelan[Pugughileq]. All these village names were, in fact,given in Chukchi transliteration, since the Russiansobviously recorded them from the Chukchi or via Chukchi interpreters.

Other than that, the world at large knew relatively little about the inner life of the local Yupikcommunity. Its rules, customs, and institutions were not reported until the first American teachersand missionaries became established at Gambell in l894.This opened an era of far more extensiveobservation by a new type of outsiders, who now stayed for months and years and forged personal

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relationships with the local people. Inevitably, these new relations also triggered a growing impact ofoutsiders on many aspects of local life through schooling, missionary work, introduction of reindeerherding, and governmental policies.

This section offers a sample of the various written accounts on St. Lawrence Island produced roughlybetween 1830 and 1930. Like other Sourcebook chapters, it is only a selection of the many availabledocuments and most are presented here in excerpts only. However, it is a valuable illustration ofhow the outside knowledge about the island and its people has progressed through time. It ad-vanced from the sketchy reports of early explorers and naturalists to naive stories of idealisticteachers and missionaries to the more routine reporting in daily log books by residential teachersand missionaries to the first research papers of professional anthropologists.

This, in fact, is a useful perspective. As the outsiders' knowledge about the island and its peopleadvanced, more and more aspects of local life were documented and analyzed. At the same time,many of the island's old customs and life habits became abandoned.Thus, a lot has been preservedonly in these old records.To someone's modern view, these old writings often look funny (if notclumsy). Still, early narratives offer a key to understanding how people from the outside observedand often judged traditional Yupik lifestyle and how they attempted to "modernize" it. For these andother reasons, the value of early accounts can be greatly expanded as we approach them not asmere outsiders' observances but as a heritage and educational resource. As these early recordsoverlap with memories of the old life shared by present-day Yupik elders (see Part Five), they toobecome a venue of knowledge and cultural pride.

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Mikhail D. Teben'kov: "Description of St. Lawrence Island" (1830)

From: "Atlas of the Northwest Coasts of America, from Bering Strait to CapeCorrientes and the Aleutian Islands." Compiled by Captain 1st Rank Mikhail D.Teben'kov and Published in St. Petersburg, Russia, in 1852. English translationby Richard Pierce. 1981, Kingston, Ontario: The Limestone Press

Teben'kov's description of St. Lawrence Island is a good illustration of the types of records leftby early navy explorers of the 1700s and 1800s, such as Cook, Billings, Kotzebue, and Shishmaref.Teben'kov's account and map of 1830 is the earliest historical document where five majortraditional villages on the island—Sivuqaq, Pugughileq, Kukulek, Kiyalighaq, and"Shidnik" on thesouthern side (Sikneq)—have been listed and properly mapped at their exact locations. Thisexcerpted version is reproduced from a copy of the Tebenkov's "Atlas" at the Geography andMap Division of the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.

St. Lawrence Island (with attached Chart XIX, pp. 36-38)

Bering discovered St. Lawrence Island (Eivug'en) during his first voyage. According tothe recent observations, the NW tip of the island (Chibukak) [Sivuqaq] is 44 miles SE58° from Cape Chukotsk [in Siberia], at latitude 63°51'2" (reckoned by Beechey) andlongitude 171°29'0". The maximum length of the island is 86 miles by bearing E1/2S byW1/2N. In three years of seafaring to Bering Strait (1830-1833) I went all around thisisland (except for the south side) approaching within 72 mile of various places. Thushaving had occasion to verify its location, I find Shishmarev's description [of St. LawrenceIsland coastline], made in the years 1821 and 1822, completely trustworthy.

I give here several pages from the journal of our voyage of 1830:

On the morning of the 23rd of July, we saw the west side of St. Lawrence Island, 20 milesto the NW. The mountains were covered with snow, the depth was 29 sazhens,1 thebottom was gravel. Soon the wind dropped completely, the sea became like a mirror, itcleared up, and to the right, toward ESE, more mountains appeared, standing in a cluster.

A sazhen is an old Russian measurement of length, equivalent to 2.13 meters.254 SLI SOURCEBOOK

The calm gave us the opportunity to test the current—we stood at stream-anchor. Thecurrent came from the NW at about V/2 knots. Soon, the wind began to blow from theNNE; not lingering, we raised anchor and got under way toward the coast, to the NW.

About mid-day, we saw a village on the shore, on the SW tip of the island [Pugughileq];we approached and anchored. At V2 mile from the shore, the depth is 10 fathoms, thebottom is gravel. The most southerly extremity is 2 miles SW 47°. From the anchoragethe observed latitude was 61°21'2" and the longitude 171 °29\

Neither the bushes nor shrubs are visible on the shore; the whole shore is uniformlytundra, covered with moss, in which green grass is visible in some places. Snow lay in thehollows and on the heights. The SW shoreline of the cape is high, rocky, and steep, thecliff falling into the sea; toward the east the shore is low-lying, and gravel. From the treesa lake was visible toward the NE, but there were no birds to be seen near the shore nor onthe lake.

Having a steady wind from the N and very good weather, we sailed near the shore, round-ing the SW cape, which like the village where we stayed, is called Puguviliak [Pugughileq].The shore, with small bays in three places, takes a direction of NW 52° at the beginning;for six miles from the cape it is rather steep, with low cliffs, and three miles farther on, agravel low-land. The shore is clean and deep; the depth everywhere was not less than 12sazhens. At lli mile from the shore, the ground is sand and gravel.

At mid-day on the 24th of July, the latitude was 63°36', the longitude 1710 52', the shorewas three miles to the E. The direction of the shore, by the compass, was Sl/2Eby N1/2W.The shore is low-lying, composed of gravel, and the tip towards the N is high (approxi-mately 800 feet). The NW cape of the island forms a mountain, at the foot of which, onthe coast, WSW from its precipice, is found a settlement, which, like the extremity iscalled Chibukak [Sivuqaq]. This cape is no more than VI2 miles wide. East of it, the shoreturns steeply to the S, then to the E and the NE; and at a distance of 31 miles, at SE 80°from the NW cape it forms a high, mountainous cape, called, like the settlement in frontof it, Kukuliak [Kukulek]. From the cape southward for 10 miles, the shore falls away intoa bay. In many places along the shore, one sees huts made of whale ribs or bone of whales,driven into the ground. The shore is generally low-lying, and of gravel; lakes are visible inthe tundra in the interior.

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Eleven miles to SE 78° from Cape Kukuliak [Kukulek] and three to four miles from theshore (toward the south) lie, not more than xli mile apart, two kekurs or columns ofconsiderable height. Not finding them on the map (old edition) I took them for shipsunder sail. Soon gathering clouds concealed the details of the areas from us, but it seemedthat to the SE of the western rock, not more than V2 mile distant is another low rock andone to the NW, not far from it, under water.

Farther east from these columns the shore of St. Lawrence Island drops again into a grav-elly low-land, then after 15 miles at SE 57° from Cape Kukuliak [Kukulek], it rises again.Here again is a solitary clump of mountains, and the shore bears somewhat toward theNE. From it, to the SE, there are high places, but in general to the NE tip of the island,the shore is the most low-lying. The extremity is high and like the NW cape, is separatedand chopped off toward the sea. It is at latitude 63° 17' and longitude 168° 35'.

Southward from the NE extremity of the island, for 12 miles the shore takes a SW 35°direction, where Cape Punuk then turns steeply toward the W, descending gradually tothe south, at latitude 62° 57' and longitude 169° 24', ending again in a height and choppedoff cape, called Kiallegak [Kiyalighaq], like the village on its east side. Here is the south-east limit of the island. The settlement is three miles north of it. It is situated on thelowland, by a small bay, turning to the SW. The shore north of the settlement is all graveland low-lying.

Farther, to the NW and W, steep mountains are visible in the interior, whose foot is soonlost from sight.

At NE 67°, 19 miles from the SE cape of the island, and at SE 36°, four miles from CapePunuk, are the three small islets of Punuk [Punguuk], within about V2 mile of each other.Their position of direction is SW and NE 30°. The northern one has a small pyramidalvolcanic cone; the southern one is also somewhat high; the middle is totally flat, at thewater level. At a mile SE of them the depth is six sazhens, the bottom is gravel. The mostnorthern of the Punuk Islands is at latitude 63°05' and longitude 168° 42'8".

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There are 1,500 inhabitants on St. Lawrence Island. The language, like that of the inhab-itants of the adjacent coast of Asia and America, is Kad'iak (Kodiak). In summer, springand fall, they hunt whales and walruses and in the winter take part in amusements (games).One may read more about St. Lawrence Island in the voyages of Cook and Kotzebue, inthe explanations to Kruzenshtern's charts of the South sea, and elsewhere.

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The People of Kagallegak {Kiyalighaq) in 1874

By Henry Wood Elliott

Of the few early reports on St. Lawrence Island before the 1879-1880 famine, the one left byHenry Wood Elliott (1846-1930) from the U.S. Fisheries was of special importance. Elliott, wholater on became the leading American specialist on fur seals and other marine mammals, visitedthe island in summer of 1874, during his survey of the Bering Sea area.Though his focus wasprimarily on the status of the fur seal fisheries on St. George and St. Paul Islands of the Pribilofgroup, he was also interested in the Pacific walrus and in the Alaska Native people who madetheir living off walrus.

Elliott likely spent just a few days on St. Lawrence Island, but he was an acute observer and hemade several sketches and pencil drawings of the people he encountered. He was the onlyknown visitor who had extensive interactions with the residents of the village of Kiyalighaq atthe Southeast Cape and of the nearby Punguuk Islands. His sketches of their houses and villages,clothing types, and hunting methods quickly became a unique source of heritage information, asmost of the residents of Kiyalighaq and Punuk Island perished during the famine or epidemic of1879-80.

Elliott's original description of St. Lawrence Island and of the people of Kiyalighaq was publishedin his "Report upon the Condition of Affiars in the Territory of Alaska" in 1875 (Washington, D.C.,Government Printing Office, pp. 220-224).This piece was also used with some modifications intwo later Elliott publications: "A Monograph of the Pribilov Group or the Seal-Islands ofAlaska" (U.S.Commission of Fish and Fisheries, Special Bulletin, No. 176, 1882) and "Our Arctic Province.Alaskaand the Seal Islands" (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1886). Excerpts from those publica-tions are presented below.The two latter volumes also have about a dozen illustrations madefrom Elliott's original sketches, of which eight are reproduced here.

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From: Report Upon the Condition of Affairs, 1875

Saint Lawrence Island

This is the largest island in Bering Sea, and lies directly south from Bering's Strait about180 miles. [...] We made our first landing on this island early in the morning of August18th (of 1874), near Kagallegak [Kiyalighaq], or opposite Poonook Islets [Punguuk],and a baidar with a number of the natives, Mahlemute Eskimo [the term used in the 1800sfor the Western Alaska Yupik and Inupiat people] came off to us as soon as we dropped our anchor.

[...] They met us in an unaffected, free manner, showing no fear or hesitation; [...] threeor four women usually came in each baidar [skin-boat] with them, paddling like the men;the boats, about 14 feet long with 4 feet of beam, consisted of frame, very neatly lashedtogether, of pine, with whalebone fastenings, over which walrus-hide was stretched; theypropelled it with paddles and oars, which were also well made.

They live in summer-houses made of walrus-hides, weighted down by logs and stones soas not to be blown away; and close by are the winter-houses, which are under ground,with a tunnel entrance.

The food of these people is whales blubber, cut in large chunks; [...] mullets from thefresh-water lakes, and caught in nets of walrus-thongs; murres, small waders, walrus andhair-seal meat, varied by geese and ducks. They had no iron cooking-utensils; all wood,and made by themselves, using hot stones for boiling water. Seal and whale oil they hadcached [stored] both above and under ground; they preserve all fish and bird offal anddevour it raw, saving the skins of the latter, which they make up into "parkies" or sacks forclothing; this is, however, a poor garment when made of bird-skins; it is always giving wayat the seams, feathers flying, etc.; the skin is usually turned outside and the feathers wornnext to the body. Furs are nearly all worn in this way; and the garments worn were prin-cipally made of reindeer-skins, procured from the Asiatics [Siberians] in exchange forfood and ivory and tanned hair-seal.

They were poor and had nothing for trade but clothing made of intestines of the walrus,walrus-teeth [ivory?], and some whale-bone; but they had an ample supply of food, such

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as it was, and their desire that we should taste of it was almost equal to our determinationnot to do so.

They were exceedingly anxious to trade, and I noticed the women seemed to have equalrank with the men, doing more than half of the talking, and barter solicitation; theyseemed to be warmly attached to one another. The females all had their faces curiouslytattooed in pale-blue lines on the cheeks and chin, and the arms.

They had a few dogs, very large, with long, shaggy hair, pointed ears, and short, bear-liketails; they were of a mild an inoffensive disposition, and were highly valued by theirowners.

They took us to a place where they had six polar-bear skulls placed on the sand, side byside, with the post at the head, which they gave us to understand we could not touch; [...]it was undoubtedly a grave. [...] Bears, however, rarely visit this island, and foxes are theonly land-animals.

The natives were supplied with coarse, smooth-bore muskets, which, I thought, theyseldom used. All the birds, such as murres and geese or ducks, are caught in large netsstretched over the brows of cliffs or across the lagoons. These nets are very neatly made ofwalrus-hides.[...]

At Northeast Point the natives have quite a wood-cutting camp, hewing and carving, andthe chips are scattered all along the beach-levels for miles; there are places where the ice,in some unusual season, has carried large logs and pieces of drift-wood full half-a-milefrom the sea...

From: Our Arctic Province, 1886

The Innuits, living here as they do [evidently, at St. Lawrence Island], some three or fourhundred in number, are great walrus-hunters. They enjoy a location that enables them tosecure these animals at all seasons of a year. [...] A famous spot for this landing of thewalrus is on the rocky and pebbly shores of Poonook [Punguuk], three small rocky islets,just five miles east of the summer tents of Kagallegak [Kiyalighaq] (pp. 443-444)

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[...]

The winter of 1879-80 was one of exceptional rigor in the Arctic, although in the UnitedStates it was unusually mild and open. The ice closed in solid around St. Lawrence Is-land—so firm and unshaken by the giant leverage of wind and tide that all walrus weredriven far to the southward and eastward beyond the reach of those unhappy inhabitantsof that island, who, thus unexpectedly deprived of their mainstay and support, seemed tohave miserably starved to death then, with an exception of one small village on the northshore: thus, the residents of Poonook [Punguuk], Poogovellyak [Pugughileq], andKagallegak [Kiyalighaq] settlements perished, to a soul, from hunger; nearly three hun-dred men, women, and children. I recall that visit which I made to these alert Innuits,August, 1874, with sadness, in this unfortunate connection. [...] They seemed, then, tobe living, during nine months of the year, almost wholly upon the flesh and oil of themorse [walrus]. Clean-limbed, bright-eyed, and jovial, they profoundly impressed mewith their happy reliance and subsistence upon the walrus-herds of Bering Sea (pp. 456-457).

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The School Farthest West. St. Lawrence Island, Alaska

By Vene C. Gambell

Vene C. Gambell was the first school-teacher and a Presbyterian missionary, who was sent toSt. Lawrence Island by Sheldon Jackson, the U.S. General Agent of Education in Alaska. Mr. Gambellof Wapello, Iowa, and his wife were placed on the island in July 1894 and they stayed there asschool-teachers for three years.They left the island back for Iowa in August 1897, in order torestore Mrs. Gambell's health, but next year they decided to return to continue their duties.Upon leaving Seattle on May 19, 1898 their boat capsized off Cape Flaherty.Thirty-two of theboat's passengers drowned on May 22, 1898, including Mr. and Mrs. Gambell, and their babydaughter. In the summer of 1898, the next school-teacher, Mr.William F. Doty officially renamedthe village of Sivuqaq where the Gambells had stayed as first teachers to Gambell, "in honorof the noble missionaries" (see Doty's Diary, this section).

The excerpts below are taken from a small book (a booklet) that was seemingly written byGambell in Seattle while on his leave from St. Lawrence Island in 1897. It was published by theWoman's Board of Home Mission of the Presbyterian Church in New York in 1901 and was distrib-uted for five cents each. It is a lively account of a year-long teachers' life on the island, of theirdaily activities, and not-so-smooth interactions with the local people, particularly with someelderly men whom Gambell lambasted as "shamans."

Upon St. Lawrence Island, in the Bering Sea, stands the schoolhouse which, of all thoseover which the American flag flies, is farthest west. There is a school at Point Barrow, inthe Arctic Ocean, which is father north, but the one on St. Lawrence Island is the farthestover toward Siberia, to the northwest. [...]

The lumber for the first schoolhouse was shipped from San Francisco, in 1891; and astrong plain structure, forty feet in length by twenty in width, was built by the carpentersof the ship that brought it, on the outskirts of the native village, at a cost of exactly onethousand dollars.

Mrs. Gambell and I were carried to the island by the United States revenue steamer Bear,and landed September 15, 1894. By way of introducing us, Captain Healey announcedto the people through an interpreter that we were two white teachers who would live atthe schoolhouse and teach the children to "make booktalk." He added a warning thatthey must treat us well.

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Nevertheless, we were not without misgiving when set ashore among these strange-look-ing people, and reflected that after the Bear left we would be alone with them for ayear.[...] What might not happen to us in that time? My wife cried a little for lonelinessas the Bear steamed away.

On the first landing, we knew hardly a word of the native language, a very difficult one.I wish the Eskimos had been equally ignorant! As we stepped ashore, they greeted us withboisterous laughter. They stood with their hands on their hips, literally shaking withwhat seemed merriment, and ejaculating a chorus of yeh-yeh-yehs! ["Yiill, yiill, yiill"—achant to chase away evil spirits.This was chanted to every boat or ship or any people coming tothe village—Christopher Koonooka's note, 2002]

The people of this island—who are all one large family, much related, which has livedhere for many generations—were now leaving their summer tents and moving into theirigloos, or winter houses, which are largely underground, and are entered through a shorttunnel. These habitations were much warmer than the schoolhouse.

The first of these winter houses to which I took my wife "to call," was that of Koogak,*the hunter, who lived near the us and had five children. He had come voluntarily to helpme in banking my house and putting up the school-bell, and we had become well ac-quainted. After creeping through the entranceway, which was no more than four feethigh, we found ourselves in a circular space, which had low bunks about the greater partof it, and in the center of which a large oil lamp was burning.

Koogak's wife had just brought in from their outer storehouse a piece of fat, raw walrusflesh, as large as a ham, from which she was cutting small chunks and feeding two littlegirls—quaint, chunky infants, who, on catching sight of me, hid behind some skinshung up around the walls. A boy whom they called Moosu* (Bubby) rushed forward andshook hands with Mrs. Gambell, somewhat to her astonishment. He had learned thatshaking hands in the American mode of greeting, and wished to be polite. The motherlaughed much and repeated over and over again her few English words. Soon another boycame in whose name his father told us was 'Heezy-Cry'. For along time we could not

*Because of the poor spelling few of the Yupik names written down by Vene C. Gambell (and markedhere with an *) could be identified by today's elders.

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guess what name was meant, and my wife was much shocked on learning that Heezy-Crywas their pronunciation of the name of Saviour.

Another near neighbor was Neewak*. He lived in a large house with two Shamans, calledTooluk* and Aabwook*, and had no other family. These "medicine-men" claimed thatthey had, two months before, saved Neewak's* life. According to the code prevailing therehis life was therefore theirs, and he must work to support them. It was as if a familyphysician, after curing a patient of fever, should come to his house to board for the rest ofhis life.[...]

Imagine, if you can, how the fifty-five young Eskimos looked in the schoolroom, onthose dark winter days when a lamp had nearly always to be kept burning. On the right-hand side, in the front row, facing the teacher's desk, sat Angeit*, a boy about thirteenyears old, as we supposed. Angeit* signifies the "catcher," or "snatcher," and it was anappropriate name for the lad—I shall have to confess privately that Mrs. Gambell calledhim "Swipes."

He was inclined at first to pocket everything he could lay hands on. We taught himbetter; but still it would have been wrong to expose him to much temptation. He had avery round head, small black eyes and a wide mouth, and he wore over his fur jacket akind of jumper made of a flour-sack that had the name of the brand in big letters on theback of it. He was proud of this jumper, and the others envied him its possession.

Next to him was Sipsu*, supposed to be fifteen. Sipsu* is the handsomest boy in theschool, and all too well aware of it. Those who supposed that a Mahlemiut boy wouldhave little to be vain of should see "Sip" admire himself in Mrs. Gambell's hand-mirror. Afew years hence he will be the dandy of the village, no doubt.

At the desk next his [sic] was Kannakut*, whom the other boys call "Henny," or "girl-boy," because nearly every day he carried his little sister, Seenatah*, to school on his back.She is too young to come to school, but I think that her mother wishes to get her out ofthe way, and so compels Kannakut*, who seems fond of the child, to bring her with him.

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At Kannakut's* left sat another boy, named Poosay [Pusaa], whom Mrs. Gambell, whooften sees the humorous side of things, calls "Pussy"—for many long, stiff hairs growabout his mouth and give him a truly catlike appearance. Behind Poosay [Pusaa] satToodlamuk* [Tallimak?], who has two of the longest, whitest eye-teeth I ever saw pro-jecting from the mouth of a human being! Even when his mouth is closed, they visiblyproject and give him a dangerous look. But we have never heard of his biting any one, andhe is a bright pupil.

In the front row was a boy Mrs. Gambell named Mozart, he was so hopelessly addicted tohumming a tune in school. He appeared to do it unconsciously. One particular bar orrefrain which he was constantly crooning, was to our surprise much like a call which boyswhistle in the United States. He also knew a part of "Solomon Levi," which CaptainHealy, of the revenue cutter Bear, had taught him, and all of "Yankee Doodle." Our"noisy boy" was called Tattarat*.

There was Nossabok*, too, the boy who persisted in bringing his pet cat to school, for fearthe dogs would kill it if he left it at home. This cat was brought from the Aleutian Islands,and was, so far as I know, the only one in the village.

The "belle" of the school was Pingassuk*, a girl about fourteen years old, and she is reallyrather pretty. She came to school at first wearing yellow moccasins and a suit—parka,hood and trousers—of white seal fur. Even her little mittens are white. She has prettydark eyes and long lashes. Her complexion is so clear that a pink flush often shows on hercheek. In her thick braids of hair are stuck pink shell ornaments, and her smiles areemphasized by two queer little streaks of ochre at each corner of her mouth. "Pin" holdsall the boys in immense disdain; and they hardly venture to steal a glance at her.

At the same desk with "Pin" was seated poor little Kolleluk*, who lost a foot from freez-ing, several winters ago; she hops and hobbles about with the aid of a kind of cane fromthe rib of a whale.

At the desk behind "Kollie" sat a very odd-looking child, who has a pink face and whitehair. From some superstitious notion, her parents dress her in black fur, which contrastsstrongly with her white hair. Her name is Okiakuta*, which my wife has abbreviated to"O.K."

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Near to "O.K." sat Esanetuk*. Near her sat Tukeliketa* [Yaqellengetaq^.], whose facealways shone like a freshly fried doughnut...the name means "butterfly." Another littlegirl, who put my wife to much trouble, was called Coogidlore*. She seemed to beaffected with constitutional drowsiness. Most of these girls, as I have said before, werevery bashful; and Annevik*, who sought a seat in the extreme dark corner, was pain-fully so.

Little enough like Annevik* was Topeta-tu*. Topsy was quick to learn, but forgot every-thing by the next day. Behind Topsy sat a good, strong girl, named Tummasok*, who wassupposed to be thirteen years old. This was the girl who [...] was, I think, our mosttypical Mahlemiut girl.

Mr. and Mrs. V. C. Gambell, Presbyterian Teachers. Saint LawrenceIsland, Bering Sea.

Old photograph ofVene C. Gambell and his wife, first resident teachers and missionarieson St. Lawrence Island, who were lost at sea on May 22, 1898.

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Gambell first Yupik class of 1895.

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U.S. Q>W\jUtw irj S*U*4&

55th Congress,3d Session.

SENATE.

DocumentWo. 34.

7/J

REPOBT

Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska,

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS,

SHELDON JACKSON, LL. D.

GENERAL AGENT OE EDUCATION IN ALASKA.

18 9 8.

WASHINGTON:

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE.1898.

Annual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska, 1898.

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Notes with Regard to the St. Lawrence Island Eskimo

By Vene C. Gambell

This is the only other known contribution of Gambell based upon his three-year stay on St. LawrenceIsland.The original text of four pages under this title was published in the Eighth Annual Report onIntroduction of Domestic Reindeer Into Alaska (1898).The reports were an almost 20-year series ofannual releases to the U.S. Senate, produced by the U.S. Office of Education in Washington, D.C.,under Rev. Sheldon Jackson's supervision. It covered annual activities under the federally fundedprograms in education of the Alaska Native residents as well as in development of reindeer herdingand missionary work in Alaska Native communities. Excerpts fromV. C. Gambell's short account ofthe people and customs of St. Lawrence Island are presented below.

[...] VILLAGES.

This village, Se voo kuk [Sivuqaq], and one near the southwest extremity, on the southside, Pow'oeluk [Pugughileq], are at present the only ones. The former has about 330inhabitants in 32 houses and the latter 35 in 6. In July they scatter along the eastern shoreof the island and return to the villages in September, though there are two families whodo not return till much later from a lagoon 15 miles east of here.

HOUSES.

The houses vary from oval to nearly round in shape. They are built of pieces of wreckageand driftwood about 6 feet long, placed on end in a shallow trench in the ground andfastened to a pole at the top. Two posts, 6 to 10 feet apart and 15 to 18 feet high, supporta ridge piece, which in turn supports a series of rafters about 1 by 3 inches and longenough to reach from the edge of the wall to 2 to 4 feet past the ridge piece. The rafters areabout 2 feet apart at the walls and are supported in the middle by a row of upright pieces.Walrus skins are placed over these and carefully tied with rawhide ropes and weightedwith rock, iron wreckage, etc. Sod is put over the edges of the skins to exclude the snow.The peak of the roof is nearer the west than the east end. The door is on the west end, asall the hard winds are from an easterly direction—mostly northeast. The living room is atthe east end, 7 feet wide and from 10 to 80 feet long, depending on the number living init. It is made of heavy deerskins sewed together on the top and sides, with a walrus-skinfloor. The front edge is not fastened at the bottom, which allows it to be used as a door. Itis heated by means of seal-oil lamps and ventilated by an opening in front, near the top, 4

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to 5 inches in diameter. Other rooms partitioned off by means of walrus skins are used tostore meat, boxes, etc. Hunting gear is stacked in the main enclosed part. They lived, tillthirty years ago, in underground houses, some of which have been built over, to be used asstorehouses for their meat. The walrus-skin cover is taken off and during July and Augustused in constructing a summer tent.

FOOD.

Their food consists principally of seal, walrus, and whale meat. They get but few fish,small catfish, and cod, in August and September, when the sea is not too rough. Thevillage near the southwest extremity gets salmon in a lagoon near there. In the winter theyget crabs, which, in case seals are very scarce, form an important addition to their larder.They get few berries, but gather large quantities of a short, fleshy herb, a stone crop,something like the old-fashioned garden live-for-ever. Ducks and other sea birds alsoform a large part of their food from June till September. They are very fond of flour, hardbread, and molasses, which they procure from the ships.

CUSTOMS—BIRTH.

Good care is taken of a woman at the birth of a child. Labor is easy. The child is bornwhile the mother is on her hands and knees. The mother soon sits up, but keeps the sameplace for five days, then goes outside and works the same as any other woman. Onewoman has seven children alive, five and six are not uncommon, and three or four is a fairaverage.

DEATHS.

Formerly the dead were interred near the houses. Later they were placed in a cave or oldhouse, of which there are three or more now partly filled with bones. Now when a deathoccurs the body is wrapped in deer skins, a polo a little longer than the body is placedlengthwise on top and all wrapped up with thongs. Thongs about 4 feet long are tied onand serve as handles, and from four to ten men drag it over the ground about a mile to arocky bluff600 feet high. Children are placed at the foot and important persons near thetop, while those of low degree are stationed midway. Thongs, deerskins, clothing, etc.,are cut and scattered around and the body left completely naked. Tobacco and hardbread are placed at the head.

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RELIGION.

Some headless men with shark-like mouths made the mainland of Siberia. A big birdbecame seasick and vomited up the islands. Whales, seals, and bears are endowed withhuman attributes and are fed, given drink and tobacco when killed. Their fathers andgrandfathers and any dead of near kin are fed about the 1 st of July. A family goes near thebluff, makes a little fire, calls out the name of some relative and throws him a piece ofmeat. Some take a crowd along and feed everybody. The devil, or some devil, causessickness. Some males claim to have some power over evil spirits, and to protect againstsickness or the return of it when a person is convalescent. Departed spirits are said toreturn and sing and dance; numbers claim to have seen them. The spirits are always nearwhere they were laid or where their skeleton is scattered.

[...] A child must keep a close fitting deerskin hood on its head for the first two years oflife, or its head will grow too large. A man must not cut his hair while his wife is pregnantor some harm will happen to her. If a stone is moved in winter, a storm will follow. Ifwhaleskin is cooked, all whales will disappear. Neither will they come if any wood belong-ing to a dead person is burned. If anything hot is put on the snow, so as to make stream,the walrus will keep away from the island.

AMUSEMENTS.

In the winter they dance and sing in nice weather. A man invites another and all hisfriends one day, who in turn with all his friends dances at the other man's house the next.At these meetings they trade. A man dances with a woman and gives her something, as apiece of calico. She in turn must dance with him, or her husband must dance with hiswife and return something of equal value. On pleasant days the men run races, wrestle,jump, etc. In the summer they play ball, jump the rope, toss each other in walrus skins.

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Log Book from St. Lawrence Island, 1898-99

By William Furman Doty, Teacher

From: Sheldon Jackson. Ninth Annual Report on Introduction of DomesticReindeer into Alaska. U.S. Bureau of Education. 1900.Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office

William Furman Doty was a young teacher and a student from Princeton Theological Seminary,who was placed by Sheldon Jackson as the second school-teacher on St. Lawrence Island. Hewas picked to replace his predecessor, Mr. Vene Gambell, who perished in May 1898 on his wayto St. Lawrence Island.Though initially untrained and hardly prepared, Doty tenured for morethan two years on the island and he established good relations with most of the people ofGambell. Unfortunately, his first year was marred by confrontation with one local resident ofSiberian origin, known as "Captain Jack," which ended up in a violent collision (see below).

Doty proved to be an ardent observer, and his diary ("log book") is the first long-term set ofdocumented records from St. Lawrence Island. The diary lists several Yupik names, providesreferences to local weather and ice conditions, and to the seasonal rounds of hunting activitiesand sea-mammal catch (including whales, walruses, and seals). Doty was the first to observe andto record several traditional Yupik festivals and family rituals. He also produced a more generalreview, The Eskimo on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, with the summary of his ethnographic obser-vations on the island. For the historical compilation that follows, only those entries have beenselected that have specific information pertaining to St. Lawrence Island and its people.

August 14, 1898: Arrived on the Del Norte after a voyage of fifty days. Dr. Jackson, Mr.Brevig, and I were kept busy during several hours superintending the unloading of sup-plies, a portion of which belonged to me, while a larger part by far were the Govern-ment... Permission was given to me to purchase a part of these goods, in order to tradewith the natives. A signboard with the name "Gambell" painted on it was placed on thefront face of the station building, to the end that the village might thereafter be desig-nated in honor of the noble missionaries, the late Mr. Gambell and wife. There weremany expressions on the part of the people, in broken English, of veneration for thecharacter of their two benefactors, whose loss they sincerely mourned.

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August 16: Fifteen men were engaged to help Abrahamsen and myself in removing someGovernment supplies, which had been temporarily placed in the schoolroom, to the store-house [...].

August 21: Sunday school was held in the afternoon. The attendance was probably about100 persons of all ages. The children sang some gospel hymns which my predecessor hadtaught them, and evidently they enjoyed that part of the service greatly [...]

September 1: Hoisted a flag and began school. Twenty-five boys were present, with norepresentation of the gentler sex. The attendance of a number of the children was notpossible, as they were detained by other and evidently more pressing duties. Especiallywas this the case with the girls, who were obliged to pick blueberries [...].

September 11: Sunday school was held. The women and children attended in large num-bers, but the men were away fishing.

September 23: The attendance at school was "slim" to-day, as a large number of boys wereobliged to help their fathers construct winter houses. The attendance in one day duringthe past week reached a maximum—forty-eight.

September 24: The snow-covered mountain at Indian Point [Ungaziq], Siberia, 40 milesacross the water, shone resplendent in the sunlight.

September 28: Snow fell. A walrus and two seals were killed. I had a ride on a sled drawnby Eskimo dogs, a very novel experience for me.

[...]

October 6: The attendance at school has been very irregular all along. The food problem isa most serious one here, so that even the children have to take up part of the burden of thehousehold support. They trap, and shoot ducks and gulls, and gather kelp and sea urchinswashed ashore on the bay east of the mountain.[...]

October 11: Tried to persuade Shoolook [Suluk] to abandon his purpose of becoming abigamist. Several natives here have two wives. In Siberia the custom not only of bigamy isquite common, but even polygamy, I am told. The excuse offered is that a man likes to

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have a number of women constantly ready with their needles to sew for him, so that hecan maintain trading enterprises on a grand scale.

October 20: Ice on the lower end of the lake. This sheet of water is nearly 3 miles long andabout 1 mile wide. There are no fish in it, I understand. It serves as an excellent fresh-water reservoir for the community, as nothing pollutes the streams from the mountainthat feed it.

October 22: Timkaroo [Temkeruu] celebrated to-day with a dance called "ola hola." Heand his assistants were in festive garments, wearing chaplets on their heads. A feast pre-ceded the tossing of women in a blanket of walrus skins sewed together. One woman inthe latter exercise was thrown "foul," and after a swoop of 10 feet or more in the air, fellon the hard ground. Timkaroo [Temkeruu] forbade me to render any aid to the woman,as he assumed, with no remonstrance from the people, the functions of native doctor. Theleft clavicle was broken, but pronounced to be healed after a few minutes, during whichhe placed, pebbles under her as she sat on a walrus skin, and kept muttering rapidly abouther ears some unknown jargon. Trading later wound up the performance.

October 28: A baby was born at Oozuk's [ Uuzak] house during the night. The little onewas very frail, and I was asked to keep an eye on him.

October 31: The Eskimos skating on the ice presented a picturesque spectacle. Their skateswere of home manufacture. Iron hoops from barrels sharpened and fitted into blocks ofwood served their purpose admirably.

[...]

November 5: Took a walk for a distance of 14 miles, trying to explore the environs. Shoolook[Suluk] and a boy, Enuk [Inuuq], accompanied me. Observed old men and boys gather-ing seaweed. Many dog teams and sleds were collected at one place on the shore of thebay, while their masters concealed themselves behind rocks or in "blinds" constructed ofdriftwood and bone from the skeletons of whales, ready to dispatch any unwary seal thatshowed its head above the water.

November 8: A company of Southwest Cape natives visited our village, arriving in theafternoon. I happened to be at the lower end of the lake with a sled party, and altogether

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it was a fine spectacle to witness the native procession, including 15 or 20 people on sleds,drawn in all by about 80 dogs. They were ceremoniously received at the village, notablyby a sham fight, or something that looked like that, on the part of a Massinga [Masingka]native and a Southwest Cape representative. They backed each other alternately at thepoint of their spears. Both men had festive decorations on their garments. Later,Abrahamsen and I attended the dance at Pazzuk's [Paazak] house, in connection with thetrading between the people of the two communities. Even very little girls participated attimes. This dance was held in the living apartments of the house.

November 9: The carcass of a whale killed probably many months ago in the whalingseason went ashore on the rocks down the coast at a place about 5 miles distant from thevillage. Nearly decomposed as it was, the carcass was welcomed by the people as a greatfind.

[...]

November 19: Shoolook [Suluk] and I took a ride on a dog sled for a distance of 25 miles,I should judge. Saw Sepilla's [Sipela] house, an underground structure called a "ninglo"[nenglu]. I examined it quite carefully.

November 21: Abrahamsen and I, with Shoolook [Suluk], Montokoly [Mangtaquli],and Womkome [ Waamquun], set out with 3 sleds and about 18 dogs to make a journeyto Southwest Cape. A young woman had been accidentally shot in both feet, and a nativehad asked me to send some medicine to her. The trip occupied about ten hours, andappeared to indicate a distance of 40 miles.

