SI CIRC ^^>I SMITHSONIAN INSTI-WTIONBUREAU OfUmERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 148ARAPAHO CHILD LIFEAND ITS CULTURAL BACKGROUND BySISTER M. INEZ HILCER V"^ rj jU'l ^-SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 148ARAPAHO CHILD LIFEAND ITS CULTURAL BACKGROUND BySISTER M. INEZ HILGER UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON : 1952 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing 0?BceWashington 25, D. C. ? Price 75 cents LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian InstitutionBureau of American Ethnology,Washington., D. G.^ June .?, 1950.Sir : I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled"Arapaho Child Life and Its Cultural Background," by Sister M.Inez Hilger, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of theBureau of American Ethnology.Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirling, Director.Dr. Alexander WetmoreSecretary^ Smithsonian Institution. CONTENTS PagePreface xiList of informants xvIntroduction: The Arapaho Indians 1Prenatal period 4Conception 4Fertility, sterility 6Limitation and size of family 9Period of gestation 10Abortions 11Food and conduct taboos and prescriptions 12Birth 15Place of birth 15Persons assisting 15Birth: Position of mother, aids, attendants, navel, placenta 16Head shaping, fontenals 20Caul 21First bath 21Announcement of birth 21Purification 22Navel cord 22Postnatal interests 24Nose piercing 24Ear piercing 24 "Diapers," "talcum powder" 28Cradles 29Transporting babies 38Lullabies 38First smile, clenched fists 40First tooth 40First step 41First -words 41First clothes 42Haircutting 43Nursing and weaning 44Nursing 44Weaning 46Atypical conditions 46Twins, triplets 46Deformed babies 47Incest 48Illegitimacy, infanticide 49Adoptions, slaves, servants 50Sick babies: cure and prevention 54V VI CONTENTS PageNames 58Origin of names 58Reasons for giving or changing names 60Naming a child 61Changing names 62Sherman Sage's account of Arapaho names 64Arapaho names 66Adolescence 68Brother-sister relationship 68Puberty 70Training children 75Instructors and method 75Rewards, corrections, punishments 78A favored child 82Mental training 83Time measurements 83Counting and linear measurements 88Interpretation of natural phenomena 90Language 94Signaling 96Training in morals 98Courtesy 98Hospitality, generosity, kindness 100Quarreling, talebearing 101Boasting, honesty, stealing .. 101Suicide, murder, cannibalism 104Children's diversions 106Children's play 106Pet animals 109Chums, early adolescence 110Games 111Visiting 115Social dances 117Ceremonial age societies 117 "Medicine" 124 "Medicine," "medicine bag," medicine man, "making medicine" 124Fasting for "medicine" 127Using "medicines" 130Health 134Preventive measures of ill health 134Ph ysicians 136Herbs, roots, bark 136Sucking, bloodletting, burning, tattooing, sweating 139Personal sacrifice, fasting, material sacrifice, changing name 141Religion and supernatural powers 142Supreme Being and minor deities 144Ceremonial smoking, ceremonial sweat baths 147Tribal religious ceremonial: The Sun Dance 148Notes on the 1936 Northern Arapaho Sun Dance 151Notes on the 1940 Northern Arapaho Sun Dance 154Belief in life after death 160Life after death 160Death... 162Interment and graves 163Mourning 186 CONTENTS VIIPawDomestic economy 169The buffalo: chief source of supplies 169Division of labor 170Hunting 170Food and its preparation 175The tipi 180Dressing skins 183Clothing 185Tribal government 186Tribal divisions 186Bands 187Chiefs 189Scouts 192Camp circle 192Marriage 193Types of marriages, exogamy, endogamy 193Cross-cousin marriage, sororate, levirate 195Age and qualities of part.ners 197Choice of mate 199Marriage ceremonial 202In-law taboos 209Joking relatives 211Separations , divorces 211Summary 216Bibliography 233Index 241 ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES (All plates follow page 240) 1. 1,2, Sherman Sage; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 3, 4, Pete Lone Bear; NorthernArapaho, 1940.2. 1,2, Old Lady Salt Friday; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 3, 4, Martha Grosbeck;Northern Arapaho, 1940.3. 1, Arnold Woolworth; Southern Arapaho, 1941. 2, Rose Arpan, daughter ofArnold Woolworth; Southern Arapaho, 1941.4. 1, Agnes Yellow Plume; Northern Arapaho, 1942. 2, Ann Wolf; NorthernArapaho, 1942.5. 1, Sherman Sage; Northern Arapaho, 1936. 2, Pete Lone Bear; NorthernArapaho, 1940.6. 1, Sam Shot Gun, smoking ceremonially; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 2, Win-neshead Sharp Nose, Jerome Old Man and wife, Edna; Northern Arapaho,1936.7. 1,2, Arapaho cradles. 3, Sioux cradle.8. 1, 2, Flora Dewey, transporting her baby; Northern Arapaho, 1936.9. 1,2, Old Lady Salt Friday, transporting her grandchild; Northern Arapaho,1940.10. 1, Rose Moss, transporting her grandchild; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 2, Wifeof Robert Friday and her baby; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 3, Agnes YellowPlume and Ann Wolf, recalling lullabies sung bj'' their grandmothers;Northern Arapaho, 1942.11. 1, Clarice Jenkins, preparing to transport her baby on her back; NorthernArapaho, 1942, 2, Ready to swing baby onto back. 3, Swinging babyonto back. 4, Ready to place blanket over baby.12. 1, Clarice Jenkins, throwing blanket over baby. 2, Ready to leave for home.13. 1, Josephine Coyote and her baby; Southern Arapaho, 1941. 2, Relative ofPete Lone Bear and her baby; Northern Arapaho, 1940.14. Arapaho children's moccasins.15. 1, Agnes Yellow Plume, explaining to her grandchild the making of anArapaho cradle from the photograph shown in plate 7; Northern Arapaho,1942. 2, Tending the baby. Children of Josephine Coyote; NorthernArapaho, 1941.16. 1, A pailful of corn gathered and shucked by 9- and 12-year-old girls inhelping their grandmother, Agnes Yellow Plume, prepare dinner; NorthernArapaho, 1942. 2, Playing house. Playhouse in background; SouthernArapaho and Southern Cheyenne children, 1941. Cheyenne-ArapahoReservation.17. 1, Alta Arpan, granddaughter of Arnold Woolworth; Southern Arapaho,1941. 2, Clayton Arpan, grandson of Arnold Woolworth, 1941.18. 1, Jane Friday; Northern Arapaho, 1942. 2, A little girl on her way to school,too hhy to tell her name; Southern Arapaho, 1941.19. 1, Chunks; Northern Arapaho, 1942. 2, Chums; Southern Arapaho, 1941.viu ILLUSTRATIONS IX 20. 1, Teddy Friday; Northern Arapaho, 1942. 2, Helen Spotted Wolf's son;Southern Arapaho, 1941.21. Arapaho doll.22. 1, Arapaho doll. 2, Arapaho doll removed from toy cradle shown in plate 23.23. Arapaho doll cradle.24. Arapaho shinny baU.25. Participants attired for tribal social dances; Northern Arapaho, 1929: 1,Francis Lone Bear. 2, Leonard Warren.26. Participants in tribal social dances; Northern Arapaho, 1929: 1, Old ManWolf. 2, Red Pipe.27. Attired for tribal social dances; Northern Arapaho, 1928: 1, Goes-in-Lodge,last of tribal chiefs, and Michael Goggles (Iron Eyes). 2, Regina LittleShield.28. Attired for tribal social dances; Northern Arapaho, 1929: 1, Samuel WolfRan, a tribal leader and member of the Arapaho Council for many years.2, Michael Arthur.29. Participants in tribal social dances: 1, Collie Judson; Northern Arapaho, 1929.2, James Lone Bear, judge for minor ofiFenses on Wind River Reservation;Northern Arapaho, 1931.30. Northern Arapaho, 1942. 1, Just after bathing in the irrigation ditch. 2,Mother bathing her child in irrigation ditch.31. 1, Sweat lodge framework; Northern Arapaho, 1936. 2, Camp circle; 1935Northern Arapaho Sun Dance.32. Southern Arapaho Sun Dance participant.33. Framework of Southern Arapaho Sun Dance lodge.34. 1, Center pole; 1940 Northern Arapaho Sun Dance. 2, Sun shelter; NorthernArapaho, 1936.35. 1940 Northern Arapaho Sun Dance. 1, Dancers and bundle containingsacred pipe. 2, Drummers. Children romping around. 3, Rest period.Sponsors of dancers seated at left. Several men making cherry waterfor dancers at right.36. 1, Sun shelter at Sherman Sage's home; Northern Arapaho, 1940. 2, Sunshelter near Rabbit Run's home; Southern Arapaho, 1941, 3, Sun shelter;Northern Arapaho, 1936.37. 1, Arapaho boy's clothing. 2, Arapaho girl's clothing.38. Left Hand and son; Southern Arapaho.39. Little Raven and daughter; Southern Arapaho.40. 1, Friday; Northern Arapaho. 2, Yellow Bear and daughter, Ann.FIGURES PAGE 1. Diagram showing the approximate positions of the center pole, thesacred pipe, and of the persons present at the 1940 Northern ArapahoSun Dance 156 PREFACEThe purpose of the present study is to record the customs, beliefs,and traditions of the primitive Arapaho Indians of the United Statesas found in the development and training of the child. Childhoodamong the primitive Arapaho began with birth. It ended when thechild was sufficiently mature to no longer need, or be subject to,parental protection and direction. "They were children as longas the father and the mother supplied their needs; clothed and fedthem ; saved their treasures and belongings for them ; cared for theirhorses and their ponies ; gave them advice and made them obey. Infact as long as they were under the general protection of the family."A girl was considered mature after puberty. Her childhood endedthen, or at least shortly afterward. She was of marriageable age afterpuberty. The end of a boy's childhood was not so definite. In-formants thought it ended with puberty, but no one considered a boymature then. ""Wlien a boy's voice had changed?that happened whenhe was about 14, 15, 16, or 17 years old?he was no longer considereda child. But neither was he a man until he was about 20 years old."At 15 a boy was eligible for membership in the Stars, the second andlast of the boys' societies. At 17 he was permitted to join the firstof the men's societies, the Tomahawks.Periods in a child's life were designated by events in its mental andphysical development. When asked, "How old is your child?" amother might answer, "My child still sleeps. My child smiles. Mychild has teeth. My child walks. My child eats alone. My child nowgoes to the toilet alone. My child speaks some words now. My childis already able to think [about 4 years old]. My child is able to learn[about 6 years old]. My girl knows our language well now [about10 years old]. My boy has his own mind now [about 15 years old]."No monograph dealing with Arapaho child life is now available.The brief exact studies of Michelson (1933 and 1934) and the longeraccurate account of Mooney (1896), and Kroeber (1902) contain someexcellent material related to child life. Attention is called to these inthe present work, as well as to scattered items found in other sources.All sources are listed in the appended bibliography.The first 11 sections of the present study deal with the developmentand training of the child. Sections 12 through 19 tell of the milieu inwhich the child lived. Since phases of Arapaho life found in sections12 through 19 had been rather completely covered by earlier writers. JIMS? 1952 Xn PREFACE especially by Culin, Mooney, Kroeber, Dorsey, and Carter,^ the pres-ent writer spent little time studying them. The material of thesewriters is of particular value, since much of it was gathered by themin the field when the Arapaho lived in more primitive ways than theydo today. Also in some instances the authors were participants intribal activities and, therefore, had first-hand information. Attentionis called throughout this work to previous comprehensive studies.Furthermore, some of the earlier literature contains minute descrip-tions of traits by eyewitnesses?traits no longer found among theArapaho nor as minutely remembered by old Arapaho. Quotationsfrom the literature as recorded by participant eyewitnesses are, there-fore, inserted; the atmosphere caught by the author would be lost indigests. The early literature and more recent studies, then, havebeen drawn upon in order to describe the primitive Arapaho child'senviroimient. The latter part of this study, beginning with the sectionon Ceremonial Age Societies, does however, contain some new material.Variations in important items occur in a number of places in thepresent work. The writer made serious, but unsuccessful, attempts toclear them. She cannot give reasons for the variations unless it bethe following : Sherman Sage, a Northern Arapaho nearly 100 yearsold, was considered by the Whites on the Wind River Reservation,Wyo., and by the Arapaho on both the Wind River Reservation and theCheyenne-Arapaho Reservation, Okla., as the oldest, the best in-formed, and the most reliable Arapaho informant. The writer foundthis to be true. It is his information, however, that often differs fromthat of most other informants. Sage was a generation older thanmost of the next oldest informants. It is possible that his early lifewas more typical of his tribe and less affected by intrusions than wasthat of other informants. Whenever it was difficult to decide whichcustom was institutional, the writer has quoted informants, especiallySherman Sage, at length. In fact quotations are freely used through-out the work. Many quotations contain shades of differences thatmay be of value in later comparative studies. Often, also, the age of aninformant is given; age sometimes pigeonholes an informant in theperiod of acculturation. Since much information is personal, namesare generally withheld. Informants wanted it so. Exceptions, ininstances, are Sherman Sage, older than 97 years (pis. 1, 5) ; Old LadySalt Friday, older than 81 years (pis. 2, 9) ; Agnes Yellow Plume, 65years old (pis. 4, 10, 15) ; and Anne Wolf, 70 years old (pis. 4, 10)?all of the Northern Arapaho ; Arnold Woolworth, older than 80 years(pi. 3) ; and Jessie Rowlodge, 57 years?both of the Southern Arapaho.Information in the work is not always as complete as the writerwould wish it to be. The Arapaho believe that speaking or thinking 1 Cf. Bibliography, pp. 233-240, of this worl:. K'9^t V ?j PREFACE Xin of anything pertaining to prenatal life or to birth will cause pregnancyin one's relationship. Since this was not desired, informants, as wellas interpreters, hesitated to give information on these items. Thesame reserve was shown when health and death were discussed ; suchtalk might cause ill health or death to someone in the tribe. Givinginformation on the Sun Dance, the tribal religion, savored of irrever-ence. Sharing knowledge of personal supernatural powers dimin-ished their efficacy. Plant usages, being closely associated with super-natural powers, must not be divulged. Persistence on the part of thewriter in breaking down this reserve would have been discourteous,indeed ; consequently, some information is incomplete.The material for the present study was collected by the writer inthe field during personal interviews with 15 Southern Arapaho onthe Cheyenne-Arapaho Reservation in Oklahoma in the winter of1935 and the summer of 1941, and with 42 Northern Arapaho of theWind River Reservation in Wyoming in the summers of 1936, 1940,and 1942.Informants and interpreters were selected with the council andadvice of the personnel of the reservation agencies of the UnitedStates Bureau of Indian Affairs, of missionaries on the reservations,of intelligent Arapaho, and of Whites in towns where Arapaho trade.Great care was taken that all persons selected were honest, had relia-ble and clear memories, and were mentally alert. Commercial in-formants and interpreters, such as offered their services at set prices,were strictly avoided.