November 26: "Ola hola" [ ???] at Oozuk's [Uuzak] house; did not attend.

November 29: Nukkwon's [Neghqun] baby died during the night after a long period ofsickness. Abrahamsen and I attended the funeral. The mother remained at the house,according to custom here, while the father and four friends acted as pallbearers, carryingthe body in a bundle wrapped around by a deerskin and suspended from a pole. Thecortege stopped after going a short distance, and the sister cut off the end of the sealropes, which bound the blanketed body to the pole. These rope ends were thrown away,as was the remaining medicine, and with a can she officiated in the final farewell cer-emony, rubbing it first twice on her breast and then on her back, then repeating the same

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strange rite on the persons of her father and brother. After throwing this can away, shewent home with her brother.

The body was placed in the shelter of some rocks about one-third of the way from thebase to the top of the mountain. [...] After circling around the body, each man treadingin the very tracks left by the father. Later some of the party stepped aside at intervals, butsoon assumed their former positions.

[.:.]

December 12: Has a conference with the chief, Asoone [Asunaghaq], with reference to theirregular attendance of the children at school, which was a cause of anxiety to me, as mywork in connection with the school had been unsatisfactory in its results, at least tomyself.

[...]

December 22: No school. 16°; light northeast wind; clear, fine day. Gave a Christmasdinner by way of anticipation, as all the people were constantly inquiring of late as to thedate of the great holiday. I had representatives from each house bring a bucket and woodenplates to the schoolhouse. Abrahamsen and I then filled the buckets with coffee, and putpork and beans, cakes, candies, nuts, pilot bread, and for the exterior of the body a cake ofsoap. Probably more than 300 people later partook of the viands.

[...]

January 2: Monday. Assone [Asunaghaq] began a five day's feast called Kazzeeva [Kaziva—see below].

January 3: Second day of dance at Assoone's [Asunaghaq] house.January 4: Third day of the dance.

January 5: After a dance and feast in the morning at the Kazzeeva [Kaziva], the youngand middle-aged men and the boys performed the "kip-up" and one or two other simplefeats on the walrus ropes which had been tied to the uprights. "Tag" and jumping overlow obstructions were also indulged in.

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January 6: Wrestling contests between the young men followed trading as the "wind up"

of the Kazzeeva [Kaziva].

[...]

January 31: School. 30°. South wind; light snow in afternoon. Assoone [Asunaghaq]began another five days' festival, called "Kazavaghalekyyake" \KazivaghaleketaaqV\ .Themen wrestled out of doors, bare to the waist.

[...]

February 14: School. -5°; northeast and east winds, light; clear. Abrahamsen shot sixteenducks. Ducks can be obtained here in small quantities even in the winter, while they arevery plentiful at other seasons.

February 15: School. 0°; calm; clear. Sent some medicine to a Southwest Cape boy, whohad been struck with a stone. Fourth day of dance given by Imurigan [Aymergen]. Nearlyevery day a dance is in progress at one or another of the houses. Usually they are notelaborate affairs, and only a few friends and relatives are present. They indicate the comple-tion of boot-making or some other kind of native manufacture, for the season.

February 18: Saturday. 0°; north and east winds, light; snow in the forenoon. Of late veryfew seals have been secured, and the people have suffered for food in consequence. Somehouseholds, which had an abundance, however, came to the aid of other families in whomthey were interested.

[...]

March 3: School. 0°; north wind, light; clear. Some men in a canoe brought back 11 seals,while another party in a canoe secured 5 seals.

March 7: School. 5°, 0°, fog in afternoon; strong northeast wind; clear in the morningand evening. The hunters went to the east side of the north and west shores unless thewind is favorable. The ice moves from time to time with the shifting of the wind. Ahunter usually goes with a dog team and sled, dragging behind a "trailer" for his game.However, some young men who have not a dog team and sled trudge alone many a mile,bringing their game back on a "trailer," or, as is frequently the case, dragging it by meansof ropes on the ice and snow. The old men and small boys frequently fish through holes inthe ice.

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March 15: School. 30°, 32°: northeast wind, light; snowed until evening. A number ofschoolboys were absent in canoes hunting.

March 18: Saturday. 30°; south and southeast winds, strong; snowed all day. Open waternear the shore on the west side.

March 21: School. 32°, 34°; southwest wind, quite strong; snowed all day. The conditionsof wind, water, and snow have been unfavorable for many days to hunting. The hunterswere obliged to keep in their houses.

[...]

At Shoolook's [Suluk] request I tried to gain admission to Kenaak's [Qenaaq or Qenaaghaq]house in order to do what I could to help his sick wife. A large number of persons were inthe outer room and they told me not to enter the living room, where Assoone [Asunaghaq],the chief, and the most reputable native doctor, was beating his drum loudly and chant-ing. A woman responded somewhat frantically to his cries, presumably the patient. I feltsorry as I turned away. The excitement, however, sometimes brings about a reaction thatis helpful to patients, and so I hoped that the mind would be strengthened and so assist inher recovery.

March 28: No school. 10°, 5°; northeast wind, strong; snowed all day. Five walruses werebrought in. One native took his canoe on runners, which was pulled by a dog team, to theeast side of the promontory.

[...]

April3: School. 10° and 16°; northeast wind, light; fair. Assoone [Asunaghaq], the chief,visited the school. Many seals were secured.

April 6: School. 10°, 20°; southeast gale; snowed during most of the day. Two whales werepursued in the afternoon by four parties in the whaleboats during the severe storm. Onewhale was hit by the dart from the gun, but effected its escape by going under the ice,which cut the rope.

April 7: School. 20°, 30°. Southeast wind, strong; A large whale was sighted, but theunfavorable weather prevented a chase.

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April22: Saturday. 16°, 24°. Northeast gale; snowed all day. Finished taking a census ofnatives here and at Southwest Cape; find that at this place there are 313 people, and 24persons at the other village. By aid of Shoolook [Suluk] I wrote down the names andindicated on a large map the important geographical features of the island, marking sitesof former villages. It seems that all of the communities save this one and that at SouthwestCape succumbed to a food famine a few years ago; while half of the people at the morefortunate villages perished. The calamity seems to have been general among the Eskimoson the Siberian and Alaska coasts. It is denied by the natives that whisky was in any wasresponsible for it.

[..-]

April23: Sunday School. 22°, 20°; northeast gale; snowed all day. Observed some womenaiding the men and boys in drawing a whaleboat up the beach over the snow. The womendo not hunt.

April 24: 20°, 18°; northeast wind, strong; snowed morning and evening. A whale waschased, but effected its escape. A baby seal of the large species was secured.

April28:27°, 32°; snowed all day; southeast wind, strong in evening. Timkaroo [Temkeruu]killed one big seal. The party returned over a large ice field near the shore, dragging acanoe, assisted by some dogs. It was hard work, but worth the effort.

May 1: 30°, 37°; calm an clear, except for a fog one hour in forenoon. Went hunting in awhaleboat with Shoolook [Suluk] and his crew. One seal was secured. At a distance a babywhale, a "white" fish, and some big seals were observed.

May 2: 30°, 37°; south and northeast winds, light; very clear. The ice pack is very thick,but the whaleboats are rowed through "leads." Oomylook [Ungalaq??] and his party wereunable to get back this evening from their hunting trip east of the promontory, beingcaught in the ice.

May 3: 20°, 26°; northeast wind, very strong; clear in afternoon. A rescue party takingfood went with dog teams and sled to aid Oomylook [Ungalaq]. The party brought the

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whaleboat overland several miles by the help of the dogs and runners placed under theboat

May 6: 22°, 20°; north wind, moderate. Akulky's [Akulkt] whaleboat was damaged by alarge crest and began to fill. The party was rescued by another hunting crew.

May 8: 28°, 32°; southwest wind, light; later moderate; clear in the morning, foggy inafternoon, followed by snow in the evening. Three whales were chased, but not secured. Anumber of walruses were brought in.

May 9: 32°, 37°: south-southwest wind, light; snowed all day. I observed a woman takethe head of a seal, which had been broken into small pieces, and cast it into the sea,according to the custom here. The head of a walrus is merely thrown on the ground.

May 10: 37°, 32°; south-southwest wind, moderate; foggy all day. Timkaroo [Temkeruu]found a "bowhead whale" of small size, which Akulky [Akulki] had struck on the previ-ous day. Being nearly dead, it was quickly dispatched. The bone was divided among thepeople generally—following the invariable custom—the discoverer and his crew retain-ing larger shares than those given to their neighbors. The old women, as well as the men,receive a portion.

May 12: 34°, 32°; east gale strong; snowed hard in afternoon. The hunters experienced arough sea on their return. Two whales were pursued, but not captured.

May 19: 35°, 33°; northeast and east winds, moderate. Clear in the afternoon. Two par-ties from Siberia in whaleboats arrived here today and paid their respects to me. Theyunderstood English quite well, having been associated for long periods with Americanwhalemen. One man had been to 'Frisco.' The people at Indian Point had lost five or sixpersons by death during the winter. Some reindeer had perished, unable to get moss onaccount of the hard frozen snow. At Indian Point [Ungaziq], East Cape [Nuvuqaq], SouthHead, St. Lawrence Bay, and Plover Bay the natives had procured a whale. The IndianPoint men, in answer to my questions, informed me that the language of their people andthat of the Plover Bay natives is the same as that of the people on St. Lawrence Island;evidently at one time these three peoples were intimately related. There are few differ-ences in customs, and, doubtless, in the dialects.

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May 20: 30°, 36°; east wind, moderate; fog and snow. Was informed by Shoolook [Suluk]that the Indian Point natives reported the disappearance of five hunting parties inwhaleboats, chiefly men, of the Plover Bay natives. The captains of the "whalers" hadlooked in vain for them. They may have been caught in young ice which would not holdthem should they try to pull their boats over it, or they may have encountered a rough seawhich dashed and broke their boats against a large block of ice. These men and, in someinstances, large families, having two or even three wives. Probably half of the male popu-lation of Plover Bay has thus perished.

May 22: 35°, 33°; east wind, moderate; foggy until evening, then clear. The Belvedere,Captain Duvall came to anchor. Went on board. Shoolook [Suluk] brought Taninga[Tanenga], an Indian Point chief, to see me. They have been from youth sworn friends, astheir fathers were, and it was pleasant to see their mutual regard.

May 23: 34°, 35°; northeast and east winds light in forenoon; fog and snow. Went hunt-ing with Timkaroo [ Temkeruu] and his crew in a whaleboat, and suffered from the cold,as I was too thinly clad. We returned after ten hours, having sailed about 40 miles, Ijudged. We had no compass, and yet out helmsman Timkaroo [ Temkeruu], without sightof the sun or shore, kept his bearings on the open sea during eight hours of thick fog. Nowalruses or seal were brought in, although some of the former were shot at, but missed,owing to the long range and the motion of the whaleboat.

May 27: 34°, 33°; northwest wind, light; foggy in forenoon, later cloudy; clearing in theevening. A party from Indian point in a whaleboat arrived. A tent was pitched; it con-sisted of the sail.

[...]

June 2:30°, 36°, 32°; west wind light; snow and fog. There is ice in large quantities on thesea as far as the eye can reach. Gave Sablat [Savla] medicine for influenza.

June 4: 37°, 35°; southwest wind strong; rain and fog. did not hold Sunday school onaccount of my cough. Sablat [Saavla] is better. During the night two deaths occurredfrom influenza—and old man, Tapeezuk [Tapiisak], and an infant. I did not know oftheir illnesses. Timkaroo [Temkeruu] and his crew, in a whaleboat, killed 21 walruses, butbrought back only the heads with the ivories and the skins.

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June 9: 38°, 33°; calm until evening; then light west wind; foggy or overcast. Nooona[???], an old man, died during the night from influenza; was not asked to give him medi-cine while he was sick. A dog was killed at his house later. Kowktan [Kaivhtaan], a womanabout 40 years old, was hung at her request by her relatives and friends, in spite of myprotests. She had been sick with influenza, and during the past seven days had not sleptand could not eat or drink. The woman was buried on the mountain. A dog was killed atthe place where the body was deposited on the mountain side. Yagho [Yaaghu], an oldwoman, also died to-day.

June 10:34°, 39°, 36°; southwest wind moderate. Snow forenoon, later overcast. Toosoon[Tuusugun], an old woman, dies from influenza. I learned of her condition a day or twopreviously and gave her medicine. Iyoowixan [Ayuwighsaan], who is suffering from influ-enza, is better. Traded for an old Eskimo suit of armor. There are only two in the village.The armor is made of wood covered with thick seal skin. The headpiece is a combinationhelmet-shield.

June 13: 34°, 39°, 40°; southwest wind moderate, later strong; fog all day. Treated Papak[Papak?], an Indian Point man, who has the influenza. He is old. Urged him to remain inthe warm part of his house.

June 16: 35°, 39°, 34°; southwest and west winds moderate; a gale from the west in theevening; fog all day; the sea is very rough. The people are storing walrus meat in under-ground cellars.

June 18: 35°, 39°, 35°; west wind very strong; fog all day. The steam schooner Albion,Captain Ericson, anchored off the north shore in the morning. [...] In making a secondattempt later to reach the ship, the skin canoe, which contained a dozen persons, includ-ing myself and three dogs, had a narrow escape in the high waves. One wave broke overthe gunwale and drenched me. Then the canoe as rapidly as possible was paddled ashore.Teeory [Tiiwrt], Kalook [Qaalu or Kaluka], and Myyookuk [Mayukaq] shipped on theAlbion for the summer.

June 20: 36°, 44°, 36°; calm in forenoon; later east, southwest, and south winds moder-ate; fog or overcast all day. Received a present of some oranges. Some of the natives alsowere privileged to hear the music, and enjoyed it greatly. Learned that the five crews that

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set out from Plover Bay five weeks previously, and which were supposed to have perished,came back after a long delay, having lost only one boat, which was crushed in by the ice.

[•••]

June 30: 44°, 43°, 39°; west and southwest winds moderate; foggy and cloudy; clear inafternoon. Two parties in whaleboats arrived this morning—St. Lawrence Island nativeson their return from Indian Point. They had spent about forty-eight hours on the waterand had a rough passage. About 20 persons at Indian Point died from influenza recently,one of them being the father—Oyeeaguk [Uuyghaq??]—of Papak [Papak], who attendedschool here this last year. The Indian Point natives have about given over their purpose tovisit this village this summer on account of the rough sea. I understand that the peoplehere need about 600 deer-skins for clothes next winter.

July 1:40°, 47°,40°; southwest winds moderate, and south gale in evening; cloudy, rain inevening. Oozuk [Uuzak] andToosuk [Tuusaq], with their crews, started for Indian Point[Ungaziq] in whaleboats.

[...]

July 12: Wednesday. Oozuk [Uuzak] gave a dance in the cleared space in front of theschoolhouse. The men and boys first ran around in a circle, some having walking stickswith them. After all of the runners had become tired, a walrus skin was laid on the groundand food was placed thereon, having been brought by Oozuk's [Uuzak] household andrelatives. The old men partook of a feast, reindeer meat and Russian tobacco being thedelicacies. The women were then tossed is skins.

Captain Jack [???] brought his little girl to the house later and asked me to trade for a pairof baby boots, which I did, in order to give the child some food. He then said that Oozuk[ Uuzak] had brought some whiskey over from Siberia, which had been given to him byTaminga [Tanenga]. He claimed that Oozuk [Uuzak] had treated his friends, amongothers Shoolook [Suluk] and Captain Jack. I noticed the smell of liquor on Captain Jack'sbreath, and rebuked him for drinking it. Then I closed the door. I went to see Shoolook[Suluk] and Oozuk [Uuzak], and both denied having received or given any whiskey.Taminga [Tanenga] and Oozuk [Uuzak] are not friends. Hearing that Captain Jack con-templated making a trip to Indian Point that day, I said to Shoolook [Suluk] and Oozuk[Suluk] that the people had better say to Captain Jack that he must not return to the

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island, but take up his residence elsewhere, as he had been for a long time a drunkard, aliar, and a false witness. He was a polluter of the morals of the community. As he wasreally a Siberian, he ought to be ostracized. I went to Captain Jack and told him that hehad told me a falsehood with reference to Oozuk [Suluk] and Shoolook [Suluk], and thatas long as he was going to Indian Point he had better remain there. His attempt to breakdown one of the doors of my house rendered him culpable when the Bear should arrive.I told him that his evil course had bereft him of friends at St. Lawrence Island, and nowhe had better seek a new home. He accused me of crowding him and said he had bullets,and got up and brandished his fists at me, coming close, but I did not retreat. Then hewent back and drew his knife, and was seized by others as he came toward me, evidentlyintent on killing me. He struggles to get away from his captors, and called on me to helphim, crying out that they were attempting to kill him. Shortly thereafter I walked to myhouse, wondering if Jack would execute his threats with reference to the bullets.

Later Toosik [Tuusaq], Shoolook [Suluk], Aminga [???], and Assoone [Asunaghaq] cameto me and made an apology in behalf of the people. Jack's knife had been secured, and Iwas told that he would be guarded.

The Bear, Lieutenant Jarvis in command, came in the evening, and Dr. Jackson andLieutenant Berthoff came ashore, and Jack was finally arrested and put in irons on boardthe Bear, to appear before the judge at St. Michael. Abrahamsen and I were invited to takepassage on the Bear, and gladly did so. Said good-bye to the people, hoping to meet themagain some time, and rejoiced that my duty was done on the island and that I could nowgo home.

William Furman Doty

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Festivals of the People of St. Lawrence Island (1899)As recorded by William Furman Doty, a school-teacher and a missionary

The excerpts below are taken from the original (unpublished) version of William Doty's diary(copy on files at the Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks, microfilm reel #148) andalso from his published paper, The Eskimo on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, presented in the 'NinthAnnual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska' (1900, pp. 186-223). Dotywas the first and maybe the only outside observer to watch the old ceremonies and to docu-ment them at great length. Some of these ceremonies (or their certain details) were alreadygone when the present-day elders were young children in the 1910s and the 1920s.This makesDoty's observations particularly worthy these days.

From Doty's Published Report (1900)

"Autughuk" [Ateghaq]—Worship of the Moon God.—Early in the morning one day inspring, when the hunting season was drawing near, Akulky [Akulki], together with themale members of his household and a few other male relatives and friends, placed hiscanoe on the shore ice, with the bow protruding over the water. They entered the canoe,Akulky [Akulki] occupying the seat in the stern, while his son sat in the bow. Takingtheir paddles, they fanned the air with them in a mimic ceremony representing a hunt. Adarting gun was held partly in the water. When the sun appeared above the mountain allleft the canoe and Akulky made a sacrifice to the "Moon God," in the hope that favorableweather would be granted during the coming hunting season1. [.. .]The sacrifice consistedof small pieces of tobacco secured in trade the previous year from the first trader thatseason, and also of some pieces of baby walrus caught during the previous year and driedand preserved especially for this sacrifice. Akulky [Akulki] threw the tobacco and thewalrus meat into the air and also into the water. Then followed a piece of dry salmon,

This special ceremony in spring is not "moon worship." For the boat captains, this is one of the mostimportant ceremonies, which is the one before (spring) hunting begins. They pray and worship forsuccessful hunting, not to the moon. I believe in praying to the Creator, Most High God, who rules theUniverse.They also call Him 'Great Apaa' (Willis Walunga's note).

See descriptions of the same ceremony in Yaagmiqun' (George Imergan) and Siluk's (Paul Silook) storieson pp. 124 and I 32.

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walrus and seal meat, and pickled red berries, which were served in two very large oblongwooden plates. The black skin of whale, but no other kind of whale meat could have beeneaten at this time. No white man's food would have been deemed proper at this ceremo-nious repast. This sacrifice to the "Moon God" was made during February by the heads offour different households, and by Assoone [Asunaghaq], the chief, during March, and sixtimes during April as many heads of families.

A new dance {given by Imurrugun [Aymergen].—A dance which appears to have been anew one and to which no name was given was held by four days by one of the moreprogressive natives [Aymergen]. In front of the house two spears were tied to an uprightplanted in the snow, and one spear to second upright, while two walking sticks were alsoplaced vertically in the snow opposite the door. The outside posts were four in number,between the tops of which walrus ropes were stretched. Inside of the house a number ofrain coats were hung on seal ropes and fish lines. There were also inflated seal skin "pokes."Around a seal-oil lamp, near the center pole, were placed five benches with high, thinlegs, upon which Imurrugun [Aymergen], his family, and some intimate friends sat andbeat drums and chanted. On a high but very narrow bench were placed small woodeneffigies of Imurrugun [Aymergen] and his wife, while two other similar benches sup-ported effigies of his relatives and friends.

[...] On the first day Imurrugun [Aymergen], together with his male relatives and friends,having on rain coats and water boots, went to the shore, where they remained a shorttime. On the second day the men participated in a dance which somehow resembledjumping. Trading followed. The third day was given wholly to trading. On the fourth andlast day the men indulged in a 3-mile run, after which they were treated to a feast by thewomen of Imerrugun's [Aymergen] household.

Mdhdtak [?], or OlaHola {heldby Timkaroo [Temkeruu], Shoolook [Suluk], Oozuk [Uuzak]and others).—This dance lasts during only one day. A walrus skin was placed on theground near the house between two spears, which stood erect, and upon this skin severalwooden plates were set containing food. Near one of the spears were several woodeneffigies [figurines], exceedingly small, which I rashly picked up and examined [...] andwas requested to restore them to their former positions straightway. After the guests hadfeasted, a repast of which Abrahamsen and I were invited to partake, the walrus skin wasceremoniously removed and the men and boys took hold of its sides, and at given signal

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tossed Timkaroo [ Temkeruu], the chief functionary of the dance, high into the air. Theperson who is to be tossed stands upright in the center of the walrus skin and is thrown 10or 12 feet upward and, if the toss has not been fool, will come down safely on the feet onthe walrus skin. The exercise is called "Ovuktuk" [Uvegtaq]. After one or two men havebeen tossed, it is the turn of the women and children.

[...] Trading follows the "Ovuktuk" being conducted within the house, accompaniedby singing and dancing. I think that every householder celebrates the "Mahatak' or OlaHola annually.

Oozuk's [Uuzak] dance.—A few days after his return from a visit to Indian Point [Ungaziq,village in Siberia] Oozuk [ Uuzak] celebrated a dance in front of the mission house. Themen and boys ran round with all their speed in a circle, a number of them having withthem their walking staves [sticks]. It was possibly a half hour before they were exhaustedin this exercise. I was told that a such a circle was formed when the Indian Point andPlover Bay natives were received, and that the exercise was held on this occasion as if areception of guests is taking place, as people believed that no visit would be made thatseason by the Indian Point and Plover Bay natives. The second feature of the program wasa feast. The women of Oozuk's household brought some venison and Russian tobaccowhich had been recently secured in Siberia and placed them, with substantial viands ofwalrus and seal meat, I believe, on a walrus skin which had been laid on the ground. Thenthe very old men of the community were invited to the repast. Later Oozuk [ Uuzak] gavesmall pieces of tobacco to some men who were less aged than the others and who were lessintimate with him. Tossing in the blanket concluded the ceremonies.

From Doty's Diary(UAF Archives, St. Lawrence Island Journal Collection, 1898-1906, vol. 1)

Jan 2, 1899: "Kazzu vu" [Kaziva] began today. The friends visited one another in theirhouses. This is called "Op okh to tuk" [ Upughtaataq?]. Tonight friends will assist Assoone[Asunaghaq] make preparations for the festivities tomorrow. This part of the program iscalled Poovwalu [Puvalla].

[...] Somewhat higher than the top of the pole there was a framework, consisting of two

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paddles tied together in the middle at right angles. Upon the ends, there were fastenedscrawny bodies of gulls, having the feathers pretty well plucked from all parts save thewings. Tied to seal rope there were some fifteen or more small wooden rings, symmetri-cally placed. Above the framework was a large seal-skin upon which some snow had beenplaced. There were seal ropes leading from two parts of the frame down to a pole nearby.The height of the frame from the ground was possibly eight feet. A long steering oar wasfirmly tied in a horizontal position aloft, supporting the frame work of paddles and ropes,etc., while a paddle which had been successfully used by Assoone [Asunaghaq] in steeringhis canoe in several prosperous whale-hunting trips, was secured to a pole. The blade ofthis paddle had been painted black, except a strip a couple of inches wide, painted fromwater taken from the eye of a whale and boiled down for quite a long time. This paddlewas highly prized for by its aid, Assoone [Asunaghaq] claimed to have taken four whales.

The ceremony of the 2nd day was called Iyoklara'otuh [Ayuqliiraaghuta]. The guests wereonly there, including myself, instead of a large concourse which I had understood wouldattend. The ceremony began by the beating of a drum on the part of Assoone [Asunaghaq],followed by his brother [Nemaayaq] shortly in a similar performance, and by chanting byboth of them. Then the two men and the grandchildren of Assoone [Asunaghaq], all ofthe party wearing chaplets [??] upon which were suspended what I may call for the wordof a [....?....] "tassels" made from the fur of fawns, (and yet not quite tassels either, forthere was only one part—about ten inches in length). Then began a roped walk about thepole dodging other poles, and using a springing step, the two men beating their drumsand chanting the while. For fifteen minutes this giddy dance was [concluded after] onelittle boy after another had dropped out; ... Assoone [Asunaghaq] then beat his drum awoman danced in a peculiar fashion jerking her arms about now one, now the othertoward the musician. Then she spoke a little recitation to him, which was translated formy benefit thus. "My grandfather came across of the way from Indian Point, {Ungaziq inSiberia) through heavy surf, accompanied by only one other man." Three of four womenfollowed the first one, in a similar performance of dancing either accompanied by Assoone[Asunaghaq] or his friend, and then recited a brief tale of one of their ancestors or friends,but the imperfect translation made them only partially intelligible to me. The festivitieswere over for the day after this event.

Jan. 4: No school. 24° South wind, very light. Finest day for a long time. I attended thefestivities at Assoone's [Asunaghaq] house this morning finding a large number of specta-

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tors present. One woman (who was Assoone's Aunt) [??], beat the drum while other womenand girls chanted. The men had women walked [around the pole, one man clasping thewoman in front of him very tightly under the arms. The women wore a "pained expres-sion" as if they were undergoing a very unpleasant ordeal, but as one party of womenwould leave, I observed that there were others always ready to take their places. The menand women had fur tassels fastened on their clothing. The women wore raincoats overother garments, in some instances.

In the afternoon a party of S.W. Cape natives arrived and were received in due form. OneMessinga [Masingka—that is, local Gambell] man and one S.W. Cape man backed eachup and down with long spears, on a sham contest, while two boys representing the twopeoples, imitated the men, having short spears. A seal skin had been placed on the snowby the Messinga [Masingka] community, and the show battle took place over this as acenter, I think.

In the evening Aningan [Anenga] and Muntokoli [Mangtaquli] came to inform me thatthe people were ready to sing in Assoone's [Asunaghaq] house, and accordingly, Abrahamsenand I accompanied them to the night festivities. I asked Aningan [Anenga] to requestAssoone [Asunaghaq], who is the principal native "doctor" here to perform some of hismarvelous feats of skill. I was asked to make a present to the women who were about tobegin in singing, as that would make them stronger for the taste, and I promised to givesome pilot bread on the morrow, specifying the amount. As the quantity seemed to fallshort of expectations, I increased the amount steadily until a satisfactory limit had beenreached.

The program had not been arranged for every specific event, and yet as Abrahamsen andI were persuaded to attend, I gladly paid the price of admission. The people are eager tosecure all they can from me, and even on such an occasion as this one, did not hesitate toask for a present. I pay them always for any service, and hence am and on obligations.

A large number of people were assembled, and when the lights had been put out, thechanting and drum-beating began. Aningan [Anenga] tried to explain to me the meaningof various chants, but it was difficult to apprehend his meaning, as he speaks English onlyvery brokenly. Assoone [Asunaghaq] began to make wild cries of all sorts, and I was givento understand that God would send the Devil soon. There was a knocking on the side of

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the house near the place where I was seated. Assoone [Asunaghaq] began some reliablegroaning, and this was the signal to the people that the Devil was entering Assoone[Asunaghaq]. The groans and cries were doubtless very awe-inspiring to the natives, headabove the chanting and drum-beating. I was entreated not to leave as if all expected thatin the dark I must be in an agony of fright and then when the "Doctor" hit me light blowsin the leg and ribs which were within reach of his hand, I was particularly enjoined to stayand remain seated. By and by, I was told that the Devil had been "plenty strong," butwhile he was still "very tall," he was getting less so and of the time, and soon Assoone[Asunaghaq] would put him out. I was not quite certain as to the exact method of drivingthe Devil out, as the chants were numerous. During part of the program after God hadmade Assoone [Asunaghaq] a doctor, as Iwasin [???] informed, Assoone [Asunaghaq] pur-ported to go down through the walrus skin covering of the ground, below for some dis-tance. To prove it to me, I was allowed to put my hands on his shoulders, that is to say, theback of my hands, in order to pull his body go down. Assoone [Asunaghaq] insisted aswell as he could that I take off my boots, and present myself in bare feet like himself forthe performance, but I did not yield to this request. It appears that the people believe thatthe Devil can hide inside of the boots when on the feet of any person present and suchwill be harder to drive him out. During aginous [sic] cries and drum-beating, Assoone[Asunaghaq] sank down and I was asked to sink down with him, until he was in a crouch-ing position, and then, very opportunely, I was conducted to my seat. The walrus skinupon which Assoone [Asunaghaq] had been standing was then raised up very near me,and cries seemed to issue from underneath it, and possibly Assoone [Asunaghaq] put hishead underneath. Ainigan [Anenga] kept asking me "Assoone [Asunaghaq] foolish?" I didnot criticize however, as I desired to see the utmost extent of the skill of a native doctorand also the credulity of the people. Aningan [Anenga], who is a very shrewd young man,seemed to be perfectly credulous as to Assoone's [Asunaghaq] ability to perform marvel-lous [feats] and explained his skill on the ground that God liked Assoone [Asunaghaq].After Assoone [Asunaghaq] came up "out of the ground, " he was supposed to be flying inthe air, doubtless flapping his wings as it were, in time to the chanting, for his drum wasgoing at a great rate. At length he descended heavily alighting upon one of my feet, andcompelling me to a skeptical view of his qualifications as a "high-flyer." It is needless tosay that he had been standing of as high as possible during the flying performance andreached the climax by a spring into the air and a return speedily to the floor[...]

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I was next invited to take hold of the lower part of a fur frock which had been trimmedinside out and placed over the naked shoulders and back of Assoone [Asunaghaq], andtold to hold on tightly as Assoone [Asunaghaq] would try to pull away from me, he hadquite a tug of war until the frock became loose at the ends, when I felt obliged to let go,while Assoone [Asunaghaq] fell forward with a plunge. Again we tried, and I held himquite well, although I had some advantage of him as I was sitting down and thus had allmy weight on the pull, and so claim no credit. The skin came off and again he plungedforward. Abrahamsen offered to hold him down, and was given a chance and did betterwork than I had done, keeping a good hold, until the skin came off. The frock was notheld on the shoulders of Assoone [Asunaghaq] by any other means than [mere] adhesionthan to the perspiration of his body which appeared remarkable, until Abrahamsen ex-plained the fact to all of us, and remarked that the trick was no great feat. This [conclu-sion] made Assoone [Asunaghaq] and others of the company mad, and one man wantedAbrahamsen to contest in a rowing match with Assoone [Asunaghaq]. Unless I am mis-taken it was during the "tug of war" that Devil was supposed to make his exit. The re-mainder of the program consisted of chanting and drum-beating and I did not observeany new features. I was told that Assoone [Asunaghaq] was a very good "doctor," and hadoften made people well by driving out the devil by means of chants and beating of thedrum. However the credit was due to God who would spare the life of even a very sickman if he liked the man, but other men [were] destroyed] in spite of all the "doctor"could do. Thus the native doctor has a loop hole through which to escape when his effortsat healing are unavailable. On the other hand a Christian physician would appreciate thefact that the ultimate responsibility of the case is regarded by the people as resting uponGod[...]

Jan 5: No school. Fourth day of festivities, called Ang a' tut [???]. The men and womenwalked around the pole as in the previous day, the women grasping the pole with onehand. Assoone's [Asunaghaq] Aunt beat the drum and led the chanting which was doneby the women. The framework was moved on this occasion and on the previous day bythe ropes, at intervals, marking ["]house lines["??] in the chants. The seal-skin was re-moved before that part of the program yesterday and has been replaced.

Then Assoone [Asunaghaq] gave a feast to "all comers," consisting of walrus meat frozenhard, uncooked and to my nostrils very unsavory. The meat was placed in four very largewooden trays near the lamp, which had been brought in and placed near the pole. Assoone

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[Asunaghaq] donned a pair of mittens which had sleigh bells attached to them, and thenhe began to beat his drum and chant. He then appeared to take small pieces of meat fromeach of the trays and throw them toward the lamp, and finally placed pieces over theeffigies of himself and his wife, which were fashioned to the pole, and then touched thepoles which formed the main support of the house, and then his paddle, muttering attimes.

He next took his large paddle and with his brother went out followed by myself. Climb-ing to the top of his house he brandished the paddle in different directions, and I under-stood that he wanted either the paddle to see God, or God to see the paddle. After this hethrew small pieces of meat in different directions. I remarked that the dogs picked themup, but was told that God had first received them. The feast was regarded as one given byGod through his "doctor."

I learned that after Abrahamsen and I had departed on the previous night, some othertricks had been performed by Assoone [Asunaghaq] and one woman who was his wife, Ithink—A rope was placed about the neck of one of them and the other was supposed tohave cut her head off. The woman heated a stick and [put] it into her abdomen near thenavel, and brought out blood—to all appearences! And I was given to understand thatthese feats had been performed in a dim light.

In the afternoon the young men and boys performed on two walrus ropes fastened so asto be in a horizontal position between larger uprights made of jawbones of whales. The"kep up" seemed to be the principal feat: in fact there was practically little else save thevarious ways of accomplishing this task. The small children chased one another abouttrying to tumble one another. [ ...]Even the men of middle age played "tag." In talkingwith Shoolook [Suluk] about Messinga [Masingka, that is Yupik] sports, I learned thatthe people sometimes play a sort of football game, and young men, boys, and little girlskick a ball up with their feet, keeping it from touching the ground. There has been anexhibition thus far of these exercises. I have observed little boys playing a hunting game,notably catching walrus. One boy would touch another with a stick to which a rope wasattached which represented harpooning, whereupon the boy playing the role of the wal-rus would run off, taking the stick, but [....?...], soon he would place the stick in the

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snow and hold back, while the captain would try to pull him toward him. Then, too, Ihad seen the boys play a game representing bird catching, using pieces of bone fastenedabout two feet apart by rope. These would be thrown into the air by one boy after whirl-ing them about (holding by the middle of the rope) and another boy would throw his"bones" in such a way as to hit and "tangle up" the others. The boys are fairly expert withslings, practicing almost constantly in the effort to hit birds on the water or flying in theair. The men do not seem to care much for the sling-shot, which is used to great advan-tage by the Eskimos living on St. Lawrence Bay, whom I observed doing very skilful featsdisplaying both strength and accuracy of aim.

Jan 6: Last day of festivities at Assoone's [Asunaghaq] house. I was called at 1:30 a.m.to attend the "trading," but declined...

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Daily Journal from St. Lawrence Island, 1900-01By P. H. J Lerrigo, M.D.

From: Sheldon Jackson. Eleventh Annual Report on Introduction ofDomestic Reindeer into Alaska. U.S. Office of Education.Washington, D.C. 1902, pp. 79-123

P. H.J. Lerrigo was a medical doctor, who was hired by Sheldon Jackson as an assistant to Mr.William Doty and a superintendent of Gambell Reindeer station for the year 1900-01 .WhenMr. Doty left the island in the fall of 1900, Lerrigo was placed in temporary charge of all activi-ties—including teaching, missionary work, and supervision of reindeer operations. He stayedfor the full year and left the island in summer 1901.

Mr. Lerrigo's tenure in Gambell was marked by two major events: an influenza epidemic of thesummer of 1900 and the introduction of first domestic reindeer to St. Lawrence Island in Sep-tember 1900. Both events were covered in Lerrigo's annual report to Sheldon Jackson and inthe accompanying daily journal.Although Lerrigo's journal was not as detailed as the one keptby his predecessor, Mr. William Doty, it carried very important information on hunting andherding activities as well as on ice and weather conditions in Gambell during his stay. Of those,the most critical are data about three big whales killed in spring of 1901 (on May 9, May 23, andMay 26, respectively); about the ice breakup in Gambell and the beginning of open-water hunt-ing by ten crews in whaleboats on April 22; about frequent visits by the Siberian Yupik from thevillage of Ungaziq starting from May 10, including one that brought Mr.Waldemar Bogoras.therenowned Russian anthropologist, to Gambell. Only those entries from Lerrigo's journal havebeen selected that have specific information pertaining to St. Lawrence Island and its people.

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Annual Report Presbyterian Reindeer Station,Gambell, St. Lawrence Island

Gambell, St. Lawrence Island. July 1, 1901.

Rev. Sheldon Jackson, D. D.

General Agent, Bureau of Education, Washington, D. C.

Dear Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report of the Government schooland reindeer station at Gambell, St. Lawrence Island, for the year ending June 30, 1901.

Personnel.—At the opening of the year the personnel of the station was as follows: Rev.William F. Doty, teacher and missionary; P. H. J. Lerrigo, M.D., superintendent of rein-deer station; Mr. Ole Krogh, assistant.

July 27th, the following natives were taken as apprentices to the reindeer service: Ahtaky'ak[Aghtuqaayak], Betwi'n'khuk [Petgenghhaq—elder brother of Jackson Unmeggaq andGeorge Mko'iyuk=Megbyuq], Ka'hlo [Qaalu], Aye'yta [Iiyiitaq].

September 9th, Mr. Nils Sara [Saami herder from Norway] and family arrived. Aye'yta[Iiyiitaq] was discharged at this time for insubordination and general worthlessness. [...]When Kahlo [Qaalu] left, I engaged Sepi'lla [Sipela], a young unmarried man, to fill hisplace, and the three young men, Ahtaky'ak [Aghtuqaayak], Betwi'nkhuk [Petgenghhaq],and Sepi'lla [Sipela] still remain. They are among the best young fellows of the commu-nity, strong and healthy, fairly honest, and interested in their work. They have workedfaithfully, and I am quite satisfied with their behavior during the year.

[...]

School work.—The printed forms accompanying this report show attendance at schoolduring 105 days with an average of 21. Mr. Doty commenced school on September 11th.[...] School was closed the 1st of April, both because there were many things about thepremises [...] and because the ice breaking away very early (about a month earlier thanusual) took most of the children away from school.

[...]

The reindeer.—On July 27th, 29 deer were brought from Siberia by the revenue cutterBear. They were placed upon the other side of the mountain, about 15 miles from themission, in charge of Mr. Krogh, with Kahlo [Qaalu], Betwinkhuk [Petgenghhaq],Ahtakyak [Aghtuqaayak], and Ayeta [Iiyiitaq] to assist. [...] September 9th, the Bear ar-

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rived again, bringing 41 deer from Port Clarence, with a Laplander, Mr. Sara, and hisfamily. These deer were landed near the camp where the others were feeding, but imme-diately scattered widely.

Mr. Sara was furnished with provisions, also a tent and stove, and made preparations toremain. A location was found for the winter quarters about 20 miles east of the mission,and on September 22nd, I sent the first boat load of lumber for the construction of ahouse. [...] By October 12th, the herders' house was finished. [...] The winter had nowset in; northeast winds were blowing constantly, with snow. The deer were somewhattamed and were at the vicinity of the house together.

On the 26th of April the first fawns were born. By this time the weather has moderated,the sun had softened the snow and ice, and the moss was more easily accessible, so thefawns did well. The fawning season continued through May and June, 33 being born inall; 4 were born dead and 3 died subsequently. [...] The total number of deer now onhand is as follows: Old deer, 61; fawns, 26; total, 87.

Vital Statistics.—Between July 1st, 1900, and June 30th, 1901, a total of 48 deaths haveoccurred. [...] The epidemic of influenza, which commenced in June of last year, contin-ued through July and part of August. From the commencement of the epidemic untilAugust 1st, there were 46 deaths. [...] During the same period there have been threebirths, making a net decrease of 45. The census statistics are influenced somewhat bymembers of the village who have been at Indian Point [Ungaziq or Chaplino in Siberia]and Cape Nome, returning.

The number of persons resident at Sivukuk [Sivuqaq] at present is 244; at Southwest

Cape [Pugughileq] there are 20, making a total of population of 264.

[...]

Appended hereto is an abstract of the journal kept by me during the past year. Trustingthis report will meet with your approval, I am,Yours, sincerely,

P.H.J. Lerrigo, M.D.

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Abstract of Daily Journal on St. Lawrence Island KeptBy P. H. J. Lerrigo, M.D.

July 1, 1900: Sunday. Quiet day.

July 2: 60°. Southwest; clear. Washing and house cleaning.

July 2 to 9. House cleaning. The death record has gone up to 22. Assoona [Asunaghaq] isimproving. Shaalook's [??] wife and child died.

July 13: Twenty-six persons have so far died of the epidemic. The direct cause of most ofthe deaths was pneumonia. [...] Assoona [Asunaghaq] is able to be around somewhat,but his wife and boy are still very ill. Many dogs have been sacrificed according to theircustom of killing a dog at the death of a man.

July 14: Nu'chones's [Neghqun] wife died last night. Aiya'gon [Ayagun?] and Assoona's[Asunaghaq] wife are a little better, also Ana'gasook [Anaghasuuk—wife of Qenaaghaq].

July 19: 48°. Northeast; cloudy. Ongo'ra [Angaraq?], an old man, died last night. He hadpreviously given a dance to drive out the devil. He was not a native of St. Lawrence Island,although he had lived here many years.

July 23: 45°. Southeast; cloudy. Oksauhuk [Sikaghhaq?], a woman in Oozuk's [Uuzak]house, died last night. Completed investigation of death record, and find that 44 havedied in all, including the 6 who were drowned in the canoe attacked by the walrus.

[•••]

July 24: 54°. Southeast; bright. Wash day. Sepilla [Sipela] and Pennyau [Pinaaya] havelearned to wash quite well and helped us. In the afternoon we went to the mountain andtook some pictures.

July 27: 54°. Northeast; bright. Thick fog toward evening. Big dance this morning (calledby Sepilla [Sipela] and Ahoalako [???]) on a walrus skin in front of Ifkowan's [Ifkaghun]house. It was for trading purposes.

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July 31: During the morning we paid off the natives whom we had working for us duringthe Bears visit, building the house, carrying loads to the shore, etc., retaining Ahtaiyukhuk[Ataayaghhaq], Maiyukhuk [Mayukaq], Aguchky [Akulki???], Savila [Saavla], and Tungaits[ Tangatu???} to assist upon the house.

[...]

August 11: 40°. Kahlo [Qaalu] is still sick. It seems he considers himself a great medicineman and powerful with God in prayer [...].

September 9 and 10: 36°. Northeast. On Sunday morning about 10 o'clock the Beararrived. We were unable to go aboard for some time, on account of heavy seas. About 2o'clock we went off in Shuluk's [Suiuk] boat. The breakers were too heavy for the landingof coal, and Captain Tuttle took the boat around the mountain and landed 41 deer nearthe camp. The Bear left about 1 p.m. the 10th for Indian Point and will return to-morrowto land the coal.

September 11: The Bear returned at noon. Four boats went out to her and landed about115 sacks of coal.

[...]

September 17: 45°. Northeast; cloudy. Spent most of the day trying to induce the nativesto go to the ship. Finally persuaded Wungaiye [Nguungaya—father of Galaagerngen]and went in his boat.

[...]

October 17:30° to 26°. Northeast; cloudy; snow. A dance was held this morning in Oozuk's[Uuzuq] house, which most of the people attended.

October 18:26° North; snow. Lake partly frozen. Big dance at Ahlonga's [Alanga—brotherof Nguungaya] house. The children did not come to school on account of it.

October 22: 20° to 34°. Northeast and southeast; gale; snow. The storm prevented thechildren from attending, and made it in fact impossible to light a fire in the school room.In the evening we felt two lights shocks of earthquake. The natives are persuaded that this

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is of demoniac origin and presages some terrible calamity to the village. Most of themhave discharged rifles in their houses to drive away the devil. Ahtaiyukhuk [Ataayaghhaq]says that the old men tell of an earthquake, which was followed by a winter of famine, andthey fear a like catastrophe. Have been endeavoring to reassure them.

October 24: 30°. West; clear and bright. Dance at Shuluk's [Suluk] house. Kahlo [Qaalu]came from the camp; reports all well. Have allowed him to remain and repair his house[...].

November 17:30°. Takmadeluk [Tutmaatelek=Uma], a. Southwest Cape man, claims thathis dog has been shot, and desires pay for it.

[...]

December23: -2°. Cloudy and calm. Christmas service in morning. Oozivushuk [Uzivusiq\and Ogineskivapuk [???] are sick.

[...]

January 3: 10°. Clear and calm. All the people from Southwest Cape have come to visit,and there has been dancing all day.

January 4: 10°. Calm and clear. Ice packed solidly in all directions. Etego's [???] father gota large whitefish. Anagasook [Anaghasuuk] is very ill; visited her three times to-day andgave her medicine. Have still great difficulty in getting the children to school.

[...]

February 20: 32°. Southeast by east. Eguntunk [Ighennaq] and Shoonogeruk[Sunaaghruk] scrubbed the schoolroom floor.

February 25: 10°. Northeast. Oozuk [Uuzak] is observing what he calls a Messinga[Masingka] Sunday, lasting several days, during which he abstains from ordinary work.

[...]

March 31: 20°. Southwest; snow. A large expanse of open water. Three canoes went outand two walruses were captured.

April 6: 15°. Northeast; cloudy; snow. Worked upon school report and native vocabulary.

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There is a scarcity of food in the village. The weather and ice have not been favorable tohunting in some time.

[...]

April 15: 32°. Northwest; cloudy; snow. Allowed Kowarra [Quwaaren] to put skins uponthe frame of his canoe in the schoolroom.

April22: 34°. Light south breeze; dark and gloomy. Today the whaleboats were launched,the ice having all given way before the east wind. A number of walruses were captured.

April 23: 30°. South; open water in all directions. Ten whaleboats hunting.

April25:40°. Calm and cloudy; snow rapidly thawing. A bear and cub were shot; Tumkaras[ Temkeruu] divided the skin among the people, cutting it into small pieces.

[•••]

May 4: 25°. North; cloudy. Language. Two boats (Shoolook's [Suluk] and Umwahluk's[Ungalaq]) were caught by the ice and unable to get free. They will have to remain outuntil to-morrow.

May 5: 28°. North; bright and clear. The boats returned safely.May 7: 22°. North; bright. Took census of village.

May 9: 40°. North. Scrubbed paint in sitting room. Kowarra [Quwaaren] got a whale.

May 10:30°. Northwest; cloudy. A boat arrived from Indian Point [in Siberia] this morn-ing. In the afternoon Nuchon [Neghqun???] was intoxicated and ran around the villagenaked from the waist up, shouting and raving. I took him home with the aid of Rakok[Raaquq] and Uzivushuk [Uzivusiq] and gave him an opiate. As it was, he attacked Ifkowan[Ifkaghun], who knocked him down and jumped on his head.

[...]

May 14: 26°. West. Worked on language. Another boat came from Indian Point.

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May 15: 30°. Calm and cloudy. Assoona [Asunaghaq], the chief, tells me that the IndianPoint chief had sent him a message requiring him to pay tribute, in default of which hewill make an attack upon the village and kill him.

May 22: 25°. Northeast; cloudy. Ice constantly moving in and out.

May 23: 30°. West; bright. Worked on language. Kowarra [Quwaaren] killed anotherwhale [...].

May 26:28°. Foggy, west. Related the chief events in the life of Jesus for the benefit of thePlover "Bay men who were at the service this morning. Aguchky [Akulki?] got a whale.

[•••]

June 5: 35°. Southwest; misty. A large passenger steamer passed going south. Three boatscame from Indian Point, bringing Mr. Waldemar Bogoras, a member of the Jessup Expe-dition [by the American Museum of Natural History in New York].

June 6: 35°. Southwest, misty. Assisted Mr. Bogoras in investigating the language, man-ners, and customs of the natives. The steam brig Grampus came. Captain Porter broughtme two letters. She left in the afternoon for the Diomedes.

[•••]

June 9: 36°. Southwest. Service in the morning. Mr. Bogoras very kindly assisted me.June 10: 36°. Southwest. Mr. Bogoras and the Indian Point men left for Indian Point.[•••]

June23: Returned to Sivukak [Sivuqaq—from a short trip to Southwest Cape]. Six deerhave born in the past week, one born dead. .. .Obtained 1 slab of bacon and 30 pounds ofsugar from Captain Tilton to complete July rations for the herders. Left for cape Nomeon board Alexander. Mr. Krogh remained in charge of the [Gambell] station.

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Excerpts from Dr. Egdar O. Campbell Diaries, 1902-1905

Edgar Omar Campbell, a medical doctor, teacher, and a Presbyterian missionary, was the fourthperson whom Sheldon Jackson placed in charge of the school activities and of the reindeer-station in Gambell in the summer of 1901. Campbell's tenure was also the longest of all theearly teachers and missionaries, as he and his wife stayed on the island until 1910.The Campbellsleft behind a substantial legacy on the island, in terms of advancing schooling, Christianity, anddevelopment of a viable reindeer-herding economy.They were and still are well remembered bythe St. Lawrence Island people as reported by later teachers, researchers, and the present-dayelders alike.

Copies of Edgar O. Campbell's handwritten diaries for the years 1901-1910 are now availableat the Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks (in Dorothea Leighton's personal collec-tion—see Part Two). In addition, several shorter general reports written by Campbell werepublished in the Annual Reports on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska (in 1902, 1903,1904, 1905, etc.).The section below presents a few excerpts from Campbell's unpublished dia-ries and a selection of his annual birth records for St. Lawrence Island. Altogether, Campbelldocumented over eighty births (and about sixty deaths) between years 1901 and 1910, includ-ing some of the presently living elders and of several respected people of the past decades.Campbell was the first person to start registering birth and death of people by their personalYupik names, although his system of Yupik name spelling was far from accurate. His records,thus, represent the earliest set of vital statistics documentation available for St. Lawrence Is-land.

October 1902

Wed. 10: Emuk u u en's [Imegyuun] house finished. Traded for 2 more walrus skins. Usedup all my old sacks, & my small nails & a lot of box lumber. Paid off men after school.Work for each other for nothing, but will take pay when they can get it. Made a cupboardto put in new house. They asked me what it was for—having no cups, plates, knivesforms, nor dishes. Glorious sunset. Had Privy deepened & braced up.

Thurs. 11: Called on Shool look [Suluk ] before breakfast & told him about my camping& fishing trip. He gave me some fine fresh seal meat and a kind of root used for food.School, even 40 on time. Good session. Children have forgotten very little during 4 llimonths vacation. Mr. Thomas caught 40 cod—sent up 3 & wanted some salt—sent

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down 24#. Tim ko roo [Temkeruu], Ozuk [Uuzak] & If kow an's [Ifkaghun] campingparties returned. Lowered some desks & benches in school room. Bought more logs.

Fri. 12: My birthday—35 years old. School—50 present, only 2 seats not occupied. Hadto go after Olo'wu [Aluwa] and Okis sook [Akesuq]—said they thought there was noschool because it was raining. Average attendance, for week, 40; on timers, 27. Gavebread to on-timers and those on time 4 times, & dried apples all around. Fine chocolatecake for birthday at dinner. Cut down one more desk & bench. Lou & I took walk to Oo

1 till lin's [Uwetelen] & Ozuk's [Uuzak]. Traded Ozuk [Uuzak] 4 jts. stove pipe for a deerskin. Found the children had forgotten very little—nearly every class being able to beginwhere they left off last April.

May 1903

12th, Indian Point Siberian people [from Ungaziq]... used to come in 8,10, or 12 boats,each one carrying 10 or 15 people, mostly men, and would carry on anything of valuethey could see.

23rd: [...] Woman on the beach is given one or two pieces of whale bone of the smallersize and the remainder divided among the boats' crew, the boat itself being allowed thesame as one man. During this process the woman belonging to the house, their friendsand relatives keep singing in front of the house. The paddle is stuck into ground [facing]to sea—blade up[...].

As soon as the whale is killed, the captain and his boat steerer put on eye shield made ofseal skin. 40 slabs—the largest—are taken from one side, and the remainder dividedamong the boats which have assisted in cutting up the whale. We did not get to bed until

2 AM.

24th: Slept late and again in the day. Good service, though I had some difficulty in gettingmy thots [sic] expressed. Was glad to see Shoo look [Suluk] out again. Gave medicine toseveral. Many are suffering from colds. A two-masted schooner—steam-sighted to thenorth, which has probably caught a whale as 5 boats were seen coming toward her.

25th: Mrs. Campbell's 24th birthday. Made her a foot-stool from a cartridge box, coveringit with red denim and edging it with black water proof seal skin...

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July 1903

1st: Spent the day arranging the years' inventory of Gov't, supplies in a sheet table, show-ing receipts and disbursements for the year. Had July rations ready to take to camp (Rein-deer) nut there was too much wind. Capt. John Thomas sent a goose from the whalingcamp.

2"d. w/ent to Reindeer Camp, in Koworrin's [Quwaaren] boat—crew Koworrin[Quwaaren], Otiyihok [Ataayaghhaq], Koonooku [Kunuka], Owitillin [Uwetelen],Noongwook [Nunguk], Enok [Inuuq], and Wo hiyi [Waaghyt]. Ta too wi [Tatuwt] alsowent. Otiyohok killed 4 eider ducks. Sounded off shore at mouth of river this side Rein-deer Bluff—2 fath. other places along shore 2 72—3 fath.—50 yds. from shore. Ice outfrom lagoon was filed along shore north.

August 1905

Tues. 1st: Koo koo' lik [Kukulek] used to be a village of some 100 people in 8 or 9 houses,all having died about 1889 or 1890, of a combined famine pestilence, which at the sametime destroyed all the people on the E. end of the Island.

Some from Koo koo lik [Kukulek] tried to reach Se voo oo kok (Gambell) but died onthe way, one man when only 6 or 7 mi. from the latter village. On visiting the village nextsummer, some food was found in the meat cellars, beside walrus skin rope and canoecovers, but there was no oil. Still, the loss of oil should not have caused death, as greatquantities of wood were lying all about. Shool look [Suluk] told me this people used totrade a full furnished canoe for a common carpenter's hammer, and 10 big walrus heads(100# or 150# of ivory).

At Evughok [Ivgaq] we saw one old ning loo [nenglu]. This second line or mountains arethe one we saw immediately behind the coast line, the general direction of which is indi-cated. I took my bearing with a small pocket compass, over my log book. Wish I had agood surveyor's plane table.

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Se voo' oo ko [Sivuqaa]

King a' u ghok [ ] —

Se voo' oo ko [Sivuqaa] = peninsulaTu ku ghok [ Tekegbaq] = cape or pointKut tli o kot [Ketliqat] =

* indicates where Muukok [Maghaq] and family were camped. We saw him in his canoejust off shore catching kiut [kayut] or skelpers, in great abundance. This place is calledMo' ghok [??]. The two rocks off Sing ekh pu [Singigpa] are called Noo no o ghok[Nunaagak]. Close to them the water is shallow, but deepens rapidly. It was from thispoint that Ko no hok [Qunaghhaq] and another man from Gambell (Se voo oo kok)made their way to land and on home in the year (??), having been carried away on the icewhile out hunting, and the current having swung the ice in against the shore ice whichwas held by these two rocks.

E. O. Campbell's Birth and Death RecordsSt. Lawrence Island, Alaska, 1901-1911

(Modern Yupik name spelling introduced by Willis Walunga)

1901

(....)—boy, died 1901

Ne gokh'puk [Negaghpak] I yo'pu [Ayapaa]

(...)—girl, died 1901

Sov'lu [Saavla] Soo who'ri [Sewhaart]

(...)—boy, Dec. 9th

Ko umg'ok [Qanenguq] Yo'go [Yaaghu]

(...)—boy, Dec. 13th

O mo'go [Amagu] Kolsch'nuk [Qaallnaq]

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1902

—boy, Jan. 27th

Tung i'too [Tangatu]

—boy, Feb. 8thKo'o lo [Qaalu]

(...)—boy, March 10th

(...)—boy, Mar. 24th

Ro'o kok [Raaquq]

(...)—girl, May 25th

Nok'u yok [Neghyuk]

Ik nok e nuk [Iknaqeneq, Ruth]—girl, Jul. 26th,Shool look [Suluk]

Yor'ri [Yaari]Ko'ing un [Quunnga?)Ko nig' u rok [?]Pi ya' na [Payana]O pi'yu [Apayaa]Kis king u [ Qisgenga]

Iu wik san [Ayuwighsaan—Ernest Booshu]—boy, Aug. 2nd

Booshu [Pusaa] O so o kon [Asaaghqaan]

(...)—girl, ...

Ung go ting an'o [Angqatenganwan]

Nu mil lo hok [Nemelaghhaq]—boy, Nov. 10thI wor i gan [Aywergen]

1903

(...)—boy, Jan 2nd

A tlo' hok [Atleghuq]

So'o kwok [Suqaq]—boy, July 1st

Wong go'til lin [ Wangqetelen]

I to tu [Ataata]—boy, July 9thIf kow'an [Ifkaghun]

Anno' gohluk [Angemelluk]—girl, July 13thOthial ing ok [Aatghilnguq]

O no sook [Anasuk]Yo gong'wu [Yaghunga]

O vil ka uk [Avelqiiq]Kis luk [Kesliq]Okwo' o ku [ Ukaaka]Oto'o kwo [ Utuqa]

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(...)—boy, July 14th

Ozie' boohook [Uzivusiq]

O ming ti [Anangti, Alec]—boy, July 19'Mun to ko li [Mangtaqult]

(...)—boy, Sept. 6th

Oming' o u [Anengayuu]

Tool li [Tulii—Jimmie Toolie]—boy, Aug. 12thTung i too owm [ Tangatu]

Su ko mik [Saqumik]—boy, Dec. 1st

Img gotingan [Angqatenganwan]

If ko' hluk [Ifkalleq, Irving]—boy, Dec. 20thKo ming ok [Qanenguq]

Koo ma' roo [???]—boy, Dec. 24thTong yun [ Taangyan]

1904

(...)—boy, Jan. 11th

Ozi' bo shook [Uzivusiq]

Tu lung u [Telenga]—boy, Jan. 12thOo i til' lin [Uwetelen]

Too oo zuk [Tuusaq]—boy, Feb. 5thIkh mi' loo u [Iqmaluwa]

O'soong wo [Aasunga]—girl, May 6thSov lu [Saavla]

Ooyuughoogon [Uyghagaan]—boy, June 22ndOo o tu [Apaata]

1905

Ungi'yuk [Utaayuk??]—boy, Jul. 11thUokh'puk [Yuwaaghpak]

Sing limg'u [Singlenga]

Okonelskwo' o puk[Aghnalqwaapak]

Okwo ho ni [Ukaaghhant]

Yor ri [Yaari]

An o sook [Anasuk]

Yo' go [Yaaghu]

Ng lik tuk [Enlegtaq]

Sing lung' u [Singlenga]

Ke es suk [Qiyasiq]

O ko noghokhpuk[Aghnaghaghpak]

So who ri [Sewbaari][Aallenga]

Singo'win [Singaawen]

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Okwoktoluk [Ukaaghtaalaq]—girl, Jul. 26thOtiyohok [Ataayaghhaq]

(...)—girl, Aug. 23rd

Koonooku [Kunuka]

Iok'hleuk [Ayuqliq]

Poo pi [Paapt]

Okh'kwok o me [Uughqaghmii—Eddie Ungott]—boy, Sep. 10th

Ung got ting an' owin [Angqatenganwan] Onosook [Anasuk]

(...)—dead, Oct. ???

Yov mok' seuk [ Yaavgaghsiq]

Pen' tuku lu [Piinteghla]—boy, Nov. 20O mo go [Amagu]

1906

To ghe'yook [Tagiyukt]—boy, Jan. 6thImoorigan [Aymergen]

To ko yook [Tuquyaq]—girl, Jan. 10thKo olo [Qaalu]

Kowongoli [Qawaangelt]—boy, Jan. 21stMuntokoli [Mangtaquli]

Ke ro o ko [Kiruka]Kohl hnuk [Qaallnaq]

Okono'hloowhok[Aghnaghlluggaq]

Kon'ng u [Quunnga?.

Okonelikoopuk[Aghnalqwaapak]

Ni yo go ru ghok [Nayegreghaq—Henry Masaiu]—boy, Nov. 13th

Mes siu [Masaayu] Okwo wu [Ukugha]

Oku nonga'u hok [Aghnangiighaq^ Pansy]—girl, ...21st

Shool look [Suluk] Kis kung u [Qisgenga]

(...)—boy, June 28th

Koming ok [Qanenguq]

Ami—boy, June 22ndMr. Sotka

Yo' go [ Yaaghu]Mrs. Sotka—Laplanders [herders]

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1907

Josephine—girl, Sep. 4thOpootu [Apaata]

Weyungi [Wayengi]—girl, Sep. 15th,Ozevoshook [Uzevusiq]

Otiyungu [Uyaatiqaq??]—boy, Sep. 25thIwoorigan [Aywergen]

(...)—boy, Oct. 22nd

Poozuk [Paazak]

Okunonkumini [?]— boy, Oct. 30thTungitoo [Tangatu]

Kuonuk, Roland [?]—boy, Nov. 22ndOoitillin [Uwetelen]

Oyelluk [Ayaleq]— girl, Dec. 2ndOtiyuhok [Ataayaghhaq]

1908

Kokeyungu [Kukiiyanga]—girl, Jan. 18thStoogurook [Estugruuk]

Okhitikuk [Uugtekaq]—boy, Jan. 24thWonggottillin [ Wangqetelen]

Ungeyuko [Angiku Nina]—girl, Feb. 9thWamkon [Waamquun]

Nookwok [Naakwaq?]— girl, Feb. 20thMessiu [Masaayu]

Noolu [?]— girl, Feb. 20th

Uokhpuk [Yuwaaghpak]

Tokoyook [Tuquyaq?]—girl, March 9thIkhmiloou [Iqmaluwa]

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Ohlingu [Aallenga]Singlungu [Singlenga]Yoghoungwo [Yaghunga]Tooniyook [Tuuni]Yorri [Yaari]Kaeyessuk [Qiyasiq]Ieokleuk [Ayuqliq]

Owgoolaengu [Awliinga]

Kissluk [Kesliq]

Nooweyellingok[Nuugigalnguq]

Okwoowu [Ukughwa]

Singowin [Singaawen]

Okunoghokhtuk[Aghnaghaghpak]

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Okonilskwok [?]—girl, Apr. 22nd

Omogo [Amagu] Kolhnuk [Qaallnaq]

Onaningwok [Ananingwaaq]—girl, May 27th

Okinello [Aghnilu] Okemok [Akimuq]

Noogoomun [Nuugnan—Ben Booshu]—boy, July...

Booshu [Pusaa] Osokhkon [Asaghun]

Pongohuok [Pengughhaq]—girl, Aug. ...

Konungok [Qanenguq] Yogo [Yaaghu]

Tugeuun [Tagiyugun—Frank Seppilu]—boy, Sep. ...

Seppilu [Sipela] Piyigha [Paayght\

Pinekotok [Panikutaaq, Ada]—girl, Oct. ...

Imoorigan [Aymergen] Okonokhoowkuk

[Aghnaghlluggaq]

Kastevik [Kiistivik—Stephen Aningayou]—boy, Dec. ...

Oningau [Anengayuu] Okwohoni [Ukaaghhant\

(...)—Nov. ...,died Nov. 1908

Tongyun [Taangyan] Nglikhyuk [Enlegtaq]

1909

Koomklkoongun [Kumkelqaangen]—boy, Feb. 28th

Womkon [Waamquun] Nooweyellingok [Nuugigalnguq]

Annoogholok [Anaghataaq]—girl, ...5th, born in reindeer camp

Seppilu [Sipela] Piyigha [Paayght]

Koghok [Qagughmii—Nathan Noongwook]—boy, Apr. 9th

Noongwook [Nunguk] Ohnomi [Aannamt]

Okonomkummi [Aghnaamkami—Sarah Apata]—girl, Apr. 29th

Opootu [Apaata] Ohlingu [Aallenga]

Tukunukuli [Tagneghlt\—girl, Feb. 15th, born in Poowowaluk [Pugughileq]Immingan [Imingan] Okevik [Akivik]

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Oghizzu [Ageza]—girl,Jun. 1st

Poozuk [Paazak] Tooonniyook [Tuuniyuk]

Hoongo [Angu, Anna]—girl, Jun. 12th

Tungitoo [Tangatu] Yorri [Yaart]

Sheldon [?]—boy, Jun. 28th, born at Camp Collier [Kangit]

Rookok [Raaquq] Piannu [Payana]

Kinillo [Agigsuk, Rachel]—girl, Aug. ...

Ikhmiloou [Iqmaluwa] Okooghokhpuk

[Aghnaghaghpak]

Sekwo [Isikwha]—girl, Sep. ...

Booshu [Pusaa] Osikhkon [Asaghqaan]

Kuinoogok [?]—boy, Oct. born at Southwest Cape [Pugughileq]

Ugunalskwok [Yugniilqwaaq] Obeyuku [Apeyeka]

Munehiuk [Maniggaq] girl, Jul. 25th

Woghiyi [Waaghyt] Iyokleuk [Ayuqliq]

Ligurooghok [Legraaghaq—Mabel Toolie]—girl, Sep. 1st

Pungowiyi [Pangawyt] Yungi [Yangt]

Sovlu [Saavla—Aaantaghmii, Jack Antoghame]—boy, Sep. 28th

Kooloo [Qaalu] Konngu [Quuringa?.]

Penneshkuk [Pinirkak]—girl, Nov. 29th

Iyagitan [Ayakitaan] Nokhuughon [Nugneghun]

1910

Onoyholkhkoyuk [Anaghalquyaak, Flora]—girl, Jan. 27th

Qunaaghhaq Konegruk [Qerngughtekaq?]

Kiyohok [Qayaghhaq, Anna]—girl, Feb. 7th

Yovwokhseuk [Yaavgagsiq] Kerooka [Kiruka]

Ghemangowin [Gimaangawen]—girl, Feb. 22nd

Koonooku [Kunuka] Poopi [Paapt\

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1911

Tigulingallugha [Teglengalghii?] girl, Jan. ...Moghok [?]

Osnuk [Uusneq]—girl, Apr. ...Okinello [Aghnilu]

Okuyuok [Aakayaaq]—girl, Apr. ...Uokhpuk [Yuwaaghpak]

Oponolook [John Apangaluq]—boy, May ...Ooitillin [Uwetelen]

Koghauk [Qaghiiq, Hazel]—girl, May ...Wongotillin [ Wangqetelen]

Kotaanu [Kaawhtaan?]—girl, May ...Woghoyi [Waaghyt]

Ghinnook [Genuk—Norman Aningayou]—boy, Jul.Oningou [Anengayuu]

Ogho [Aghaa]Okemok [Akimuq]Singowin [Singaawen]Kaussuk [Qiyasiq]Kisleuk [Kesliq]Iyuklauk [Ayuqliq]Okwohoni [Ukaaghhant\

Oolongwellingok [Ulungilnguq?]—girl, adopted by Attohok [Ateghaqt]

Imoorigan [Aymergen] Okonohlowhok [Aghnaghlluggaq]

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Social Life of the Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island (1923)By Riley D. MooreFrom: American Anthropologist, vol. 25, no. 3, pp. 339-375

Riley D. Moore was a young medical doctor who was recruited by Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, theSmithsonian Institution's curator at the Division of Physical Anthropology, to conduct body andfacial measurements among the residents of Gambell.on behalf of the Smithsonian Institution.He arrived to Gambell on July 1, 1912, and spent the next four months on the island.

Though Moore's primary task was to conduct physical measurements and to make photographsof the local people for anthropometric records (he accomplished both tasks with great suc-cess—see Part One), he also collected general ethnographic data focused primarily on theislanders' economy, food, health status, social life, and material culture. Moore never publishedthe results of his anthropometric study; however, his more general ethnographic review, SocialLife of the Eskimo of St. Lawrence Island, was published eleven years later (in 1923) by theleading professional journal American Anthropologist. An expanded manuscript version of the samepaper that included sections on theYupik traditional rituals and festivals (not to be found in hispaper of 1923) has been kept in the Ales Hrdlicka's personal files at the National Anthropologi-cal Archives, Smithsonian Institution (see below).

We reproduce here some sections from Moore's paper of 1923 that may be of special interestto the present-day people of St. Lawrence Island. Moore should be specially credited as the firstvisitor to describe the clan system of the St. Lawrence Island Yupik people and to provide theearliest list of the main clan names that were surprisingly missing in the early missionaries'reports. Moore's perspective has been followed by every student of St. Lawrence Island Yupikculture ever since.

Moore's Original Footnote: The writer visited St. Lawrence Island in 1912 under theauspices of the Smithsonian Institution, in its interests and those of the Panama-California Exposition, San Diego, 1915. With one exception the illustrations are fromphotographs taken by the writer and he wishes to extend thanks to the SmithsonianInstitution for the use of them.

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It is to be understood that the description of the St. Lawrence Islanders here given appliesto the period above indicated.

GENERAL ENVIRONMENT

The island of St. Lawrence is located in Bering Sea, about one hundred and eighty milessouth of the Arctic Circle, forty miles from the Siberian and a little over one hundredmiles from the nearest point on the Alaskan coast. It is from twenty-five to thirty-fivemiles in breadth and eighty-five in length.. .The summer temperature reaches about 40°Fahrenheit of a little above, 56° being that of the warmest day, July 8th, in the summer of1912. Winter may set in any time after the middle of August. The first snow in the winterof 1912-13 fell on August 30. In October the thermometer stood between 20° and 26°during the day, dropping somewhat lower at night. Strictly speaking there but two sea-sons, summer and winter [...]

The winters while long are not excessively cold, but those in which 30° below zero, Fahr-enheit, is the extreme temperature said to be fairly common, though occasionally therewill be a colder season. A mild winter is to the natives a "woman-winter" and a severe onea "man-winter." Sudden changes in climatic conditions, which often prove disastrous tothe health of the community, are common at all times of the year.

FORMER SUBDIVISIONS AND GOVERNMENT

In 1912 there was but one village of importance on St. Lawrence Island. This was builtupon a sandspit which forms the northwestern extremity of the island. It was calledSeevuookok [Sivuqaq] (Chibukak on the maps) by the natives, and the inhabitants of thevillage were known as Seevuookokmit [Sivuqaghhmiit]. On Southwest Cape there was asmall settlement of nineteen people, Powoeluk [Pugughileq], and at the reindeer station,Camp Collier, about forty miles to the eastward of Sevuookok [Sivuqaq], another village,the population of which varied with the seasons. In summer there were often as many asforty at this place.

Seevuookok [Sivuqaq], with a population of somewhat more than two-hundred, wascomposed of the remnants of what were once five different clans, the Wallit [Uwaaliit]being the original owners of the village site. Of the other inhabitants, part came fromSouthwest Cape [Pugughileghmiit]; from an old village a few miles to the eastward of

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Seevuoookok [Sivuqaq] came the Murruktumit [Meregtemiit] and from still farther tothe eastward came the Nungoopugah'kumit [Nangupagaghmiit], while theAvhrumah'rumkit [Armaramket] or their ancestors came from Indian Point, forty milesaway on the Siberian Coast. Except for the latter clan the natives believe themselves to beautochthonous.

Tribal lines no longer have much significance among them. Their present political orga-nization might be considered as a loose confederation of small autonomous groups orpatriarchally governed families. These groups are composed of two or more male relativeswith their families, all of whom live in the same house. In all matters of communitygovernment, the old men, "strong men," sorcerers, and boat captains have much influ-ence, but little positive authority. The St. Lawrence Islander's habits of life are regulatedby the unwritten laws of custom and tradition, which he seldom contravenes, except toobey the stronger laws of necessity and self-preservation. But, should he choose at anytime to be a law unto himself, there are none with authority to command that he dootherwise; however, in extreme cases if his actions are considered inimical to the betterinterests of the community, the influential men of the island decide what action will betaken and, willing or unwilling, he must accede to their demands. But it is seldom neces-sary to resort to strenuous punishments. From various references to chiefs in the folktales, it appears that the present form of government, or rather lack of it, is comparativelyrecent.