^The appended bibliography lists sources on the Arapaho found bythe writer in the Library of Congress, the libraries of the Universitiesof Minnesota, California, Southern California, and Pennsylvania;of Columbia University and Catholic University of America ; of thehistorical societies of Minnesota, North Dakota, and Oklahoma ; ofthe United States National Museum, the American Museum of NaturalHistory, the University of Pennsylvania Museum, the Field Museumof Natural History, the Southwest Museum, the Henry E. Huntington * On both reservations informants and interpreters were acquainted with publishedworks on the Arapaho. The day following an argument a Southern informant said : "You're right on those navel cords and bags. Kroeber says the same as those old ladiestold you yesterday. I was wrong. Do you know that most of the answers to the questionsyou are asking are not recorded in Mooney or Kroeber or Dorsey. I'm glad you arecollecting these customs and recording them also." A Northern man offered to let thewriter see Carter's study on the sacred pipe since it was the best available study, and "thatwill save you time, for there is no need doing things over again. I didn't know that therewas so much about our tribe that had not been recorded. They were telling me aboutyour questions. Practically none are found in Mooney's work nor in Kroeber's." Lowie'sstudy (1916) on the Plains Indian age societies was recommended by a Southern man asthe best authority on ceremonial age societies. "It deals with a good many buffalo Indiantribes. And it's a good account. It tells you more than any Indian around here couldgive you on those societies. In fact, there was talk at one time about reviving thesesocieties and it was Lowie's book that we were going to use in doing so." And the bestinformation on Arapaho tribal bands is "the one you can find in Mooney's account in theFourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology." aaV PREFACELibrary, and the library of the United States Department of theInterior. The writer owes special thanks to the librarians for theirgenerous and helpful assistance.Valuable information was gleaned from Arapaho exhibits in theChicago Natural History Museum, the United States National Muse-um, the American Museum of Natural History, and the Universityof Pennsylvania Museum. The writer is grateful to the curatorsfor assistance in locating Arapaho items in the museums.The writer wishes to express her appreciation to the late Rev. Dr.John M. Cooper, Head of the Department of Anthropology of Cath-olic University of America; to the late Dr. Truman Michelson, ofthe Bureau of American Ethnology ; to Dr. Wilson D, Wallis, Head ofthe Department of Anthropology of the University of Minnesota ; andto Dr. Matthew W. Stirling, Director of the Bureau of AmericanEthnology, Smithsonian Institution, for their interest, encouragement,and helpful suggestions in the present study.She is deeply indebted and sincerely grateful to both Arapaho in-formants and interpreters for their fine cooperation and intelligenthelp. The writer is keenly aware that without them the present workcould not have been produced. She hopes, as they do, that theirdescendants will find in it a legacy.The writer is most appreciative, also, of the fine courtesies extendedto her by the persoimel of the local agencies of the United StatesBureau of Indian Affairs on both the Wind River and the Arapaho-Cheyenne Reservations ; to the missionaries on the reservations, bothCatholic and Protestant; to her companions and field assistants. Sis-ters Marie Hilger, Immacula Roeder, Deodata Kaliher, HieronymeMagyer, and Olivette Micho.The writer is obliged to her family for financial assistance in fieldwork in 1935 and 1936, and museum research in 1941; to the SocialScience Research Comicil for field work in 1940, 1941, and 1942 ; andto the American Council of Learned Societies for field work in 1941and research in libraries in 1942.St. Benedicts Convent, Sister M. Inez Hilger,St. Joseph, Minnesota Benedictine Sister. LIST OF INFORMANTSNorthern Arapaho, Wind River Reservation, Wyo.Ida BearSusan BehanDorah BitnerRapheal DeweyF'lora DeweyRobert Friday and wifeAnn FridayGertrude GogglesMartha GrosbeckSusan HannahFanny HarrisVeronica HarrisJane Hungry WolfClarice JenkinsLittle AntPete Lone BearJames Monroe and wifeAlonzo MossPaul MossJane One Bull Jerome Old ManIron PiperOld Lady Red PipeSusan Run BehindSherman SageEd SageOdilia SageOld Lady Salt FridayWilliam ShakespeareWinneshead Sharp NoseSam ShotgunAlberta Sitting EagleCatherine SmithBaron TrosperHenry Lee TylorCecelia WarrenHannah White PlumeMae White PlumeAnn WolfAgnes Yellow PlumeSouthern Arapaho, Cheyenne-Arapaho Reservation, Okla.:Ada Addison Carl SweezyFrank Addison Henry RowlodgeRose Arpan Lucy RowlodgeLong Hair Jessie RowlodgeAna Mix Hair Arnold WoolworthGrace Sage Bark Charles WoolworthNelson Sage Bark Susie WoolworthHelen Spotted Wolf ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE AND ITS CULTURALBACKGROUND By Sister M. Inez Hilger INTRODUCTION : THE ARAPAHO INDIANSThe place of origin of the Arapaho is not known. Arapaho tra-ditions tell that long ago, before there were any animals on the earth,all but one mountain was covered with water. Upon this mountainsat an Arapaho. "This Arapaho was a God. He had a pipe, andhe gave it to the people. He showed them how to make bows andarrows, how to make fire by rubbing two sticks, how to talk with theirhands; in fact, how to live" (Clark, 1885, p. 43). The Arapaho chief,Left Hand, said his people "originated in the north beyond the Mis-souri river" (Scott, 1907, p. 558).The name Arapaho is probably of White origin. Arapaho do notspeak of themselves as Arapaho, nor do other Indians call them bythat name. Clark (1885, p. 43) wrote: "I have been unable to ascer-tain why these Indians are called 'Arapahoes.' They can give noreason for it, and I have not been able to find a similar word in any ofthe languages of the surrounding tribes. . . . The Southern Arapahocall the Northern Arapaho 'Red Eye,' also 'Sagebrush men'; theNorthern Arapaho call the Southern Arapaho 'South Men.' " TheSioux called the Arapaho Blue Cloud People; the Shoshonie, DogEaters (Mooney, 1896, p. 789 ; Burton, 1862, p. 176) . Lewis and Clark(1905, vol. 6, p. 90) called them Kanenavich in 1804; in 1819, Long(1904-7) , vol. 17, p. 156) speaks of them as Arrapohoes. The NorthernArapaho are signed "mother people" in the sign language ; the South-ern, "rubbed noses" ; the Gros Ventres of the Prairie, who at one timewere very closely allied to, and perhaps, part of the Arapaho proper, "belly people" (Mooney, 1896, p. 954).Linguistically, according to Michelson (1912), the Arapaho are oneof the four major divisions of the Algonquian speaking peoples, theother three being the Blackfoot, the Cheyenne, and the Eastern-Cen-tral Algonquins.Culturally, the Arapaho, belong to the great Plains area of NorthAmerica. Their ethnology has the earmarks of that culture : they sub-892644?52 2 1 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 sisted largely on the buffalo, lived in tipis, expressed their religiousconvictions in the Sun Dance, maintained order by means of militaryorganization generally called soldier bands or age societies, and usedthe horso for transportation in the hunt.The Arapaho are described in the literature of the nineteenthcentury as brave and fearless; intelligent; thrifty; ingenious; hos-pitable; kindly and accommodating; much given to ceremonial ob-servances; less easily discouraged than the Cheyenne, but correspond-ingly lacking the energy and determination of the Cheyenne; andhaving a standard of virtue for the women not nearly so high as thatof either the Cheyenne or Sioux.^ In physique they are described asbeing distinguishable from the Dakota (Sioux) by their superiorgauntness of person and boldness of look. (See Mooney, 1907 a, p. 73 ; Burton, 1862, p. 176; Farnliam, 1904-7, p, 266; Miles, 1883, p. 61;Clark, 1885, p. 39.)In all probability the Arapaho at one time were a horticulturalvillage people. iSTot only their traditions but the literature as wellwould lead one to think so. Lewis and Clark believed them to havebeen a subdivision of the Paducas who resided in several villages onthe head of the Kansas Kiver in 1724." Mooney ( 1896, p. 957) mentionstheir traditions regarding agricultural life. Lowie infers village lifefrom his study of Plains Indians age societies ; Strong, from his arch-eological findings in Plains areas. (Cf. Lowie, 1916, p. 954; Strong,1935, pp. 298-299.)The time when the Arapaho turned from a horticultural villagelife to a nomadic life is not known. Old Arapaho men and womentoday say that they can remember their old people as always sayingthat the Arapaho moved to the plains from the valley of the KedRiver of the North, just north of what is now Minnesota, long beforetheir time. Carter (1938, p. 75) writes that the Arapaho were inMinnesota several hundred years ago; Kroeber (1916, p. 73) believesthat they have been separated from the Central and Eastern Algon-quins for more than a thousand years.The Arapaho were occupjang what is now eastern North Dakota andadjacent Manitoba in 1790, for Mackenzie found them occupying theplains from the north bend of the Missouri across the south bend ofthe Assiniboin at that time. He thought they were then moving north-westward (Mooney, 1907 a, p. 372) . In 1837 they were residijig at the ? It Is only fair to note here that Mlchelson (1933, p. 596) wrote regarding the contrastof Arapaho and Cheyenne women : "As far as the Arapaho are concerned, I am Inclinedto believe that their unfavorable reputation Is due to the fact some institutional practicesrecorded by other writers and myself were observed and supposed to be of every dayoccurrence, whereas they are strictly circumscribed and do not Justify the opinions ex-pressed." Mirholson expressed the same opinion to the writer in 1938. The writer'sknowledge of Arapaho women substantiates Michelson's observations.* Lewis and Clark based their location of the Paducas on Le Page du Pratz (1758, p. 71).Referred to on p. 108 of vol. 6 of Lewis and Clark (1904-5). HiLOBK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 3headwaters of the Arkansas River (Atkinson, 1838, p. 20). In 1839Famham found them "south of the Snakes. They wander in the win-ter season over the country about the head of the Great Kenyon of theColorado of the West, and to a considerable distance down that river ; and in summer hunt the buffalo in the New Park, or 'Bull Pen,' in the 'Old Park' on Grand River, and in 'Boyou Salade,' on the southfork of the Platte" (Farnham, 190^7, p. 266). In 1862 they wereliving between the South Fork of the Platte and the Arkansas Rivers.They were bounded on the north by the Sioux, and hunted in thesame grounds with the Cheyenne (Burton, 1862, p. 176).Just when the Cheyenne and Arapaho formed the close friendshipthat persists even at the present time is not known. A Northernwoman informant of the present study remarked, "During Custer'sfight the Arapaho fought with Custer against the Sioux and the Chey-enne. That was the only time we were afraid of the Cheyenne. Wefeel as though we are related to the Cheyenne, Some Arapaho haveeven married Cheyenne." Nor is the time known when the GrosVentres, once a part of the main body of the Arapaho, separated fromthe Arapaho. Mackenzie wrote in 1802 that the Gros Ventres hadlived near the falls of the Saskatschewan River. Maximilian foundthem in about the same area and noted in 1832 that they were roaming "about in all the prairies which border on the territory of the Black-feet and the Arapahos Indians" (Maximilian, 1904-7, p. 75).Nor is the time or the occasion for the separation of the mainbody into the Northern and the Southern Arapaho known. Left Hand(pi. 38), a chief of the Southern Arapaho, after telling of the separa-tion of the Gros Ventres said : After we came south to the Black hills we separated again because the North-ern Arapaho preferred to stay north and we preferred to come south. We didnot do it on accoimt of any quarrel or unpleasantness ; we came south becausethere were more horses and a milder climate. The others preferred to stayin the north ; they are our people ; we often used to visit them and they us.We have lived since usually with the Southern Cheyenne. [Scott, 1907, pp.558-559.]Enemies of the Northern Arapaho were the Utes, the Bannocks, andthe Shoshonie ; of the Southern Arapaho, the Osage and the Pawnees."The Sioux and the Cheyenne were good friends of the Arapaho,"said a Northern informant of the present study. "The Sioux aregood people. The Bannocks and the Shoshonie were our worst ene-mies. I have such a dislike for the Shoshonie even today that I won'tlook at one."Lewis and Clark (1904-5, p. 90) found the Arapaho?probably theNorthern Arapaho?^trading with the Mandans on the Missouri in1804, exchanging "horses and leather tents" for "arms, ammunition,axes, kettles and other articles of European manufacture." The Man- 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148dans liad received the articles for trade by barter from British trad-ers and the Assiniboine, who had also gotten them in trade fromthe British, Long (1904-7, vol. 17, p. 156) found them?probably theSouthern Arapaho?trading with Spaniards from Mexico in 1819, ex-changing "dressed bison-skins for blankets, wheat, flour, maize, etc."At intervals, he writes, they held "a kind of fair on a tributary of thePlatte, near the mountains (hence called Grand Camp creek), atwliich they obtained British merchandize from the Shiennes of Shi-enne river, who obtained the same at the Mandan village from theBritish traders that frequent that part of our territory."At the present time the Arapaho reside on two reservations assignedto them by the United States Government.^ The Southern Arapahowere placed on the Cheyenne-Arapaho Keservation in Oklahoma in1867. They share the reservation with the Cheyenne. The NorthernArapaho were assigned to the Wind Kiver Eeservation in Wyoming in1876. The Shoshonie reside on the same reservation (Statistical sup-plement to Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1940, pp. 12, 16; Mooney, 1907a, pp. 72-73) . PRENATAL PERIODCONCEPTIONArapaho believe that speaking of prenatal life or birth will cause awoman relative to become pregnant soon thereafter, a thing evidentlynot desired or not considered by men and woman informants of thepresent study one's business to bring about. They gave informationregarding prenatal life and birth reluctantly, or refused it entirely.Often both informants and interpreters sat in complete silence. Oneinterpreter said : "These two old women do not want to say anythingmore about unborn babies. They are worried even now that one oftheir married granddaughters will be pregnant because they told youabout rebirth (pp. 5-6).^ They didn't know when they agreed totell you their old customs that you intended to ask them about babies ; they prefer to tell you other things." Vv''hen women informants andinterpreters did discuss such questions, it was done in low, subduedtones and with a certain amount of reverence, hands resting from sew-ing or beadwoi'k. (Sewing and beadwork were often done while giv-ing information.) Women interpreters always hesitated, and usuallyrefused, to ask information on prenatal life and birth from old men.If they did so, it was done in an abashed manner, and conversation onboth sides Avas in subdued tones. "I should not like to ask the oldman that question [When is the fetus considered to be a human be-ing?]. I do not think he would want to talk about it. Ajiyway I ? For the Northern Arapaho In the process of acculturation see Elkin (1940, pp. 207-258).? This notation and all similar ones refer to pages of the present work. HiLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 5would not know what words to use in asking him." However, thefollowing information was obtained.Informants were not agreed as to the time during gestation whenthe fetus became a human being. Some considered the fetus humanfrom the moment of conception; others only when the woman feltquickening. Some gave an aborted fetus burial like that given adults,evidence, no doubt, that they believed the fetus to be a human being ; others disposed of it in the same mamier as the placenta, that is, theyhung it in the crotch of a tree or buried it without ceremony (pp.17-18). For them it was not human. A Northern woman, in hereighties, believed the fetus was human from the moment of conception."One time," she said, "I saw a miscarriage that was 3 months old. Ithad a form, but its legs had not yet parted. But I considered it as ahuman being. We always regarded any fetus as a human being. Thisone was wrapped up and buried in the ground up in the hills. Theydid not throw it away. It was thought of as being a person." A well-informed Southern Arapaho man, too, was certain that a fetus bornprematurely was always given burial like an adult. Others in agree-ment with this idea said, "In less than two weeks after conception awoman knew that she was pregnant ; this fetus was considered human.It was about this time that the mother was aware of her conditionbecause, either in a dream at night or while she was around doingthe work of the day, it seemed as if a third person were present. Afetus born prematurely was given burial like a person." "A child wasconsidered a hiunan being from the moment of conception. No matterat what stage a spontaneous abortion occurred, the child was giventhe same burial as an adult. Wliatever it was, the people consideredit as one more life." On the other hand a Southern woman, in herforties, knew of a 3-to-4-month old fetus that had been tied intoa skin and hung in the crotch of a tree, as the placenta is hung.Another Southern women, in her sixties, knew of a 3-month-old fetusthat was buried in a hole in the ground without any ceremony, and ofan 8-month fetus that was given adult burial. She herself believedthe fetus was human from the time that the mother felt its movements.So did two Northern women, one of whom remarked, "When it beginsto move, it is considered a human being. That occurs usually duringthe sixth month of pregnancy. If a miscarriage occurs before themother feels any movement, the fetus is wrapped in a diaper first,and then into a piece of canvas. It is buried in a hole, and dirt isplaced over it. There is no ceremony connected with such a burial."The Arapaho believe that reincarnation occurred in instances. Themethod involved was not known. "Yes, a child could be a reborn per-son. I don't know how this happened, but when such a child was born,we used to say it came from the other world." The belief of the 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 148Chippewa that the spirit of the deceased person came near the mother'sbody and entered it, does not prevail among the Arapaho.' "Thereis no belief that the spirit of the old person enters the mother's bodyin any way; the person is just born again like other babies." Mostinformants agreed that a baby born with teeth, or that one whose upperteeth developed before the lower ones, was reincarnated. So wasa child born crippled or scarred or wrinkled, or one born with a patchof white hair, webbed toes, or webbed fingers.