CLOTHING

Tattooing with soot is general but far more extensively practiced by the women than themen. Because of the painfulness of the process it is not uncommon to see women withunfinished designs on face and arms.

[...]

Elaborate designs are tattooed on the cheeks and arms of many of the women. Two slightlydiverging lines run from high up on the forehead down over the full length of the nose. Aseries of broken lines running, some horizontally and other vertically, across the chin areseen on many. A longitudinally divided pattern composed of bilaterally asymmetric de-signs is often tattooed on the back of the hand and the wrist, occasionally reaching abovethe elbow. Two women had a small crudely made human figure on each side of the fore-

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head near the hair. A similar marking was also noted on one man. That much of thetattooing has a certain symbolism about it was learned, although part of it was put onwith no other idea than that of ornamentation. Part of the latter was the work of childrencrudely done upon themselves. A young man is marked with two small dots near togetherat each shoulder, wrist and elbow, the cervico-dorsal and lumbo-sacral articulations andat the knee and ankle (the hips being represented by the lumbro-sacral tattooing) afterfirst acting as pallbearer, striking a whale or killing a polar bear, all important events in hislife. After having been once so marked he may never be re-marked even if subsequentevents entitle him to this distinction. An old man was marked with the familiar triangu-lar-bodies figure of a man at the cervico-dorsal articulation. Inquiries elicited the infor-mation that this put on after he had been saved by a friend from death on a floating cakeof ice. A tripartite figure of symmetrical design was tattooed near the "anatomical snuff-bow" in several young men. This was afterward discovered to be a conventionalized "whaletail," a symbol of good luck, which the writer believes to be the origin of some of thedesigns on the arms of the Eskimo women of which apparently this is the elementaryfigure.

DWELLINGS

[...]Taking the general conditions about the villages they cannot be called bad, judged bythe standards of that part of the world, and the village of Seevuookok [Sivuqaq] was in1912 one of the best kept in Alaska. It was upon a broad sand spit which not only madea very clean floor for the dwellings but furnished excellent drainage as well, neither ofwhich is true of the old cave-like ningloos [nenglu], often built in ground which was neverthoroughly dry. There are two or three of the frame buildings occupied by native familiesduring the summer, which would compare favorably in neatness with homes of the whitesin this part of the world. [...] Ungwiluk's [Ungalaq] home had a "Please-you-wipe-your-feet" sign scrawled upon the door and, while but few of those who entered could read, allhad been made to understand and heed. In the native houses, [they are] dependent chieflyupon blubber and driftwood for fuel.

FOOD

[Pp. 352-356—description of Native food, including traditional and recently introduced food]

[...] In this connection the story of the great famine of 1879-1880, as told to me byOghoolki [Akulkt\, one of the old men of the island, is of interest. He knew little of the

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famine in other places beside Seevuookok [Sivuqaq] (now Gambell) but probably whathe said of this place will hold true in a general way of the other villages although of theothers there are now no survivors to tell the tale.

During the summer a large quantity of whiskey was obtained from some ships whichcame to the island, and there was little hunting done because the men were drunk a greatdeal of the time. During October they began to suffer for food, and were able to procurevery little until the following April. The younger boys did not drink much whiskey andthey did what little hunting they could. The people became like hungry dogs and caredfor nothing but food. If a man returned to the village with a seal after a hard bay's hunt allwould rush at him and take it from him. When food became scarce a few of the strongestmen walked to South West Cape and traded whiskey for food.

A man came to visit the village from a place the other side of Kukulik and in the nightsomeone killed his dogs and ate them and he was unable to return home that winter. Noone thought of cared for anything but food and they would fight and scuffle over a bit ofmeat not even caring if they were killed in getting it.

Oghoolki [Akulkt] drank no whiskey and he and his brother used to trap foxes and wereable to ward off starvation by eating this meat. Before getting too weak to walk he went toSouthwest Cape and traded his coat for food, which apparently did not become scarcethere until later in the winter.

The stronger men went to hunt out on the ice and some of them were so weak they wereunable to return but dropped on the ice and died there from cold and exhaustion. Some-times a seal or walrus would be killed and in their hurry to get some of it to eat menwould fall into the water and drown. Boots and dog-harness were eaten, while the walrushides they removed from the roofs of houses, and the raincoats made from the driedintestines of the seal and walrus were cooked and eaten also.

All became "so thin that they seemed to have no bellies" at all. If a hunter should get anygame he was able to bring home only a small part of it because in his weakened conditionhe could not carry heavy loads as they ordinarily do. There were very few deaths untilspring when food was more plentiful and easier to get. A man came in one day and said hehad killed two walruses. A little was given to every family, but as all began to get enough

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to eat they gorged themselves, for "while their bellies were full their mouths were alwayshungry." Being too weak to assimilate such quantities of food, deaths followed rapidlyfrom acute indigestion. In their weakened condition they were unable to take the dead tothe cemetery so that many of them were merely dragged outside or even left in the houses.

[...] There is a story current among them that at one time food was so scarce that when awalrus was killed on the ice the hunters would take their mittens and, rolling them in theblood, would soon have a large ball of frozen blood to take home. I heard this story severaltimes but it is apparently a tradition related to times when the island was thickly popu-lated, long before the famine of 1879-1880.

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Ceremonies of the Inhabitants of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska

Notes from Riley Moore, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, 1912

These stories were excerpted from the full manuscript of Moore's St. Lawrence Island Reportnow stored in Ales Hrdlicka's Collection, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Insti-tution, Washington, D.C. Folder: "Riley Moore Materials on St. Lawrence Island, 1912," Box 97.

Komukhtook (Kom okh—'boots') [Kamegtaaq]

This ceremony is celebrated by the various boat captains at a time agreed upon after thewhaling season. When the first female walrus and her young ones are killed that season,the captain saves the head and the right kidney of the mother and the flippers of theyoung one. A hand of Russian tobacco is also saved for this ceremony. A small lamp isplaced in the center of the room and suspended above it is a wooden image of a whale thespouting of which is represented by an erect tuft of hair taken from the neck of thereindeer.1 The walrus head is then placed on the ground to the right of the lamp and backof the head a large wooden tray or trencher—such as commonly used to serve food upon—about three feet long and a fourth as wide. On the tray is placed the tobacco, the flippersof the young walrus, and the kidney of the mother, together with some bits of willowwood.

The boat captain now takes his position standing back of the lamp and sings as he beatstime upon a stick with his drum, while the women present join in the singing. When thesong is finished the captain takes a piece of the willow wood from the trencher and,breaking off a small fragment, places it in the walrus head's mouth. Then the captainsacrifices the food and tobacco on the tray in the following manner:

The names of the captain's grandfathers are called and this is followed by the enumerationof the various diseases which commonly afflict the Eskimo. As each name of an ancestoror a disease is pronounced he pretends to throw a bit of the food into the lamp. Theybelieve that the various diseases are caused by a different spirit or devil and to keep ongood terms with these they must be given food.

The whale used in this ceremony is often smoked black. One was obtained which is made of ivory and hadbeen broken several times and repaired with whalebone pegs. This was the only ceremonial image obtainedwhich was of material other than wood (Moore's note).

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The trencher and its contents are now put away and the captain sends a messenger for thewife of some other man with whom he had traded presents that year at a previous cer-emony. The woman soon arrives with a basin containing some meat and a new pair ofboots which are placed on the floor at the right of the lamp while the man and womanstand facing each other, respectively. The captain now grasps the whale by the flukesbetween the thumbs and forefingers of his two hands—thumbs up—and drawing it back,releases his hold allowing it to swing across the lamp to the woman, who catches it, andturning it around, grasps it in the same manner and swings it back. Then each steps to hisor her left and the swinging of the whale is repeated.

Then the basin is emptied, the captain keeping the boots and meat but returning thevessel. Then his wife brings out a basin similarly filled and, placing it upon the floor, sherepeats the whale swinging with the husband of the first woman worshipper, after whichthe visiting man takes the boots and meat and returns home with his wife. This ceremonyis then repeated, each married male member of the household and his wife following theexample of the boat captain and his wife. If the boat captain's father is living, he worshipsbefore the captain, who is then followed by his married brothers, sons and nephews in theorder named.

The details of this ceremony are not now followed as strictly as formerly, which may alsobe said of their other ceremonies, most of which will disappear with the present genera-tion. At this time it is the common practice that only members of the boat captain'sfamily participate in the worship and any sort of boots, old or new, are used, one pairserving for the whole ceremony.

The following variations from this ceremony as described are to be noted. If a whale iskilled that season the tip of the nose, the tips of the flippers and flukes and the crystallinelenses from the eyes, together with several of the smallest slabs of whalebone from whichthe matrix or "gum" has not been removed are all placed on the ground in front of thelamp. A canoe paddle, a spear and a visor (such as worn by the boat captain after a whaleis killed and until it has been cut up) and the pouch in which the visor is kept are tied tothe center pole in the house. After the ceremony a slice of whale meat about the thicknessof the two hands and out clear across the flukes or flippers is taken to every home in thevillage except that the slices out for the relatives are about a foot in thickness.

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The small slabs of whalebone which are used, in the ceremony are generally done up inlitde bundles of five and one or more bundles may be used. At the stage of the ceremonywhere the worshipper pretends to throw some of the food into the lamp he also pretendsto throw some of the whale gum into it after which each boat captain present touches thegum with his finger and tastes it. The gum is considered a great delicacy when eaten withblubber, but that which is attached to the smallest slab of baleen is considered to be sacredand is not eaten. My notes are not quite clear on the sacredness of the gum which I believeis because all of the Eskimos are not agreed upon this matter. However, it is an unimpor-tant detail. One old man told me that the whale "gum" was "holy" at whaling time onlyand to no one but the man who struck the whale. If the man in the boat's crew whoseduty it is to strike the whale should eat some of the gum he would be stronger and strikewith more force the next time he struck a whale. An old man has the lens from a whale'seye, together with the ends of the flippers and flukes and the tip of the penis, all of whichhave been in the family for many generations and are used by him in worship. He told methat the crystalline lens and the tip of the penis from polar bears were also saved by somefor ceremonial purposes.

AJh ram' wak [Aghinwghaaq]

Visor (ssska'nk) [elqiiq] in pouch with whetstone (e pook' sahn) [Ipegsaan] harpoon middlepiece (ggay muk) [giimaq] and stone (ooeyahk) [Uyghak] attached. The stone shaped likethe flipper of a whale. Each whale boat has two visors in a pouch, one for the captain andone for the steersman. These are put on immediately after a whale or bear dies. These areworn until the bone and meat are all stored at home. These are worn well down over theeye. Whetstone used when they cut up whale, walrus or bear. Sometimes a harpoon headis kept in the bag, but only because it is a convenient place to put it.

Sacrifice or Ock kuk sah'took [Aghqesaghtuq]

This ceremony takes place only in those years when a whale has been killed and is cel-ebrated during the fore part of July. The captain of the boat crew who killed the whaleinvites his male friends and among them are one or more captains of other boat crews,each of whom brings the flippers of the second walrus cub killed by him that season,those of the first killed having been saved for Kamukhtook [Kamegtaaq]. Then all repairto the place of worship, each captain having his individual worshipping place away fromthose used by the other captains and to this same spot he goes with his friends every yearafter a successful whaling season.

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The place of worship (Ock kuh sah'to vik) [Aghqesaghtughvik] is a shallow depression inthe earth, circular in form and about fifteen inches across. Sometimes it is on top of asmall mound a few inches in height More often than not they are located in cemeteries.When the ceremony is completed small stones are laid in the hollow, much like eggs in anest, to prevent the grass from growing there and these are not disturbed until the nexttime the boat captain has a successful season at whaling

All worshippers sit in a circle around the "altar" and the stones are removed from thefireplace. The boat captain who is mast[er] of ceremonies places a little bunch of dry"puckuk" [peqaq] (a fine moss used in starting fires) in the hollow and prepares to strikea fire. Before lighting it, however, he calls out, "Kin og oh mung toh get oh kut"[Keneghmeng tagitikut], the translation of which is, "Our grandfathers who are dead,bring us fire." He then lights the fire and a few minute fragments of meat from the whale'sflukes and the walrus cub's flippers are burned in the flame, the flippers being fed to thefire by the captains who brought them. The captains do this one at a time and as each bitof meat is torn off he calls the name of one of his male ancestors and follows this by goingover the list of diseases which commonly afflict the Eskimo. Then each worshipper eats asmall amount of food which he had brought with him for the occasion, after which allstand up together facing the fire and each brushes down the front of his body with hishands as if he were brushing something away from it. Then turning their backs to the fire,each man brushes down his own back, much as he did the front of his body. This is doneto brush away any disease which may at present or at any future day afflict them.

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Eskimo Measurements of Implements

By Riley D. Moore

From: Notes on St. Lawrence Island,

American Anthropologist, 1928, vol. 30, no. 2, pp. 349-350

This is the only other short article that Moore published out of his four-month stay on St.Lawrence Island in summer and fall of 1912.This version is illustrated by pencil drawings madeby Nancy Walunga (Aghnaghaghniq) in 2000 specially for this edition.

Every article is made to fit the user. Kaeluk [Qilak or Aghilluk] says that whales wereformerly killed with a long lance, by stabbing behind the front flipper. This lance had ashort handle of length, from the left elbow to the right middle finger tip (see Fig. 3). Tothis was added, one, two full arm spans (fathoms) [6 feet or 1.83 meter] and one lengthfrom the left elbow to the right middle finger tip.

Arrows were arm length from the shoulder to the thumb end (see Fig. 1).

Bows were of a length so that the two tips could just be caught between the thumbs andindex fingers of the extended arms (see Fig. 4).

Kaeluk [Qilak] and Oghoolki [Akulki] told me that harpoons "a long time ago" weremade of such length that the hunter could just reach high enough to place the harpoonhead on when the harpoon stood perpendicular. He would not tip it down to put thehead on. If he should happen to harpoon too long to be headed in this manner he re-turned home without killing his walrus. The wise hunter measured his harpoon beforedeparting for the hunt, others had to return home to cut off the shaft.

Kaeluk [Qilak] said canoes were one fathom (6') wide in the middle and four fathoms(24') long, one arm's length (armpit to finger tips) in depth (see Fig. 2); the width of thebottom in the middle, elbow to elbow, the arms being horizontal and slightly adducted atthe shoulder joints.

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Yupik traditional measurements. Pencil drawing by Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

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Figure 3. Whale LanceHandle Length

KJ

Figure 4. Bow Length

Yupik traditional measurements. Pencil drawing by Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

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The captain's place is of width equal to twice the distance from the tip of the thumb tothe tip of the middle finger (with thumb at right angles to hand) plus once the distancefrom the tip of the thumb to the tip of the middle finger with thumb bent at right angles(see Fig. 5).

The "legs" (ribs) of a boat had a width equal to that of the hand across the palm, andcross-pieces in the bottom of the width of the hand across the fingers at the first phalanx.Paddles are one fathom in length, with hands clasping each extremity (see Fig. 6).

Harpoon-heads for whale equal the length from the hypothenar edge of the palm to thetip of the abducted thumb with closed fist (see Fig. 7). The hole for the line is sufficientlylarge to admit the tips of the index and middle fingers. For bowhead whale harpoon headthe length is from the knuckle of the little finger at the metacarpophalangeal joint (handclasped) to the thumb tip plus finger nail length; for the devil-fish, it is just flush (i.e.,minus the nail length). The sloping or proximal end of a harpoon head has the length ofan index finger.

The stone blade for a harpoon is slightly less than three fingers in width at the square orproximal length. The blade is sharpened on whetstone until light will show through theedge of the blade, then the edge is hardened by rubbing with an oiled finger. The headsare kept in a bag made of "sea pigeons" skin.

Riley D. Moore919 Southern BuildingWashington, D.C.

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Yupik traditional measurements. Pencil drawing by Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

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A native woman from Siberia, the first-ever drawing of a Siberian Yupik person (fromBillings-Sarychev's expedition, 1791).

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Newack's Brother, with a Sealskin full of Walrus-oil.[Mahlemoot boy—fourteen or ffteen years of age.]

A young boy from Kiyalighaq, in traditional bird-skin parka(drawing by Henry Elliott, 1874).

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Plate XXIV

Monograph—SEAL-ISLANDS.

"DOUBLE PURCHASE" OF THE ESKIMO.

Innuits of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, hoisting a Walrus eareasfe.

Landing killed walrus at Southeast Cape (drawing by Henry Elliott, 1874).

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The Walrus-hunter.

[A St. Lawrence Mahlemoot—in tcinter parka with thehood removed. August 16, 1874.]

Yupik hunter from Southeast Cape (?) (drawing by Henry Elliott, 1874).

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Plate XXIII.

Monograph—SEAL-ISLANDS.

Hunting walruses off Southeast Cape (drawing by Henry Elliott, 1874).

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Plate XXll.

Monograph—SEAL-ISLANDS.

PLUNGING THE HARPOON.

mits of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, making fast to Walruses surprised by the Eskimohauled up on the sea-beaehes at Kagallegak.

Killing walruses at the on-shore haul-out at Kiyalighaq (drawing by Henry Elliott, 1874).

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Beda Slwooko {Avalak), Elizabeth Walunga (Sivungaghmii), and Delia Agulakhok (Aghulaghquq). 1930.

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part five

Old Papers, Todays Elders: MatchingMemoirs and Written Records

Introduction

History of Gambell Boat Crews.With Anaggun.AkuIki, Kepelgu, Kuulu, and PaapiHunting Crews and Captains in Gambell in 1900, 1909, 1915, 1930, and 1938Paapi (Merlin Koonooka). History of Modern Whaling Crews in Gambell

The "Old Town of Savoonga" of Our Early YearsOtto Geist's Plan of Savoonga( 1930)

James Anengayuu. How They Came to Start the Village of Savoonga (1940)Awliinga (Tim Gologerngen).The Early Story of Savoonga as I Heard It From EldersTuullupak (John Kulowiyi, Sr.).The Town of Savoonga in My Early TimeThe "Old Town" of Savoonga in 1940 (Excerpts from the BIA Community Survey)Wangqetelen (Jerry Wonkitillin).The "Old Town of Savoonga" of My Early Years

Preserving the Memory of the "Old Town of Gambell"

Paul Silook. List of Residents of the Village of Gambell, 1930

Bridging Paul Silook's Census and Memories of the Old Days.With Anaggun,Akulki,

Kepelgu,Avalak, and Ayuqi

Photographs

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INTRODUCTION

This section introduces the reader to the final and most challenging portion of the entire Sourcebookproject. Combining historical documents with present-day elders' stories is often called "ethnohistory";it has been a common practice for northern research for several decades.The advantages are many,but the challenges are also numerous. Bridging old documents with memories and knowledge sharedamong the community members is usually a laborious and time-consuming process. However, theresults are rewarding and well worth the effort.

Better knowledge is the most obvious outcome of putting the old records and personal memoriestogether. There is a profound difference between a written account and a personal story—evenwhen each describes the same event. The written version usually becomes a codified history. Byvirtue of being written down, this version transforms into the authority; so, that when people reador refer to its contents, they accept it as "truth." Another magic of the printed text is that it turnsquickly into a straightforward projection or one-dimensional summary of many touching details,conflicting emotions, and personal approaches. Historians are particularly good at producing suchgeneral historical summaries with anonymous yet authoritative voices.This approach presents theimage as though the story is "complete" and no additional information is needed.

As with any authority, the printed version can be wrong, outdated, or based upon controversialevidence.The written account might have been based upon one narrative out of many to build itsstory. For these and many other reasons, printed histories should be challenged and undergo peri-odic revisions.Writing new histories, new summaries of the events, every other decade or wheneversome groundbreaking facts and ideas dispute the old version is one way to do such revisions. An-other way to redraft an accepted scenario is to bring the printed text back to its origin and to placeit once again within the choir of individual accounts, conflicting memories, and personal interpreta-tions.That is, to refresh it with the "life-water" of human memory.

As the printed text once again becomes one of many "equal" participants in the open discussion,some of its lost strengths can be miraculously restored. When elders talk at public meetings, theyrarely if ever confront each others' accounts, and they usually try to include rather than to selectfacts, to make a common story. Every personal statement is considered sound and equal, as long asit relates to the events familiar to the given speaker by virtue of one's presence at the event or one'saccess to earlier knowledge or family tradition.The age of the storyteller is probably the closest

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equivalent to the scientific idea of "reliability," since stories and facts reported by an elderly personare usually (though not always) considered more valid than those presented by younger people.

This final section of the Sourcebook is to a certain extent a modeling of such an approach whenhistorical documents are placed as equal "speakers" among the memories of elders shared throughpersonal interviews and group sessions. It is built around three key stories researched during thisproject.These key stories—the history of the hunting crews in Sivuqaq (Gambell) over the last onehundred years; the early years of the community of Sivungaq (Savoonga); and the composition of thehistorical village of Gambell in the early 1900s—by no means cover all the subjects that have beentouched upon. Nor are they the only possible venues where historical records can be successfullyconnected to the living memory of the members of the St. Lawrence Island Yupik community. Ofcourse, these stories are not "complete"—they are rather invitations and suggested pathways foreveryone interested in the island's legacy.

The time has long passed since social scientists considered written documents as more reliablesources than people's stories. Since then, for generations of anthropologists, the richness of eachindividual memory has an unquestioned value and is always welcome. As a result, hundreds of Nativevoices have spoken out from pages of published scientific texts. We hope that by bringing historicalrecords to the "speaking circle" of shared memories, a similar process of enrichment can be intro-duced to the traditon of storytelling that thrives among the people of St. Lawrence Island.

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Muntukooli [Mangtaquli] of Gambell. Photograph by Alfred M.Bailey, 1921.

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HISTORY OF GAMBELL BOAT CREWS

With Anaggun (Ralph Apatiki), Akulki (Conrad Oozeva),Kepelgu (Willis Walunga), Kuulu (Winfred James),and Paapi (Merlin Koonooka)

1. Hunting Crews and Captains in Gambell around 1900

The earliest records on the number of hunting boats and on the names of boat captains inGambell came from the missionaries' diaries around 1900. Mr. Lerrigo in his diary of 1900/1901mentioned that "...on April 22nd the whaleboats were launched, the ice having all given waybefore the east wind. A number of walruses were captured" (Lerrigo 1902, p. I 19—see, Part 4).On the next day,April 23, ten boats were hunting.Throughout his diary Mr. Lerrigo named mostof the active boat captains in Gambell in 1901:

- Shuluk (Suluk)—his whaleboat and its captain were mentioned several times in thediaries of 1899/1900 and 1900/1901).

- Wungaiye (evidently Nguungayd).

- Umwahluk (Ungalaq): two boats—Shoolok's and Umwahluk's—were caught by the iceand unable to get free on May 4th, 1901.

- Kowarra (Quwaaren): his boat got a whale on May 9th, 1901, and another whale onMay 23rd.

- Ifkowan {Ifkaghun).

- Aguchky (?—most probably, Akulki): his boat got the third whale for the year on May26th, 1901. His whaleboat was damaged by a large crest on May 6th, 1900 and began tofill. The team was rescued by another crew.

Four more boats and captains are listed in an earlier diary of Mr. Doty for the year 1899-1900(see Part 4):

- Timkaroo (Temkeruu): he found a small bowhead whale on May 10th, which Akulkyhad struck on the previous day. The same crew also killed 21 walruses on June 4th, 1900,but brought back only the heads with the ivories and the skins.

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- Oomylook (could be Ungalaq [see above]): his crew was unable to get back from thehunting trip east of the cape, being caught in he ice on May 2nd; the boat and the crew wasrescued next day by another team using dog-sleds; they had to pull the whaleboat over-land several miles by the help of the dogs and runners placed under the boat.

- Oozuk (Uuzak).

- Toosak {Tuusaq): the two latter captains started for Indian Point (Chaplino/ Ungaziq)in their whaleboats on July 1st, 1900.

2. Gambell Hunting Crews in 1909: Edgar O. Campbell's List

One of Edgar O. Campbell's Annual Hunting Records for Year 1909 contains information that goesfar beyond the documented number of walruses, bearded seals or foxes harvested in the villageof Gambell (see Part I). In this list, sixty-seven hunters are organized in nine groups of five toten men. Each group is marked by a line break; in a few cases an overall catch is calculated forthe group.Those groups of five to eight men look remarkably akin to skin boat/wooden boathunting crews. Moreover, the name of the first person in several of Campbell's groupings ap-peared to be that of the boat captain as reported in Lerrigo's and Doty's accounts. If thisassumption is correct, Campbell's record (see below) is the earliest available list that showsactual composition of Gambell hunting crews as of 1909. Names of the captains are in bold.

As correctYupik name spelling, clan identification, and kin relationships were added to Campbell'slist, the rules of the boat crew formation some one hundred years ago became quite obvious.First, Gambell (Sivuqaq) crews of 1909 were clearly clan and kin-based or, at least, each crewhad an obvious clan/kin core. Second, several crews already had a mixed composition, that is,they included men of different clans and lineages recruited to the kin core.Third, several smallclans that did not have enough adult men in 1909 tried to match their limited human resourcesbased either on their historical connections (like Meregtemiit and Nangupagaghmiit) or on theirresidential ties in the old village of Gambell. In the southern section of the village the Nasqaghmiitclan made one crew with the neighboring Qiwaaghmiit. In the central section, the Kangighmiitsigned up with the more powerful Pugughileghmiit. At the northern end of the village, men fromthe tiny clan of Uwaaliit joined the crews of their neighbors, the most numerous Sanigmelngut.It seemed that the now familiar canon of the boat crew composition—one that includes a

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senior man, his younger brothers, his adult sons, and nephews—did not become a universal ruleuntil several decades later, as the number of adult men in the community of Gambell increaseddue to population growth after the 1930s and particularly after the 1950s.

Timkaroo {Temkeruu—Pugughileghmii), Muntokoli {Mangtaquli—Pugu), Asshoonu{Asunaghaq—Kangighmii), Nunrealu {Nanghila—Rang, son of Asunaghaq), Stegurok(Estegraq—Pugu).

Slkwooko {Elqwaaghqu—Pugu), Ungilo {Aatghilnguq—Pugu), Ozevosiuk {Uzivusiq—Pugu), Atlohok {Atleghuq—Pugu, cousin of Uzivusiq), Oghoolki (Akulki—Pugu, fa-ther of Atleghuq), Oningou {Anengayuu—Meregtemii), Olowu (Aluwa—Mara), Eehiuk(Iggak—Sani), Opu (Apaa, son of Neghqun—Sam).

Youwokhseuk (Yaavgaghsiq—Nengighmii), Koozaathu {Kuzaata—Neng, nephew ofY), Ungwiluk {Ungalaq—Nangupagaghmii), Yokhunuk {Yughuntnuk, step-son ofUngalaqt), Konoghok {Qenaaghacfi—Uwaa., relative of Uuzak)

Ooitillin {Uwetelen—Sani), Sellok {Siluk —son of U.), Omoghoo {Amagu—Laakaghmii), Kingavohok {Kinguwaaghaq—Sani), Tungitoo {Tangatu—Sani, brotherof U), Messiu {Masaayu—Uwaa).

Shoollok {Suluk—Pugui), Womkon (Waamquun—son of S.), Tongyou (Taangyan—Pugu, half-brother of S.), Koningok {Qanenguq—Pugu), Soongorook {Sunaaghruk—Pugu, nephew of Qanenguq), Broo {Peru—Sani).

Wong (Wangqetelen —Qiwaaghmii), Kon. {Kaneghteghyaq —Qiwa, nephew of W),Efkow. {Ifkaghun—Nasqaghmii), Ongooson (Angusaan—Nasq.), Bool. (Pulaaghun—Nasq., brother of Angusaan), Hokh. {Eghqaaghaq—Nasq, brother ofAngusaan), Koonu{Qunaaghhaq—Nasq.), Gologooroongu (Galaagerngen—Qiwa).

Suvlu (Saavla—Sani), Oppoto {Apaata—son of S.), Yoghok (Yaghaq—son of S.),Iyaghitan (Ayakitaan—Uwaa), Unggottingan (Angqatenganwan—Sani), Koolo(Qaalu—Sani, brother of Angqat.), Menuk (Minaq), Ifkooko (Ifkaqu, son ofNeghqun—Sani), Kaeluk (Qilak or Aghilluk—Sani).

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Kooworrin (Quwaaren—Sani), Booshu (Pusaa, son of Q), Otiyohok (Ataayaghhaq,son of Q), Koonooku (Kunuka, son of Q.), Okinello (Aghnilu, son of Q.), Nupokuyu{Napaghya—Sani), Ozuk (Uuzak—Uwaa), Neghokhpuk (Neghaghpak—relative ofUuzak), Tatoowi (Tatuwi, son of Q).

Iwoorrigan (Aywergen—Nang), Irrogo (Iirgu—brother of A.), Enok (Inuuq—Sani),Munginan (Mangena—Mere), Uwghpuk {Yuwaaghpak, son of Mangena), Ootiyok(Utaayuk, son of Mangena), Ikmiloon {Iqmaluwa—Sani), Poozuk (Paazak—Sani,brother of Iqmaluwa), Metlohok (Meteghlluk—Mere, nephew of Mangena), Killoimii(Kelumii, son of Mangena).

3. Crews in Gambell around 1915: Ggayeggluk (Herbert Kiyuklook's) Story

This evidence comes from the story of Herbert Kiyuklook (Ggayeggluk) published in theSivuqam Nangaghneghha. Lore of St. Lawrence Island, vol. 2, 1987, pp. 180-183.The editorsestimated that Kiyuklook's list refers to the years 1915-1920. Kiyuklook was born in 1901;he is not listed in his father's family in the 1900 census but was reported as age 23 in the1920 census in Savoonga.We quote here directly from the English translation of Ggayeggluk'sstory.

"In my younger days, there were twelve active skin boats. .. .The boat crews under at thattime were [under the following captains]: Saavla, Aghilluk, Quwaaren, Nemayaq,Temkeruu, Ifkaghun, Eghqaaghaq, Ungalaq, Suluk, Nguungaya, and Akulki. These werethe crews that used to go out when they started using wooden whaling boats."

Kiyuklook himself first went hunting in Saavla's boat. Later on he asked Ungott(Angqantenganwan) if he could go out hunting in his boat (but was turned down). Thisgives us names of all 12 boat-captains active in Gambell about 1910. Neither Nguungayanor Aghilluk was listed in Edgar O. Campbell's record of Gambell hunters of 1909 or inRiley Moore's list of 1912 (see, Part 1); presumably, both passed away by that time.

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Comments to Ggayeggluk's List of Boat Captains by Today's EldersRalph Apatiki {Anaggun), Conrad Oozeva {Akulki), and Willis Walunga (Kepelgu)

Saavla: Probably Telenga (Telenga) took over this boat after Saavla because he was hisyounger brother. After Telenga, Yoghok {Yaghaq) took over this boat; he was Saavlassecond son. After Yoghok this boat was most probably taken by Lincoln Blassi {Pelaast),Yoghok's younger brother. Or maybe it was another boat, as Uwetelen (Oowootillin),Telenga's son, also became a captain. Theirs was a big family, and they probably boughtthemselves another boat.

Aghilluk: Ungott {Angqatenganwan), Aghilluks son, took over this boat—that (is) howwe heard. They made it within the family, their big family. They give him (Ungott) theboat.

Quuwaren: Pusaa (Booshu) got the boat after Quutvaren; he was Quwaareris eldest son.But Otiyahok (Ataayaghhaq) was also a boat captain later. They bought another boat fortheir family and the crew split in two boats. They had many men.

Nemaayaq: He bought his boat later, he took it over from Yaavgaghsiq. Maybe Yaavgaghsiqhad another boat because he also was a boat captain later. Asunaghaq was an older brotherof this Nemaayaq. We do not know whom they were related to, we just remember thatNanghila, Asunaghaqs son went hunting with Mangtaqulis boat. Once they were com-ing by commercial boat from their camp Kangii (where they lived in the 1920s) they keptover. We do not know whether it was Nemaayaqs boat or Yaavgaghsiks boat. Their rela-tives were probably the Koozata's family (Nengiighhaghmiit) because they kept their namesin their family. They have Nemayaq (Lee Koozata) and Asunaghaq (Ned Koozata).

Temkeruu: He was a boat captain when we were boys; so, he just kept hunting with hiscrew.

Ifqaghun: We do not know what happened to this boat after Ifqaghun. His sons, Tamluand Sipela, went to Savoonga (Sivungaq) and became herders.

Ungalaq (with the assistance of Winfred James, Kulu): He gave his boat to Aywergen(Iworrigan—Nekregun). They were related and this is how Aywergen started to be a captain.

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He was a very good hunter and he got many-many whales. Even one whale in Pugughileqwhen he went there.

Eghqaaghaq (Loon Hokhokhok): This crew once got a whale on June 30th—that is howwe heard. Maybe they went on bird hunting or for egg-collecting and they came across awhale. This was in plain summer, long after the whales are gone (up north). They werelucky they kept all the (whaling) gear in the boat—harpoon and floats, and lance withthem. So, they got this whale, and this is specially remembered.

Nguungaya: This was a very old man—he died long before us. When he died, his familywent to Sivungaq, and his sons became herders. They were not in whale hunting after hisdeath. We do not know whether they took their boat with them or not.

Akulki: This boat was taken later by Uzivusiq, Akulki's nephew, the only adult man inthis family who stayed in Gambell (see below) [His elder brother, Raaquq, and anothercousin, Estegraq, Luther Stagurook, went to Sivungaq].

Suluk: Waamquun, his eldest son took over the boat (see below).

James Aningayu (Anengayuu): He might have started to be a captain at this time. Hebought a boat for himself. Actually, he bought a new boat and gave his old one to hisrelatives in Chaplino (Ungaziq), in Siberia—that's how we heard. We do not know wherehe got his first (old) boat.

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4. Boat Crews and Captains in Gambell in 1930

The village census of Gambell made by Paul Silook (Siluk) in 1930 (see below) provides thelist of all adult men and heads of households. Upon checking Siluk's census, the elders identi-fied the following men as boat captains, with twelve to fourteen whaling crews in operationin Gambell at this time.

still kept the boat for himself.

Suluk—He was still hunting, although he was already an old man (see below)

• Mangtaquli

Uwetelen (Owittilin)—He was Paul Silook's father

Uzivusiq (Oozevusook)—He took over his boat from his father (uncle) Akulki(see below)

• Ataayaghhaq (Jimmie Otiyahok)

• Pusaa (Booshu)—He took over a boat from his father QuwaarenAnengayuu

Qilleghquun (Kulukhon)—He was a striker at the Ataayaghhaq s boat. But he wasa good hunter and them give him a boat. Them, Aymaramka—they were a bigfamily. We do not know whose boat was it or maybe they bought a new one forhim.

• Angqatenganwan (Ungott)Yaghaq (Yoghok)

[Other boats] Masaayu and Ayakitaan—they were brothers but they did not have a boatat this time. Masaayu went hunting with Yaghaq s boat and Ayakitaan hunted with Ungott'sboat. They bought their own boat much later when Masaayu s son Henry, Nayegreghaq,became a grown-up man. They must have a boat of their own earlier but we do not know.We just heard that they once got a whale. They probably started whaling with a skin boatand later they bought a wooden whaleboat from Amwaari, the Pugughileghmii. Amwaari(his other name Qaygeghtaq) lived in Pugughileq and had a good whaleboat but he didnot hunt for whales over there. But Masaayu and Ayakitaan used their new boat for verylittle time until Nayegreghaq became a good hunter.

Eghqaaghaq (Loon Hokhkoghok)—He was the captain when we were boys.Aywergen (Ira Iworrigan), his other name was Nekregun.

Ungalaq—He could be still hunting with Aywergen; we do not know whether he

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5. Gambell Captains and Hunting Crews in 1938

The 1938 BIA Census of Gambell listed 265 residents in the village in forty-three families.Twomore families (twelve people) we recorded as 'being absent for another place' (Pugughileq)—Harry Uglowook (Aglughaq) and Sam Bill Nawpokhok (Napagaghhaq).Today's elders identifiedsome sixteen whaling crews with boats that were probably active in the village this year, underthe names of the following captains.

Anengayuu (Meregtemii).Angqatenganwan (Dick Ungott), Sanighmii.

• Atalluk (Howard Atahlook), Nasqaghmii.

Ataayaghaaq (Jimmy Otiyohok), Sanighmii—he was an old captain.

• Pusaa (Booshu), Sanighmii—He was the old captain on his father's boat.Uwetelen (Daniel Ooitillin), Sanighmii—he was an old man. His son Paul Silook(Siluk) used to be a captain on his boat but then Silook became a BIA school-teacher, and Uwetelen had to get hunting again.

Iggak (Calvin Echak), Sanighmii.

Qilleghquun (Lawrence Kulukhon), Sanighmii—he bought himself a new boat.Yaghaq (Adam Yoghoq), Sanighmii.

Yaavgaghsiq, Nengiighhaghmii—his boat was later taken by his nephew Kuzaata(Warren Koozaata).

• Mangtaquli (Monti Mantakuli), Pugughileghmii.

• Amwaari (Harold Omwari), Pugughileghmii—he was still a boat captain inPugughileq and he later sold his boat to Masaayu

Uzivusiq (Andrew Oozevooseuk), Pugughileghmii—he took a boat over from hisfather Akulki.

Temkeruu (Timkaroo), Pugughileghmii—he was probably the oldest man by thenhunting in the village.

Waamquun (Patrick Womkon), Pugughileghmii—he took over the boat from hisfather Suluk (see below).

Eghqaaghaq (Loon Hokhkohok), Nasqaghmii—he was already an old captain.

• Aywergen (Ira Iworrigan, sometimes also called Nekregun), Nangupagaghmii)—his boat was later taken by his brother Iirgu (Samuel Irrigoo).

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Three more people bought or built their own boats shortly after this time:

• Maasqen (Philip Cambell)—he was building his boat for many years and he laterbecame a captain.

• Masaayu—they bought a boat from Amwaari, and Henry Masaayu(Nayeghreghaq) became a captain.

Elqwaaghqu (Charles Slwooko)—he lived almost all his time in his camp in BoxerBay (Ngusiik). He was not a captain in 1938 but became one after that.

6. Hunting Crews' Histories: Personal StoriesAnaggun (Ralph Apatiki):

I can tell the story of Suluks boat {Sulugenkut). When I just started in my memory—probably at age 5 or 6 (about 1930), my grandfather Suluk was a captain of our familywooden whaleboat. His crew-members were all our relatives. Chester Uveketaaq was hisstriker (son of Taangyan/Tungiya.n); then Waamquun (Patrick Womkon), my uncle andSuluks eldest son became his striker. Other people in Suluks crew were his other sons:Uvi, Nunguk (Ollin Noongwook)—he later moved to Sivungaq and became a herder;and my father HomerApeteki—he was the youngest. Also RobertTaangyan {Yughqutaq),their cousin, hunted with this crew and George Aymergen (Yaagmiqun), another cousin.And they often took old Taangyan s wife, Englegtaq, with them as a crew-member. Notall the time but she was experienced as a crew woman. This is how I know.

I learned more when Suluk s eldest son and my uncle Waamquun took over and becamea captain. I started going out hunting with Waamquun, maybe at age 8. Suluk\v3& alreadyretired at this time as a captain. It was almost the same crew; many people often went withthe same crew for over twenty or even thirty years. So, it was almost the same crew, maybewith some younger boys like me and my cousin Elton Oovi (Asi, born 1922) added. Andalso Patrick's Waamquun s son, (Tracy) Kavenkuk (born ca. 1918). But this son ofWaamquun passed away. Uveketaaq, Taangyaris son, was a striker. He was the best strikerfor whales. This was the crew when Patrick (Waamquun) took over. They hunted on awooden whaleboat—'commercial boat1 (one bought from the whalers).

What I learned from my uncle Lloyd Oovi {Uvi), Suluk, my grandfather, landed 13whales. 'Landed' means when they hit the beach or shore ice—this is landed. Not counting

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the whales they cut way out there in the ice—maybe five or six more. That's how Uviremembered and he told me.

Waamquun taught me everything in this boat: I watched the sails, the pokes, and har-poons at their places. We watched and learned, me and my cousins, we were boys.

Lloyd Oovi (Uvi), the younger son of Suluk, took over after Patrick Waamquun. I wasprobably fifteen years old when he took over, around 1939 or 1940. Oovi was a captainbut Patrick also was in that boat. Just sits somewhere, like an 'adviser.' The people in thecrew were: my father Apetiki—he was Oovi's striker; Yughqutaq (Robert Tangyan),Yaagmiqun (George Imergen), Katuk, my cousin; me; and Elton Oovi (Asi). We did nothave any woman with this boat; that old lady (Enlegtaq) hunted only with Suluks crewbefore me.

My father Apeteki (Homer Apatiki) took over this crew after Oovi (Uvi). Lloyd was acaptain for a little while and then stopped going. So, my father became a captain. Katuk(Clirfford Katuk, born 1927, son of Uveketaaq) was the striker; then me; my youngerbrother Akinginaaq (Holden Apatiki); another man Kiyuok Marlott- he was from Nome,from mainland. Yaagmiqun (George Imergen) was getting older but he also hunted withus. This was my father's crew. And they kept going with the very same old commercialboat (wooden whaleboat) they took over from Suluk.

When Apeteki got older I took over his place. He still went hunting with us from time totime as 'adviser'. My brothers were in the crew: Akinginaaq (Holden Apatiki.),Nateghnaghmii (Jerome Apatiki.), my youngest brother; Katuk (Clifford Atahlook) alsohunted with us before he made his own boat. He made his boat much later, and he startedhis own crew with a skin boat. Also some people from Sivungaq came to hunt with us,like Nathan Noongwook (Qagughmii), my cousin. Katuk was my striker; and when hestarted his own boat, my brother Akinginaaq became a striker. Katuk took Bruce Pulaaghun(Ekaaya) with him to his own crew, and also his cousins, Aaptaq (Tracy Tungiyan) andTuugghi (Jerry Tungiyan). Their father Yughqutaq (Robert Tungiyan) has already died.

I became a captain a few years before the (whaling) quota started—probably about 1975,and I am still a captain of my crew. But I am now retiring. My striker now is the 'young'Katuk—Clifford Apatiki, my youngest brother's son (born 1974). He has the same name

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as my old striker. He already stroke one whale. Before him my eldest son Utiilek (MorganApatiki, born 1951) was the striker. He stroke three whales but lost some of them. Some-body will take over the boat after me.

We now have 26 whaling boats in this village. This is how they are registered (with theEskimo Whaling Commission). But there are many more aluminum boats going forwalrus hunting; we do not know how many of them altogether.

Akulki (Conrad Oozeva):

I can start my boat's history with my dad, Andrew Uzivusiq (Oozevoseuk). He took overhis boat from his father Akulki. It was also a commercial boat (a wooden whaleboat). Iremember the crew about 1930, when I was 5 or 6. My father was the captain; his half-brother Qipenga (Addison Kaspoonga) was the striker; Uusiiq (Walter Oseuk) was withthem; my elder brothers Lluuyuk (Stanley Oooseuk), Ngiiggutaq (Glen Oozevoseuk.),and another brother—Nusukaq, he died early Also my father's nephew, Estegraq (Staguruk)hunted with us and another man, Kagsagun, Philip Cambell eldest son.

I started going hunting with them when I was probably 10 years old (about 1935). Myfather already retired; so, Qipenga was a captain. Uusiiq was the striker. My elder broth-ers, Lluuyuk and Ngiiggutaq, were with this crew; and also old man Walanga (JohnWalunga) and his son Taglaan (Frank Walunga) hunted with us. This was the crew whenI started hunting.

When Qipenga retired, Lluuyuk took over the boat. I was maybe 25. Uusiiq still huntedbut he was not a striker—my elder brother Ngiiggutaq took over (as a striker). But hedied early. Frank Walunga {Taglaan) sometimes hunted with us, also his father, JohnWalunga. But they soon started their own boat. Then some younger men joined us—Lluuyuks eldest son Anangti (Alex Oozeva) and Aguya (Aaron Uusiiq), and my sister'selder son Tagriigen (Donald Ungott).

When Lluuyuk retired, I took over the boat. It was probably at the same time whenAnaggun (Ralph Apatiki) became the captain, before the whaling quota years. Aguya(Aaron Uusik) was my first striker, and now my son Ighsakuun (Wilson Oozeva) is mystriker. My other sons are with this boat: Aghhaaya (Embert Oozeva), Paaymii (Carson

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Oozeva), Nagtuqaq (Ellis Oozeva), also Maligutkaq. Aaron's son Qipenga (Aaron Jr.)hunts with us and also his younger son Angyaghyaghtuq (Brendon Ousek, born 1974).This is my current crew but I am also retiring now.

Kepelgu (Willis Walunga):

We started our crew about 1950 when my father, John Walunga {Walanga) made a skinboat. He hunted with the Uzivangkut (Lluuyuk's crew) before that and so did my elderbrother Taglaan (Frank Walunga). I was not with their boat because I was with Pelaasi(Linclon Blassi) crew. Later became his striker. But when my father made his boat, I camehunting with them. My father was a captain, Taglaan was a striker. My younger brotherKilgaantaq (Marvin Walunga) was with us and also Frank's elder son Emeya (KennethWalunga, born 1938). And we also took our nephew, Eric Booshu {Kipaaghti), he is myelder sister's son.

When I took the boat over after my father, my younger brother Marvin became a striker.My nephew Melvin (Kenlek) was with us, also Frank's son, Emeya, and my eldest sonRiley, Epekaak. Also Roger Anengayuu {Mangena) often hunted with us.

Now I am retired as a whaling captain, and my younger brother Marvin took the boatover after me. My other son David (Qaangbilnguq) is his striker; my nephew Melvin{Kenlek) is with this crew; my other son Roy (Anika), and my nephews Aghnilu (JeremyKoonooka, his mother is my niece) and Nunangighaq, son of Billy Boy Sunaaghruk{Kakiighhalek).

Kuulu (Winnie James):

My old man (James Aningayu, Anengayuu) used to go to Siberia and he traded with theman Tagrugyi from Sireniki. He gave them rifles and ammunition, and he brought backreindeer skins, parkas, and reindeer legging pants.

He had many boats—he built his boats himself. He could go to Russia first (to Ungaziqor Sireniki) then to East Cape {Nevuqaq) to Diomede to Nome and he traded every-where. So, he bought himself a boat, he used to buy many things. He had his own storehere in Gambell. He once traded a wooden whaleboat to a reindeer man in Siberia. He

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also traveled to Maasqen Tapghaq (Mechigmen Bay, Masiiq or, maybe, Maasqem Tapghaa,Mechken Spit—Ed.) in Siberia, there were many walruses over there.

My eldest brother Steven {KiistiiviU) was with him and also Samuel Iirgu, and CalvinEchak (Iggak). Iggak was Aymaramka but we are related because my father's mother andCalvin's mother were sisters. We are Meregtemiit. Also the old man Mangena hunted withmy father, he was his cousin but he died before me. Yuwaaghpak, Mangena? son, was alsowith my dad's crew. He was a strong shaman, he could harpoon a stone. My old manwould pay them (for hunting with his boat), he usually giving them 2-3 reindeer skins.

My old man was a whaling captain. He landed probably four or five whales. Calvin {Iggak)was his striker and he took the boat over after my old man retired. Then my elder brotherSteven (Kiistivik) took the boat over and later I took it over after Steven. Now my eldestson, Dennis {Ungalaq), is the captain; he was my striker. My younger brother Roger{Mangena) hunted with us, and other brothers and their sons.

Paapi (Merlin Koonooka):

I know that my grandfather Koonooka {Kunuka) used to have his own crew. We probablystarted out from the (original) Pusads crew because Pusaa is Kunuka?, elder brother.They were all sons of my great-grandfather Quwaaren. But I believe, they probably quitwhaling later—or they, probably hunted back again with the Booshu's crew, because Iremember my father Harold Koonooka {Tiiwri, born 1918) building his skin boat andstarting his own crew anew.

I came hunting with this crew from the Booshu's to be with my dad and other relatives.When my dad retired, we quit whaling again because I lived elsewhere and worked inother places in Alaska. So, for us it was a time of inactivity; maybe my relatives huntedagain with the Booshus. When I returned to Gambell, we built a new skin boat. I built itmyself—this is a bigger boat than my father used to have, because we have more peoplenow: my brothers, my sons, and my nephews. So, this is the third Kunuka s boat and ourthird crew. We always hunt with the relatives but usually have one or two people outsidethe family, from our mother's or our wives' side.

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There was formerly one more crew out of Quwaareris family—that of his other sonAtaayaghhaq (Jimmy Otiayahok). But they ended (up) when the old man died—therewas nobody left of his family to take over his whaling crew.

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History of Modern Whaling Crews in Gambell

By Paapi (Merlin Koonooka), Gambell Representative,Alaskan Eskimo Whaling Commission (AEWC)

We now have twenty-six whaling crews operating in the village, according to our currentlist of Gambell whaling captains registered with the Alaskan Eskimo Whaling Commis-sion (AEWC). They all use traditional skin boats for the spring whaling hunt. No newboat and no new crew has been added to this list during the last several years (three tofive), although some of the old captains have retired and they were replaced by theiryounger relatives.

List of Gambell Whaling Crews and Captains as of Spring 1999:

[Age and Yupik Names added from the Gambell Village Census of 1979]

1. Tom Antoghame (Tami, 1937, age 62)

2. Leonard Apangalook {Piitkaq, 1939, age 60)

3. Anders Apassingok (Iyaaka, 1932, age 67)

4. Melvin Apassingok (Aluti, 1956, age 43)

5. Michael Apatiki {Agigsaghtughhaq, 1950, age 49)

6. Ralph Apatiki (Anaggun, 1926, age 73)

7. Wilbur Booshu {Tuusaq, 1932, age 67)

8. Edgar Campbell (Aratgaq, 1950, age 50)

9. Farrel Iakitan (Ayakitaan, 1950, age 50)

10. Hansen Irrgoo {Pulaaghun, 1953, age 46)

11. Dennis James Sr. {Ungalaq, 1947, age 52)

12. Franklin Kaningok (Allaggaq, 1931, age 68)

13. Merlin Koonooka (Paapi, 1938, age 61)

14. Jones Kulukhon [Ateghiilnguq, 1939, age 60)

15. Warren Koozaata (Kuzaata, 1950, age 49)

16. Jason Nowpokahok (Papuuki, 1967, age 32)

17. Wade Oktokiyk {Meteghlluk, 1948, age 51)

18. Alex Oozeva [Anangti, 1936, age 63)

19. Conrad Oozeva [Akulki, 1926, age 73)

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20. Gordon Oozevaseuk (Taangyan, 1943, age 56)

21. Roger Silook Jr. {Aywaaghmii, 1957, age 43)

22. H. Vernon Slwooko {Sighnasugaghhaq, 1949, age 50)

23. Joe Slwooko {Tapeghaataq, 1952, age 47)

24. Branson Tungiyan {Unguqti, 1950, age 49)

25. Tyre Ungott (Tuquuyaq, 1962, age 37)

26. Marvin Walunga {Kilgaantaq, 1933, age 66).

Some of the younger captains took over their boats recently from their retired or deceasedrelatives, usually from their fathers.

Comments on History of Individual Crews

• Wilbur Booshu, Tuusaq (#7). This is a very old crew, since Wilbur was being a cap-tain since the 1960s. In fact, I started hunting with his crew when I was a young boy.I believe the old Pusaa (Booshu) was still a captain, when I started going out withthem, or maybe already his (second) son, Ben Booshu, Nuugnan. I kept hunting withthe Nuugnans crew for several years. Then Nuugnan s younger brother—SolomonBooshu, Neghyuk—took over this crew. Wilbur Booshu is Ben Booshu's eldest son,and he took over the boat when his uncle retired. As I said, this happened some timein the 1960s.

• Tom Antoghame, Tami (#1): This is another crew made of our relatives. Their oldcaptain was Dick Ungott, Angqaatenganwan; he was our captain from the old days.After he retired, his son Donald Ungott (Tagriigen, born 1935) took over. TomAntoghame's crew split from the Ungott's crew when Donald was a captain. TyreUngott (Tuquuyaq, #25) took over the old Ungott's crew when Donald retired. Tyreis Donald's nephew, the son of his younger brother Clement Ungott (Awaliq, born1937).

• Leonard Apangalook, Piitkaq (#2) and another crew, that of Roger Silook Jr.(Aywaaghmii, #20), are also our relatives. They came from one old crew of Uivetelen(Daniel Ooitillin), who was Paul Silook's father, Roger Silook's (Sr.) grandfather. Ibelieve, John Apangalook (Apangaluq, born 1911, another son of Uwetelen) tookover after Uwetelen retired, because Roger Silook, Sr. was a striker on another boat of

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ours, that of Pelaasi (Lincoln Blassi). Roger's father, Paul Silook (Siluk), probably didnot hunt because he was a janitor at school and later a teacher. I think he was the firstperson in Gambell to get a (permanent) paid job. So, John Apangalook probably tookover the boat after Uwetelen. Leonard Apangalook is John's son, and he took over thisboat when John retired.

I think Roger Silook (Saavla) started his boat when Pelaasi (Lincoln Blassi) retired. Pelaasitook the boat over after Yaghaq (Adam Yoghok); he was Yaghaqs younger brother. Thiscrew ended with Pelaasis death, then Roger started his own crew. Roger is in the hospitalin Anchorage now; his eldest son Roger Jr. {Aywaghmii) is a captain.

• The two Apassingok's boats, those of Anders Apassingok (Iyaaka, #3) and of MelvinApassingok {Aluti, #4), also came out from one old boat. This was Daniel Iyakitan's(Uuzak, born 1916) boat. I think Daniel took over this boat from Nayegreghaq (HenryMassaiu, born 1906) because they were cousins. When Daniel retired, his youngerbrother, Lewis Iyakitan {Tagitkaq, born 1926) took over the boat. Anders Apassingokwas in his crew because they are relatives to the Iyakitans. Later Anders formed hisown crew of his sons and relatives, and then they built another boat for MelvinApassingok, his nephew. Because they are a very big family and they have enough menfor two boats.

• Ralph Apatiki, Anaggun (#6): You know their story from Ralph (see above). MichaelApatiki (Agigsaghtughhaq, #5) is Ralph's nephew; he started his boat out of Ralph'screw recently.

• Edgar Campbell, Aratgaq (#8): This is the old boat of Philip Campbell {Maasqen,born 1897). When Philip retired, his son, Victor Campbell, Sr. (Llaagilnguq, born1924), took over this boat. Edgar Campbell is Victor's son; he took the boat overwhen Victor retired.

• Hansen Irrgoo, Pulaaghun (#9): He is a son of Clarence Irrgoo (Miinglu), who nowlives in Nome. Clarence was an old whaling captain. When Clarence moved to Nome,they quit whaling for a while; later Hansen started their boat anew. Clarence Irrgootook the boat over from his father, Samuel Irrgoo (Iirgu) who was one of our bestwhaling captains. Samuel get the boat from Ira Iworrigan (Aywergen, other name

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Nekregun), they were brothers.

Dennis James, Ungalaq (#10): He took his boat over after his father, Winfred James{Kuulu)—see above.

Franklin Kaningok, Allaggaq (#11): I do not know how their boat was started. Franklintook this boat over from his uncle, Willard Kaningok {Atleghuq, born 1919), andWillard took over from his elder brother, Abraham Kaningok {Tapiisak, born 1911).Abraham was Franklin's father. Maybe Abraham started this boat or maybe they got itfrom someone else. [This can be the boat once operated by Sunaaghruk andMangtaqulh family—see above]

Warren Koozaata, Kuzaata (#13): He took this boat over from his uncle—Lee Koozaata{Nemayaq, born 1934). Lee took the boat over after Harry Koozaata {Milutqa, born1928); he was Warren's father. Harry Koozaata took the boat over after the 'old man'—Warren Koozaata {Kuzataa), who was our old whaling captain. I believe this might bethe old Yaavgaghsiqs boat, because Kuzaata and Yaavgaghsiq were brothers.

Jones Kulukhon, Ateghiilnguq (#14): He took this boat over after his elder brother—Leroy Kulukhon (Ifkaqaq, born 1933). Before Leroy, his elder brother—AllenKulukhon {Iighwighun, born 1931), was the captain. These are all sons of the oldman Lawrence Kulukhon {Qilleghquun, born 1896), who was the first captain. I donot know how Lawrence Kulukhon started his crew, since he was already a captainbefore I was born.

Jason Nowpakahok, Papuuki (#15): This was originally the boat of LeonardNawpokhok {Anagutaq, born 1931), and Jason took it over after his father. Leonardbecame a captain after his father—Sam Bill Nawpokhok {Napaqaghhaq, born 1902)retired. I do not know how they originally started. [Willis Walunga: This was a crewthat operated out of Pugughileq or was made of the last families who stayed inPugughileq until the late 1930s]

Wade Oktokiyuk, Meteghlluk (#16): This is the old crew, which was originally startedby Richard Oktokiyuk (Aghtuqaayak, born around 1880). When Richard retired, hisson Frank Oktokiyuk {Akulpeghaq, born 1917) took over. After Frank retired, his

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younger son Hiram Oktokiyuk {Manguka, born 1954) took over. Then he died, andanother brother, Wade Oktokiyuk became a captain. He lived in Oregon for manyyears; so, he is a recent captain.

Conrad Oozeva, Akulki (#18): There are currently three crews out of one old crewwhere Conrad's elder brother, Stanley Oozeva {Lluuyuk, born 1904), was a captain.Conrad made his own crew out of his sons, and his younger brother Alex Oozeva,{Anangti, #17) took the boat over after his father Lluuyuk. Then Gordon Oozevaseuk(Taangyan, #19), split out of Alex's. Gordon bought his own boat or probably he tookit over from somebody else.

Branson Tungiyan, Unguqti (#23): This boat has a long story. Branson took it overafter his elder brother, Tracy Tungiyan (Aaptaq, born 1934) retired. Before Tracy,Clifford Katuk (Katuk, born 1927) was the captain. Clifford took his boat over afterhis elder brother, Howard Atahlook (Atalluk, born 1913). They were sons of the oldman Qunaghhaq; it was his original boat. I do not know why the Tungiyan brotherstook it over after Konahok.

Marvin Walunga, Kilgaantaq (#25): Old man John Walunga {Walanga) started thisboat, and Willis {Kepelgu, born 1924) took it over after him (see above). When Willisretired, his younger brother Marvin became a captain of this crew.

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THE "OLD TOWN OF SAVOONGA" OF OUR EARLY YEARS

There is a strong tradition telling how some families from Sivuqaq (Gambell) once moved to rein-deer herding and then settled down to build a new village of Sivungaq (Savoonga). While almosteveryone knows the main line, there are many versions of the same old story.Those may be narra-tives recalled by different families or just memories of individual elders that differ in certain details.One such story has been recalled by JimmieToolie (Tulii) and it was published in the second volumeof Sivuqam Nangaghnegha ("Lore of St. Lawrence Island") in 1987 ("Quyngighqwaalqa," pp. 54-69). Ittells about the first log house built at Savoonga in 1914 by Inuuq and Sipela, and soon followed bythree more houses built by other reindeer herders—Nunguk,Anaghayaaq and Unmeggaq.

Another story in the same volume of 1987 (pp. 2-9) belongs to Theodore Kingeekuk (Kingiikaq); itwas also supported by NickWongitillin (Uqengetoghaq), who was another respected island historianborn in the same year (1903) as Tulii. According to Kingeekuk's andWongitillin's story, it was Mayukaq,Ungazighmii,father of Siivaaghaq and brother of Amagu, who built his first split-wood cabin at Savoongaaround 191 I. He used this area for fox-trapping, and there were no other families and no reindeerherders nearby at that time. The Ataqa family made their camp at Tapghaqaghhaq, to the east ofMayukaq's residence a year later.TheThirteenth U.S. Census of 1910 listed both families (ten peoplealtogether) as living at Kookoolik (Kukulek); evidently, this is the first documented reference to thefuture village of Savoonga.Then, around 1913 or 1914, the Wbngqete/en's family and other herdersestablished their camp at Ayvighteq further down south. As both Tuliis and Kingiikaq's stories go, thevillage of Sivungaq (Savoonga) got started when the two groups of herders from Ivgaq (original"Sipela's camp") and Ayvighteq ("Pinaaya's camp") agreed to settle down at one place.

As the tradition about "how the town of Savoonga got started" lives on, more details becomeavailable from the new stories recalled by today's elders as well as from available historical docu-ments and earlier narratives. A small collection of such new "old stories" presented below offersprecious new accounts to the residents of Sivungaq (Savoonga) and to the next generations of islandhistorians.

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"How They Came to Start the Village of Savoonga"Notes from James Anengayuu of Gambell, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska

This story was excerpted from the Dorothea C. Leighton Collection, Archives ofthe University of Alaska Fairbanks.Folder: "James Aningayou—Life Story," No. 1(2), Box 4

August 25, 1940

(Tell me about how they came to start the village of Savoonga.) From the herding itreally started. You have heard of Sepula [Sipela]'? Richard [Aghtuqaayak] should havebeen herder if he had stayed. It start with one Laplander. He has two boys, and one girlborn here. Three boys were working with him. That man's name was Sarra; called himMr. Sarra. That was the very beginning to learn how to handle the reindeer, shown byhim. Richard and Patinxuk [Petgenghhaq], and Sepula [Sipela], and the fourth one Pinaiye[Pinaaya]. They start to learning how to drive the herd, training the deer, at Naiyrapuk[Nayghapak],you know that very small hill just this side of Boolown's [Pulaaghun] camp.The little place was called Sarra's camp. The boys were working for girls from there.Richard [Aghtuqaayak] work for Dinah [Anaghaatanga] and Sepillu [Sipela] work forMontokali's [Mangtaqult] sister. Her name was Paiyure [Paayght]. Then Mr. Sarra left,and another man came, another Laplander. His name was Antai. He stayed here abouttwo years, and then another young man came. He was a Laplander, too. His name wasOola. Antai and Cola stay together, for two or three years. Then they decide to move theirhouse, and build at the lagoon here, but they didn't stay very long. Those two Laps wentout and two Finlanders came. I don't know which one was the boss. One man's name wasLaxte, and the other's name was Sootka. Both married, and Sootka had a boy, I thinkborn here. Sootka's wife was named Mary. They move away back, pretty near the river.They was moving to Camp Collier [Kangit], but move to the river. I think the Findlanderscall — I mixed up a little — call that place Purpurity. They stayed there two years.

Then they added more apprentices. (Could they speak Eskimo?) No, they speak English.At that time Sipula [Sipela] was married, and most of the boys married those apprentices.Pinaiye [Pinaaya] married, and Pit inhuk [Petgenghhaq], he married Andrew's [Uzivusiq]sister, Panga [Paanga], English name Helen [Jackson]. Pit inhuk [Petgenghhaq] got sickand died, at the river. And those Finlanders leaving again. By that time the boys, theyknow how to handle reindeer themselves, and I don't know how long they stayed down

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the river. Sipula [Sipela] became the chief herder. After a few years Sipula [Sipela] decidedto move on account of the reindeer. He looked around for a place, and decided at Savoonga,but not all the herders together. They thought they couldn't handle the reindeer in oneplace. So they chose Pinaiye [Pinaaya] to be chief herder for another part. At that timeDr. Reed was here. Dr. Reed asked me to look for place for Pinaiye [Pinaaya]. He wantedme to take him along the shore, and he asked me how much it will be. I think and think,and I say first I don't know. He says, "You got to say how much will be. I am not going topay you myself, the Government will." I say I think $1.50 a day. He say right away, "Allright." Looks like worth a little more than that. So I took him, the early part of June. Wehave no motor. Mostly, when there was a calm wind, we were rowing. When a fair windcame, we just "histe" [sic] up the sail. When we came to Kukulik [Kukulek], there was lotsof shore ice yet, loose from the shore, but still around the shore. We were tacking againstthe east wind that day. Not very long till great big shore ice was coming in. Didn't I tellyou that? (No.) Just as we pass the little Kukulik [Kukulek] village, a great big cake of icecame, brought in by the current, almost square to the shore, like we were in a little harbor.That great big ice was coming closer, so I turn my boat back up that way. I told the crewto row, too, while we were sailing. We have no time, so they rowed as hard as they could,every one. That ice was coming in, drifting just like some kind of power was behind itsending it in. Just in time we got out where there was more room. That big piece of icecame against another piece of shore ice. Just like paper, all went up like that (Crumpling.).Just we had a narrow escape. I don't think any of us would be saved if we were caught inthat. After we were through that, we want to do like this, (Heaves a great sigh.)

When we came to Kukulik [Kukulek] village we look around there at the old ruins, oldhouses, frames. We kill some young hair seal. They came around as close as that cupboard(5 feet). Even if they sink, we can hook them out down on the bottom. We caught ten ortwelve. I asked Dr. Reed, shall we try to get going on? He says, "I rather go back toGambell. If we stay around here we can't do anything, too much ice." He was scaredhimself. I thought I told you about that. (It is all new to me).

Dr. Reed is a great smoker. He says it cost him fifteen dollars a month, his cigars. At thattime he was out of cigars or any kind of smoking, and we were short of tobacco, too.Before we start, looking for place for the other herders, the Polar Bear came around.Captain Louie Lean; we know him very well. We try to buy tobacco from him, but he sayshe doesn't have any license to trade with us. He has trading license only for Siberians. I

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tried to make sweetest words to him, to get a plug of tobacco. (Laughs.) He says, "I amnot able." So we start for the shore. You know how much that Bull Durham? He knowsme very well. I was coming down from boat, ready to come ashore, and he peeped outand hold up something. He says, "James," and I look up, and he drop it in the boat. So Ihave one pack of that Bull Durham tobacco, and I feel better. At that time I was smokingRussian tobacco. You ever see that? (No.) I think we got some yet. I ask him how much itwill be. He says, "Nothing. No way to pay me back, you couldn't pay me anything. Just Igive it to you." He was very strict about laws, rules. So I smoke part of it, about one-third,mixed with Russian tobacco.

We start from here, looking for places, about in the evening. We wasn't sleeping thatnight. So Dr. Reed, he hadn't had any sleep. I fixed him in front of me, covered him witha boat cover, and told him to have a sleep. So then I lighted my pipe and smoke. He wassleeping, and the smell of my smoking drifted around him. He raised his head quick as hecould, and turn his head and look at me. "Are you smoking?" I say, "Yes. Smell liketobacco?" He says, "Something like it. What is that?" "This is Russian tobacco. You wantto try some?" I ask him. He says, "Sure I do." So instead of the Russian tobacco, I handedto him part of that Bull Durham cigarette tobacco, and he grabbed it quick as he couldand smile at the same time. Oh, how he was feeling good! But that tobacco won't last verylong, either, almost like paper. After that I let him try the Russian tobacco. He says ittastes good enough. So he ask me for some once in a little while, until we come back. Ihelp him that much.

Later on we try again, and finally found the place for Pinaiye's [Pinaaya] camp. So theyhave two places — Pinaiye's camp [Ayvigteq] and Sipula's [Sipela] camp. When we almostgot to that camp they were going to have, we caught a heavy wind. But that place has alittle lagoon, and when we got there, it's a good thing it has a lagoon, we sailed right in.When we stop and see that very rough sea, I was surprised at how we traveled rough likethat. Just in time, two drivers got there too, the same day we did, While we were waitingfor a calm wind to come, we went over the bluffs and got some young cormorants. It ispretty good, isn't it? We got about fifty, so we eat some and we go for more. Then when acalm sea came, we came back home. We stayed about ten days. See, I get fifteen dollars.(Was this the second trip?) Yes, Dr. Reed, was not with us that time — Oh, I was mixedup; it was the first trip we were away ten days.—So we divide up among the crew.

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(Where did they make the camp?) They call that place Aivixtuk [Ayvigteq], way beyondSavoonga, beyond Ataka's [Ataqa] camp. It is Horace's [Akiya] trapping place now. It wasnot a success, hard time in winter hunting, so they decide again to come together. Thatwas the start of Savoonga for a village. (Who was the teacher?) Dr. Reed. (Who was herewhen they moved together?) I don't remember, maybe Mr. Dupertius. (It was severalyears after they started the two separate camps).

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The Early Story of Savoonga as I Heard It from EldersBy Awliinga (Tim Gologergen)

Recorded in Nome, February 19, 2000

I was born in September 1919, in a (reindeer) camp thirty miles east of Savoonga. It wasno village at Savoonga at this time. The herders that came down here from Gambell(were) all Gambell people, they volunteered. My wife's brothers and my grandfather,Amos Pinaaya, who took Theodore Kingeekuk {Kingiikaq) for his apprentice. Also DavidSipela, my mother's brother, and Ollin Nunguk, and also my wife's father, Logan Anagayaaq.Logan took Luther {Estegraq) for his apprentice; they all took other people as their ap-prentices. So, Logan also tookjimmie Tulii for his apprentice, which brings down Jimmiesfather, Tangatu and his family here, his wife Yaari.

They all moved here, migrated after they have established the two reindeer herders maincamps. One was on the southern side of the island, near the place, which is now calledQaguq, meaning 'forehead.' It is located on the river bank. Several (families) stayed thereand then they split in two (groups), because the herd was getting too numerous. So,Sipela stayed there and Logan Anaghayaaq, and Ollin Nunguk, and others—they stayedon the southern side while Amos Pinaaya and Pangawyi, Raaquq, George Meghyuq, andothers split. Half of them went to Ayvigteq; that's where I was born in 1919.

They had all their children there (in the reindeer camp) and later on, probably in 1920,they met together and they said: We are getting too many. Let's pick up a place! So, theypicked the northern side because it was good for hunting, lots of game here, and the boatscan move in (easier). They got together, they looked around, and this was how they foundthis place, Savoonga. There was no extinct villages there, just one single house, one igloo.Kukulek was one big place, extinct village, and also Ivghaq, another extinct village not farfrom here. That was when the southern group also came north and joined those people atSavoonga, who used to stay some thirty miles east from there at Ayvigteq.

{Whose house was the first here: Amagu?) No, Amagu came later on and he also went toAyvigteq. That was our camp. Since Akiya was married to Amagus daughter Olga[Aghyagaq], they first came to Savoonga and from there they went to Ayvigteq. What

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happened: Amos Pinaaya, my grandfather's sister was Yaari, Tangatus wife [mother ofJimmie Tulii]. Then Amagu s wife, Qaallnaq, was also Pinaayas sister. Amagu was origi-nally from Siberia. But he was outspoken, aggressive. So aggressive that the people de-cided to kill him (there). So, Pinaaya did not want his sister's husband to be killed. Hebrought him out to the island, first to Gambell. He was a big man, Amagu, very strong,but he later found out that (some) people of Gambell were stronger than him. So, hestarted doing same things (in Gambell), picking on people. But he got kicked off thereand Amos Pinaaya took him away and brought him to his camp when he started the(reindeer) camp near Savoonga. This is how Amagu got to Ayvigteq.

All our families started out from there (from Ayvigteq) and when they all came to Savoonga,they looked: no school-house. There were eight houses back then in Savoonga: Sipeldsand Peter Waghiyi as his apprentice; then Nunguk, with an apprentice, Luther Stegraq;then Logan Anaghayaaq, with his apprentice, Jimmie Tulii; then Pinaaya; Galaagerngen;Wade Meteghlluk—I do not know who was his apprentice back then; and the last wereGeorge Unmeggaq and George Meghuyq, those were two brothers. Also (Columbus) Alowawho was apprentice to Raaquq. Those were first eight houses standing in Savoonga, allscattered (around). Here we grew up and the first thing they thought of was how to get aschool-house.

One day they went over to Gambell, and they discussed it with people at Gambell andwith the teacher. So, that school-teacher took some (part) of the school-house off andthey moved it to Savoonga. This was the first school-house started at the northern side.And somehow they (Savoonga people) pressed for teacher, and this first person who camehere was Mr. Thompson. He was the first teacher here. Later on, a lady came as a teacher,Ms. Hawks. They were here at school when I was seven years old (around 1925). We allwere in parkas because we did not have any shirts and also in reindeer pants. Going to theschool-house, we took our parkas off to study. One pencil, one tablet, no color-in books.Five raisins they gave us at school every day and also a toothbrush—they taught us tobrush our teeth.

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These first teachers, Mr. Thompson and Ms. Hawks, they stayed in Savoonga for oneyear. And when they returned next year, they were married! They help us more, so that wecould begin to understand their culture—and our culture, they understood it real close.