^ An infant that diedwas believed to return to earth and then live to be a very old person.A person who lived to be unusually old also returned to live again.Twins were not reborn. "I knew a very old man who married a younggirl. The skin of their baby, a boy, was wrinkled like that of an oldIndian. We thought he was an old Indian man come back to liveagain." "I knew a woman who, when quite old, gave birth to a babygirl whose skin was wrinkled. We said it was an old Indian come backto life again." "A child born with snips out of its ears was alsothought to be an old Indian reborn. The snips indicated pierced ears." "I know a woman who lives about 10 miles from here who was born withtwo teeth. The women who were present at her birth said at once, 'Here is an old woman come back again to live,' and they named herThe-Woman-That-Was-Born-with-Two-Teeth." "A baby bom withtwo fingers or two toes grown together is said to have been shot whenit lived the first time."Most informants were agreed that an old man was reborn in a boy ; an old woman, in a girl. "I knew a girl that was born with manyscars on her neck, legs, and waistline. We knew she was an oldwoman come back to life. A baby girl always had been a woman; ababy boy, a man. My grandson was bom with a scar on the underside of each ear-lobe. We knew that he was an old man born again.But we didn't know who it was that had been reborn in him." Allinformants were agreed that the reborn person was not identifiable.FERTILITY, STERILITYCertain Arapaho men and women, "only those who had knowledgeof the treatment," could produce both fertility and sterility in women ; in men, only fertility. ' Ct. the writer's Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Background, Bur. Amer. Ethnol.Bull. 146. All Chippewa customs referred to in the present work will be found in ChippewaChild Life, unless otherwise stated. " Among the Cheyenne, fetal teeth, a patch of grey hair, scars on ears, polydactylism orsyndactylism were signs of reincarnation. (Taken from the writer's unpublished fieldnotes collected among the Northern Cheyenne of Montana in 1936 and the SouthernCheyenne of Oklahoma in 1935 and 1940. All customs related to the Cheyenne found inthe present work are from the same unpublished field notes, or her Notes on Cheyennechild life (Amer. Anthrop., n. a., vol. 48, pp. 60-69, 1946). HiLGifi] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 7111 men fertility was produced by treatment with fumes. In womenboth fertility and sterility were produced by treatment with fumes, bymagic, and by herbs administered either orally in decoctions or bymastication. One informant had been given a potion of boiled rootseveral months before she was married, in order that she be fertile.^Sherman Sage witnessed a treatment by fumes to produce fertility : I knew a couple, a good couple, that didn't have any children. They went toa medicine man who made a smudge of herbs. This man took a handful of thesmudge, and wafted it at the sole of one of the feet of the woman. Then he tookanother and spread it over the toes; and then with one handful he moved upthe entire leg and over the front of the body to the neck. He did the same tothe other leg and part of the body. Then he treated each hand and arm in thesame way beginning at the finger tips. He did this once to each arm, each timebringing the smudge in his hand over the front of the body up to the neck. Thenhe scooped up a handful and had the woman inhale it. He also placed a littlepiece of the herbs used in making the smudge on the tip of the woman's tongue.Sometimes it was the man's fault that there were no children. If it was hisfault, the medicine man treated him in the same way.Sage had no knowledge of how the medicine man could tell whetherthe man or the woman was sterile ; "but these medicine men could tell,"he added. Two women informants gave names of several men who hadcohabited with their (the men's) granddaughters to discover whetherthe granddaughters or their husbands were sterile. "They cohabitedwith these women during a large gathering of the tribe. In every casethat we know of the woman conceived, and we knew then that it wasthe man's fault."Sherman Sage said the same medicine man who had treated thewoman with fumes described above had the ability to tell a womanthat at a certain moon or at the next change of the moon, that is, atsome designated time, she could conceive a child. "I know of aninstance," he added, "where he told a couple that they would have aboy, and that came true. Before any couple asked a medicine manto treat either one or both of them, they gave him a horse and broughtthings for him to eat." Another Northern informant "knew a manwho wished that a woman should not have any children; and thiswoman never had any. If he wanted a woman to have many children,he could wish her to have many. This was his 'medicine' (pp. 124r-127 ) . This man knew what was going to happen ; that was his power."Sage related of his own family : There were five in our family. I had two brothers and a sister older thanmyself and a sister younger than I. My mother had a hard time when her thirdbaby was born. So my grandmother on my father's side asked my mother ifthose were all the children she wanted. My mother said she wanted two more,a boy and girl. So then my grandmother said, "All right, then I will not treat * When plaats are not identified in this work, it was impoflsible to obtain the information.(Cf. Preface, p. xiii.) 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148you." After that I was born ; and when I was 8 years old, my little sister wasborn. [The interpreter added] I remember that old lady . She had that "power."She grew to be very old and died only a few years ago. Some of these oldIndians gave "medicine" which was tied in a small circular container about thesize of a bantam egg. These were worn by a woman attached to the insideof her belt if she did not wish to have any more children. These little bagswere hard to got, but women who succeeded in getting them and who wore themdidn't have any more children.Another Northern informant told of sterility produced by fumi-gation.When a young woman was about to be married, [she said] either the man'sparents asked him to practice voluntary control, or the man and the womanagreed not to liave any children by having the woman sterilized. If they decidedthat the woman was to be sterilized, the couple contacted a medicine man, pref-erably one not related to the woman. He might, however, be her grandfather,but not her uncle, brother, or cousin in Arapaho way. [Cf. pp. 194-195.] Whenall was agreed upon, the couple and the medicine man retired into a tent. Thehusband had to be present. A fire was built in the tent. The medicine man tookhot coals from it, and laid herbs on these. The herbs were found near LakeMoran close to Yellowstone Park. He took the hot coals with the herbs to thewest side of the fireplace. The medicine man sat in the center on the west side.That was his place always. He took some of the coals and pulverized them andboiled them in water to make a decoction. When this was done the girl removedher underclothing and stood with feet apart over the coals from which emittedthe medicinal fumes. At the same time she drank as much of the hot decoctionas she could. She endured this as long as possible.Sterility, the informant thought, probably resulted from the intenseheat. A woman who had been thus fumigated once, never again borechildren. "At least it v.as never known that she did," she added.Several other women who were present at this interview relayed amongthemselves names of women who had been sterilized by this method.A Southern woman told of sterilization by fumes and magic com-bined :Long ago, before a girl was married, she might be sterilized. Old women knewhow to do this. They used some medicine, probably an herb or a I'oot, and madefumes with it. The girl stood over the fumes and had smoke rubbed all overher body. This was done once a month after menses, but it had to be done foursuccessive months to be effective.^" She was also given a little of the medicinewhich she put into a little bundle and tied to her belt. She had to carry this allthe time. I had an aunt who carried this medicine and while she carried it shehad no children. She had one before she knew of the medicine ; but it died. Itwas diflBeult to get this medicine from those who knew it. A woman who has thismedicine gives it only to those she likes. Sometimes those who have this knowl-edge also have the power to treat women secretly when the women are notpresent; a woman so treated will know nothing about it. There seems to be onewoman st ill who knows how to do this. '"> The number 4 occurs in many Arapaho customs. Both 4 and 7 are sacred nnmJberaaccording to Mooney (1896, p. 1000), Kroeber (1902, pp. 411-412), and Mlchelson (1938,p. 604). HlLOEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 9Another informant knew a man whose "medicine" was a mental powerby means of which he could produce both fertility and sterility inwomen.A similar account was related by another Southern woman.My mother, a medicine woman, asked us girls [ber daughters] one day if wewanted any children after we were married. "If not," she said, "I shall tell anold medicine man to come to our house." If she had invited him we would havehad to give him gifts for his services. Then he would have tied some of his "medicines" into a bag and we each would have had to wear the bag on our beltcontinuously, day and night. This medicine man began by praying to God to keepa woman from having children, and he also blessed her. Then he mixed herbsand put these on hot coals. The woman stood over this and allowed the fumesto come up her clothes. It seemed that those that had this done were childless.I have heard of some that had it done. I saw my mother do it to one of mysisters. Most of us were afraid that this was like murder ; so we did not haveit done. We were educated, too, and no longer lived the old Indian way. Noth-ing was done to sterilize men.Both Northern and Southern informants knew Arapaho men andwomen who, in recent times, had exercised their magic powers or usedtheir knowledge to sterilize Arapaho. "My parents asked me if Iwanted my wife to be sterile. They asked me this before I was mar-ried." "I think that this is still practiced around here, for there are agood many women among us who are about 45 years of age who haveno children." "Recently an old Indian woman told a girl who hashad a number of children that if the girl wanted it, she could make hersterile." "Not long ago I saw an old man make a smudge on a shovel.He had a girl stand over this with feet on either side. This was doneso that she would not have any more children ; and she hasn't had anysince." LIMITATION AND SIZE OF FAMILYArtificial contraceptive methods were probably not known to theArapaho; willful control of coition was practiced. Children werespaced by natural control and by being nursed until 4 years of age orolder. "It was a custom among the Arapaho that a mother have achild no oftener than every 4 years. To bring this about she nurseda child 4 3^ears." (Cf. also p. 45.) "Children were spaced by cou-ples keeping apart after a child was born. The husband wouldhave relations with his other wives then." No, not with just anywoman. There was no prostitution in those days. Nowadays thereis much prostitution and many women are suffering because of it. Inthe old days women stayed at home. Men, too, were always busy on thewarpath then."Families of informants and interpreters numbered from 1 to 10children. An informant in her nineties had had 10 children, 4 of ^ The Cheyenne have the same custom. 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148whom were living. Another in her seventies had also had 10 children ; only 1, a son, was living. She remarked, "Had my oldest child, agirl, lived, she would be 50 years old this year. All my children hadthe same father." An informant in her sixties had lost 9 of her 10children. Ten years had elapsed between her ninth and tenth child ; her tenth, a son, was living. Of two interpreters, both in the fifties,one had five children; the other, six. Of two in the forties, one hadsix and the other two. One noted : Ordinarily families had only four or five children. However, I knew one couplethat had 14 children. A couple that had only one child?and in such cases adaughter was preferred?was highly respected because it was said that theparents had restricted themselves. Men were anxious to marry the daughter ofsuch a couple. A man doing so was expected to be well qualified (p. 198). Somefamilies had only two children, sometimes of the same sex. Such families,too, were respected and were considered outstanding. Spacing children wasusually done by the mother nursing a child three or four years and by keepingher husband away from her during this time. Mothers sometimes advised theirmarried daughters to go swimming with their men, and this might be done everyday; then they would have no children either. [The other added:] Mothersnursed their children as long as they could, so as not to have many children. Anursing mother never conceived.Quoting Sherman Sage : There were cases where couples wanted children but couldn't have them. Theydidn't like to be without children for they thought they hadn't done right in theface of God, since they were not blessed with children. People used to say, "Now,they don't have children. Looks like they ought to be tired being alone."People used to tell us, "Now, those people are stingy ; they are no good."PERIOD OF GESTATIONNo means by which the sex of the fetus could be affected was knownto the Arapaho. A Southern informant believed that some medicinewomen long ago had had such knowledge. It was their "medicine,"and such knowledge had died with them.Parents had no desire to have either boys or girls exceed each otherin numbers. Nor did they in general wish the first-born to be a boyor a girl. Mothers wanted some girls and fathers some boys, sincethese would help them in their respective work. Quoting severalinformants : Both father and mother were willing to take any child that was born to them ; they had no preference. I never cared whether my children were boys or girls.I have two girls and one boy. I appreciate my son a great deal ; he is my onlyson. . . , The mother usually wished that there would be some girls ; the father,that there would be some boys. ... In the early days warriors were needed todefend the tribe and its rights. For this reason every family wanted someboys, but never to the exclusion of girls. . . . Families were proud of their boyswhen they were successful on the warpath. . . . Parents were satisfied withwhatever child was born, but the mother often wished for a girl and the father fora boy since these would help them in their work. . , . Some mothers preferred HiLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 11the oldest child to be a girl, for a daughter would help her with the work. Inearly days women did most of the work. ... A family preferred to have bothgirls and boys. Our people used to think that a family of girls only was selfishand did not care to help protect other people. If a mother wanted a boy, shewas told to pray to the Great Spirit to bless her with one ; she had no other wayof producing a boy. Some did not want to have any children at all, because theydid not want to be bothered with them. I have four children and I am proudof them. Two are soldiers in the army (World "War II), one works in town,and one is at home. I feel thankful for being a mother. I think some womenrealize only after they have grown too old to have children, or maybe in timeof need, that they made a mistake in not having children. Also, when they getold, they are lonely and have no one to help them.Sex of the fetus was predicted by the contour of the mother's bodyand by the location of the fetus. A Southern informant said, "If apregnant mother's body appeared pointed, she was carrying a boy,since the baby was sitting in a position in which men sit [on theirhaunches]. If the mother's body was flat, she was carrying a girl."A similar statement was made by a Northern woman : "If it is a girlthat a woman is carrying, it can't be noticed nearly so much on themother as when she carries a boy. If she carries a boy, her body ispointed because a boy sits the same way inside his mother as does aman when he sits down. A man crosses his legs."If the fetus rested low in the mother's abdomen, she was carry-ing a boy ; if it rested near the sternum, a girl. Twins were sometimespredicted correctly because the expectant mother was unusually large.They knew for certain that she was carrying twins when her onlycomfortable position, when lying down, was on her back with severalpillows under her head. "She could not lie on her left or her rightside and sleep." Twins could not be predicted by the hiccoughing ofthe fetus nor by a slightly depressed longitudinal line extending fromnavel to lower abdomen of the mother."ABORTIONSAll informants were agreed that abortions were not induced inthe early days. A midwife in her eighties was emphatic in her state-ments. "Arapaho had no means of killing an unborn baby or of get-ting rid of it. On the contrary they did have, and still have, medicinesthat prevent mothers from having miscarriages which may occurwhen they work too hard, or when they get hurt. I know the plantsto use, but I can't give you any. When I need them I get them overthere," she concluded, pointing in the direction with her chin.Other informants remarked:No voluntary abortions were ever committed by our people. ... I never heardof intentional abortions. If an expectant mother feared an abortion, she wasgiven a decoction of medicine so that she wouldn't lose the baby. This might " Chippewa predict twins in both ways ; Cheyenne, only by the abdominal longitudinalline. 