A second year, school live-in, no store. Same thing happened: they went over to Gambell,bought some flour, sugar, and tea there. Brought back a little shack, a 10 by 14' littlehouse. They also chased the herders(?) because all the herders that belonged to the village(of Savoonga) had shares. My father had lots of shares, my grandfather Amos Pinaayahad shares; my mother's brothers had reindeer and they had shares. So, they decided: webetter do something with the reindeer. They started butchering, they butchered (the rein-deer) when the boat comes in. They butchered (reindeer) and they sent them back out-side (as carcasses). They made an agreement to sell it (for money) and this money chasedback to the village. That's why we grew up so quickly and had cash for building materials.We built a big store and we called it "Reindeer Commercial Company Owned by theVillage of Savoonga on St. Lawrence Island." Then Gambell started the same thing wedid here (commercial reindeer butchering).

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Map of Savoonga, St. Lawrence Island (Summer 1934)By Samuel Troutman, School-Teacher

Sketched from the original in the Otto W. Geist Collection,Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks. Folder "Samuel Troutman,Eskimo Stories, Map of Savoonga, 1934," No. 50, Box 9

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The Town of Savoonga in My Early TimeBy Tuullupak (John Kulowiyi, Sr.), 1921-2000

This story was recorded from John Kulowiyi, Sr. on May 28, 1999 in SavoongaEarly Houses in Savoonga

[ Who was the first to pick this place, Savoonga, for residence?]

There were people like Unmeggaq, Sipela, Nunguk, Anaghayaaq, Raaquq who picked upthis area for good hunting. They were planning (originally) on building up Savoonga overat Ivgaq but they said that the wind was too strong there from the south, and sand wasblowing away too. So, they changed their mind—that's how I understand it—and thenthey were hunting at Ayvigteq to build (the village of) Savoonga there. But they said itwas too windy there in the wintertime. So, they moved here, they checked this area to seehow it was here. It is much quieter here because of the mountains, they protect us fromthe southern winds. And from the north it's all the same everywhere.

I guess it was the BIA that brought the first housing here. They did not have no otherorganization (agency) at that time. So, the BIA brought in the first 20 houses, just thefamily housing without insulation. And later on they brought the school, it was after thefamily housings. No, the (original) school building was already here but it was a verysmall one. It's burned down. That's where they first went to school—people like Christo-pher Meklahak {Miklaghhaq, born 1913) and others; they are all deceased now. Theywere the first students at school right here. I saw the part of it (school building) when Iwas a small kid. We also took some classes in that building: there were two small roomsthere. It's gone now, burned down.

There were no other public buildings here (in Savoonga) at that time, except when lateron they built a bigger school. Not the recent one but the second one; it's burned downtoo. That's where I had my classes. It was a big school-house: two classrooms and attachedshop, which had all counters stuffed over. The store came in later—I do remember howthe first store was built, small room, 15 feet by 20. It was originally reindeer herdersbuilding at Ivgaq where they kept all their equipment. They had a house there, a simplehouse without any insulation, but it was a good building. So, they purchased it, theybrought it here, and put it down here where the native store is now, maybe a little bit at

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the north side of it. It was a small building just at the shore. It was not really a store butthey put flour, sugar, tea, ammunition in there, and they put a lock on the door so thatnobody is going in there. Sipela was the first store-keeper. There was nothing else butlater on a bigger native store, Reindeer Commercial Company's native store was built.

They did not have no church services at that time. But later on when that big school-building ('second school') was built we had a church upstairs. They (people of Savoonga)were Christians already—not all of them, just some. [.. .]When they had to have a publicmeeting or at Chrismas, they just go to that first school-house. But it was not enoughroom for everyone. These old buildings are also gone now.

There were twenty first-built houses here in Savoonga. They were all lined up and theyhad the board-walks later on, they put these board-walks. It is all disorganized now butthis was originally well lined up. I do remember how the original houses were lined upfrom east to west (draws the map with individual family houses).

Pangawyi—he has a double-decker, a big house. Aluwas house was nearby—this was thefarthest one to the west, disorganized area (not lined-up).

Peter Waaghiyi—his was the last house from the eastern side; no, my dad's (AlbertKalaawyi) was the last one from that side.

Sipelds house was the biggest one in town. He {Sipela) had everything in there. They hadtheir own generator, they had electricity in their house from the very beginning.

Anaghaayaq—his house was a double-decker, a big house. Later on it used to be BobbieKaavds 2-store building.

Nungunaq—also a double-decker; there was another family staying in there—I remem-ber Buster, their son but do not remember their name. Glenn was another brother.

There were overall 12 houses in the northern organized (lined-up) area and 8 houses inthe southern disorganized area. Twenty of them altogether. We called the northern side'Front Street.' It did not have any Yupik name or maybe we called it Sivulighpigaat, 'firstbuildings.' And southern side, I don't remember whether it had any name at all.

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Some of these first houses are still standing: Anaghayaaqs, a double-decker; remodeledSipelas house though it is much lower now, just one-decker; Umas house is still standingbut there is nobody living in there.

I also remember how they built old log cabins closer to the river. Not the real log cabinsbut those of split wood.

The point was called Tekeghaq—this was the only name we used. There was also a placecalled Savungalliq where we used to beach stuff that (was) washed ashore.

Boat-racks were built right around where the store building was before the store wasbuilt. There were about 10 original boat-racks, they were put in order: all lined-up, in agood shape.

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The "Old Town" of Savoonga in 1940Excerpts from the BIA Community Survey

By 1940, the village of Savoonga was a prosperous and rapidly growing community. Its residentswere also quite wealthy financially, in terms of the value of property they owned. In order to seehow well off the people of Savoonga used to be some sixty years ago, one may check therecords of the 1940 community survey conducted by the Alaskan Office of Indian Affairs of theU.S. Department of the Interior (DOI).Twenty-six "Native Family Record Cards" of the originalSavoonga survey, conducted by O. C. Connelly on February 1, 1940, are currently stored on filesat the National Archives—Pacific Alaska Region in Anchorage.

The 205-people-strong community of Savoonga then consisted of twenty households ("familyconsumption groups"). Each household was thoroughly registered, with the names, birth dates,place of birth, and level of education of every person enumerated.The survey also provided anestimate (in dollars) of the property owned by each household, including the number of rein-deer, sled dogs, boats, Native store-shares, the value of the house as well as of the total familyassets. Of course, one should remember that any property values in Savoonga in 1940 dollarsare hardly comparable with what it is (or may be) today.The family list below is a summary ofthe 1940 survey. Modern spelling ofYupik names was introduced by Willis Walunga.

1. Akeya, Horace (Akiya)—born 9.25.1898 ('St. Lawrence Island'): 8 people, framehouse (14x16), driftwood camp house, one boat, 292 reindeer, 10 sled dogs.

2. Alowa, Nelson (Qagaqu)—born 8.16.1912 (Gambell): 9 people, frame house(18x20), one boat, 280 reindeer, 25 sled dogs.

3. Annogiyuk, Logan (Anaghayaaq)—born 3.20.1896 (Gambell): 10 people, in-cluding the family of his stepson, Bobbie Kavah (Kaava), frame house (20x24), framecamp house, 4 boats, 1312 reindeer, 36 sled dogs.

4. Ataaka, Harry (Ataqa)—born 1872 ('St. Lawrence Island'): 10 people, includingfamilies of Edward Gologergen {Nguungaya) and Isaac Alowa {Agigseghaq), 2-story framehouse (18x24), camp house, one boat, 232 reindeer, 24 sled dogs.

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5. Gologergen, Theodore {Galaagemgen)—born 8.28.1886 (Gambell): 14 people,including the family of his brother, Teddy Kingeekuk {Kingiikaq), frame house (14x20),404 reindeer, 23 sled dogs.

6. Ifkoluk, Irving (Ifkalleq)—born 12.20.1903 (Gambell): 7 people, frame house(18x18), warehouse, one small boat, 72 reindeer, 13 sled dogs.

7. Imingun, Smith (Imingan)—born 8.6.1891 (Gambell): 4 people, frame house(14x16), 456 reindeer, 19 sled dogs.

8. Iya, Nathaniel (Aya)—born 1.23.1905 (Gambell): 7 people, frame house (14x16),log camp-house, 56 reindeer, 13 sled dogs.

9. Kaseke, Teddy (Qaseki)—born 12.20.1905 (Siberia): 9 people, including the familyof his stepbrother, William Pelowook (Piluguk), frame house (12x14), log camp-house,2 boats, 140 reindeer, 9 sled dogs.

10. Kulowiyi, Albert {Kalaawyt)—4.6.1896 (Siberia, parents visiting): 13 people, in-cluding the family of his brother, Herbert Kiyuklook (Ggayeglluk), frame house (16x18),log camp-house, 1 boat, 516 reindeer, 19 sled dogs.

11. Mokiyuk, George (Meghytiq)—born 6.11.1894 ('St. Lawrence Island'): 12 people,including the family of his late brother, Jackson Unmegak (Unmeggaq), frame house(14x15), 501 reindeer, 20 sled dogs.

12. Noongook, Ollin (Nunguk)—born 4.6.1887 (Gambell): 14 people, including thefamilies of his sons, Nathan Noongook (Qagughmit) and Francis Noongook (Kiiwaaq),2-story frame house (18x24), 4 boats, 808 reindeer, 33 sled dogs.

13.0komealingok, Fred {Aqumigalnguk)—born 2.16.1906 ('St. Lawrence Island'):8 people, including the family of his brother, Christopher Miklahook {Miklaghhaq),frame house (12x14), 424 reindeer, 16 sled dogs.

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14. Penayah, Amos (Pinaaya)—born 11.20.1898 (Gambell): 14 people, includingthe families of his 'friend', Alolph Sevouhok {Siivaghhaq) and of his adopted son, DonaldPungowiyi (Ilagaasima), frame house (14x16), log-house, 1 boat, 2540 reindeer, 31 sleddogs.

15. Rookok, Barton {Raaquq)—born 8.25.1872 (Gambell): 10 people, including hissingle cousin, Luther Stegrook (Estegraq), frame house (14x18), log house, 1 big and 1small boat, 1800 reindeer, 16 sled dogs.

16. Toolie, Jimmie {Tulit)—born 8.12.1903 (Gambell): 10 people, including his par-ents, frame house (16x28), 1 boat, 1064 reindeer, 20 sled dogs.

17. Tootmahtulik, Omah {Tutmatelek Uma)—born 9.15.1861 (SWCape): 3 people,frame house (18x24), no boat, no reindeer, no sled dogs.

18. Tumbloo, Alfred {Tamlu)—born 12.13.1898 (Gambell): 16 people, includingthe families of his late brother, David Seppilu (Sipela), and of his two adult sons, FrankSeppilu {Tagiygun) and Melvin Seppilu (Anaghataaq), 2-story frame house (24x36), log-house, four boats, 3432 reindeer, 42 sled dogs.

19. Waghiyi, Peter {Waaghyt)—born 11.29.1882 (Gambell): 6 people, frame house(16x18), 286 reindeer, 14 sled dogs.

20. Wongitillin, Nick {Uqengeliighaq)—born 12.10.1904 (Gambell): 21 people, in-cluding families of his brother, Walter Wongitillin (Umengi), his cousin, ClarencePungowiyi (Ataata), and of his stepfather, Martin Kogassagoon (Qukasaghun), fromSiberia, 2-story frame house (18x24), 3 boats, 1084 reindeer, 36 sled dogs.

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The "Old Town of Savoonga" of My Early YearsBy Wangqetelen (Jerry Wongkittilin), born 1931

This story was recorded from Jerry Wongkitillin on May 26, 1999, in Savoonga

The houses named here were all built before I was born. These were "old houses" back inmy early years, when I was a little boy [about 1935-1940].

The tip of the point where the first houses were staying, we call it Tekeghaq. Here theybuilt the first houses long before I was born: the old School House (1), the Teachers'Quarters (2), the old building of the Savoonga Native Store (3), and the old Storehouse(4). These buildings were the closest to the shore, they were located even closer to thebeach than the modern school and the new building of the Savoonga store. Of these fourold public buildings, the Teachers Quarters is long gone and the old School House isburned down. Two houses that were the closest to the point are still there. The old Store-house (4) was used for public meetings and as a winter construction place. They used tobuild boats in there and to repair coverings for big skin-boats. At this time we did nothave a church in the village. So, church services, including the Christmas service tookplace in this old Storehouse, as well as all other public meetings. This building is stillstaying there and it is now used by the new store.The old Savoonga native store (3) usedto be very close to the modern store, from its northern side (closer to the beach). Onlypart of this building survived, and it is also used by the new store as a storehouse.

Of the family houses I remember about 20 in the time I was a boy. The first group ofhouses was just behind the line of the public buildings (the school, the store, the store-house, etc.). There were seven family houses in this northern area, and they were also putin line along the beach, from west to east. I often called this line the 'Front Street' but I donot remember any Yupik name for this place.

My father's house (Nick Wongittilin, Uqengelliighaq, #1) was the first from west and theclosest to the beach on the western side of the point. It was a two-story frame house andit was used by our family and Clarence Pungowiyi' (Ataata) family. It is not standinganymore.

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Next was Ted Gologergen's house (Galaagerngen, #2). It was used by Gologergen's andKingeekuk's {Kingiikaq) families; they were brothers. It is not there anymore.

Next to the east was Walter Wongkittilin's (Umengi, #3) house. This house is also gonebecause of the new school building. He was probably right at the place where the newschool building was built later.

Next to Walter's was Amos Penayah's (Pinaaya, #4) house. It was also torn down manyyears ago.

Next to Amos' was Tumbloo' {Tamlu, #5) and Seppilu's (Sipela) old house. It was a bigtwo-story house. It is still there and it is used by Seppilu's grandchildren now.

Next in line was Peter Waghiyi's (Waaghyi, #6) house. It is not there anymore.Next was Ataka's (Ataqa, #7) 2-story house. His nephew Edward Gologergen {Nguungaya)was living with Ataka. Ataka's house was next to the old school building. It still exists, andit is now used by Ataka's great-grandchildren. Later on Gologergen moved out and builta house of his own nearby. It is one that is now the closest to the beach [in the northeast-ern section]. No one lives there anymore.

Another group of houses was located further south. There were seven houses in this area;these were not positioned in line, like the northern group, the "Front Street."The closest to us to the south was Columbus Alowa's (Aluwa, #8) house. It was somehowincorporated into the modern red-painted house where Nelson Alowa {Qagaqu) livesnow. Or, maybe, it's one of the structures nearby.

Next to Alowa was Rookok' {Raaquq, #9) house. Actually, Rookok used to have anotherhouse, which used to be apart from the main village, far to the west (#19). But this firsthouse was burned down; I remember how it happened. Then Rookok moved to anotherhouse close to Aloowa. This house is gone now anyway.

Next to Rookok's second place was Meteghlluks house (#10). When this man died, hisfamily moved to Gambell. This house still exists—Vicky Kingeekuk is living there.

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Next to Vicky's was Albert Kulowiyi's {Kalaawyi, #11) house. His brother HerbertKiyuklook (Ggayeglluk) lived with him. This house is gone.

Next to Kulowiyi was Fred Okomealingok (Aqumigalnguq, # 12) and his brother Miklahook{Miklaghhaq). Gary Okomealingok, Fred's son, is still living there.

Next was Jimmie Toolie (Tulii, #13) old house. His father, Tangatu, lived with him.Jimmies grandson, Ivar Toolie, is still staying there.

The one fartherst south in this group was Tutmatelek's (Uma, #14) old house. WhenTutmatelek died, they put Kaseki (Qaseki) and Pelowook {Piluguk) in this house. Thecommunity did it because these two families were very poor and could not afford thehouse for themselves. They used to live in an old log cabin. After Kaseki's and Pelowook'sfamily got their new residences, this old house was abandoned. It still stays there, andnobody uses it now. The windows are broken, but otherwise this house still can be usedfor some purpose, though nobody wants to make a residence there.

One more house used to belong to this same group—that of Nathaniel Iya (Aya, #15).Iya's house was to the north of the main group; actually, it was right behind WalterWongkittilin's house (#3). Iya's house was burned down many years ago.

A smaller group offour houses used to be behind this larger group, further down (south)from the beach. Ollin Noongwook (Nunguk, #16) was there in his family house; he hada big family. This old house was burned down long ago.

Close to Noongwook's was Logan Annogiyuk's (Anaghayaaq, #17) big frame house. Hisnephew Bobbie Kava (Kaava) stayed with him. This is now a two-story house; IrvingKava and Morgan Annogiyuk live there.

Close to Annogiyuk's was Smith Immingan's {Imingan, #18) house. It is no longer staying.

The last house was the old one, originally built by Aningayou (Anengayuu, #19) fromGambell. He used to live here for a few years, and then moved back to Gambell. WhenAningayou moved out, his nephew Irving Ifkoluk {Ifkalleq) took over this house.

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I do not remember, whether Horace Akeya (Akiya) used to have a house in Savoonga atthis time. He mostly stayed permanently at his camp at Ayvigteq, year-round. So, I amnot sure whether Akiya had originally any house in the 'old village.'

All the houses I mentioned were frame lumber houses; they arrived here ready to beassembled. I have never seen any old winter houses (mangteghapik) out here in Savoonga,like those up in Gambell. As I remember, we never used seal-oil lamps here nor the walrusskins for floor coverings and curtains, as they did in Gambell.

This was the village I remember, since I was a little boy. We did not have a church build-ing back then nor the post office. The first Presbyterian church was erected in 1940. I donot remember any visits by people from Siberia here in Savoonga; so, I do not knowwhether they used to have any special meeting place for the visitors, like they did inGambell. There was a little common playground right between the Teachers Quartersand the Old Native store, close to the beach. We used to play the Eskimo ball games downthere in summer.

The old boat-racks were located on the beach, along the shoreline. There were more rackson the western side of the point, Tekeghaq, than on the eastern side. I remember severalold boat-racks right near our house; they put large skin-boats and wooden boats outthere.

When I was a little boy, we used to have about 8 or 9 boat crews here in Savoonga for thespring walrus hunting. I remember the following boats:

- Pungowiyi {Pangawyi)—I did not see this man myself, but I know that my father Nick(Wongkittilin) took over this boat when the old man Pangawyi died.

- Ataka—this boat was later taken over by Edward Gologergen (Nguungaya).

- Tamlu—his boat was taken over by Frank Sippela (Tagiyugun), his nephew.

- Kulowiyi—Herbert Kayuklook (Ggayeglluk) took over this boat later, but he was alsoworking for the school full-time as a janitor.

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- Qaseki—they used to have a boat of their own; Teddy Kaseki later took over this boatafter the old man.

- Logan Annogiyuk {Anaghayaaq)—his nephew, Bobbie Kava (Kaava), took this boatafter him.

- Ollin Noongwook (Nunguk)—his son, Nathan Noongwook (Qagughmii), took theboat after him.

- The old man Columbus Aloowa (Aluwa) also used to have a boat. Nelson Alowa {Qagaqu)took this boat over after his father.

I do not remember other boats, but there might be more when I was a young boy.

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PRESERVING THE MEMORY OF THE "OLD TOWN OF GAMBELL"List of Residents of the Village of Gambell {Sivuqaq) in Winter 1930

Compiled by Paul Silook

Paul Silook (Siluk) compiled the census of Gambell in winter 1930, upon request from anthro-pologist Henry B.Collins of the Smithsonian Institution. Silook registered all Gambell residents(about 240 people, including a few families from King and Diomede Islands, and mainland Alaska)then living in thirty-two houses.All the houses—both traditional walrus-skin covered dwellingsand modern frame buildings—were put on the attached map that showed each family residencewithin the village. It also illustrated the way Silook's enumeration proceeded: evidently from thesouthern edge of Gambell to the northernmost section of the village.

Silook's census listed every person by his/her Yupik and English name (whenever available). Inaddition, it supplied information on individual age and relation to the family head ("father").Thisis a unique resource for the St. Lawrence Island history; it is also the earliest list of the Yupikcommunity ever produced by a local resident. Unlike the official governmental and BIA-teach-ers' censuses, Silook listed all Native people actually living in Gambell (regardless of their originand citizenship). He also provided accurate spellings of their Yupik names, family relationships,and more realistic estimates of individual age.

The original Silook's census and his "Plan of the Village of Gambell" (see below) is kept at theNational Anthropological Archives at the Smithsonian Institution in Henry Collins' personalcollection (Manuscript Collection, Box 68) under the title Silook, Paul. Plan of Gambell villageshowing houses, list of inmates, and their relationship, 1930. Silook's census and plan of Gambell hasnever been published. Neither was it ever used in the studies of island oral history by localYupik historians and anthropologists alike. For this version, Willis Walunga inserted modernYupik name spellings and other comments, whereas Igor Krupnik added clan affiliations of alllocal Gambell families listed by Silook.

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Paul Silook's (Siluk) Map of Gambell, 1930 (southern section of the village).

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it in , ■. i r t & ma w>

Paul Silook's (Siluk) Map of Gambell, 1930 (northern section of the village).

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38S

Paul Silook's (Siluk) Map of Gambell, 1930 (southern section of the village).

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Paul Silook's (Siluk) Map of Gambell, 1930 (northern section of the village).

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' " " ■ * !

The first page of Paul Silook's census of Gambell, 1930. Family numbers 1-4.

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House Numbers and Family Composition,Gambell, St. Lawrence Island, 1930—by Paul Silook

House #1Nasq

House #2Mainlanders

Head of Household: Nupowhotuk

1) Nupowhotuk (Lester-Napagbutaq), Father, Age 34.Nephew of person #10 in house #3.

2) Ohlioghalook (Allighaluk), Mother, Age 33.

3) Omaru (Dora—Umara), Daughter, sister of person #4,12,15, Age 13.

4) Koonahok {Qunaghhaq Joseph), Son, Age 5.

Head of Household: Iyek1

5) Eveghok (Iviguk), Father, age 54.

6) Akneyuk (Aakmyaq), Mother, age 52.

7) Paneatuk (Panigataaq), Adopted son, age 10.

8) Nakolook (Naakuluq), Adopted daughter, age 18.

9) Girl Mary, Daughter of #8, age 2.

[Family living on the island at that time, originally from Main-land—Willis Walunga's note]

House #3 Head of Household: Hokhkokhok

Nasq

10) Hokhkokhok (Eghqaagbaq), Father, age 50.

11) Temmewin (Tenmiiwen), Mother, age 52.

12) Angason (Mark—Angusaan), Son of person #1 in house#1, age 18.

13) Bolowon (Louis—Pulaaghun), Brother of person #10, age44.

14) Omomingu (Mary—Amamenga), Wife of person #13, age36.

15) Ankaki (Elton—Angqaki), Brother of person #12, age 7.

16) Eghunuk {Ighennaq, Edgar), Brother of person #10 & 13,age 39.

Paul Silook lists Iyek as the head of this household but does not include Iyek in the list of membersliving here. He does mention the following information regarding Iyek and his family: Iyek (Frank), KingIsland, age 37; Kekekhtuk.Wife, age 27; Mayak, Daughter, age 7, Pekonganu, Daughter, age 4.Paul Silook lists Irrogoo as the head of this household.In Paul Silook's original list, the number 121 is omitted.

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Head of Household: Irogoo2

17) Iwoorigan (Aywergen, Ira), Father, age 52.

18) Yaghoonga (Yaghunga, Nellie), Mother, age 49.

19) Upistok (William -Yupestaq), Son of #18, age 17.

20) Oyatekuk (Roy—Uyaatiqaq), Brother of #19, age 14.

21) Matikhtuk (Beatrice—Mategtaq), Sister of #19 & #20, age11.

22) Irrogoo (Samuel—Iirgu), Brother of person #17, age 40.

23) Soonakoonga {Sunqaanga, Wife of #22, age 38.

24) Mingloo (Clarence—Miinglu), Son of #22, age 15.24a) Auki (Ora—Ayuqt), daughter of #22, age 28.

25) Ungiyuk (Tom—Tayqa), Adopted son, grandchild of thesister of #17, age 22.

26) Wala (Harriet—Waala), Adopted daughter, betrothed to#76 in House # 13, age 17.

Other people living in Irrogoo's house:

Amaghok {Amaghwaaq, Joe), Father, Diomede Island, age 39.

Mayak (Maayaq), Mother, age 35.

Sauk (Suuk, Paul), Son of Joe, mother died, age 20.

Iyalak (Igalaaq, Stanslaus), Son of Joe, mother died, age 13.

Aghnatook (Aghnatuuk, Son of Joe and Mayak, mother died, age 5.

Engak (Iingaq), Son of Joe and Mayak, mother died, age 3.

Ilegakluk (Iligaghlleq), Son of Joe and Mayak, mother died, age 2.

Omak (Uumaaq, Bob), Father, Diomede Island, age 35.Tannganuk (Tan'nganaq, Flora), Mother, age 36.Pazaganu (Pazegana, Joseph), Son, age 13.Pianu (Idah), Daughter, age 8.Girl, Adopted, age 5.Girl, Daughter, age 3.

Anagolek {Anawuliq, Paul), Father, King Island, age 50.

Ughootuk {Ughutaq), Mother, age 48.

Kaven ngalook (Kavinangaluk, Helen), Daughter, age 23.

Nownuk (Genevieve), Daughter, age 14.

Aneonu (Madeline), Daughter, age 10.

Senaghok (Johnny), Son, age 6.

Boy, Son, age 3.

House #4Nang

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House #5 Head of Household: Tangyan

Pugu

27) Tangyan (Taangyan), Father, age 57.

28) Nlikhtuk (Englegtaq), Mother, age 56.

29) Ovikituk (Chester—Uveketaaq), Son, age 21.

30) Anaghahlkoyuk (Flora—Anaghalquyaak), Wife of #29,daughter of #43 in House #8, age 18.

30a) Katook {Katuk, Clifford), Son of #39.

31) Aga (Esther—Aaga), Sister of 29, betrothed to #45, age17.

32) Yoghkoituk (Robert— Yughqutaq), Brother of #29 & #31,age 30.

House #6 Head of Household: Apasingok

Laak—from Siberia

33) Apasingok (Thomas—Apasengaq), Father, age 40.

34) Sevokhlaha {Sivuglleghht), Mother, age 39.

35) Atamama (Agnes—Atamama), Daughter, age 11.

36) Asahak (Asaggaq, Herbert), Son, age 4.

37) Epuku (Ipeka, Delia), Daughter, age 1.

38) Iflanuk (Iflanaq), Mother of #33, age 65.

House #7 Head of Household: Ungiluk

Nang

39) Ungiluk (Ungalaq), Father, age 60.

40) Singowin (Szngaawen), Mother, age 40.

41) Kavalhak, (Wallace—Qavalgbaq)), Adopted son of #39and 1st cousin of #25 & #26, age 17.

House #8 Head of Household: Akiyiku [Husband Qunaghhaq—

deceased]

Nasq

42) Akiyiku (Dorcas—Akayeka), Widow, age 58.

43) Kerngoktukuk (Qerngughtekaq, Snowflake), Widow, age41.

44) Iknukenuk (Ruth—Iknaqeneq), Adopted daughter of #42,age 20.

45) Atahlook (Howard—Atalluk), Brother of 30, age 16.

46) Walha (Ina— Waalla), Daughter of #43, sister of #30,betrothed to #132 in House # 19, age 12.

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Head of Household: Maskin

47) Maskin (Philip—Maasqen), Father, age 28.

48) Tokoyu (Nita—Tukuuya), Mother, daughter of #53,age 25.

49) Kakhsagon (Edgar—Kagsaagun), Son of #47, age 7.

50) Wayi (Waayi, Victor), Son of #47, age 5.

51) Kangho {Kaanghu, Elmer), Son of #47, Age 3.

52) Nunglu (Pengwaaq, Wilmer), Son of #47, Age ° .

Head of Household: Kaningok

53) Kaningok (Qanenguq), Father of #48 in House # 9,

age 52.

54) Yogho (Yaaghu), Mother, age 50.

55) Tapesuk (Abraham—Tapiisak), Son, brother of #48, age17.

56) Atlahok (Willard—Atleghuq), Son, brother of # 48, age12.

Head of Household: Shoolook

57) Shoolook (Suluk, George Washington), Father, age 67.

58) Kiskangu (Qisgenga), Mother, 1st cousin of #139, age 60.

59) Womkon (Patrick—Waamquun), Son, cousin of # 60, age45.

60) Nueyellngok (Nuugigalnguq), Wife, cousin of # 59, age40.

61) Angeeko (Nina—Angiku), Daughter of #59, age 18.

62) Kavenkuk (Tracy—Kavenquq), Son of #59, age 13.

63) Aghnaghaghpek (Adelinda—Aghnaghaghpik)), Daughterof #59, age 6.

64) Okowa {Ukugha, Clara), Daughter of #59, age 3.

65) Oovi (Lloyd— Uvi), Brother of #59, age 30.

66) Anatoonga (Victoria—Anataanga), Wife, age 27.

67) Asi (Elvin—Ast), Son of # 65, age 7.

68) Emantuk (Imantaaq), Daughter of #65, age 3.

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House #12 Head of Household: Athalingok

Pugu

69) Athalingok (Reube- Aatghilnguq ), Father, age 49.

70) Otooko {Utuqa), 1st wife, age 42.

71) Koonaigu (Quun'nga), 2nd wife, age 40.

72) Towotkiyuk (Herald—Tugutkayuk), Son of 1st wife of #69,age 14.

73) Oovokaya (Edna—Maketkaq), Daughter of 2nd wife of#69, age 5.

74) Apayu (Mabel—Apayaa), Daughter of #32 in House # 5,age 8.

House # 13 Head of Household: Yagmekon

Pugu

75) Aghnakhlowok {Aghnaghlluggaq, Widow, age 47.

76) Yogmekon (George—Yaagmigun), Son, age 21.

77) Panekotuk (Ada—Panikutaaq), Daughter betrothed to#25 in House #4, age 18.

78) Panipahlu (Lida—Panipaalla), Daughter betrothed to #41in House #8, age 14.

[Widow of Aymergen]

House # 14 Head of Household: Yavakseuk

Neng

79) Yavakhseuk (Yaavgagbsiq), Father, age 50.

80) Keroku (Kiruka), Mother, age 50.

81) Koozaatu (Warren—Kuzaata), Nephew of #79, age 37.

82) Tuparwok (Lucile—Teparghuq), Wife, daughter of#192 in House #29, age 22.

83) Kowyelluk (John—Qawyalek), Son of #81, age 9.

84) Wapelo (Wapelu, Helen), Sister of #83, age 8.

85) Anahlok (Analluk, Bessie), Sister of #83, age 5.

86) Melotku {Milutqa, Harry), Brother of #83, age 3.

87) Agangseuk (Alice—Aghwalngiiq), Daughter of #79,betrothed to #200 in House #31, age 19.

88) Kayahak (Annie—Qayaghhaq), Sister of 87, age 17.

89) Anaka (Anaka, Grace), Granddaughter of #79, mother inHouse #21, age 5.

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Head of Household: Montokoli

90) Montokoli (Monte—Mangtaquli), Father, age 46.

91) Aghnahlpwopuk (Aghnalqwaapak), Mother, age 44.

92) Tonghalingok (John—Tunghilnguq), Son of #90, age 18.

93) Aghologhkok (Delia—Aghulagbquq), Sister of #92, age14.

94) Ooviyu (Franklin—Uviya), Brother of #90, age 9.94a) Anungti (Alec—Anangtt), Brother of #90, age 27.

95) Sekahok (Idah—Sikaaghhaq), Wife of #94a, daughter of#199, age 20.

96) Kowowin (Kawaawen), Daughter of #94, age 2 or 3months.

97) Soonogurook (Moses—Sunaaghruk), Brother of #90, age39.

98) Iyapu (Ayapaa), Wife of #97, age 42.

Other people in Montokoli s house:

Timkeroo {Temkeruu), Father, age 50—Pugu.Tootu (Tuuta), Wife, age 53.

Ningki {Nengki, Arche), Son of a man at Boxer Bay, age 13.Avaluk (Beda—Avalak), Daughter of Robert Yoghkoituk, age13.

House #16 Head of Household: Ovitillin

Sani

99) Ovitillin (Daniel—Uwetelen), Father, age 54.

100) Kaeyusseuk (Naomi—Qiyasiq), Mother, half-sister of#110, age 52.

101) Immugumi (Oscar—Imaghmit), Son of #99, age 21.

102) Apangalook (John—Apangaluq), Son of #99, age 18.

103) Silook (Paul—Siluk), Son of #99, age 36.

104) Mohak (Margeret—Muuggaq), Wife of #103, cousin of#202, age 34.

105) Kanohok (Nolan—Kanuggaq), Adopted son of #103, age14.

106) Pinapak (Estelle—Penapak), Daughter of #103, age 10.

107) Savlu (Roger—Saavla), Son of #103, age 7.

108) Anaghayi (Vivian—Anaghayt), Daughter of #103, age 5.

109) Kimlingu (Attillia—Kemliinga), Daughter of #103, age2.

House #15Pugu

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House #17 Head of Household: Oozeevooseuk

Pugu

110) Oozeevooseuk (Andrew—Uzivusiq), Father, age 39.

111) Singlungu (Singlenga), Mother, age 38.

112) Ozook (Stanley—Aazuk), Son of #110, age 21.

113) Ngehhotuk (Glenn—Ngiiggutaq), Son of #110, age 12.

114) Akohlki {Akulki, Conrad), Son of #110, age 5.

115) Kaspoongu (Addison—Qipenga), Half-brother of #110,age 35.

116) Patateyu (Pataatiya), Mother of #115, age 63.

117) Oseuk (Walter— Uusiiq), Nephew of #110, age 32.

118) Amekhekuk (Emily—Amigiqaq), Wife of #117, age 19.

House #18 Head of Household: Walanga

Avat—from Siberia

119) Walangu {Walanga, John), Father, age 37.

120) Rothltingu {Rultenga, Ruth), 1st wife, age 36.

122) Akituk (Uuketa, Dorothy), 2nd wife, age 32.3

123) Ankangowin (Lucy—Angqangaawen), Step-daughter of#120, betrothed to #[???] in House #26, age 14.

124) Napaka (Mildred—Napaqaq), Daughter of #119 thru#120, age 13.

125) Taglan (Frank—Taglaan), Son of #119 thru 122, age 12.

126) Sevoongak (Elizabeth—Sivungaghmii), Daughter of #119thru #122, age 8.

127) Kepelgo {Kepelgu, Willis), Son of #119 thru #122, age 5.

128) Otungukhkuk (Utengegkaq, Ersula), Daughter of #119through #122, age 2.

House # 19 Head of Household: Koonooku

Sani

129) Koonooku (Tommy—Kunuka), Father, age 39.

130) Avehlkek (Avelqiiq), Wife, age 38.

131) Ghemungawin (Lily—Giimangaawen), Daughter of#129, betrothed to #102 in House #16, age 18.

132) Tewori (Herald—Tiiwrt), Son of #129, mother died, age 15.

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House #20

Head of Household: Ohwowin

133) Ohwowin (Uwhaawen), Widow, age 64.

134) Antukmee (Jack—Aantaghmii), Grandson, son of #71 inHouse #12, age 19.

House #21 Head of Household: Otiyohok

Sani

135) Otiyohook (Jimmie—Ataayaghhaq), Father, brother of#129, age 45.

136) Okwomangen (Isabel—Ukaamangan), Mother, age 28.

137) Oyatowon (Sadie—Uyatuwan), Daughter of #129, age20.

138) Okwoktaluk (Jean—Ukaaghtaalaq), Adopted daughterof #135, daughter of #141, age 4.

Other people in Otiyohok's house:

Okinello (Peter—Aghnilu), Father, Otiyohok's brother, age 38.Upaka (Daisy—Epeqaaq), Wife, sister of Carl, age 25.Katnagak (Qinegaq), Son.

House #22 Head of Household: Booshu

Sani

139) Booshu (Pusaa), Father, brother of #129 & #135, age 49.

140) Utungu (Atenga), Mother, age 24.

141) Inwikson? (Ernest—Ayuwighsaan), Son of #139, motherdied, age 23.

142) Aghnungeghak (Pansy—Aghnangiighaq), Wife, daughterof #57 in House #11, age 22.

143) Ayaluk (Roland—Ayaleq), Son of #141, brother of #138,age 5.

144) Simu (Semyu), Son of #141, age 1 °.

145) Nukuyok (Solomon—Neghyuk), Son of #139, age 17.

146) Nooynun (Ben—Nuugnan), Son of #139, age 20.

147) Kehlamrook (Lena— Qellaamruk), Wife of #146, age 19.

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House #23 Head of Household: Sokruk

[Family living on the Island from Mainland, Ayukliit—Willis Walunga's note]

148) Sokruk (Sukraq), Father, age 45.

149) Tootooghanu (Tutughana), Mother, age 43.