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148happen if she got hurt. ... I know of one woman who had one pregnancyafter another, but never gave birth to her children. The Indians believed thatsuch a woman would eventually be killed by her own babies. They would comeback to kill such a mother. Such a woman ought to get help so she would notlose her babies. . . . The Arapaho women knew that they could have somethingdone to themselves so that they would not bear children ; but once a child wasconceived, it was always given birth. Nothing was ever done to get rid of thennborn child. I liave heard of women of old times who feared that they wouldlose their children ; but they really never lost them. Today there are peoplearound here, some of them White doctors, who tell the Indians how to abortchildren. I don't think it is right to do that, but I think it is all right for awoman to have treatments so that she will not have any children.FOOD AND CONDUCT TABOOS AND PRESCRIPTIONSInformants, both Northern and Southern, listed food taboos forboth husband and wife during the wife's pregnancy; just as many ineach group?and these ranged from the forties to the eighties in age ? said tliat they had never heard of any. Although those who deniedthe taboos seemed sincere in their denials, the writer is inclined tothink that the fear of affecting pregnancy in a relative influencedtheir answers, for a denial was quickly made and no further interestwas shown. Discussing the taboos and prescriptions was, after all,talking about prenatal life.The following contributions, however, were made by Northern menand women : An expectant mother may have any food she craves. If she wants her babyto have nice black eyes, black hair, and be good-looking, she should eat skunk.I never heard that any of our people believed that a baby would be good-lookingif its mother, while she carried it, ate meat found back of the nose of cattleor buffalo, like you say the Blackfoot believes." If an expectant mother drinkshot tea or hot water, birth will be difficult ; if she eats rabbits, her baby will haveu i-abbit mouth ; if she eats beaver, it will have arms and legs like a beaver'.^.Both Northern and Southern informants were agreed that neithermale nor female Arapaho should eat "twins" (tenderloins) of buf-falo?at the present time of cattle?from babyhood until the end ofchildbearing age, since eating tenderloin made them potential parentsof twins."My parents-in-law may now eat them ; they are past 50. If they had eaten "twins" before this time they might have expected to have twins. When twinsare born on the reservation today, people say that the parents at one time mutithave eaten "twins." . . . All persons including children, but not old men andold woman, should not eat those two dark strips of meat of cows or she;ay that it was terrible to cut a child's hair, because Indians never didthat except when mourning.NURSING AND WEANINGNURSINGAn Arapalio child was not nursed by its mother for 2 days, at timesnot for 3 or 4 days, following birth; the colostrum was consideredunhealthy. Until the mother's milk was fit, her breasts were suckledeither by her husband, by the midwife who had attended her at birth,or by one of the women who had assisted at the birth. If none of thesewere available, "by anyone who may be around." A nursing childof another family sometimes did so, if it was old enough to know that itmust not swallow the colostrum. The extracted fluid was spat out ; it was never swallowed. The baby, in the meantime, was nursed byanother nursing woman. It was taken to her, for the first time, whenit cried; after that, every time it fussed. "Anyone can take thebaby back and forth to the woman. Its mother nurses it as soon asher milk is fit."If the mother had a greater amount of milk than the baby wouldtake, or if the baby was thought to be ill from its mother's milk, themother's breasts were suckled by a nursing pup or raccoon. "I haveoften heard of mothers being nursed by puppies and raccoons thatwere so little that they were still nursing. In fact, I nursed a puppywhile nursing my first baby. The baby refused to nurse ; my breastswere full and hard. My aunt brought the puppy and said, 'Now,you nurse this puppy.' That is how we got rid of extra milk. Thepup or raccoon had to be healthy though. I always washed the pu'smouth before letting him suckle. I also washed my nipples before Ilet the baby nurse." ^' A mother did not wear straps to supportbreasts.A child was nursed at any time, not at set intervals. It nursed aslong as it wished; usually, until it fell asleep. "I nursed my babywhenever it cried, or when I wasn't busy doing something else." Afterthe child grew older, "it was up to the child to nurse whenever itwanted to." There was no custom regarding nursing from eitherbreast.A nursing mother stimulated her milk-flow or increased it bydrinking broth or a decoction made from a certain bark or a "milk-weed" called baxen'ajon. "This 'milkweed' is a wild plant with no " For a similar note see Kroeber (1902, p. 16). HILGEK] ARAPAHO CHILrD LIFE 45 lea^^teis or flowers, but only straight stems," If a woman continuedhaving an insufficient supply of milk after using the above remedies,she took her baby to another nursing woman who might be, but was notnecessarily, a relative. The baby might be taken to a different womaneach day. The same vvas done for an infant whose mother had died(Kroeber, 1902, p. 16).A nursing mother was not to drink coffee. Drinking coffee, Kroeber(idem) notes, "burns or cooks the milk." She was to keep her breastscool. "Even today she is advised to place a diaper or some cloth overher breasts to keep the heat of the sun or of the fire from them." Ac-cording to Kroeber (idem), she was to protect not only her breastsbut sometimes her back also from the heat; both were to be thicklypadded.An infant imrsed while being held in its mother's arms or while lacedinto its cradle, resting on its mother's lap. When it was older, untilabout 4 years of age, it sat in its mother's lap. Children older than 4usually stood at the side of the mother. "These old Indians are greatones these days, at telling us younger women to sit up to nurse ourbabies, and not to lie down in bed so lazily doing it."Conventionally, children were nursed until they were 4 years old.However, mothers did not refuse to allow children to nurse until theywere 5, 6, 7, or even 8 years old. "This was done to make the childgrow strong and also to prevent the mother from having anotherchild so soon." "I think the age at which most babies were weanedwas 6 or 7. I was about 6 years old when I was still nursing on mygrandmother. I had an aunt who was also nursing on my grandmotherat the same time. She was a few years older than I. I rememberthis well because I used to get into 'scraps' with her about nursing." "Children nursed until they were 6 or 7 years old. Some nursed when12 years old. I have seen them play around at that age and stop play-ing to go to their mothers to nurse. In old days Arapaho didn't havebig families ; probably this long nursing had something to do with it."The informant then remarked to the interpreter, "Even you mustremember a girl that nursed when she was 10 or 11 years old." Theinterpreter remembered : "Yes, I remember well. That girl was aboutmy age. "We used to play together. We would be playing. Thensuddenly she would leave us and run as fast as she could to hermother. If her mother was busy, she made her stop work ; she wouldthrow her mother's arms down so that she could nurse. That, ofcourse, was unusual." "My husband nursed when he was 6 years old.I saw him ; he already had his hair braided."A pregnant woman did not nurse a child. Only rarely did a womannurse two children of different ages. A child once weaned was notagain nursed. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Infants were sometimes given warm water or an herbal decoctionto drink. An occasional mother gave her baby meat broth. No nip-'pies were made by filling the bladder of an animal with porridge.When a child was old enough to sit up, "it might be sitting where theothers were eating," some one gave it a strip of meat to suck. This wasusually done to keep it quiet, although the child was also thought toderive nourishment from it. It helped teething too. A child thatwas a little older than a year was conventionally given meat, broth,and bread.A baby was not to be fed tenderloin or the portion of the buffalostomach called hi'yat. Eating tenderloin made the baby, when grownto maturity, a potential parent of twins. Eating hi'yat caused horsesto be afflicted with a disease of the ankles called "rings." These foodtaboos ended only when the end of child bearing age was reached."Men and women at about 50 or so may eat them."WEANINGA child was weaned in several ways: (a) By the mother's refusalto nurse it, "that is weaning it just like animals wean their young."(6) By having the child drink fluids, "like soups, coffee, or tea," everytime it asked to nurse, (c) By repelling it with a bitter substanceapplied to nipples. "Pulverized mule-tail leaves were mixed withtallow and smeared over the mother's breasts. The taste is verybitter. The child tasted this when attempting to nurse, and movedaway. The mother would coax the child to come back to nurse, butit would no longer want to." The child was not frightened by char-coal-blackened nipples or by fur-covered breasts, (d) By childrenof their own volition discontinuing to nurse; they became interestedin other things. "My son weaned himself at four. He was too busyplaying to be bothered with nursing." "My grandmother happenedto visit us and wanted my daughter [7 years old] to go home with herto help her. When my daughter returned, she didn't ask to nurseany more." (e) By separating the child from its mother. "Thatlittle girl you just saw [nearly 5 years old] was brought to us whenmy wife was still living. She was weaned that way. When my wifedied, the girl's mother took her back. She comes in here now andtakes care of my bed. She brushes off sand and dust that she findson it and she rolls back the bedding. She does other little things forme too." "If grandmothers were still living, one of them usuallytook the child." ATYPICAL CONDITIONSTWINS, TRIPLETSTwins were not desired. It was feared that the mother would diegiving them birth. Once they were born, they were well treated. HltOEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 47 "The mother and the grandmother were glad then to have them andeverybody felt sorry for the mother if one of them died." "Twinswere welcome once they were born, and there was no distinction madebetween them and other children. They were humans and were ac-cepted. People, however, preferred not to have twins." In orderthat twins would not be conceived, both men and women refrainedfrom eating tenderloin from babyhood to the end of child bearing age(pp. 12-13).Both the community and the parents of twins were interested intwins while they were growing up, and even after they reachedadulthood. "Twins were pointed out to those who did not know thatthey were twins." Neither twins nor their parents were shownspecial respect by the community. In all probability, it was notinstitutional to ascribe supernatural power to twins.Most informants agreed that it was not conventional to show pref-erence or dislike for one of twins, or to treat twins differently fromother siblings in the family. Twins of the same sex, too, they saidwere not preferred to those of opposite sex. Sage, on the contrary,was certain that twins of the same sex were liked but that twins ofopposite sex were not appreciated. One Southern woman, in herforties, said that the first-born was preferred, but that the second-born was feared, since he was thought to have some secret power."The people feared his admonitions or predictions when he was oldenough to give them," she added. "They did not care for him, butthey treated him well because they feared something would happenif they did not."Triplets were decidedly not wanted. They were considered freaks.No Southern informant had ever heard of triplets born to the South-ern Arapaho. One set was known by both Southern and Northerngroups to have been born among the Northern group. "All the oldIndians were terribly surprised to see three babies. They had neverheard of anything like it. All three babies died before they weremany months old, and everybody felt relieved. The last born hadshort arms shaped like a bird's wings. The mother, too, died. Noone thought the mother was punished. People just couldn't ex-plain it." DEFORMED BABIESA mother who did not heed the prenatal food or conduct taboosmight expect to affect thereby the physique of her unborn child.Eating rabbit caused a harelip ; insufficient exercise, a flat head ; look-ing at a deformed person, like a hunchback, a crippled child.^^ *? Some Informants denied that the Arapaho had any prenatal food or conduct taboos.This denial may have been made merely to prevent further questioning regarding prenatallife (p. 12). 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148A child that was born badly deformed was generally believed to bethe offspring of its mother and some animal with whom she had hadcoition, or as the effect of "medicine" exercised upon the mother dur-ing pregnancy. Two Northern informants knew of a woman "whosebaby was born with an oversized head. No one in the whole tribe ofIndians ever saw the baby's head; the mother always kept the headcovered." "If a child had a head like an animal or a mouth like abird, the old Indians would say that either the mother had been ledinto temptation to have husband and wife relationship with an ani-mal, or a spirit had used 'medicine' on her before the baby was born."INCESTIn order to understand the Arapaho definition for incest?^heredefined as coition between parent and child or brother and sister?oneneeds to know who was included under these terms. A girl's fatherwas the man whose offspring she was; but so were also her father'sbrothers and the husbands of her mother's sisters. A boy's mothersincluded the woman who gave him birth, her sisters, and the wivesof her husband's brothers. In the event that the child's father wasa polygynist, all his wives were the child's mothers also. A child'sbrothers and sisters were all the offspring of the above-named personsand also all cousins, no matter how far removed. Cross cousins,therefore, were considered brother and sister, and marriage betweenthem was prohibited (p. 195).Having the above relationship in mind, one case of incest amongthe Arapaho was laiown. "I knew of only one man that married hissister. The old people of long time ago didn't approve of such mar-riages. They don't approve of them today. But these two personsdidn't care. But the people didn't like them. The people used tocall that man 'Skunk.' That is what they named him. This marriagewas between a woman's son and her brother's daughter. They calledthem brother and sister because they had one grandfather and onegrandmother. Yes, they stayed together and lived together." "Brothei-s and sisters had to respect each other. They were not evenallowed to talk to each other" (pp. 68-G9). "Such conduct wasstrictly forbidden among the Indians and nobody would have a childaround born of such matin Cf. Kroeber (1902. p. 26) for a similar statement. 