150) Kaghok (Julia—Qaaghwaq), Daughter of #148, age 23.

151) Luke {Luke), Son of #148, age 7.

152) Neyako (Neyaku), Daughter of #148, age 4.

153) Toozuk (Booker—Toozuk), Son of #148, age a couple ofmonths.

House #24 Head of Household: Echak

Sani

154) Echak (Calvin—Iggak), Father, cousin to #155, age 37.

155) Anaghatungu (Anaghaatangai), Mother, cousin to #154,age 39.

156) Akooto (Moses—Aqutu), Adopted son, brother of #41,age 14.

157) Ootoomuk (Daniel—Utumek), Son of #154, age 10.

158) Tosogon {Tuusugun, Dorcas, Daughter of #154, age 6.

159) Enungowin {Imengaawen, Mathilda), Daughter of #154,age 3.

Head of Household: Aningayou

160) Aningayou (James—Anengayuu), Father, age 43.

161) Akwohovi {Ukaaghhani, Susie), Mother, age 40.

162) Raaganuk (Ethel—Riighnak), Daughter of #160, age 21.

163) Kastivek (Steven—Kiistivik), Son of #160, age 18.

164) Ghenook (Norman—Genuk), Son of #160, age 16.

165) Atongo (John—Atangu), Son of #160, age 13.

166) Koolo (Wilfred—Kuulu), Son of #160, age 6.

167) Akisook (Akesuq, Clara), Daughter of #160, age 5.

168) Mungenu(Mangena, Roger) , Son of #160, Age 2.

169) Pooovwook (Puguuq), Mother of #160, age 66.

House #25Mere

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House #26 Head of Household: Alnygekhtuk

Ingl—from Siberia

170) Alnygekhtuk {Alngiiwhtaqt), Father, age 54.

171) Pekanlingok {Pikanlenguq), Mother, age 52.

172) Yatelin (Jean—Yatelen), Daughter of #171, father died,betrothed to #163, age 17.

173) Angi (Fred—Angi), Son of #170, age 16.

174) Mikungu (Doris—Mekenga), Daughter of #170, age 13.

175) Ooyghak (Sweeney—Uuyghaq), Son of #170, motherdied, age 40.

176) Nighak {Naayghaq), Wife of # 175, age 37.

177) Nikanuk (Nekanaq, Mark), Son of # 175, age 8.

178) Metook (Metaaq, Marcilla), Daughter of #175, age 3.

House #27 Head of Household: Kulukhkon

Sani

179) Ikmilowu (Iqmaluwa), Father, age 54.

180) Aghnaghaghpuk (Agbnaghaghpak), Mother, age 50.

181) Agekhsook (Rachel—Agigsuk), Daughter of #179, cousinof #112, betrothed to #112, age 18.

182) Kulukhkon (Lawrence—Qilleghquun), Stepson of #179,cousin of #135, age 32.

183) Asoongu (Rosie—Aasunga), Wife, age 27.

184) Akoline {Gvzcc—Akulmit), Daughter of #182, age 9.

185) Mizuku (Mezeka, Allen), Son of #182, age 7.

186) Anaghasook (Anaghasuuk, Anna) , Daughter of #182,age 5.

187) Welu (Wild), Daughter of #182, age 2.

House #28 Head of Household: Unggottinganwon

Sani

188) Unggottinganwon (Angqatenganwan), Father, age 47.

189) Anasook (Anasuk), Mother, age 46.

190) Okhkakmi (Eddie—Uughqaghmit), Son, age 21.

191) Wiyingi (Josephine—Wayengi), Wife of #190, cousin of#190, daughter of #110, age 19.

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House #29 Head of Household: Apatu

Sani

192) Apatu (Apaata), Father, 1st cousin of #99, age 50.

193) Anaghangu (Anaghanga), Mother, age 36.

194) Aghnamcomi (Sarah—Agbnaamkami), Daughter of#192, mother died, age 19.

House #30Sani

Head of Household: Yoghok

195) Yoghok (Adam— Yaghaq), Wife died, half-brother of#192, age 38.

196) Blassi (Lincoln—Pelaasi), Brother of # 195, age 34.

197) Mileghotkuk (Chauncey—Maligutkaq), Brother of #195,age 29.

198) Nipook (Florence—Napaaq), Wife of #197, niece of #135, age 27.

House #31Uwaa

Head of Household: Massiu

199) Massiu {Masaayu), Father, widower, brother of #80, age64.

200) Niagarahok (Henry—Nayegreghaq), Son, cousin of #87,age 22.

House #32 Head of Household: Iyakatan

Uwaa

201) Iyakatan {Ayakitaan), Father, brother of #199, age 50.

202) Noknaghon (Nuqneghun), Mother, 1st wife, niece of#135, age 38.

203) Kimwooko (Carl—Kenuuqu, other name Uwaaliq), Sonof #201, age 18.

204) Ozuk (Uuzak, Daniel), Son of #201, age 16.

205) Negughpuk (Negaghpak, Lewis, other name Tagitkaq),Son of #201, age 6.

206) Ahlingu (Adeline—Aallenga), Daughter of #201, age 13.

207) Agha (Agha), Daughter of #201, age 4.

208) Agragek (Agragiiq, Lane), Son of #201, age 2.

209) Popogak {Papegaaq), 2nd wife of #201, age 55.

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Bridging Paul Silook's Census and Memories of the Old Days

1. Our Parents' Houses and Our Neighbors of the "Early Years"Akulki (Conrad Oozeva):

I remember the old house of Akulki, where I was born. It was a lumber house but one ofthe old-style, the Eskimo-style. It had one window on the side, on its left side. We havethree Eskimo lamps, naniq, inside for heat and cooking. The eastern side of the house hadabout four feet of lumber floor and the rest of it was split walrus hide on the bare groundfloor. We had a curtain inside made of reindeer skins. From that on, we had a bare groundarea up to the entrance. It also had some cut-off windows, also on the eastern side. On thenorth side, they had siinu, the Eskimo storage room—not the all length of the house butjust a part of it.

This was the old house of Akulki, my grandfather's house. I think, when the old manAkulki died, they tore his house apart and maybe they used parts of the old house forother buildings. It was very much a wooden house and it had a wooden roof too. Theyalso had another small house (cabin) in the back of it. They used to do some works there,like the woodwork, carving (ivory), and other things.

My father (Uzivusiq) was living in a separate house (of) mangteghapik type [See Family No.17 of Paul Silook's census]. He might have lived in that old house too with the old manbefore. As far as I remember, we all lived in my father's house: my father and the wholefamily: my mother, my elder brother (Lluuyuk), who got married—he came fromWaamquun to our house with his wife (Angiku), and he was staying with us. In later timethey stayed (lived) in the back side of the building but my brother made it into his livingplace. Then my second brother Glenn (Ngiiggutaq) got married. They stayed with us inthe same room. My cousin, Walter Uusiiq, when he got married, he stayed in the familywith his wife too. Later he built a house for himself nearby.

My father never told me who built this house or who lived there first. When I learned,it was always this way It was not that old a house and it was even partially new(because of the remodeling). Maybe, the lumber was taken from the early part of themission school.

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Anaggun (Ralph Apatiki):

I also remember the old house, mangteghapik, where my grandfather Suluk lived likeour winter home [Family No. I I of Silook's census]. There was an inner room laid withreindeer skins and grass, and walrus hides. My grandfather Suluk was living there with hiswife (Qisgenga); his oldest son Waamquun and other son Nunguk, and two other sons—Uvi zn&Apeteki, my father. Only Lloyd Oovi (Uvt) lived in the frame building [familysummer house nearby] but inside there was an agra too. And they had lamps there, seal-oil lamps.

Where I lived (the winter house), we had three oil lamps and three families in the living:my grandfather Suluk, his eldest son Waamquun and his family, and also my father Apetekiand his family. I know that my father lived there because I was always told that I was bornin that winter house of Suluk in 1926. And what I saw as a little boy was a big family likethat. The house was covered with walrus hides, they were dried and tight together onboth slopes (of the roof). On the front (side), they put a canvas—probably they got itfrom traders—put it on the front. {What was the need for the canvas?) Maybe, it lastedlonger than the walrus hide. It was just one layer of canvas but it was not like today'scanvas, much heavier one. Real heavy canvas, they used it at the door side. They may useit there to make it lighter inside the aagra.

Outside the aagra, it was open (open space)—there they put their clothes, beds, somefood, and so on. They also have this little cabin (storage room), we call it siinu, where theyput certain food for the family. It had a door about 2 feet high from the ground—Ibelieve, to keep it from animals, like dogs, to go in and out. We were such a big family:they have three whaling boats and one skin-boat, and many-many dogs. They sure livedlike all other families here (in Gambell), like other agra families. We had many relativeshere and there but they all lived in their own family houses.

We also had a lumber building nearby, which was called "summer house." About the endof June, when the need came, they started tearing out the (roof) cover from the winterhouse, to expose (it) to the air. All summer it stayed exposed, open (from the roof), andthey all moved to the summer house, we call it guygu. Big family lived in that large one-story building all summer, they stayed together. So, each family used to have two housesin my early years: one in winter and another in summer, when they left the winter houseexposed (open) to the sun and air all summer. In the fall, usually in October, they put the

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roof back (on the winter house)—either the new walrus hides or the ones they usedbefore. Some families also have canvas cover, not all families have it but we have one.

Our close relatives, like Aymergen [Family No. 13 of Silook's census] and Taangyan [FamilyNo. 5] lived in separate houses (of their own). Aymergen was a cousin of my grandfatherand Taangyan was another cousin of my grandfather. Also Mangtaquli [Family No. 15]and Andrew {Uzivusiq—Family No. 17] were close relatives sharing with each other. Actu-ally, Mangtaquli and Andrew did not live that close but Aymergen was very close. Becausemy great-grandfather had two wives. And so Aymergen and my grandfather (Suluk) hadone father but different mothers. That made them very close (to each other). They alllived like one big family, helping each other and sharing. They cared about their owndogs, they knew how to make hunting equipment, and they hunted together, my grand-father and his relatives, in one boat.

Avalak (Beda Slwooko):

As far as I remember, we lived together with my grandparents from my mother's side. Mygrandfather's name was Temkeruu. My father was Yughqutaq, his other name was RobertTungyan, after his father Taangyan (Tungyan). He moved to his in-laws because, I think,my grandfather Temkeruu did not want his daughter to leave his house. So, he askedthem (my parents) to stay with him for awhile.

The nearest house to us was (that of) Aatghilnuq [Family No. 12], my grandfather's youngerbrother, and his family close-by. And another nearby house was of other close relative,Qanenguq [Family No. 10]. And Mangtaquli, another close relative, was close-by too.1 ButAatghilnguq, my grandfather's younger brother and family, was the most close to us. Iremember as I was a little girl: we were often staying in Aatghilnguqs house—not sod-house but a lumber house, with a big square room on the other side.

My grandfather's house was an old-style Eskimo house. They used the ceiling out ofwalrus hide, tapeq, with the big ventilation (hole) on the top. So, in the living quarter,there was always a big ventilation hole to the outside, for fresh air. We had three or fourclay lamps. Every once in a while they cleaned up these clay lamps. They picked up some

In Paul Silook's list of Gambell families of 1930,Temkeruu was listed as staying in Mangtaquli's house,together with his wife Tuuta, and Beda Avalak, who was then 13 (see her picture of 1930 on p. 338).

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moss, peqaq, from the mountains in summer time, they took it from top of the rocks, andthey cleaned the seal-oil lamps. They cooked their daily food with these lamps in theEskimo pots for cooking. Even boiling some walrus flippers and some female walrusbreast side, qallataq.

Ayuqi (Ora Gologergen):

I was born in Gambell in February 1917. I lived there all my younger years, until I wasprobably eighteen or twenty year-old when I moved to Sivungaq and married theGalaagerngen boy.

We lived in our own house, all my family lived together: my father Iirgu, my mother, myolder brother {Miinglu, Clarence Irrigoo) [See Family No.4 of Silook's census]. At first, wealso lived with Ungalaq and his youngest wife Singaawen. He was also our relative. Hisfirst wife was much older but his second younger wife, Singaawen, was from Siberia,Ungazighmii. She was a sister ofAmagu, Laakaghmii. And Ungalaq s grandson, WallaceQavalghaq, he was adopted grandson from one of my father's nephews, also lived with us.He was about the same age as my brother Miinglu [Clarence Irrigoo]. Ungalaq and myfather were related but how, I don't know.

Our closest neighbor was Ayivergen [Ira Iworrigan], my father's older brother, and hisfamily. They lived right in front of our house. Next door (to us) was my father's otherbrother, Richard Aghtuqaayak, and his family. Farther down south was the house ofEghqaaghaq [Loon Hokhkokhok—See Family No. 3 of Silook's census], and the last one(in the village) was Napaghutaq [Lester Nupowotuk—See Family No. I of Silook's census].These we the older ones—when these Napaghutaq and Eghqaaghaq all passed away, itbecame Leonard Napaqaghhaqs house.

These families were very close (to each other): my father, his brother Ayivergen, his otherbrother Aghtuqaayak, and Ungalaq. They also have a sister; her name is Ayapaa, MosesSunaaghruk's wife. There was another woman—Papegaaq, not a sister but related to her.She married my other uncle, Ayakitaan, from my mother's side. He had another wife, amuch younger one, named Nuqneghun. They lived on the other side of the village.

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These were all traditional Eskimo houses—mangteghapiget. I grew up in such mangteghapikhouse of driftwood, with aagra (built of) of reindeer skins, walrus hides on the floor, andthe seal-oil lamps. This was the type of house I grew up when I was a little girl.

Kepelgu (Willis Walunga):

My family first lived in Sivungaq (Savoonga) when we moved to the island. LoganAnaghayaaq brought my father from Siberia. He came there for my dad because of thisold woman named Puughhun—she sent him for my father. I do not really know why didshe do that. So, they moved to Sivungaq some time in the early 1920s; I do not rememberthat because I was born here. When I started to remember, we already living close toAkulkis house. We lived then in a very small house, it was probably about 10x12 and ithad three lamps: one on one side and two on the other side. It was a lumber house with afloor of walrus hide, with grass underneath. I do not remember who built this house—maybe it was my father, who built it, with the help of other families. He did not haverelatives here but we are somehow related to these people, the Pugughileghmiit. I think,they knew it. So, they helped my father, he always mentioned Suluk. He said that Sulukhelped him a lot. I think, they knew that he (my dad) was one of them.

He had a tough start (at Gambell) when they just moved in, that is how I heard it. Theyfirst lived in that underground small place near the shore; it was a very small place—maybe 10x10 or even 8x8. It was close to the place where our next house used to be lateron. Then he (Walanga) built a house for us—it was the same as other houses here: thefront part and the inner room. We used the reindeer skins instead of the door. We just goout of the sleeping room, we did not have any soft pillows—only a log across there (alongthe wall) and a curtain. (Were the skins from Siberia orfrom the island?) I do not remember.I think they were mostly from Siberia and my father traded these skins from there.

We had a big family: my father had two wives, Rultenga and Uuketa, and many kids (SeeFamily No. 18 in Silook's census). First was Angqangaawen, the oldest daughter, then Napaqaq(Milred), the daughter of Rultenga, she was the only daughter she had—the rest were allUuketas daughters; Frank (Taglaan), my brother; Sivungaghmii, my sister, she was bornin Sivungaq, when they first arrived there—so, they called her Sivungaghmii; me, andthen another sister, Utengegkaq. This was the family I first remember in that little houseof ours.

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We lived very close to the Uzivas {Uzivusiq) family. We grew up very close, Conrad and I.It was about every day we got together.

Akulki:

I stayed in his house one day and he would come to our house the next day.Kepelgu:

I do remember coming to their place every day. "Where is Akulki? I often called himNanevgaq (the 'old man') because his parents called him that way (after the old manAkulki). And he always said: Come in! We had to ask before we go in (in the old days).

There were other houses close nearby: Mangtaquli [Family No. 15] and Temkeruu, andalso Uwetelen [Family No. 16]. {Why did he live close-by?)

Akulki:

Probably, because of their mother [Qiyasiq], she was from my father's clan. And alsoYaavgaghsiq [Family No. 14] lived close to us, because he was related to Mangtaquli.

Kepelgu:

And on the other side (to the north of our house) there were all Sanigmelnguut (families).They lived just next door to us, I do not remember any distance from that side. Pusaa[Family No. 22] lived right next door to us and then his brother Ataayaghhaq [Family No.21 ] was next to him. He always had many guests and visitors, this man Ataayaghhaq. Hetraveled a lot and he was even close to the Coast Guard people. I remember him wearingthe uniform, this Navy uniform—they gave it to him.

Akulki:

They called him 'Doctor Jimmie', because they (the Coast Guard) trained him to be adentist (for the community); so, he did these things for the people. They took him on theCoast Guard cutters to do the dentist work for other communities. So, he often traveledwith them all the way from here and up to Point Barrow.

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2. How the Old Community of Gambell Was Organized

Anaggun:

My grandfather's house was very close to the old school-building. They used this placenear the school as their (community) meeting place. They called the school-house iyaghvik(igagbvik) and they called the native store estuugaq. The community came there to buysugar, flour, and other goods.

Kepelgu:

Because the old school-house was so small, every time they had to bring people together,one half of the village goes in one hour and then another side, the southern side (of thevillage) goes in another hour. Our family was included into the "northern side."

(Did these "northern"and "southern"side have names?)

Anaggun: The side to the north of the old school-building, of the central place (see below)was called Uwatanga, uwatangaghmii, and the other side, the southern side was calledAkinga, akingaghmii. Uwatangaghmiit—Akingaghmiit. Our family was from theAkingaghmiit, from the southern side.

Akulki:

I think, we were from the "middle place" but I do not know any special name for this.Probably, we were included in the Uwatangaghmii side (section), because we were moreon the northern side (of the old school-building).(Who were people called Uwaaliit?)

Anaggun:

These were people living at the very northern end of the village—Ayakitaan (andMasaayu—See Families Nos. 31 and 32 of Silook's census). The community called themUwaaliit because they lived the farthest north (of the central place). They had their hous-ing at the northern side.

Akulki:

And this man, Napaghutaq [Family No. I], lived the farthest down on the southern side.That was how we remembered the old village (of Gambell). Everybody else lived in be-tween those families. They probably made this division between the north and the south

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side to make it easier to describe (the village), to understand. Otherwise, it would be onewhole big village.

Ayuqi:

Our family lived in the south side of Gambell, almost at the very end (of the village).Napaqhutaqs house was the last one to the south. I do not know of any other people wholived further south and I do not remember if any houses were ever (staying) down there.Maybe, it was before me—I do not know. In my time, it was Lester's {Napaghutaq) housethat was the last one. Just them and us, nothing further south.

People called this side (of the village) Akingaghmii, we were Akingaghmiit people, alwaysthis name. The other side was called Uwatangaghmii, and the people there wereUwatangaghmiit. I do not know whether there was any name for those families who livedin between (in the 'middle' section).

Avalak:

As far as I remember, Eghqaaghaqs house was always the last one on the southern sideand another family, Ungalaq, lived close-by. These days, nobody was living further downon the southern side. This Eghqaaghaqs generations (families) and his other relatives'generations (families), they all lived there. They built their houses and lived there insummer time.

(Did you ever hear the stories about other people who used to live there?)Yes, I heard some names: Avrugaq, Punguqsiq. According to grandfather's stories, therewas a man, Raaghhaq, and his family—they used to stay there [listed as Family No. 20 inthe 1900 census of Gambell—see Part One]. They were originally from Punguqsiq, partlywith my family. My grandfather said that this Raaghhaq and his children, they passedaway during the famine: Raaghhaq, the father, and Laatunga, his son [listed as No. 175 inthe 1900 census]. Not Raaquq—this is another man from Sivungaq, he is part of theUzivas, they are close to us. They are not related, and I do not know this Raaghhaqsramka (clan). My grandfather just said that they were originally from Punguqsiq. It is asmall place between here and Tapghuq where we used to live. There is another campnearby called Avrugaq—Nelson Alowa's (Qagaqu) father was from this camp or maybesome of his relatives.

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{Doyou remember the man called AsunaghaqT) Yes, I have seen the old man. They lived intheir old camp at Kangee, Camp Collier. Him and his younger brother Nemayaq. Theywere called Kangighmiit. They usually came here in summer time but they used to havetheir own house at this place, in Gambell, in the old days. As I heard it, they sold theirhouse to the Uwaaliit family, when we were young. He sold it to Ayakitaan. I do notknow whether they were related or not, I am not sure, because this was on the northernside (of the village).

{What was the name of your side?) Akingaghmiit—"the southern side." We were from thisside; but we actually lived very close to the center of the village, to the old school build-ing. They used to have a place there, it is "old" new houses now. I remember, when thecarpenters came (to build new houses) when we were young. The BIA carpenters cameback then and they talked to the village council about whether it is good enough to buildup that area. Where the young people used to build their muscles. It had a lot of big-sizerocks and also a big circle where they used to run. This place was something like an annex(?) near the old school building, where they used to build their muscles many-many yearsago. And many other people in these old days, they wake up early in the morning and runto that central area, every morning. Just to watch younger people running or wrestling ordoing something (else).

Kepelgu:

In the middle of the village, somewhere in this area, there was a place called Qellineq("something that gets packed down from pressure"). It was the place where they all gottogether for wrestling, weight-lifting, running (see pp. 418-419). There were rocks forlifting (p. 194). But this place is gone now, all gone.

Anaggun:

What he talks about this place, Qellineq, this was the place where the older folks gottogether every day. Something where they learned news and took them home to theirfamilies. Like the village headlines in the old days. Usually, some men just show up there,start doing this and that, not every day. Then more people come. They have a big circlethere, and many young people just start running (around) for some time; then they startwrestling. So, there was always a winner and a loser but no fights, just wrestling.

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[ Walrus-tossing?]Akulki:

Yes, we often did walrus-tossing near the school-building at this central place (p. 414).Anaggun:

When I grew up a little more, there was always a big holiday on the 4th of July. By thattime, they always had many games—wrestling and races around the lake. That was hap-pening every year at this central place. (When the Siberians came to visit you, where did youhave the meetings?) At this central place but also by the beach. When they had races (withthe Siberian visitors), they some time started at the beach, then go to the mountains andback, along the northern side of the lake. As far as I remember, when these people camehere for the visiting, our young men often did not have any meal because they weretraining hard for the competition.

Kepelgu:

They also used to do dancing, when the Siberians came for visiting. The old-style dancingin the old days, with the drums—that's how I heard it.

Anaggun:

These Siberians always brought reindeer skins, special kinds of skins, particularly forkamek (skin-boots) and other things. They traded these skins here for American goods.(Where this trade took place?) On the beach but mostly between the families, in the houses.

3. Stories We Heard About the "Old Village" of GambelF

{How the community was organized before the school-house was built?)Anaggun:

As I heard it, relatives always tried to live close to each other. What we mentioned earlierabout these Uwatangaghmiit and Akingaghmiit—these were not divisions, because theyall lived together. I do not know whether there once used to be some houses at this centralplace. In our time, it was always a community place where people got together to hearsome stories or they sometimes watched wrestling and other games. Not every day though.

See also Lloyd Oovi's description, Sivuqam kiyahjtaallgha ayumiq ("How Gambell was a long time ago"published in Sivuqam Nangaghnegha, 1985, volume I, pp. I 1-25).

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Akulki:

I think, most of the families, the clans tried to stick together. But after this big storm,when many houses were destroyed, they started moving their houses to the higher grounds.Since that time, it somehow started to be taken apart (the close kin residencies).

Kepelgu:

The relatives, the clans used to live close together all the time, from the old days.Pugughileghmiit tried to stay together and Sanighmelnguut on the other side.

Anaggun:

I also heard that the relatives started to spread away after this big storm. Because manyhouses of our relatives were washed away, destroyed. My father told me, it happened in1914. He said that Temkeruus house was washed away and also Egmiighuris {Aatghilnguq)house was washed away. They were close to us.

Avalak:

I think, my grandfather Temkeruu built his own house, probably together with my father,before I was born. This was after the big flood. The flood was long before we were born,when my grandfather was still a young man. Big flood! It washed away most of the houses.The village used to be where these modern skin-boat racks are (standing) now. There usedto be a lot of land on the front in this area before the flood, when the sea washed up mostof this land.

My grandfather told me stories about how it happened. It was all during the night. Firstit was raining for four days in the fall time, day after day. Then the wind went up from theeast. Then there was a big wind from the south—uughqa, as they call it. During thatnight it happened. My mother was still a little girl and she was taken away by the big tide,until somebody grabbed her hand. And then they all ran to the mountains during thatnight, it was raining and raining. They had raincoats made out of walrus intestines thatprotected their inner parkas. They ran out for their life to the mountains. [See Siluk's (PaulSilook) story of the same flood in Part Two].

(Was your grandfather's house destroyed by the flood?) I think, his house was all right, it wasnot ruined—just standing. And all the way going to the north shore (northern portion ofthe village). But the houses further west, these were all wiped out. Big houses! Somebody's

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houses all destroyed by strong high waves rolling up to this early village—what they call"the old village" now They used to have big land, lots of houses on that place where theskin-boat racks are now on the beach. Also many underground storages were built-in inthat area, close to the permafrost, so that they kept the meat frozen. But that was beforethat area was flooded, and then they had to build new storages further from the beach.

4. The Old Houses and Places Our Forefathers Once Lived before We Were BornAvalak:

My grandfather also told me about the old underground houses, nenglu. They used to livein these nenglus when they were young. I think he was born in a nenglu house. They usedto make roofing of whale bones and they put walrus hides on top but particularly very bigpieces of ground (sod). It was very warm, just like a good roofing. They put many whalebones on top, so that it could keep these big pieces of ground (sod) on the ceiling. (Wholived in this house?) I think, his parents used to live there, Temkeruus parents; maybe, alsotheir brothers and family. Aghinguq was Temkeruu father's name; Aghinguqs father wasNunguk. Suluk is very close to my father's side—they were brothers: Suluk, my grandfa-ther Taangyan, and Aymergen in the middle, three brothers.

Maybe, they once lived in one nenglu but as far as I remember, they always had different(separate) living quarters—two or maybe three (residencies) in one nenglu. They called itsaaygu. They got a door and they somehow separated this nenglu into (family) livingquarters. They used clay lamps, number of them for light and heating.

{Haveyou ever seen such a house?) Yes, in the camp Tapghuq there was a nenglu that used tobe of my father's side grandfather's relatives. It was Aymergen s nenglu. It was not ruinedyet when I first saw it [See Yaagmiqun—George Imergan's story in Part Two], They used tostay at the Tapghuq camp along with my grandfather and family. This camp is betweenhere and Sivungaq. It was both a winter house and a summer house; but in summer theyusually moved out to the walrus hide huts, just like here—mangteghasqwaaq, as they callit. These were made out of walrus skins. They also got a lumber house at that time, whenI was starting to go with my grandfather (to the Tapghuq camp). But Aymergens oldnenglu was still staying there, although it was probably many years ago when they used tostay (to live) there.

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As I heard it, about the time when my grandfather (Taangyan) was a young man, he—or,maybe, it was his father—bought this house from the Uwaaliit tribe. From their fami-lies—Ayakitaan and others. This is how I heard it: he bought this ground-house fromAyakitaans family. He traded it for one old-old-old-old-time bead. The Ayakitaans fam-ily used to own this place, Tapghuq, many years ago. That's the way it was, until mygrandfather bought it from them.

{Have you ever heard about some family that 'owned' this place, Gambell?) No, never. I justheard that it was a big short(age) of food some many-many years ago, when our relativesPugughileghmiit moved out to this area. I heard that these were some of my relatives andalso my in-law relatives (the Slwookos). They eat some fox skins and other skins, somewalrus hides—it was during the iyataghpak, the famine, many years ago. I believe, theywere still in Pugughileq not in Tapghuq, when this happened, because my grandfatherwas born before this time. They also had the same famine here, in Gambell, too. AndKiyalighaq, a big village, they had it too, and also Kukulek, and Apenguk, and Sikneq onthe southern side. It was many-many years ago.

Anaggun:

I also heard some stories of the underground houses. Not from my grandfather Suluk,because he died when I was about 5 years (old). I knew him but all the stories I heard(were) from my uncle Waamquun telling me how they used to live before. After mygrandfather passed away, Waamquun took over (the family) and his younger brothers justfollowed him. They all stayed on and hunted together.

Waamquun once told me that he was born in the underground house. I think, it was mygrandfather Sulutts family. I do not know many stories about these old houses, like (Iknow) about the mangteghapik house where I was born. I think, they might have plenty ofroom in there and they also used seal-oil lamps for heating. My grandfather had an elderbrother named Aveghaaq (?). He was a good hunter and he always came home late. So, welearned the story, why he was late all the time. (It was) about midnight, when he onlyshowed up with a whole walrus on his back. He tried to put it through the entrance holein the ceiling, this man Aveghaaq. Because of this story, I think, my grandfather's brotheralso lived with them in the same underground house.

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Ayuqi:

I have seen the old underground houses in the place called Nangupagaq. It is not far fromGambell, on the other side of the mountain. I used to learn it in my early time because weoften go there during the summer months. This is why they call us Nangupagaghmiit.But people lived there long before I was born. There were old ground houses there, nolumber or skin houses. People say that our family once came from this place but that wasa long time ago. I do not know because this was long before me; even Clarence {Miinglu)does not know. It was long before our time, because our father was born in Gambell. I donot know about my grandfather, Waamseghaan, where he was born. I have never seen theold man and my grandmother also died way-way back before me.

Anaggun:

I saw my grandfather Suluk here but I never heard any stories from him about the oldplace Pugughileq. But I am sure that some of them (the elderly people of the early years)were born back there. But as far as I remember, they cared more about this place(Gambell)—all our big family under Suluky even his father Meteyi. They have their sum-mer camp at the Punguuk Island, at Kiyalighaq, and also at Pugughileq. This is why, Ithink, they were called Pugughileghmiit. But they had camps over many places.

I know that my uncle Waamquun never missed going there early in summer time. Hepicked some of his relatives from Sivungaq and continued going further to the PunguukIslands and Kiyalighaq. It is a day trip from here to there these days but in the old daysthey used sail and oars. So, it took them longer, maybe five days. I believe, they went therefor certain things every year, like more fresh walrus, some fossil ivory on the coast. Theydried some meat at Punguuk Islands and continued further down to Kiyalighaq. As Iunderstand, they did it every year in Waantquuns time.

5. Preserving the Memory of the "Old Town of Gambell"Akulki:

Many houses on the northern side (of the 'old village') are still standing. Jimmies{Ataayaghhaqs) house is still standing. It is a modernized house now but it is still standing,where it used to be in our early days. Yaghaqs summer-house is still standing. {What aboutsouthern side?)

OLD PAPERS,TODAY'S ELDERS

Kepelgu:

Iirgus old house is still there. Aywergeris house is still standing and Ungalaqs house isthere as well. Some of these have been moved a little bit further away from the beach.Amwaaris house is still there. He built his house later when he moved from Pugughileq.{Did other people from Pugughileq build their houses on the southern side?) Only Amwaaribuilt his house there. Aglughaq never did. He stayed in Pugughileq until he got sick andhad to come here for treatment. Then he died. Usually they stayed here with Elqwaaghqu(Charles Slwooko), when they came to Gambell for springtime whaling; his house is stillstanding. Taangyaris frame house (summer house) is also still there and Maasqeris oldhouse is standing there as well.

(When people stopped living in the old-style winter houses?)Anaggun:

I was born in 1926, and our old (winter) house was still there. Then my uncle Waamquunbuilt another house of a similar shape to the old winter home. The whole frame-house,but with this (round-shape) front, like the old winter-home. And he put the same aagrainside. But soon after that it was gone, when they put the heater inside. And after thatthey just moved to their summer house year-round.

I was probably 5 or 6 years old, when my uncle built this new house and put the aagrainside. But later on there was no more aagra. They made a full room and a little door, sothat we could go in and out. And we started to use kerosene heater or other heater to heatthe room. And stopped using seal-oil lamps. I was probably 10 years old, when it hap-pened.

Akulki:

We did the same thing at about the same time, in the later part of the (19)30s. But ourfamily was using a wood stove. And also kerosene lamp for the light, until we finally gotelectricity here. It happened about 1940.

Kepelgu:

Then all people remodeled their homes. They changed their inner rooms, they put lum-ber instead of fur (wall covers) inside. And also made doors and windows instead of thesereindeer skins we used to go under. They made the same (with) winter houses but just putlumber on the outside instead of the walrus hides with ropes.

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Anaggun:

I think, they have seen such (modernized) houses first in Siberia and they just copied it,and built here in Gambell. I mean, the way they winterize the lumber summer houses.

I think, that our summer house in 1927 came a 'ready-cut.' And my uncle Waamquunhad a good memory and thinking, like his father (Suluk). He may be called a carpenter.So, he knew what was going on. I watched him trying to get of the building of the agratype. This wood came all in footing, in squares, 8-inches—American lumber. I watchedthem as a boy measuring all this lumber with their fingers: this way and that way, and thatway. [Shows various ways of traditional finger measurements—see Part Three]

(Who were the carpenters for village house construction in your early years?)Akulki:

My dad was. He did all these renovations for the mangteghapighet, the old Eskimo houses.They took the curtain off but they still had this bare ground (floor) for some time. Every-body cooperated during these early construction years. Maybe, all people fromUwatangaghmii coming one day to help. I remember, when they were building the newsummer houses, I did see all kind of people (working together), from many families,many clans.

OLD PAPERS,TODAY'S ELDERS

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OLD PAPERS.TODAY'S ELDERS

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OLD PAPERS.TODAY'S ELDERS

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419

Ora Gologergen (Ayuqi) from Savoonga, 1999.

Beda Slwooko (Avalak), Gambell, May 1999.

The late Tim Gologergen (Awlinga), 1919-2000.

OLD PAPERS.TODAY'S ELDERS

Part of the "old town" of Gambell historical area, with old storage racks and bowhead whale skulls, May 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.

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Old Kuzaata's house in Gambell, one of the few standing mangtegaghpiit of the 'oldtown' of Gambell, 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.

appendices

Project Photographs

Appendix I—List of Illustrations used in Akuzilleput Igaqullghet (with Photographers'

Names and Institutions' Reference Numbers)—by Lars KrutakAppendix 2—St. Lawrence Island Historical Photographs at the Denver Museum of

Nature and Science—by Lars Krutak and Elizabeth H. Clancy, Photo Archivist,

Denver Museum of Nature and ScienceAppendix 3—Historical photographs from St. Lawrence Island, 1912 (from Riley Moore's

Collection)—by Igor Krupnik

APPENDICES

425

Avalak (Beda Slwooko) tells her childhood story to Lyudmila Aynganga fromUngaziq. Gambell, May 1999.

Project participants.Vera Kingeekuk Metcalf (Qaakaghlleq), Lyudmila Ainana (Aynganga),and Igor Krupnik. Nome, May 1999.

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Appendix I

List of IllustrationsWith Photographers' Names and Institutions' Reference Numbers

by Lars Krutak

Most of the photographs and drawings, unless otherwise noted, are in the collection of theNational Anthropological Archives (NAA-SI), Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C Otherhistorical documents, photographs, and drawings are reprinted in this book courtesy of the U.S.National Archives (USNA); Library of the National Museum of Natural History, SmithsonianInstitution (NMNH); Archives of the University of Alaska Fairbanks (UAF); Denver Museum ofNature and Science (DMNS); Anchorage Museum of History and Art (AMHA); Library of Con-gress (LOC); Nancy Walunga, Gambell; Igor Krupnik, Arctic Studies Center (ASC), SmithsonianInstitution; and Lars Krutak, National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI), SmithsonianInstitution.

Introductory Section

Cover: Yupik children in Gambell, 1889. Peter Bonnett, photographer. Collection: SPC ArcticGeneral. Negative number, SI 3095 I -B (NAA-SI). Some elders assume that the secondboy from right is Sipela (David Seppilu) and the first boy from right is Aghtuqaayak(Richard Oktokiyuk).

p.2 Yupik women and children near traditional underground dwellings (nenglu) in Gambell.

Summer 1889. Peter Bonnett, photographer. Collection: SPC Arctic General. Negative

number, 85-814 (NAA-SI).p.4 An unidentified Yupik man from St. Lawrence Island on deck of the U.S.S. Bear, ca. 1912.

Photographer unknown. Negative number, SI 2000-2371 (NAA-SI).p.5 Edna Sivuguq, wife of Yughqutaq (RobertTungyan) and mother of Avalak (Beda Slwooko).