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148made short successive lines about a quarter of an inch long. Some women madelittle holes instead of lines. One day my mother showed me my age on an elkhorn. I was 18 years old then. My father said, "From now on you can markyour own age. You are old enough now." My mother gave the horn to myyoungest sister. In old times the youngest daughter often got the horn. Theone I have in my home was given to me by my husband's mother. It showsmy husband's ago. The one that belonf.'ed to my mother was taken by someonewhen my sister died [p. 183]. My mother-in-law gave me hers along with herwhole tanning outfit when she heard that I was learning to tan hides. Somehorns had as many as 50 or 60 marks recorded. If they needed a longer linethan from the opening of the horn to about so far [from fingertip to wrist]from the closed end of the horn, they made marks downward toward theopening. The nmrk was made the winter after the child was born. If a childwas born in winter a mark was made at that time. The second mark was madewhen the child was another year old, or the next winter. When speaking ofthe child's age the mother would say, "This child has passed one winter, or somany winters." We didn't have dates and years like they have today. . . .Old Lady Salt Friday showed me the horn on which her age was marked. Thelast mark was made when she was 28 years old. . . . Not every child had itsown horn. Only the mother or the grandmother had one. If the mother didn'tmark the ages, the grandmother did. The ages of both boys and girls weremarked on the same horn; there was just one horn to a family. When thespace was all taken up, no more markings were made. My husband's mothermarked my husband's age until he was 30 years old.COUNTING AND LINEAR MEASUREMENTSThe Arapaho counted in the follovs'ing way : one, two, . . . nmeten, ten and one (11), ten and two (12), ten and three (13), . . . tenand nine (19), two times (20), two times and one (21), two times andtwo (22), two times and three (23), . . . two times and nine (29),three times (30), three times and one (31), three times and two (32),three times and three (33), . . . three times and nine (39), fourtimes (40), ... five times (50), etc., to ten times (100). When 100was reached, a notation was made, and the counter began again atone. Counting could thus be carried on to 1,000 or more if necessary.A record of each 100 counts was made by means of anything at handthat could be used to indicate units, such as drawing lines in the sandor other surface, or by piling up small stones or little sticks.Wlien counts needed to be remembered over a period of time, in-cisions were made either on a stick of wood or a horn of an animal.Informants recorded ages of their children on an antler of elk ordeer as previously stated (p. 87). One of Kroeber's informants re-membered the number of buffalo hides that she had dressed by 26scratches which she had made on her elk-horn scraper; the 40 skinsof other animals that she had worked she recorded by 40 small brassnails driven into the back of the instrument, at the bend. Anotherwoman had cut 30 notches on a small stick to represent 30 robes shehad made (Kroeber, 1902, pp. 26, 29). HILGEK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 89On every occasion during the present study where counting wasdone, informants did so on fingers beginning with the little finger ofthe left hand. If 10 were counted, the counting ended with the littlefinger on the right hand. As each finger was counted it was eitherfolded into the palm of the hand or pushed into that position by theindex finger of the other hand. A half was indicated by drawing aline with index finger across the inner side of a finger. An informant,unable to speak Eiiglish, wanted to verify the writer's leaving thereservation after 3% days. She signed night in the sign language byplacing her right hand on the right side of her head and bending herhead slightly to the right, then folded the little finger of her left handinto the palm of the left hand ; then the fourth finger ; next, the middlefinger; and then, pointing toward the sun, ran the index finger of theright hand across the middle of index finger of the left hand.Both the hand and the forearm were tools for measuring. Handstretches extended from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the indexfinger or the middle finger. When more than one hand stretch wasneeded for a measurement, the thumb was glided into the position ofthe other finger (index or middle) and that finger was tlien moved onto another hand stretch. This was repeated as often as necessary.If only a little more than a hand stretch was needed, the finger (indexor middle) was turned on its back to the first or the second joint or tothe knuckle. A baby's navel cord was cut at a point that measured fromthe tip of the middle finger to the wrist from the baby's body. Themeasure for the square piece of cloth laid on a baby's head when shap-ing it was a hand stretch plus the distance to the wrist. Sage used ahand stretch reaching from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the indexfinger to show the size of birds and small animals. "We said theywere so many hand measures long on the back and so many broad,"he explained. "Badgers were measured in the same way; so wererabbits. Badgers were usually three hand measures long and twoand one-half wide. We needed to know this in recent years when wesold skins to the Whites. Deer and elk and large animals were notmeasured in any way."A forearm's length extended from the tip of the middle finger tothe elbow ; sometimes from the knuckle or the wrist to the elbow. Awatermelon to which an informant had treated cradle makers wasfrom the tip of the hand to the elbow in length. The width of buck-skin used in making a cradle was a hand stretch reaching from thethumb to the tip of the middle finger, plus the length of the middlefinger from its tip to the second knuckle. In measuring it the inform-ant took the hand stretch and then keeping the tip of the middlefinger in position and using it as a pivot, she folded the hand over onits back. All other measurements of the cradle were guesswork basedon experience, she remarked. 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148To draw a circle the fingers of a hand were spread in fanlike positionand a dot made off the end of each finger. The dots were then joinedwith a curved line and the diagram folded on a Ime that connected thedot made at the tip of the little finger, with the one made at the thumb.The worker then cut as perfectly as possible through both parts of thefolded material along the semicircumference line. When the diagramwas unfolded it served as a pattern for a circle. Beadworkers or quillworkers sometimes needed a circular pattern.If a man wished to tell the height of a horse, he stood near it andsaid, "It is as high as my chest," or "It is so much higher than mychest." Ground was measured by being stepped off. An informantdemonstrated by taking steps as long as he conveniently could.The length and width of a buckskin dress was measured by placing atanned liide against the body of the person for whom it was intended."The maker then cut it so as to be the right length and the shape thatfitted the person."Moccasins were fitted to the foot. The one who was to wear themstood on a piece of rawhide or, more recently, cardboard, while themaker drew a line with charcoal around the foot. One informanthad measured her husband's foot by using the hand-stretch measuresince she had nothing in her house on which to mark off his foot, "noteven the sides of a corn flakes box." To measure the top piece of themoccasin, a piece of tanned buckskin was placed over the foot andthe approximate measurements indicated with charcoal. The stand-ard pattern for the top piece was then placed over the one that indi-cated approximate measurements and cut accordingly.The length of a belt was determined by measuring the waistline ofthe one who was to wear it with a rawhide rope or thong.INTERPRETATION OF NATURAL PHENOMENAThunder was the sound made by the wings of the thunderbird "ashe flew around chasing up the rain." The blinking of his eyes causedlightning. Wlien thunder was heard, cedar was burnt on the fire-place. "We were told that the rising fumes would let the thunderknow that an Indian lived in that place and that he had better moveon and do no harm." Standing in water was thought to draw light-ning upon one. Mooney (1896, p. 969) wrote that with the Arapaho,and also the Cheyenne, the thunder is a large bird with a brood oflittle ones, the large bird carrying in its talons arrows with whichit strikes the victim with lightning.The rainbow indicated a cessation of rain. It was interpreted asa fishing line used by an animal that lived in water. Kroeber (1902,p. 317, says it is a fisliing line for a water monster. Lightning, hewrites, that struck water was thought to be aimed at the same monster. Hilger] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 91An informant of the present study said : "Some animal in the wateris using the rainbow in fishing for a bird in the sky, maybe an eagleor the thunderbird. The eyes of the animal cause the color in therainbow." And then she substantiated her belief in the power of eyesof certain animals by telling the following : My father told this story : He and some men started on a homeward journeyto the reservation. On their way they saw a place where a big rock stood.They stopped to examine the place a little. While doing so they came upon aspring that was flowing from the rock. One man went close to the spring tosee how it came out of the rock. He saw something like the reflection ol' glasscome from the water. The men were frightened. They ran and hid in thebrush. They talked about what they had seen. They thought the reflectionto be the eyes of an animal that lives in the water. Shortly after they hadreturned home to their own reservation, the man that had seen the glare thatlooked like shining glass in the water died. The men that didn't see the glarelived. They thought it was the eyes of the animal that lived in the water thatcaused the man to die. That is why Arapaho think the animal in the water hassome kind of power.**Other informants said : "When the rainbow appears, the thunder-bird has taken to fishing for alligators in the clouds." "The rain-bow is a fishing line, one end of which is held by a man while theother end is catching a fish." "Pointing at the rainbow will make one'sfinger sore."A total eclipse of the sun predicted an event that would affect allthe people unfavorably, such as an epidemic of sickness. Quoting-Sage:Formerly, in very old times, when someone announced that it looked as thoughthe sun and the moon were exchanging places, the Arapaho men took theirarrows and stood outside the tipis waiting for the sun to turn things reddish.That occurred just as the sun and the moon exchanged places. Sometimesthings did not turn reddish. That occurred when the sun and moon only metand did not exchange places. But if they exchanged places, it meant sicknesswas coming to the tribe and all the men then shot their arrows directly at theeclipse. All the other Indians during this time sat in their tipis, singing andmaking fumes by burning cedar.Ann Wolf had been told by her grandmother of an eclipse of thesun that occurred when the Arapaho first settled in Wyoming. "Thesun disappeared entirely," her grandmother said. "It was dark likedusk. They could hardly see anything. They wondered what wouldhappen if the sun would be gone forever. Old men wondered howthey would get buffalo then. But in a few hours the sun was backagain. My grandmother also told me that when I was 2 years old,we had a partial eclipse. The people were frightened. Some wentto ask a White man if he thought the sun would stay away alwaysnow. He told them not to worry ; it would come back. And it didcome back." Ann Wolf had never heard the old people discuss aneclipse of the moon.? For a similar account see Kroeber (1902, p. 317). 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148A comet was thought to be a star with a tail. The three stars inlinear position in Orion were thought to be "three buffaloes in a row."Dawn was near when they were in the west.Sage said no significance was attached to northern lights; accord-ing to several other informants, they predicted a storm. Ann Wolfhad been told by her grandmother that they threatened sickness. Thegrandmother had told Ann's mother to burn sweet-smelling grass(neyaa'hu) and the turnip-shaped roots (niada') day and night untilthe lights no longer appeared. This, she said, would keep awaysickness. Other informants said that formerly men shot with gunsat the northern lights to prevent sickness from overtaking them."Even today, when I see the lights, I fear sickness, like colds, willcome on us and on the Wliites, and I burn sweet-smelling grass androots. This custom comes from way back. I don't know what causesthe lights." Southern informants believed that "way up north, landwas burning and that this caused them." One informant said theywere sun rays reflected from icebergs.Regarding Arapaho beliefs related to the sun and the moon, Mooney(1896, p. 1006) wrote, "With the Arapaho, as with many other tribes,the moon is masculine, and the sun is feminine. In mythology thetwo are brother and sister. There are various myths to account forthe spots on the moon's surface, some discerning in them a largefrog, while to others they bear a likeness to a kettle hung over the fire.The Arapaho name for the moon, hi'gushish^ means literally 'nightsun,' the sun itself being called hishinishish, 'day sun.' " Regarding themorning star, Moone}?- (1896, p. 1011) wrote: "With all the prairietribes the morning star is held in great reverence and is the subjectof much mythological belief and ceremony. It is universally repre-sented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the Maltese pattern."The Arapaho interpreted some phenomena of nature as forecastingweather. Generally, however, they relied on weather prophets, menwho had "medicine" to forecast weather. "There was always one oldman on the reservation who was consulted when we needed to know aweather forecast. His predictions always seemed to come true." "Anold man called Fur Hat was the only one who could foretell suchthings as weather, and the whereabouts of elk and buffalo." Sageknew of no ways of foretelling weather. "It used to be the old menwho knew," he noted. "I don't know whether or not they dreamed thatpower. They could even predict snowfalls."Some forecasts based on natural phenomena were general knowl-edge : When birds flew south, winter was on the way. Very certainlywas cold weather on the way when cranes flew south. Cranes couldnot easily be seen for they flew very high; but they could be heard.Wlien they returned, warm weather was soon to follow. "The first Hilger] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 93Storm preceding warm weather came right behind them." A ringaround the sim or moon predicted a storm; so did northern lights. "Weather was best predicted b}'' the color of clouds. Rain clouds aredark black; snow clouds, greyish white; hail clouds, white. I don'tknow what causes hail." Sun dogs forecast cold winters. "OldIndians said the sun had campfires on each side, and consequently theIndians prepared for a very cold winter." Cold weather was alsopredicted by aimless and unprovoked stampeding of horses or by thesenseless chasing of dogs. "When horses chased each other roundand round or when they stampeded like wild horses, we knew therewas a snowstorm on the way and that the winter would be cold. In-dians would say to each other that they had better prepare for a coldwinter. The old men would tell their wives to weight down the edge ofthe tipis with plent}^ of rocks to keep the tipi covers down and therebythe cold out. The same thing was said when dogs chased each otherround and round."Throwing rabbitskins into fire did not produce a storm, but "ifa child twirled a button or the top of a tin can or anything round andflat by pulling two strings that had been run through the middle of it,the old people took it away saying that twirling it would cause highwind." Mooney describes a similar hummer and also a "bull-roarer" : The hatiku'tha, or liumroer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boysused the "cut-water", a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passedthrough holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to produce a hum-ming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each other and allowingthem to untwist again. One of these which I examined consists of a bone froma buffalo hoof, painted in different colors, with four buckskin strings tied aroundthe middle and running out on each side and fastened at each end to a smallpeg, so as to be more firmly grasped l)y the fingers. It was carried in the dancein 1S90 by an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possessionfor twenty years. Another specimen, . . . now in possession of the NationalMuseum, is similar in construction, but with only one string on each side.A kindred toy?it can hardly be considered a musical instrument?is that knownamong the Whites as the "bull-roarer." It is found among most of the westerntribes, as well as among our own children and primitive peoples all over theworld. It is usually a simple flat piece of wood, about 6 inches long, sometimesnotched on the edges and fancifully painted, attached to a sinew or buckskinstring of convenient length. It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidlyin the air produces a sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant thunder.With most tribes it is simply a child's toy, but among the Hopi, according toFewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it has a sacred use to assist theprayers of the medicine man in bringing on the storm clouds and the rain.[Mooney, 1896, p. 975.]Rain could be expected "if two persons like us [65- and 75-year-oldwomen] tussled, pulled and pushed, and teased each other, and onewould throw the other into that irrigation ditch. Also, if one personwould throw a bucketful or a basinful or a cupful of water on the 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 other, rain would follow." Handling the sacred pipe incorrectly alsocaused rain. The appearance of the rainbow ended the rain. "We'llliave no more rain or storm after that."LANGUAGEWhen a child's fontenals showed signs of closing, the Arapaho wouldsay, "That child will soon begin to talk and to have a little sense."In order to hasten its ability to talk, it would be fed the meat and,at times, the eggs of meadow lark, for meadow larks were thought tospeak Arapaho. Anyone could kill the meadow lark, but usually thematernal uncle of the child did so. "But anyone could do so. Themother skinned the bird, cooked it, and fed it to the child. Childrencertainly talk much when you feed them meadow lark" (pp. 41-42).A child was taught words by being directed to concentrate and thento repeat the names of articles. "I taught my children that way. I'dsay, 'Here!' and get a child's attention. Then I'd show it an articleand have it pronounce the name after me." During the period of thepresent study children of both Northern and Southern groups, moreespecially of the Northern group, spoke in Arapaho more frequentlythan in English. In several instances preschool children spoke onlyArapaho, but understood English. Two groups of boys and girls ? one group of 10, of two families, and another of 5, of two families?allspoke English fluently but used Arapaho exclusively while workingand later while playing and swimming. Most informants over 60spoke no English.No dictionary of the Arapaho language is now available. Neitherhas the language been recorded to any extent."^ In 1862 Burton wroteregarding the Arapaho language that it possessed a very scant vocabu-lary and was pronounced in a quasi-unintelligible way, and that theArapaho could hardly converse with one another in the dark.'^Bourke, who did not agree with Burton, wrote in 1890 : It took u vory small exauiinution to satisfy me that the Arapahoe tongue wascopious, and, if tlopriveil of its guttural and nasal modulation, would not bewithout beauty and softness. [Kourke also wrote:] I was not ignorant enoughto give the slightest credit to the sensational story set afloat by Burton, theEnglisJi traveller, to the effect that the Arapahoe dialect was so meagre thatfor purposes of conversation the members of that tribe had to rely upon the "Sign Language." This statement had been quoted by E. B. Tylor in his "EarlyHistory of Mankind," a work I had with me, and it was therefore proper toverify or refute it."* "Cf. The Gosjiol According to Saint Luke written In Arapaho and published by theAmerican lUblc Society, New York, 1903. '^ Burton, 18C2, p. 151. Cf. Kroeber, 1910, for a study of the Arapaho language." MacKeuzie's last fight with the Cheyennes (Bourke, 1890, p. 213). HiLoxa] ARAPAPIO CHILD LIFE 95Clark, too, noted the richness of the Arapaho vocabulary. He wrotein 1885 : Their vocal language Is entirely different from any other I have ever heard,and it is almost an impossibility for a wlilte man to learn to speak it. Theyare known as among the best in gesture speech, ami uscmI it to sucli an extent that,until recently, it was supposed their vocal language was so poor as to make Itnecessary ; in fact, some people had stated tliat to such a degree were theydependent on signs that they could not carry on a conversation in the dark.Their vocal language, however, has a rich vocabulary. [Clark, 1885, p. 30.]Mooney, who recorded some Arapaho script and a brief vocabularyin the 1890s, wrote that the Arapaho language was eminently vocalic;that almost every syllable ended in a vowel ; that there were almost nodouble consonant sounds; that in some instances there were com-binations of several vowel sounds without any intervening consonant;that the language lacked the I and r; that g frequently approximatedA, and d, t; that & became v in the standard dialect of the NorthernArapaho; and that the language had a guttural q not found in theEnglish language." Michelson told the present writer in 1936 thatglottal stops are extremely common in Arapaho and that scarcely anynasalities occur.Fewkes, commenting on Michelson's studies of 1926-27, says:It can not be denied that Algonquian eliMiients occur in l)otli the vocabularyand grammar of the language, even though the phonetic shifts are liiglUy com-plex. But certain lexical elements, as well as certain morphological traits,must apparently be deiivod from other sources. From tliese preliminary studiesit may be said that Arapaho might almost be called a stock in the making. Thecircumstances render an exhaustive study of the language highly desirable.[Fewkes, 1928, p. 4.]The sign language, a system of pantomimic gestures used by thePlains Indian Tribes of various linguistic stocks as a means of intei*-communication, was learnt by the Arapho child both by observingpersons using it and by being taught formally how to make the signs. "All Arapaho children had to learn to use the sign language, for itwas the only way in which our people could talk with other tribes.Children learned many of the signs by observing older persons usingthem. But grandfathers or fathers often took aside a child, or severalchildren, both boys and girls, and tauglit them how to make the signs.We don't know how the signs originated." "I learned the signs byobserving people use them. No one taught them to me. All tiie oldmen and women used the sign language when I was a boy [now 80 yearsold]. I was 10 or 11 years old when I began to learn the signs. Ican't sign Chippewa, but Blackfoot is signed by touching somethingblack and then touching the foot." ?* Mooney, 1896, p. 1012. 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148A sample of the sign language may be found in the various signsthat indicated Arapaho Indians. Mallery gleaned them from theliterature in 1879-80; one sign was to touch the chest in differentplaces with one hand, thereby indicating tattooing. Tattooing thechest was an Arapaho custom (p. 140). Another sign was to seizethe nose between thumb and index finger. This indicated "Smellers,"a name given to the Arapaho by some tribes. A third sign was to rubthe right side of the nose with the extended index finger of the righthand or merely to pass the finger upward alongside the right side ofthe nose. It is possible that this sign was used only for the SouthernArapaho. A fourth way was to touch the left breast. This implied"Good Hearts," a name by which the Arapaho called themselves.This sign may have applied only to the Northern Arapaho. (Cf.Mallery, 1881, pp. 542^-3; cf. also Blackmore, 1869, p. 310; Tomkins,1926; Hadley, 1893; and Harrington, 1938.)The Arapaho pictographed tribal events, personal calendars, andvision quests (pp. 86-87). (Cf. Mallery, 1886, 1893; Ewers, 1939,pp. 63-64 ; Kroeber, 1902, pp. 428-434 ; Hoffmann, 1897. ) Only adultsmade these. SIGNALINGThe Arapaho used long-distance signaling to make known theirwhereabouts and also to communicate the sighting of an enemy or ofa herd of buffalo. They signaled through physical activities, such asthe use of the voice and bodily actions ; through the use of objects ; andby means of strategem.Sage related the following regarding signaling by voice : When our tribe was ready to move camp, two or three men were sent aheadas a scouting party. The older men would say to the scouts, "There is a placeahead where we want to camp. Go and look around up there." I was sentwith such scouting parties. I recall one time when we got to a place where wecould look across an area, we saw Utes camped at a distance. Now, the Uteswere our enemies. In such instances we signaled to our people. We did thisin different ways. If we were at quite some distance from the enemy's camp,we sent out a sound like this, "Whooooo !" all in one high note. Those who wereback in our camp would hear that, and they would know that we had seen theenemy. When the enemy was much nearer than that we made a sound like this, "Pur-r-r-r-r !" This would let our people know that the enemy was very near. ? There is a bird that makes a sound like that, a bird that flies round and roundand looks down.?This sound was made more especially when we came to a highelevation and noticed the enemy just below on the other side. Our peoplefarther back would let us know that they had heard our signal by singing, "Theyhave seen the enemy close by." If it looked as though it were going to be lateevening before we could arrive at our camping place, the old men would send thescouts ahead to find the place. It would have to be a place where there wouldbe vmter and berries. Sometimes it happened that we would find other Indiansalready camped there. We would then signal back to our camp with this sound :[Informant made unsuccessful attempts to imitate a call note of a bird.] I can't HiLGEE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 97make tbe sound because my lower front teeth are missing [he said]. Our peo-ple would then camp where tliey were, but they would rise early the next morn-ing and raid the others.The Arapaho did not signal by successive emissions of smoke, whichwas done by making a smudge and covering it with a hide so as to en-case the smoke. When enough smoke had been collected the hide waslifted to let the smoke rise. Immediatel}^ the hide was dropped againand when a sufficient amount of smoke had collected, it was raised andthe smoke allowed to rise to give a second signal, followed by a third,a fourth, etc. They did, however, build a fire and then stifle it withgrass, allowing the smoke to rise just once. The fire was quickly ex-tinguished by throwing handfuls of dirt on it. This type of signal-ing was customarily repeated at intervals on the homeward journeyafter a successful raiding expedition, one in which no man had beenlost. "Our people would see the smoke, know that we had been suc-cessful in the raid, and also know that there had been no bloodshed."A N'orthern woman told of smoke signaling:It might happen that part of a camp, when moving, dragged on behind whilethe main body made headway. The ones ahead would not stop to wait for thelaggers. Nor would they stop to signal because they could easily follow thetracks made by the dragging tipi poles, and finally come to camp also. But itsometimes happened that men were not able to keep up because of difficultiesin keeping the horses corralled, and so got lost. If the camp thought thesemen were lost, it built a big fire so that the lost men, seeing the smoke, couldtell where the camp was. We never signaled by sending up successive puffs ofsmoke nor by riding on horseback back and forth or in circles on a hilltop.Nor did the Arapaho throw up handfuls of soil to signal by means ofdust.Mallery recorded the following information which he obtained fromthe Southern Cheyenne, Bobtail and Big Horse, and the SouthernArapaho, Little Eaven and Left Hand, in 1880 : A party of Indians going on the War-path leave camp, announcing theirproject to the remaining individuals and informing neighboring friends bysending runners. A party is not systematically organized until several daysaway from its headquarters, unless circumstances should require immediateaction. The pipe-bearers are appointed, who precede the party while on themarch, carrying the pipes, and no one is allowed to cross ahead of these indi-viduals, or to join the party by riding up before the head of the column, as itwould endanger the success of the expedition. All new arrivals fall in fromeither side or the rear. Upon coming in sight of any elevations of land likelyto afford a good view of the snrronnding country the warriors come to a halt andsecrete themselves as much as possible. The scouts who have already beenselected, advance just before daybreak to within a moderate distance of theelevation to ascertain if any of the enemy has preceded them. This is onlydiscovered by carefully watching the summit to see if any objects are in motion ; if not, the flight of birds is observed, and if any should alight uiwn the hill orbutte it would indicate the absence of anything that might ordinarily scare892644?52^?8 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148them away. Should a large bird, as a raven, crow, or eagle, fly toward thehilltop and make a sudden swerve to either side and disappear, it would indicatethe presence of something sufficient to require further examination. When itIs learned that there is reason to suspect an enemy the scout, who has all thetime been closely watched by the party in the rear, makes a signal for them tolie still, signifying danger or caution. It is made by grasping the blanket withthe right hand and waving it earthward from a position in front of and as highas the shoulder. This is nearly the same as civilized Americans use the hand fora similar purpose in battle or hunting to direct the "lie quiet."Should the hill, however, be clear of any one, the Indian will ascend, slowlyand under cover as much as possible, and gain a view of the country. If thereis no one to be seen, the blanket is grasped and waved horizontally from rightto left and back again repeatedly, showing a clear surface. If the enemy isdiscovered, the scout will give the alarm by running down the hill, upon a sidevisible to the watchers, in a zigzag manner, which communicates the state ofaffairs.Should any expedition or advance be attempted at night, the same signalsas are made with the blanket are made with a firebrand, which is constructedof a bunch of grass tied to a short pole. . . .A hunting party in advancing takes the same precautions as a war party, soas not to be surprised by an enemy. If a scout ascends a prominent elevationand discovers no game, the blanket is grasped and waved horizontally fromside to side at the height of the shoulders or head; and if game is discoveredthe Indian rides back and forth [from left to right] a short distance so thatthe distant observers can view the maneuver. If a large herd of buffalo is found,the extent traveled over in going to and fro increases in proportion to the sizeof the herd. A quicker gait is traveled when the herd is very large or haste onthe part of the hunters is desired.It is stated that these Indians also use mirrors to signal from one elevationto another, but the system could not be learned, as they say they have no longeruse for it, having ceased warfare (?). [Mallery, 1881, pp. 452-453.]TRAINING IN MORALSCOURTESYThe Arapaho are a friendly people. Once the visitor is acceptedevery courtesy is shown him. Many do not come forward, however,to become acquainted. Many are reserved, too, but this is in accord-ance with Arapaho courtesy. Arapaho women who instructed thewriter in the technique of first contacts with their people told her notto be surprised if informants acted aloof all during the first interview.The writer was advised to follow the courtesy custom of distribut-ing her gifts almost immediately after meeting the people. She her-self and not her companion should do so, since it was she who woulddo the interviewing. Among gifts smoking tobacco was an indispen-sable one. It was to be given to men and women and postadolescentboys and girls alike. Favorite tobacco was Bull Durham, "the tobaccothat has the tissue paper on the side of the package and that, therefore,can be rolled by the person himself. We like cigarettes but we usuallydo not have enough money to buy them. We therefore buy Bull HiLGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 99Durham, and we all like it well." Plug tobacco was to be given onlyto old people. These used it as an ingredient in herbal medicinalprescriptions. No one chewed it for sheer pleasure. "Only old peopleImow how to use herbs and roots and tobacco as medicines." Eatablesand clothing were to be distributed to all alike, old and young. Candywas to be given, preferably, to old men and women. Children seldomate candy. In several instances, 3- and 4-year-old children had nevereaten candy. All-day suckers were used by some as hammers ! As soon as gifts were accepted, one was made to feel one belonged totJie family. Since interviewing was usually done out-of-doors, cleancanvas or blankets were spread on the grass or ground. Chairs orboxes or benches were set on these. Often, too, a table was brought forthe convenience of writing.The acceptance of tobacco by the older people carried with it anobligation to comply with the writer's requests. Courtesy must nowmost certainly be shown by them. If the tobacco was refused, she knewthat her time would be wasted attempting an interview ; in fact, shemight be discourteous if she did not depart, for such is the custom.One such instance occurred. Being most anxious to interview aSouthern Arapaho who had been recommended as one of the bestinformed men and one entirely reliable, the writer placed several pack-ages of smoking tobacco and a few squares of chewing tobacco into hiscap which he was holding in his hands. He listened to her requestbut remained silent. More tobacco was added ; still no response. Shetold of the money she was in a position to pay, in his case a doubleamount since he spoke English well and no interpreter was needed.He sat in silence for a few minutes longer seeming to think. Then herose and emptied all the tobacco into the writer's lap. Insistence thathe keep at least some of it as a gift brought the response : "No, ma'am.Thank you. I'll keep none of it for I do not want to be under anyobligations of telling you any of our customs."Greeting at meeting is traditional among the Arapaho. Once rap-port was established, informants