1912. Photographer unknown. Negative number, SI 2000-2370 (NAA-SI).p. 14 The Village of Sivuqaq (Gambell), May 1999. Photo by Igor Krupnik (ASC).p. 15 The Village of Sivungaq (Savoonga), May 1999. Photo by Igor Krupnik (ASC).

' Riley D. Moore's photographs fall under the Division of Physical Anthropology Collection (DPAC) atthe National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (NAA-SI). In the past, the NAA identi-fied this collection as that of Ales Hrdlicka, as many images were indeed acquired by him. The wholecollection, however, is a composite of one Hrdlicka collection, materials donated to and accessionedby the NAA, and a few materials of other curators from the United States National Museum, nownamed the National Museum of Natural History in Washington, D.C. All of these DPAC images are alsoincluded in the Ales Hrdlicka Papers, located in boxes 229 and 262 of that collection, and some can befound in Manuscript Collection 4696, "Selected Prints of Riley D. Moore." Thus, and for conveniencesake, we have referenced Moore's photographs as being located in the Ales Hrdlicka Papers only.

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Part One: Our Faces and Names Captured in Records

Gambell elders Angqatenganwan, Iqmaluwa, Ungalaq, and Ayakitaan, 1930.Photographer, Henry B. Collins,Jr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative number,SI 95-9722 (NAA-SI).

Census Sheet of the Fourteenth U.S. Census, 1920 for Gambell, Alaska (USNA)."Individual Measurement" Sheet Used by Riley Moore in Gambell, 1912. Collection:Manuscript 4909; contains similar Measurement Forms for approximately 180 residentsof St. Lawrence Island,Alaska (NAA-SI).

Asunaghaq ("Chief Assoona" of the early missionaries' reports, ca. 1855-1930), one ofthe top leaders of the island community in the late 1800s; father of Nanghila (NormanNunraela) and Nungunaq (Vernon Nongoonok). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collec-tion:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-792 (NAA-SI).Suluk ("Shoollook.age 52,father of Omomingu"), 186 l-l 930,given English name "GeorgeWashington"; appointed commissioner by Sheldon Jackson; befriended and welcomedthe first teacher,Vene C. Gambell; father or Waamquun, Nunguk, Uvi,Amamenga,Apeteki,and Iknaqeneq; most respected person. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: AlesHrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-707 (NAA-SI).

Ungalaq ("Ungwiluk, age 50, boat captain"), Whiskers Ungiluk, 1866-1939, father orQavalghaq (Wallace Ungiluk). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales HrdlickaPapers. Negative number, SI 2000-694 (NAA-SI).

Uwetelen, Daniel Oittillin, 1865-1939, father of Siluk (Paul Silook), Imaghmii (Oscar Oitilin),and Apangaluq (John Apangaluk). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection:Ales HrdlickaPapers. Negative number, SI 2000-675 (NAA-SI).

Wiya ("Weu.age 68"), mother of Uzivusiq (Andrew Ozevooseuk), Raaquq (Barton Rookok),and Qipenga (Addison Kaspoongu). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection:Ales HrdlickaPapers. Negative number, SI 2000-676 (NAA-SI).

Uwhaawen ("Owhowin, age 60"), Owawin, 1852-1939, wife of Minaq, grandmother ofAantaghmii (Jack Antoghame). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales HrdlickaPapers. Negative number, SI 2000-703 (NAA-SI).

Enlegtaq ("Nglikhtuk, age 48"), wife of Taangyan, mother of Yuhqutaq (Robert Tangyan),Uveketaaq (Chester Ooviktuk). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales HrdlickaPapers. Negative number, SI 9260-C (NAA-SI).

Pusaa, Booshu, 1875-1957, the eldest son of Quwaaren, father or Ayuwighsaan (ErnestBooshu), Nuugnan (Ben Booshu), and Neghyuk (Solomon Booshu). Photographer, RileyD. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative SI 2000-673 (NAA-SI).Ataayaghhaq ("Otiyohok.age 35"),Jimmie Otiyohok, 1878-1963, second son of Quwaaren.Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI2000-770 (NAA-SI).

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429

p.82 Kunuka, Tommy Koonooka, 1879-1970, third son of Quwaaren, father of Tiiwri (Harold

Koonooka). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative

number, SI 2000-699 (NAA-SI).p.83 Aghnilu, Peter Okinello, 1892-1971, fourth son of Quwaaren, father of Florence Napaaq.

Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,

SI 2000-702 (NAA-SI).

p.84 Tangatu ("Tungitoo, age 32, an uncle of Seeluk"), Jacob Tungitoo, 1881-1950, father of

Jimmie Tulii (Tooli). Negative number, SI 2000-709 (NAA-SI).p.85 Yaghaq, Adam.Yoghuk, 1886-1946, older brother of Lincoln Blassi (Pelaasi). Photographer,

Riley D. Moore. Collection:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-687 (NAA-SI).p.86 Sunaaghruk, Moses Soonagarook, 1884-1959, brother of Mangtaquli, top strong wrestler

of the island. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative

number, SI 2000-709 (NAA-SI).p.87 lirgu ("Irogoo, age 24, a "strong man"), Samuel Irrigoo, 1891-1985, father or Miinglu

(Clarence Irrigoo) and Ayuqi (Ora Gologerngen); one of the top wrestlers in early days.

Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,

SI 2000-704 (NAA-SI).

p.88 Ataqa ("Atooka, age 32," Harry Ataaka, 1874-1957, second name Veghtekaq, raisedGalaagerngen (Theodore Gologerngen) and Kingiikaq (Theodore Kingeekuk).Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,SI 2000-683 (NAA-SI).

p.89 Ighennaq, Edgar Igunnuk, 1883-1944, brother of Pulaaghun (Boolown), Angusaan (MarkAngusan), and Eghqaaghaq (Loon Hokhokohok). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collec-tion:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-793 (NAA-SI).

p.90 S/7uk ("Seeluk, age 20"), Paul Silook, 1892-1949, son of Uwetelen, father of Penapak, Saavla,Anaghayi, Kemliinga, Paazak, and Tutenga; first local chronicler on St. Lawrence Island.Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,SI 2000-693 (NAA-SI).

p.9l Inuuq ("Enok, age 30"), Ed Enuk, 1881-1934, born in Siberia, brother of Kutema fromUngaziq. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative num-ber, SI 2000-679 (NAA-SI).

p.92 Kesliq ("Kisluk, age 3 I, Wongottillin's wife"), Keesleek, 1884-1942, wife of Wangqetelen,mother of Uqengeliighaq (Nick Wongkitillin), and Umengi (Walter Wongkitillin).Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,SI 2000-677 (NAA-SI).

p.93 Paanga, Helen Jackson, 1891-1966, sister of Uziva (Andrew Ozeevoseuk), wife ofUnmeggaq (Jackson), mother of Imegyuun (Elsie Kava), Petgenghhaq (Howard Jackson),Alakaghhaq (Paul Jackson), and Piilaka (Timothy Jackson). Photographer, Riley D. Moore.Collection:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-690 (NAA-SI).

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p.94 Qerngughteqaq, Snowflake, 1888-1959), born in Siberia; wife of Qunaghhaq, mother of

Aya (Nathaniel lya) and Atalluk (Howard Konahok). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Col-

lection:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-696 (NAA-SI).p.95 Aghnalqwaapak, Aknahlkwapuk, 1881 -1939, wife of Mangtaquli, mother of Anangti (Alec

Anungti), Tunghilnguq, and Talughun. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection, Ales Hrdlicka

Papers. Negative number, SI 9258-B (NAA-SI).p.96 Qipenga, Addison Kaepunga, 1890-1969), son of Akulki. Photographer, Riley D. Moore.

Collection:Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-687 (NAA-SI).p.97 Muuggaq, Margareth Silook, 1895-1971, wife of Paul Silook, daughter of Neghyuk.

Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI

2000-684 (NAA-SI).

p.98 Amamenga ("Omomingu, age 20," Mary Suluk (Mary Bolowon, 1893-?), daughter of Suluk,

wife of Pulaaghun, before she got married. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection:

Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number, SI 2000-705 (NAA-SI).p.99 Nemelaghhaq, Ramola Tumbloo, 1900-1991, daughter of Nekregun, wife of Alfred Tamlu

(Tumbloo). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative

number, SI 2000-2370 (NAA-SI).p. 100 Uveketaaq, Chester Ooviktuk, 1904-ca. 1935, son of Taangyan, father of Clifford Katuk

and Alangayaaq (HildaTungyan). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. CollectiomAles Hrdlicka

Papers. Negative number, SI I3254A (NAA-SI).p. 102 Census Sheet of the Twelfth U.S. Census, 1900, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska (USNA).

Part Two: Yupik People Speak forThemselves:Stories and Writings of Our Fathers

p. I 16 Qerngughtekaq, wife of Qunaghhaq, with little Anaghalquyaak (Flora Annaghahlkoyak) onher shoulders, 1912. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers.Negative number, SI 9264 E (NAA-SI).

p. 120 Page from Dorothea Leighton's typed interview of Sweeney (Uuyghaq), 1940. Collec-tion: Dorothea C. Leighton, folder 69, box 3 (UAF).

p. 186 Gambell residents in front of the traditional winter house, with its walrus skin roofremoved for the summer months. Left to right: Vote/en (Jane Antoghame), Uyutuwan (SadieMontokoli), Naayghaq, wife of Uuyghaq (Sweeney Oyagak), unidentified woman carryinga baby, Riighnak (Ethel Booshu), Gimangaawen (Lily Koonooka),Aasunga (Rosie Kulukhon,wife of Lawrence Qilleghquun),carrying a child (lighmighun>),Anaghasuuk (Anna Kulukhon?),Wapelu (Helen Koozaata), Ataayaghhaq (Jimmie Otiyohok), unidentified boy. This isYaavgaghsiiq-Kuzaata's winter house, being aired out for the summer.This area of the

APPENDICES

village was a place to hold public events in the old days (Note by Avalak, Beda Slwooko—

recorded by Chris Koonooka). July 4, 1931. AMHA, Sherwood Collection, BO 1.38.p. 187 Kiruka, wife of Yaavgaghsiq, inflates dried walrus intestines, 1930. Photographer, Henry B.

Collins, Jr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative number, SI 82-8296 (NAA-SI).p. 188 Suluk watches as his daughter-in-law, Victoria Anataanga, wife of Lloyd Uvi, splits the

walrus hide for boat cover. 1930. Photographer, Leuman M. Waugh. Collection: Ales

Hrdlicka Papers, SI 95-9740 (NAA-SI). Original negative at NMAI, N 42797.p. 189 Suluk and Victoria Anataanga near the dried walrus hide. 1930. Photographer, Leuman M.

Waugh. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers, SI 99-10526 (NAA-SI). Original negative at NMAI,

N 42799.

p. 190 Young girls from Savoonga: Tagneghli, daughter of Smith Imingan, and Qaghiiq, daughter ofWangqetelen and Kesliq, 1930. Photographer, Leuman M.Waugh. CollectiomAles HrdlickaPapers, SI 95-9741 (NAA-SI). Original negative at NMAI, N 42694.

p. 191 Ataayaghhaq (Jimmie Otiyohok) and his family—wife Ukaamangan (Isabel Okowamangen),daughters Ukaaghtaalaq (Jean) and Uyatuwan (Sadie). Jimmie's uniform is a cast-off fromthe U.S. Coast Guard for his service as a dental "assistant" during the summer CoastGuard cruises (see p. 403). AMHA, Sherwood Collection, B01.38.

p. 192 Fred Angi, son of Alngiiwhtaq from Siberia, and Carl lakitan (Uwaliq), 1929. Photographer,Henry B. Collins, Jr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative number, SI 82-7820(NAA-SI).

p. 193 Florence Napaaq (Maligutkaq) and Clarence lirgu (Miinglu), 1929. Photographer, Henry B.Collins, Jr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative number, SI 82-7818 (NAA-SI).

Part Three: Our "Old Day" Stories Documented

p. 194 Three "strong men" in Gambell, 1912 (from left to right): Samuel lirgu, son of Waamseghaan;Moses Sunaaghruk, son of Ighuq; and Amagu, son of Piinteghla, from Siberia (Published inMoore's article of 1923). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection:Ales Hrdlicka Papers.Negative number, SI 99-10520 (NAA-SI).

p.244 Yupik Women from St. Lawrence Island, 1884. Photographer, Captain Michael A. Healy.Collection: SPC Arctic General. Negative number, SI 30951 (NAA-SI).

p.245 The beach in Gambell, with summer tents, storage racks, and large wooden house struc-tures, 1889. Photographer, Peter Bonnett. Collection: SPC Arctic General. Negativenumber, SI 85-815 (NAA-SI).

p.246 Summer home of Soonogarook (Sunaaghruk), St. Lawrence Island. 1912. Left to right:Oungtis (Anangti), Soonogarook (Sunaaghruk), Muntokoli (Mangtaquli), and Koning(Qanenguq). Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Collection,Ales Hrdlicka Papers.National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (NAA-SI). Negative number,01480300 (NAA-SI).

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p.247 Henry B. Collins and Paul Silook (Siluk) during their excavations at Punuk (Punguuk)

Islands, 1928. Photographer unknown. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative

Number, SI 99-10522 (NAA-SI).p.248 St. Lawrence Island woman in front of her winter house of whale bones and split wood,

1889. Photographer, Peter Bonnett. Collection: SPC Arctic General. Negative number,

SI 85-816 (NAA-SI).

p.249 Gambell woman (Paanga, Helen Jackson?) with small boy on her shoulders, 1912.Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Ales Hrdlicka Papers. Negative number,SI 17164 H (NAA-SI).

Part Four: How Other People Saw Us From The Outside

p.250 Suluk ("'Shoo-lik,' St. Lawrence Island") on board of the U.S. Cutter Bear, 1901.Photographer, R.N. Hawley. Eleventh Annual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeerinto Alaska. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, p. 28.

p.266 Old photograph of Vene C. Gambell and his wife, first resident teachers and missionarieson St. Lawrence Island. While returning to their school from Seattle, they were lost atsea by the sinking of the schooner Jane Grey on May 22, 1898. Reproduced from: (Fifth)Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska. 1896.Washington: U.S. GovernmentPrinting Office, p. 32 (NMNH).

p.267 Gambell "old schoolhouse" built in 1894. Photographer,Vene C. Gambell. 1897. Repro-duced from: Seventh Annual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska. 1898.Washington DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, p. 34 (NMNH).

p.267 Gambell first Yupik class of 1895. Photographer,Vene C. Gambell. Reproduced from: TheSchoolhouse FarthestWest, St. Lawrence Island,Alaska. New York: Woman's Board of HomeMissions of the Presbyterian Church (LOC).

p.268 Annual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska. Cover page. EighthReport on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska, 1899.Washington: U.S. GovernmentPrinting Office (NMNH).

p.324 Yupik traditional measurements. Artist, Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

p.325 Yupik traditional measurements. Artist, Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

p.327 Yupik traditional measurements. Artist, Nancy Walunga (Gambell), 2000.

p.328 Yupik people from St. Lawrence Island, 1816. Artist, Louis Choris. Reproduced from:Voyage pittoresque autour du monde, avec des portraits de sauvages d'Amerique, d'Asie, d'Afrique,et des lies du Grand ocean ; des paysages, des vues maritimes, et plusieurs objets d'histoirenaturelle ; accompagne de descriptions par m. le baron Cuvier, et m.A de Chamisso, et d'obser-vations sur les cranes humains, par m. le docteur Gall. Par m. Louis Choris, peintre, Rare BookArchive (UAF).

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p.328 The view of a Yupik summer house on St. Lawrence Island, 181 6. Artist, Louis Choris.Reproduced from: Voyage pittoresque..., Rare Book Archive (UAF).

p.329 A native woman from Siberia, the first-ever European drawing of a Siberian Yupik person,ca. I 790. Artist unknown. Reproduced from: TheVoyage of Captain of the Fleet Sarychev tothe Northeastern Part of Siberia, the Icy Sea and the Eastern Ocean in the Course of EightYears, with the Geographical and Astronomical Naval Expedition Formerly Under the Commandof Captain of the Fleet Billings, I 785-1 793, Rare Book Archive (UAF).

p.330 Old village on Punuk [Punguuk] Island, 1874. Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from:Henry W. Eliott. Our Arctic Province.Alaska and the Seal Islands. New York: Charles Scribner'sSon, I886,p.443 (NMNH).

p.33l Reconstruction of a winter underground house [nenglu] on the Punuk Island, 1874.Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from: Henry W. Eliott. Our Arctic Province. Alaska andthe Seal Islands. New York: Charles Scribner's Son, I886,p.446 (NMNH).

p.332 A young boy from Kiyalighaq, in traditional bird-skin parka ("Newack's Brother, with aSealskin full of Walrus-oil; Mahlemoot boy—fourteen or fifteen years of age"), 1874. Artist:Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from: Henry W. Eliott. Our Arctic Province. Alaska and theSeal Islands. New York: Charles Scribner's Son, 1886, p.455 (NMNH).

p.333 Two men from Kiyalighaq, 1874. Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from: Henry W.Eliott. Our Arctic Province. Alaska and the Seal Islands. New York: Charles Scribner's Son,I886,p.443 (NMNH).

p.334 Landing killed walrus at the Southeast Cape, 1874. Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproducedfrom: Henry W. Eliott. Our Arctic Province. Alaska and the Seal Islands. New York: CharlesScribner's Son, 1886, p. 461 (NMNH).

p.335 Yupik hunter from Southeast Cape (?), 1874. Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from:Henry W. Eliott. Our Arctic Province. Alaska and the Seal Islands. New York: Charles Scribner'sSon, 1886, p. 444 (NMNH).

p.336 Hunting walrus off the Southeast Cape, 1874.Artist: Henry W. Elliott. Reproduced from:Henry W. Elliott. A Monograph of the Pribylov Group, or the Seal-Islands of Alaska. U.S.Commission of Fish and Fisheries, Special Bulletin I 76. Washington, D.C. 1882, p. 99 (NMNH).

p.337 Killing walruses at the on-shore haul-out at Kiyalighaq, 1874. Artist: Henry W. Elliott.Reproduced from: Henry W. Elliott. A Monograph of the Pribylov Group, or the Seal-Islands of Alaska. U.S. Commission of Fish and Fisheries, Special Bulletin I 76. Washington,D.C. 1882, p. 97 (NMNH).

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Part Five: Old Papers,Today's Elders:Matching Memories and Written Records

p.338 Beda Slwooko (Avalak), Elizabeth Walunga (Sivungaghmii), and Delia Agulakhok(Aghulaghquq), 1930. Photographer, Henry B. Collinsjr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers.Negative number, SI 82-7817 (NAA-SI).

p.342 Muntukooli [Mangtaquli] of Gambell. Alfred M. Bailey, Photographer, 1921. (DMHS), Al-fred Bailey Collection, Negative BA2l-4l9h

p.363 Geist's Map of Savoonga, 1930. Artist, Otto W. Geist. Collection: Otto W. Geist, folder91, box 4 (UAF).

.371 Troutman's Map of Savoonga, 1934. Artist, Samuel Troutman. Collection: Otto W. Geist,folder 50, box 9 (UAF).

.384 Siluk's (Paul Silook) map of Gambell, 1930. Artist, Paul Silook. Collection: Henry B. Col-lins Papers, box 68 (NAA-SI).

.386 Page from Paul Silook's (Siluk) census of Gambell, 1930. Collection: Henry B. CollinsPapers, box 68 (NAA-SI).

.414 Walrus-tossing in Gambell. Fourth of July Celebration, 193 I.AMHA, Sherwood Collec-tion, B01.38.

.415 Members of Akulki family and relatives in front of Akulki's winter house, 1912. Left toright: Avelqiiq, Atleghuq, Uusiiq (?), Akulki, Angiiqun, and Uzivusiq. Photographer, Riley D.Moore. Collection: Manuscript 4696, Selected Prints of Riley D. Moore. Negative number,SI 85-820 (NAA-SI).

.41 6 Gambell men (Waamquun,Atalluk, Uveketaaqjughqutaq, and others) repair family winter

house, 1912. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Manuscript 4696, Selected Prints

of Riley D. Moore. Negative number, SI 85-819 (NAA-SI)..417 Monte Mangtaquli and his son,Alec Anangti inside their winter house, 1912. Photographer,

Riley D. Moore. Collection: Manuscript 4696, Selected Prints of Riley D. Moore. Negative

number, SI 85-818 (NAA-SI)..418 Wrestlers in Gambell in front of the old Presbyterian church and school-house on

July 4, 1912. Photographer, Riley D. Moore. Collection: Manuscript 4696, Selected Prints

of Riley D. Moore. Negative number, SI 76-705 (NAA-SI)..419 Gambell men in competition in front of the same schoolhouse. July 4th, 1929.

Photographer, Henry B. Collinsjr. Collection: Henry B. Collins Papers. Negative SI 99-

10525 (NAA-SI).

.420 Ora Gologergen (Ayuqi) from Savoonga, 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.

.420 The late Nelson Alowa (Qagaqu, 1913-2000) and Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) in Savoonga,May 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.p.421 Beda Slwooko (Avalak), Gambell, May 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.p.421 The late Tim Gologergen (Awlinga), 1919-2000. Photographer, Igor Krupnik.

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435

p.422 The old house of Piluguk—the earliest remaining wooden structure of the "old town

Savoonga," 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik (ASC).p.422 Part of the "old town" of Gambell historical area, with old storage racks and bowhead

whale skulls, May 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik (ASC).p.423 Old Kuzaatas house in Gambell, one of the few standing mangtegaghpighet of the "old

town" of Gambell, 2001. Photographer, Igor Krupnik (ASC).p.423 Interior of the old Kuzaatas house, 1999. Photographer, Igor Krupnik (ASC).

Appendices

p.424 "Owhaya," St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, 1901 [Aghhaaya, wife of Aku/k;'?]. Photographer,

R. N. Hawley. Eleventh Annual Report on Introduction of Domestic Reindeer into Alaska.

Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, p. 28 (NMNH).p.426 Avalak (Beda Slwooko) tells her childhood story to Lyudmila Aynganga from Ungaziq.

Gambell, May 1999. Igor Krupnik, photographer (ASC).p.426 Project members, Vera Kingeekuk Metcalf (Qaakaghlleq), Lyudmila Ainana (Aynganga),

and Igor Krupnik. Nome, May 1999 (ASC).p.427 Willis and Nancy Walunga interview the late Flora Imergan (Elqiilaq). Savoonga, May

1999. Igor Krupnik, photographer (ASC).p.427 Project members, Conrad Oozeva (Akulki) and Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) study old

documentary records. Gambell, May 1999. Igor Krupnik, photographer (ASC).

Appendix 3—Historical Photographs from St. Lawrence Island. 1912. Photographer, Riley D. Moore.

Ales Hrdlicka Papers. National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution (NAA-SI)p.442 Saavla ("Saulu, age 68. Father born at Indian Point, Siberia"). SI 9266-G.p.443 Patrick Waamquun (" Womkon, age 3 I"), first son of Suluk. SI 9265-A.p.444 Paazak ("Poozuk, age 38"), father of Fred Aqumigalnguq and Christopher Miklaghhaq.

SI 9258-C.

p.445 Wangqetelen ("Wongotillin, age 35, father Chukchi, mother Chu Chow (Koryak) from

Siberia"). SI 2000-678.p.446 James Anengayuu ("Oningou, age 35"). SI 9267-B.p.447 David Sipela ("Sepilla, age 3 I"). SI 8828-B.

p.448 Uutaayuk, son of Mangena ("Otiyook, age 27, sorcerer"). SI 2000-2370.p.449 Awliinga ("Owgoolaengu, age 26, wife of Otiyook"). SI 2000-668.p.450 Apaata ("Opu—'grandfather', age 32"). SI 2000-688.p.451 Aallenga, wife of Apaata ("Ohlingu, age 30"). SI 2000-699.

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p.452 Andrew Uzivusiq ("Ozevoosuk, age 3 I"). SI 2000-697.

p.453 Yaghunga, second wife of Uzivusiq ("Yoghongwu, age 3 I ").SI 9262-N.

p.454 Theodore Galaagerngen ("Gologoroongen, age 24"). SI 2000-680.

p.455 Elqwaaghqu, Charles Slwooko ("Slkwooko, age 23"). SI 2000-799.

p.456 Columbus Aluwa ("Olowu, age 28). SI 9259-E.

p.457 Umiighaq ("Oomauhuk—dwarf, age 23"). SI 2000-698.

p.458 Morris Tatuwi ("Tatoowi, age 21"). SI 8850-E.

p.459 Philip Maasqen ("Maskin, age 16"). SI 2002-3905.

p.460 Yaapelu, wife of Galaagerngen ("Gapellou, age 18"). SI 2000-2370.

p.461 Arther Piiskwaghtaq, son of Yaavgaghsiq ("Peskwoktuk, age 18"). SI 2000-685.

p.462 Homer Apeteki ("Opotiki, age 9"), the youngest son of Suluk. SI 2000-695.

p.463 Theodore Kingiikaq ("Kingukuk, age 12"). SI 9265-C.

APPENDICES

Appendix 2

St. Lawrence Island Historical Photographsat the Denver Museum of Nature and Scienceby Lars Krutak

A small collection of about two dozen historical photographs and field notes from St. LawrenceIsland are deposited in the Alfred M. Bailey Collection at the Denver Museum of Nature andScience (former Denver Museum of Natural History) in Denver, Colorado. Alfred M. Bailey(1894-1978), a noted naturalist and curator of birds and mammals with this museum, was sentto Alaska for a period of sixteen months in 192 l-l 922 to collect seabirds and other objects ofnatural history. Making a 750-mile dogsled journey from northernmost Alaska to its westernborders on the Bering Sea, Bailey arrived on St. Lawrence Island near Kukulek on June 28,1921.

As Bailey reported: "Arrived off St. Lawrence Island, and immediately went ashore to the rein-deer camp, Camp Collier near Kookoolook [Kukulek], where the great starvation took place,nearly 1,000 having died on the island,the most of them in this one place (about 1878) [...]Thenatives lay the 'big starvation' at Kookoolook [Kukulek] to the spirit of a walrus which twonatives caught and skinned alive [...] The old huts were evidently of skins, the roofs beingsupported by whale ribs, walrus and whale bones litter the whole surrounding."

Bailey subsequently spent one day at the reindeer camp collecting and observing several spe-cies of birds. More importantly, he snapped several photographs and met with the herders there:

"The native herders have a neat camp of tents on the gently sloping shore of the 'harbor.'Theyhave many dogs tied as a precaution against their injuring the deer.The herders keep the rein-deer far back in the hills, and it was not until five o'clock that they were driven up and sevenkilled.The deer were soon milling about, and in their effort to escape swam the little pond, andclambered out upon the ice with some difficulty.The chief herder's name was Sipela [Sipela],zbright native who spoke good English."

Bailey left Camp Collier [Kangee] later that evening and made arrangements to travel to Gambellwhere he hoped to collect geese the next day. Here he took several photographs of the people,their homes, and of the landscape. Bailey visited Gambell for only one day,June 29, 1921, as he

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left the island on the morning of June 30 for Emma Harbor [former name of Provideniia Bay] inSiberia to make additional collections for the Denver Museum of Natural History:

"Arrived off the town of Gambell early in the morning, but owing to the fog we could not seethe upright cliffs skirting the coast, with their snow-fringed sides and crests, and the long widesandspit upon which the little Eskimo settlement is built.We ran ashore after breakfast, trudgedacross the wide, pebble beach, clear of drift, to the straggling collection of huts which comprisethe village.The houses are a mixed lot, many of them being made of lumber, more or less likewoodsheds, while others were circular with wooden sides and covered with a rough of walrushides. Drying racks for walrus skins were appendages of all the houses, and split skins could beseen stretched and drying in the sun.The natives are a kindly lot, full of fun and good nature;they speak English very well, especially the younger generation, and as a whole, are honestly inclined.

These Eskimos are great traders, and were aboard early, doing a lively business with the sailors,selling carved ivory paper-knives, cigarette holders, etc. I purchased a neat little walrus chain ofcarved ivory with an old ivory pendant.

Whale bones strew the village, the ribs and jaw bones being used in the old days as supports tothe walls of their houses. Several drying racks were made from suspended whale's jaws.

Twenty-three walrus were taken here the past season, and two bears.The fox catch was small.Natives of St. Lawrence preferred walrus meat to seal or birds'because there was more of it.'"

Although his stay was brief, Bailey shot nearly thirty photographs while on St. Lawrence Islandand this collection remains open to the public. We have enclosed a brief index of these photo-graphs below for general information. Note that most of these photos are unidentified. Ofcourse, most of them have never been seen by the St. Lawrence Islanders themselves, so we canimagine that most, if not all of them, are identifiable.Thanks to the recent Colorado DigitizationProject, about two dozen low-resolution images and the full list of Bailey's photographs is nowavailable on the Web at http://coloradodigital.coalliance.org; it can be searched via "Eskimo"and "St. Lawrence Island" keywords. Please feel free to contact the photo archivist at the DenverMuseum of Nature and Science if you have any further questions.

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439

Index of St. Lawrence Island Photgraphs at the Denver Museumof Nature and Science—Alfred M. Bailey Collection

Negative Number

Title

IV.BA 2I-035.P

Native Woman

IV.BA 2I-304A.P

Cliff on St. Lawrence Island

IV.BA 2I-304B.P

Cliff on St. Lawrence Island

IV.BA 2I-4I8.P

Ancient igloos

IV.BA 21-419A.P

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 21-419B.P

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 21-419C.P

St. Lawrence Island natives

IV.BA 21-419D.P

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 21-419E.P

St. Lawrence Island natives

IV.BA 21-419F.P

St. Lawrence Island native working on a hide

IV.BA 21-419G.P

St. Lawrence Island man and baby

IV.BA 21-419H.P

Muntukooli [Mangtaquli] of Gambell

IV.BA 21-4191.P

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 21-419J.P

Chukchi on St. Lawrence Island

IV.BA 21-419K.P

St. Lawrence Island native chewing hide

IV.BA 21-419LP

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 2I-4I9M.P

St. Lawrence Island native

IV.BA 21-50 LP

Igloos at Gambell

IV.BA 21-502.P

Igloos at Gambell

IV.BA 21-503.P

St. Lawrence Island near Gambell village

IV.BA 21-515.P

Loading dead reindeer

IV.BA 21-516.P

Reindeer

IV.BA 21-649.P

Natives of St. Lawrence Island. Woman sewin

IV.BA 21-650.P

Natives of St. Lawrence Island. Man standing

IV.BA 21-65 LP

Natives of St. Lawrence Island. Girls & babies

Elizabeth H. Clancy, Photo ArchivesDenver Museum of Nature and ScienceDenver, Colorado 80205-5798

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Appendix 3

Historical Photographs From St. Lawrence Islandfrom Riley Moore's Collection, 1912

Some seventy large-size individual photographs made by anthropologist Riley D. Moore in Gambellin 1912 have been recovered during this project at the National Anthropological Archives, SmithsonianInstitution (see Part One). These images were carefully examined by elders in Gambell, Nome, andSavoonga; thirty-six people were successfully identified. The names of other individuals, however,could not be established.The reasons, of course, are many. Some people featured in Moore's photoshad passed away shortly after his visit of 1912—like Saavla (p. 442), Paazak (p. 444), Uutayuk (p. 448),his wife Awliinga (p. 449), and others. Hence, the elders of today could have very little visual memory,if any, of such individuals.There were no personal photographs on the island in family albums or inpersonal collections until much later, when visiting teachers and researchers of the 1920s, like OttoGeist or Henry Collins, provided local residents with first copies of the prints they took. Thus, noother photography contemporary to Moore's pictures was available to keep the memory alive.

Last but not least, whereas some people are easily recognizable from their child or young-agephotos even in their advanced age, others are not. The ways people age and change through time arehighly personal and often puzzling. Sometimes, a person of the "old days" can be identified becauseof his/her likeness to his/her younger siblings or children, of whom we may have a better visualmemory from the later years. But often there are neither early photos nor younger siblings norsurviving children to compare. We keep looking at a face that somehow seems familiar; but theperson behind the image is still elusive.

Fortunately, faces of many more people captured in Moore's photographs of 1912 were identifiedand their names established by matching the numbers scratched on the negatives and photos withthose listed in Moore's "Individual Measurement" sheets (see p. 55).This is why we present thosepictures and a few more recently retrieved images from Moore's collection in this last section of theSourcebook. We also consider them to be our last message to the readers. Many more historicalphotographs will eventually be recovered and more faces will be "returned" to the descendants.This is the only way to help preserve the memory of the long-gone kin of ours.The book is done andthe St. Lawrence Island Heritage project is completed, but our journey in Yupik"knowledge repatria-tion" continues.

APPENDICES

441

i

... 1

I...Jk*

Saavla ("Saulu, age 68. Father born at Indian Point, Siberia").

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Wangqetelen ("Wongotillin, age 35, father Chukchi, motherChu Chow (Koryak) from Siberia").

APPENDICES

APPENDICES

447

APPENDICES

<M9

\

I

Apaata ("Opu—'grandfather', age 32").

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APPENDICES

451

Yaghunga, second wife of Uzivusiq ("Yoghongwu, age 31 ").The folded braided hair showsshe is pregnant, as Avalak, Beda Slwooko, recalled.

APPENDICES

453

Theodore Galaagerngen ("Gologoroongen, age 24").

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/

f #

i

Elqwaaghqu, Charles Slwooko ("Slkwooko, age 23").

APPENDICES

Umiighaq ("Oomauhuk—dwarf, age 23").

APPENDICES

457

Morris Tatuwi ("Tatoowi, age 21").

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Philip Maasqen ("Maskin, age 16").

APPENDICES

Homer Apeteki ("Opotiki, age 9"), the youngest son of Suluk.

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Theodore Kingiikaq ("Kingukuk, age 12").

APPENDICES

463

VOLUME CONTRIBUTORS

Igor Krupnik is an ethnologist at the Arctic Studies Center of the NationalMuseum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. Bornand educated in Russia, Dr. Krupnik worked for almost twenty years amongthe Yupik Eskimo people of Chukotka and other Native groups of the RussianArctic and the Far East. His current research is primary on St. LawrenceIsland,Alaska, where he is engaged in several collaborative projects with theYupik communities of Gambell and Savoonga, studying the impact of globalclimate change, the preservation of cultural heritage and traditional ecologi-cal knowledge of native people. He has published and co-authored several books and catalogs,and he writes extensively on arctic Native people, Native heritage resources, modernizationand minority issues.

Willis Walunga (Kepelgu) is an experienced senior hunter, trapper, navi-gator, and boat captain from the Yupik village of Sivuqaq (Gambell) on St.Lawrence Island. He is also an acknowledged local historian and educator inhis native Yupik language and in cultural traditions of his people. He pro-duced several booklets, teachers guides, educational materials and he wasthe leading author for a three-volume collection of oral stories, SivuqamNangaghnegha: Echo of Our Eskimo Elders (1985-89), series of St. LawrenceIsland Yupik genealogies, and extended Curriculum Resource Manual for local

bilingual school program. Mr.Walunga served as senior expert and advisor for the BeringiaYupikHeritage Project (1998-2000).

Vera Kingeekuk Metcalf (Qaakaghlleq) was born and raised in Sivungaq(Savoonga) on St. Lawrence Island. Over the last 20 years she has partici-pated in numerous repatriation consultations with museums around the coun-try and was involved in many efforts in cultural research, education, culturalawareness, and multicultural orientation. She also has held many positionsbenefiting people in the region, including Program Coordinator for EskimoHeritage Project at Kawerak, Inc., member of the Carrie McLain MemorialMuseum in Nome, and most recently, serving on the national NAGPRA Review Committee. Shecurrently serves as an Executive Vice President of the Bering Straits Foundation in Nome, Alaskato provide administrative oversight to all Foundation programs.

Lars Krutak received his Bachelor of Arts degree in anthropology and arthistory from the University of Colorado, Boulder (1993), with an emphasison Native American art and art history. Between 1996 and 1998, he attendedgraduate school at the University of Alaska, Fairbanks where his researchfocused on the symbolism of traditional tattoo practices on St. LawrenceIsland and across the circumpolar North. He recently completed his firstmanuscript entitled "Tribal Women Tattoo Artists: A Permanent History."Lars currently works as a Repatriation Research Specialist at the National Museum of the Ameri-can Indian, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

piHMi

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