and members of their household, aswell as friends who dropped in, shook hands at each interview withthe writer and her companion. Small children also did so; if theyfailed to do so, they were reminded by elders. Old people called outgreetings to each other when meeting. On several occasions they wereseen to kiss when first meeting. A 70-year-old woman remarked onsuch an occasion, "In old days when chums or members of a family hadbeen separated for a long time and they met again, they kissed eachother. They were so glad to meet each other. But brothers and sis-ters never kissed; they had too much respect for each other. Theyjust shook hands." Upon the word of Wolf Moccasin, a 74-year-oldArapaho, Clark (1885, p. 41) recorded that, "In shaking hands theyrub the palm of the hand over the arm and body immediately after- 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 wards, if they have gi-eat confidence in and respect for the personwhom they were saluting. Their custom was to embrace before meet-ing the whites." Arapaho chiefs threw arms around necks and em-braced Fremont and his party who came upon their village in 1843.Fremont (in Bushnell, 1922, p. 37) thought that probably strangerswere always so received when respect and regard Avas being shownthem. HOSPITALITY, GENEROSITY, KINDNESSArapaho children were taught early in life to extend hospitality tostrangers ; to be generous to everybody, especially visitors ; to be kindto the physically handicapped, to orphaned children, and to the aged.Jessie Rowlodge told of the instructions received from his father : My father told me and her [his niece] the following, and I have heard herfather tell her also : "Watch the four ridges. Watch for visitors or strangersthat may come over the hill. Watch for them so that you can be of service tothem. Try to be the first one to give food to the man that comes over the hill.If barefooted, give him a pair of new moccasins, or give him the old pair off yourown feet if you have no new ones. If a dog comes into your tipi wagging histail as if hungry, give him food even if it is out of your own mouth. If someonewants to strike you, let him strike you. You will hurt him more by letting himstrike you than by striking him. Be sure to have fat horses, no matter howpoor your saddle. Don't try to dress attractively except in good moccasins anda fine head dress, but have a well formed body". I'll never forget these wordsof advice of my father. [His niece remarked,] Yes, my old father told me justabout the same things.Sage said any man or woman without pity for other people was told,"You have no heart !" And then continued :My mother often told me to follow my father's example. "Now look at yourfather here. He is brave, truthful, kind to everyl)ody. Do like your father hasbeen doing." My father instructed me to be kind. He would say, "If any peoplecome to your tipi, give them food to eat immediately. Be kind to orphans. Havepity on them and always be good to them. After I am gone always bear this inmind : God will give you good luck if you are kind to orphaned children. If youhave a friend or see a boy who is poor and who needs clothing, and you haveextra blankets and moccasins stored away, help him out. Don't be afraid to takeoff the moccasins you are wearing and give them to him or give him those thatyou have put away. There will always be more. Be especially kind to old people."When we went to look for our horses, my father would say to me, "If you are outlike this and there is an old man looking for his horses, teil him to sit down.Then you find his horses and bring them to him. Treat an old woman in thesame way. If you see her going for water, take the bucket and get her somewater. If she is carrying water or wood, you carry it for her. Call old peoplegrandfather and grandmother, even if they are not your grandfather and grand-mother."Treating the aged with courtesy and respect was institutional. Chil-dren were taught to do so. Eelatives considered it a duty to care fortheir aged. "Our old people were taken care of by their children.Wlierever old people wished to go, that's where they were taken in." HiLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 101 "My father was blind. When I was a little boy, I was always nearhim. When I grew older, I supported him and clothed him. I livedwith him until he died."Sage had never heard of any means by which an Arapaho parentcould discover a righteous child. The Chippewa way of offering achild both charcoal and food and judging it to give promise of becom-ing a worth-while person if it chose charcoal was not known to theArapaho. QUARRELING, TALEBEARINGIf children of the same family quarreled, parents interfered. "Iwould make them stop quarreling, I had no child that I couldn'thandle by telling it what I wanted it to do."Parents disliked children to quarrel with neighboring children.Such quarreling usually caused misunderstandings between parents offamilies, for parents often took the part of their own children and cor-rected the neighbor's. "Mothers of quarreling children usually starteda quarrel between themselves. But if one of the women was a goodwoman, she would say to the other, 'I am glad I have someone else thanmyself to correct my children.' But if both were quick-tempered, aquarrel resulted. A woman with sense would tell her children to getalong with others." Children were taught to leave the place in whichquarreling was going on.Talebearing was discouraged. Children were told when theybrought a tale that such action was undesirable. A child was taughtas early as possible not to be a talebearer or a rumor carrier, or toindulge in gossip, or to fight back in case of a dispute. If there was adispute, it was to leave the place. Girls were taught to be friendlywith other girls. "Children were carefully trained in all this." "Nothing was done to children who bore tales ; they were merely toldnot to do so. If children came to tell on others who had been fighting,they were told to stop talking." "Older people tried not to givechildren an occasion to listen in when things were being discussedthat they did not wisli to have repeated. If two older persons weretalking, and a child was seen coming, one would say to the other, 'Soand so is coming now.' Both persons would simply not talk whilethe child was there, and consequently the child would leave." "Atalebearing child is scolded and told not to carry tales back andforth. We just keep after it until it stops."BOASTING, HONESTY, STEALINGBoasting was discouraged. Children were made to give evidence ofthe matter of their boasting. If facts regarding the thing boastedabout could be produced, they were demanded. If it was an abilitythat the child was boasting about, an opportunity to discover the true 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148worth and difficulties of the action was created for the child. Thechild was made to demonstrate the ability. Children usually avoided 51, boasting child. "Children didn't boast very much. But if anArapaho child came home and said, 'I caught a fish,' or 'I found aturtle,' the mother or father would go to see if it were true. If a boysaid he caught a rabbit, the father or mother would go to look at it.If it was his first rabbit, the father would take a stick and break it ? the stick represented a pony?and call some person by name to cometo see the rabbit. This person might not be present, but the announce-ment that the parent had made would eventually travel as news tothe proper person. This person would then come to the child's houseto get the horse. It might happen that the boy caught his first rabbitwhile a visitor from another tribe was present. In that event thehorse was given to the visitor. This might happen when a boy was 3or 4 years old. This was the first important event in the child's lifeof which he spoke the truth, and much was made of it. It had provento be the truth." Sage's father said to him, "Try to be good. Learnto do things before you boast about them." After instructing him notto boast, his father took him along on his next hunting trip. Hewanted to teach him how difficult things really were. "That," headded, "usually quieted a boy down. I Imew a boy who told youngerchildren?he didn't go to boys of his own age to say this?'I am goodlooking. I can do this and that.' Parents couldn't do anything aboutthat, but usually other children didn't have much to do with such achild."Taking anything from a member of an enemy tribe, including hislife, was considered honorable. Success in stealing horses from anenemy tribe was the height of achievement. Children were not partof raiding expeditions; boys well in their teens were. Sometimessuch boys, more or less secretly, formed a marauding gang to try theirsuccess in stealing horses. Stealing was done at any time from dusk todawn ; occasionally in daylight. A successful daylight expedition wasa legitimate boast. De Smet in writing of the Pawnees in 1859 tellsof Arapaho stealing their horses : A great number of Pawnee Indians were encamped at a little distance fromthe Fort. I came near witnessing a battle between them and a war party ofArapahoes, who, favored by the night, had succeeded in approaching the campunseen almost forty strong. The Pawnees had just let their horses loose atbreak of day, when the enemy, with loud cries, rushed into the drove, andcarried away many hundreds with them at full gallop. The alarm immediatelyspread throughout the camp. The Pawnees, indifferently armed and almostnaked, rushed to the pursuit of the Arapahoes, caught up with them, and acombat more noisy than bloody took place. A young Pawnee chief, the mostimpetuous of his band, was killed and three of his companions wounded. TheArapahoes lost one killed and many wounded. Desirous to stop the combat, Ihurried to the scene of the battle with an aid-de-camp of the general, but all wasover when we arrived ; the Pawnees were returning with their dead and wounded HiLGHB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 103and all the stolen horses. On their return to camp, nothing was heard butcries of sorrow, rage, and despair, with threats and vociferations against theirenemies. It was a harrowing scene. The deceased warrior was decorated andpainted with all the marks of distinction of a great brave, and loaded with hisfinest ornaments. They placed him in the grave amid the acclamations andlamentations of the whole tribe. [De Smet, 1865, pp. 73-74.]Arapaho children were taught in a formal way that honesty was tobe shown to fellow Arapaho. They were told during periods of in-structions not to lie or to steal. Persons in the community who wereknown to have lied or stolen were held up as persons whose deeds werenot to be imitated.Younger children who had in their possession stolen articles weremade to return them ; older ones were punished for such possessionsand received no sympathy.A very small child may take a pair of moccasins from a neighbor's place.If it hasn't enough sense to know what it has done and what it means to steal,there is no use telling it to put them back. If a child is very smart?sometimesa child is that smart at three?it will put tliem back where it got them whentold to do so. Just as soon as it has sense enough to know, it can be madeto put them back. To teach a child you may have to take it by the hand andwalk to the place from which it took the moccasins and make it put them back.If the child is about 11 years old, I'd tell it to take them back and I'd makecertain it did take them back. I wouldn't whip it like the young generation doestoday ; but I would see to it that the child put them back. I might have to gowith the child to see that it did so ; but I'd see to it that the child would putthem back. If a boy 14 or 15 years old stole, he would have to take his punish-ment and go to jail. He is old enough to know. We told you about such a boy(p. 82). We'd have nothing to say; we'd just let him take his punishment. . . .My aunt [father's sister] told us not to steal, for if we did many warts wouldgrow on our hands.Sage's father and mother both instructed him.But my father more than my mother [he said.] When I was about 10 years old,my father said, "Don't ever steal or tell lies. Don't ever steal! If you findsomething around here, don't keep it." The two things my father talked to meabout especially were not to steal and not to lie. When a young man where welived would lie, my father would say to me, "That man lies. He steals too.Don't ever do that."Wlien an informant was asked to tell about time counts on elkhorns that she had seen other women keep, she remarked, "I have nevercared to take notice of other people's things ; they don't belong to me.I don't consider it honest to be curious about other people's belong-ings." "My parents always trusted me, and I have always tried tolive up to that trust," said her friend.If public affirmation of the truth was required, a man was offereda ceremonial pipe to smoke. The Plains Indian ceremonial pipe, ac-cording to Mooney (1896, p. 1063) was made of catlinite, a red stonefomid in the pipestone quarries of Minnesota, the former Siouxcountry. "Smoking this pipe was like taking an oath." The same 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148pipe was smoked when treaties were ratified to impress upon all thatthe treaty was made with full deliberation and was binding.^^SinCIDE, MURDER, CANNIBALISMSuicide was a rare event among the Arapaho. A person who com-mitted suicide, it was believed, would not enter the same place inlife after death as did other Arapaho. "That's what they claimed"(p. 161). Informants spoke of a Northern man guilty of rape whocommitted suicide to escape a jail sentence. "When he saw two In-dian policemen coming to take him, he sat down on a spot near hismother's home where his brother had died, placed his gun to his heart,and shot himself. I saw it."A Southern woman hung herself in a tree by means of a rope be-cause her father-in-law had scolded her. "I know this to be true forshe vvas my sister. A father-in-law was not to talk to his daughter-in-law. If he did, the daughter-in-law was much grieved." A South-ern man "worried and worried about himself. He was always a sickman. Finally he stuck a butcher knife into his heart."In the early days very old people sometimes asked to be left be-hind to die when camp moved. If the old person had only distantrelatives, the wish was sometimes granted ; near relatives were neverknown to do so. A Southern informant related one such instance : Oar old people tell how persons who were a hundred years or older wouldask to be left to die when camp was moving. They tell of a woman who was J eft like that at her own request at a place in Wyoming, now called Hell's HalfAcre [east of Casper, between Casper and Hudson]. We were still with theNorthern Ai-apaho at this time. On the following morning when the men went tolook for her, she could not be found. She had disappeared. There were no tracksof her own or of any beasts to be found. It was thought that maybe a beast haddevoured her. She was never heard of again. It was after that that the peculiarformations in the cave at Hell's Half Acre began to be formed.A 70-year-old Northern woman related a forced suicide : One time we camped on the other side of the railroad bridge. The people hadjust gotten rations. My mother had prepared dinner and called her sister.Her sister's husband held something against his wife but no one knew what.While the woman was sitting outdoors, her husband was sneaking around,coming closer to her. Just as she stooped over to get up to come to dinner, heshot her. My grandfather and other men searched all through the brush forthis man. They caught him. My grandfather grabbed him and said to him, "Either you kill yourself or I will kill you." The man took his knife and cuthis own throat then and there. Nobody cared to have anything to do with thebody. He had an old grandmother. She dragged it a short distance from thecamp. Then with some sticks she dug a hole deep enough for his body, rolledhim into this hole, and covered him up with dirt.An Arapaho who either murdered or accidentally killed a personof his own tribe or of a friendly tribe was treated as an outcast by his =" For similar statements see Mooney, 1896 ; Kroeber, 1902, p. 319 ; and Scott, 1907, p. 558. Hilger] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 105own people. "Warriors would not listen to his dreams. They wouldnot eat of the same food with him, or sleep with him, or chum withhim, or listen to any advice given by him."Kroeber says that for a murder or accidental killing, horses hadto be given to the relatives of the dead; that the murderer had noinfluence or position, and was shunned. He could participate in thetribal affairs, camp in the camp circle, and enter dances. "Every-thing that he ate was supposed to taste bad to him" (Kroeber, 1902,p. 17). Informants of the present study said a murderer's childrenwould never be healthy.Sage knew of two murders among the Arapaho due to jealousies : I remember one instance in which a man killed another because of a woman.There were two women married to one of these men. These women were notsisters and were very jealous of each other. One woman made up stories aboutthe other and told them to their husband. She tried in this v/ay to make himlike her more than the other woman. The other woman discovered this and thetwo women got into a quarrel. The mother of the woman who was being talkedabout came over and took the part of her daughter. By now her daughter hadthe other woman down and the mother stuck a knife into her [the accuser's] back.I know of another case. The woman liked a man better than her husband, andher hu.sband liked her less than the other man did. So she asked her husbandif she couldn't go to this man. He answered, "Yes, if he likes you and you likehim, you can go to him." So she went to him. The husband never botheredthem. But the woman's father, for some reason, killed the first husband witha bow and arrow. This woman had been good enough to tell her husband thisman wanted her, and her husband didn't even become angry. I don't know whyher father should have killed the man.One informant insisted that in very early days an Arapaho murderercould regain his status by doing the following to a member of anenemy tribe who had been killed by an Arapaho : He had to crush theskull of a dead enemy, eat a pinch of his brain, taste his blood, breaka bone and taste the marrow, taste his flesh, taste a tip of the liver anda little of the heart, and some fat from around the heart. He had todo this before an eyewitness.If the above is correct, it is the only instance in which human fleshwas eaten. Cannabalism was not practiced by the Arapaho. Starva-tion which forced the Chippewa to do so was never endured by theArapaho. "We always had buffalo." Sage said his own people neverate any part of a human being; he had heard of other tribes doing so. "This was way back," he added. "I used to hear the people tell thatall the Indians everywhere talked the same language, and that theynever fought. Then time went on. They started different languagesand this made tribes. Some followed one tribe and others, another.By and by they could only talk the language of their own tribe. Thisstarted fighting among them. They fought one another. ^Vlien theykilled an enemy, they cut open his body and took out the liver. Thenthey cracked open the big bone in the upper leg and took out the 106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148marrow. Then they ate the marrow with the liver. But the Arapahonever did that."A woman in her sixties and her friend in the seventies seemedshocked when told that the Chippewa Indians sometimes ate a smallpiece of flesh of a conquered Sioux. The younger woman remarked : "My father knew much about the warpath, but I never heard him ormy uncles say that they ate the flesh of an enemy or of any humanbeing. After an enemy was killed, they took away all his belongings,but the Arapaho never ate his flesh. Neither would Arapaho eat it ifthey were starving." CHILDREN'S DIVERSIONSPlaying, swimming, riding, romping, and mimicking elders in adultliving were the Arapaho children's chief diversions. They spent hours,too, listening to elders telling stories for their entertainment. Often,too, they listened in when traditional and historical tribal accountswere related, or personal experiences were retold. children's playArapaho boys and girls played together until they were about 9 or10 years old, after which they played apart (pi. 16) . It was during thelate preadolescent period?sometimes earlier?^that each boy found hischum. Girls did likewise (pi. 19). Chums were institutional. Oftenchums were lifelong friends.During the years when boys and girls played together, mimickingelders occupied much of their play life. Girls might each have a playtipi, 2 to 3 feet high. On the floor of each tipi were a number of skinsof the ground squirrel. Little girls accumulated these just like theirmothers did the hides of buffalos. Some were used as beds ; others, asfloor mats. "The fur of the ground squirrel is a pretty tan color, witha white line down the back and white dots sprinkled on both sides of it."A Northern man said : My wife busied herself right after the birth of one of our granddaughters (1938)making toys for her. She made little hide pouches and a little back rest of threerows of willows sewed together with sinew. In the early days we used large oneslike these for beds in our tipls. An adult size was generally from 27 to 30 incheslong, and painted red and yellow (p. 182). My wife made the little one just likethe ones for adults, only much smaller. It tapered at the ends and could be rolledup. The edges were finished off with strips of hide that were beaded along theborders. Sometimes a gift to a little girl was a little beaded tipi and tipi poles ofcedar. The tipi was large enough so that a few children could play in it. Littleboys were often given tops made of hardwood or a little bow with arrows or aJavelin made of a small rib bone of deer or antelope. Today the bone of young beefis used. The javelin was used in a game played on ice or on smooth ground. If Itwas thrown in a certain way, it returned to the thrower. Other gifts for children HiLQEE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 107 were buffalo-horn spoons and elk teeth. Elk teeth were passed on from onegeneration to another, usually in their own relationship.?'Mimicking the Sun Dance (pp. 148-151) and the lodgedances(pp. 117-124) was forbidden. No prohibition existed, however, forsocial dances. In fact, children were allowed to participate with theirelders in social dances, such as the Rabbit Dance, the Owl Dance, theWolf Dance, the War Bonnet Dance, and the Squaw Dance. Quotingan old Northern man : When mimicking grown-ups, the little boys pretended they were the sons ofthe little girls, or a girl might pretend that one of the boys was her husband. Ashusband, he played going hunting. Boys molded ponies out of gumbo ; and fineponies they were ! If boys played war, they put warrior dolls made of gumboon ponies. Then they set these in groups facing a certain direction, and pre-tended they were going on a warpath. Boys also made drums and mimickedsocial dances. They and the girls would dance just like the old people did. Iremember one time when a group of us children wanted to play dying?someonehad died?but we weren't allowed to play that.Dolls were the chief toys of girls at play. They were made by plac-ing a soft substance, usually buffalo hair, grass, or snips of softlytanned hide, "as large as the first joint of a woman's thumb" on thecenter of a piece of buckskin bringing all sides of the buckskin togetherand then tying a string about the buckskin so as to hold the soft sub-stance in place. This soft ball, then, was the head ; the tied place, theneck ; and the remainder of the buckskin, the body. The doll was botharmless and legless. Its sole clothing was a piece of buckskin wrappedabout it as elders wore a blanket. Beads were usually sewed on oneside of the head to indicate eyes, nose, and mouth.Quoting Agnes Yellow Plume with Ann Wolf corroborating : The dolls we played with were rag dolls. They were merely little round headswith rags hanging down. When we made one, we tried to get a piece of clothof black and white print. The black represented the hair ; the white, the face.These dolls had no arms or legs. They were wrapped in pieces of cloth to makethem look as though they wore shawls. We had several of these shawls and usedto change them like White children today change the dresses of their dolls. Ihad four such dolls. These dolls were always considered grown-up people.When we were little girls and our people were still traveling around, we used tomake horses by taking two willow twigs, and bending them like this [semicircles]and fastening them to a straight piece of willow so as to make the whole looklike four legs and the back of a horse. Then we tied another piece of willow toone end of the straight one, for the head of the horse, and some weeds to theother end, for a tail. Then we put a little piece of rawhide over it for a saddleand sat the doll on that, pretending it was traveling. We even attached tipi '8 Toys collected by Cleaver Warden and G. A. Dorsey on the Wind River Reservation inWyoming in 1905 and now found in the Chicago Natural History Museum are a parfleche(Cat. No. 58084), a pipe bag (58086), a saddlebag (58083), clothes bags (58085), andknife sheath (58232). A cow or ox toe bone, used as a whirling toy by Arapaho childrencollected by Voth, is deposited in the United States National Museum (Cat. 165819).The writer found no toys of early days among either the Northern or the Southern Arapaho. 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148poles to that horse and had other horses for pack horses." We never treated ourdolls as though they were babies. We never fed them the way the White girlsdo now. I have seen them give a doll water from a bottle with nipple and thenchange its diaper. We wouldn't do that. According to our customs, we werenot even to talk about babies. Our dolls were always treated like adult persons.Nor did we ever make men and women dolls. We never had immodest thoughtsabout dolls, like a woman and a man doll living together. Those Indian menand women dolls seen in stores are not dolls at all."* They are figures dressedup to show the White man how the Arapaho dressed. A White man who usedto come around here asked to have them made. He wanted them dressed upin buckskin beaded dresses and moccasins to show how our women dressed, andin buckskin leggings and shirt to show how the Arapaho men used to dress. Afterthat other Indian women made them to sell to White people. The Arapahochildren had only one kind of doll, the kind we told you about. The first timeI savv' a woman doll and a man doll was in Oklahoma. I wondered what tribeof Indians had made them, or maybe the White man had made them. The Indiansdown there said a White man had asked to have men and women dolls madeto show White people how the different tribes dress, and that was how thosehappened to be made.When asked if they used cradles for their dolls, similar to the onesused for babies, the same informants answered, "No, we never had any-thing whatsoever pertaining to babies connected with our dolls. TheArapaho never made cradles for anyone but a child."Much play time of both boys and girls was spent horseback riding."As soon as I was able to ride horseback, that is when I was about 4 or 5years old, my father let me have my first pony I already had bowsand arrows. I w^as also given a saddle." Swimming or merely play-ing in the water was one of the chief pastimes of the preadolescentboys and girls. During the seasons of the present study, small boysand girls, without clothing, were seen swimming and bathing together '?'A similar toy (Cbicago Natural History Museum, Cat. No. 58110), collected byCleaver Warden and G. A. Dorsey among the Northern Arapaho in 1905, is a rag doll seatedin a saddle on a horse made of a bent willow an inch in diameter and approximately 16inches long. Behind the doll are two cylindrical bags, each 3 inches long and 4 inchesin diameter, one resting on each side of the horse. The bags are attached to each otherby buckskin thongs. Underneath the thongs is a 1^^- x 2 14 -inch pad. A carefully andwell-made toy horse attributed to the Arapaho (Cat. No. 501/1331), purchased from E. T.Tefft in 1910, is exhibited in the American Museum of Natural History. From head totail the horse measures 8 inches; its height is 6% inches. The body is of tan leather,and tightly stuffed. The hoofs are of wood, and the tail is of horse hair. =" The same informants and the interpreter agreed, when shown photographs of Arapahodolls (pis. 21, and 22), that they were of Arapaho make. Pointing at plate 21,they reniiirked : "We know it is Arapaho from the cut of the dress and the design in bead-work, and the way the beads are, placed. It is just like the ones you see in stores madeby Indian women to sell to the Whites. We never played with such dolls. And ourchildren don't play with thom today." Doll. Cat. No. 200,774, on plate 22, 1, was Arapaho,too, "for it was the way the Arapaho used to dress." The same women were certainalso that the toy cradle, plate 23, was not Arapaho, but Sioux. They were not certainregarding the doll in it, Cat. 200,744 of plate 22,2. Two Arapaho dolls representingwomen are found in the Chicago Natural History Museum. Both were collected by G. A.Dorsey : Cat. No. 70748, in Oklahoma in 1901 : Cat. No. 61432, on the Wind River Res-ervation in Wyoming in 1900. Two Arapaho dolls, one representing a woman (Cat. No.501/1343) and the other a man (Cat. No. 50.1/1379) purchased from E. T. Tefft in 1910,are found in the American Museum of Natural History. An Arapaho doll (Cat. No.36.985) collected on the Wind River Reservation in 1900 is found in the University ofPennsylvania Museum. HILGEK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 109and playing games in rivers and creeks in the vicinity of the homesof the Southern group and in the irrigation ditches throughout thearea of the Northern group. PET ANIMALSEvery Arapaho boy and girl, when still small, was given a ponyas a gift. Often a child was given a pony shortly after its birth.Other ponies were added as gifts as the child grew older. It was notunusual for both boys and girls to own several ponies or horses beforethey reached adolescence. A particular pony was usuall}^ a favoriteone. "A child can own anything. Things are saved for it from theday that it is born. Maybe after the child is a few days old, its young-est brother, or any relative, will bring it a gift, or maybe give it apony. He will not actually bring the pony, but will say, 'I want thechild to have a pony I have.' The parents can then get the pony anytime they wish. Usually they will take it only when the child is 3years old. Although sometimes the youngest brother will fetch itearlier. Boj^s begin to ride a pony at 3."Quoting a Southern informant:Now if a woman had a mare and it had a male colt, her eldest boy had firstrights to the colt, next to her husband, and then her younger brother. It wascustomary that she give a raale colt to these persons in that order. If the coltwas a female, she gave it to her daughter ; if she had no daughter, she herselfretained it. If a man received a mare as pay for services, or if he had tradedone in for furs?say the furs of otter that he himself had trapped?and this marehad a female colt, he gave the colt to his mother-in-law. If someone gave hischild a pair of moccasius?these were usually given by a woman cousin?hegave the donor a horse he had received in trade. It was our custom that ifanyone gave a child a pair of moccasins, the father gave the woman a horse or atipi in return. Both Arapaho men and women have always owned things, andthey had rights regarding the disposal of their belongings. I remember a youngman who married a girl who had ponies in her own right. He cared for them,but never claimed them as his own.Both boys and girls of the early day had pet dogs. "We neverwhipped a dog, but we scolded him. We taught him his name byholding some food in the hand and calling him by his name. We neverrewarded a dog." Many Araf)aho children today have pet animals."One of my sons has a pet dog," said a young Northern woman. "Itwas given him by his cousin. Children are often allowed to selecttlieir own pets. Relatives will snj, 'Come and pick out what you like.'They may have young dogs or lambs or calves to choose from. Myother son has a pet lamb. Yesterday while we v/ere gone, it got awayand the boys spent four hours looking for it. They found it by fol-lowing a trail made in the sand by the rope with which the lamb hadbeen tied and which was fastened to its neck. Some children maketheir pets understand their language. My daughter had two pet dogswhen she was a child." 110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148CHUMS, EARLY ADOLESCENCEThe most intimate playmate in late preadolescence was a chum(pi. 19). Having a chum was institutional, not only for boys andgirls, but for adult men and women as well. A chum often remaineda lifelong friend. Informants spoke of a departed chum with muchfeeling, sometimes in tears. Ann Wolf told of her chum : I had a chum who was one year younger than I. I met her at boarding schooland learned to know her there. She was 16 and I was 17. We were lifelongchums ; she is dead now. It was customary for every girl to have a chum.Usually there were just two that were chummy, not three or more. Our hus-bands became chums after we were married to them. They, too, were chumsuntil they died. I used to tease my chum's husband. There was a lot ofdifference between those two men. My chum's husband was friendly. Minehardly spoke ; he was a quiet man. My chum and I exchanged gifts, I gave hera beaded buckskin dress of blue beads, moccasins, a shawl, some dress goodsand necklaces. She gave me similar things. Our husbands exchanged horses.I am the only one left of the four. [Agnes Yellow Plume agreed with AnnWolf, but she herself had belonged to a girls' "set".] Three girls and I werechummy [she remarked]. I never had only one chum. I never exchanged giftswith these girls. If a chum died the other one usually did not choose anotherchum. Girls all had chums. Boys, too, had chums. In those early days mendidn't marry until they were about 30; so their chums meant much to them.Chums were sometimes separated for a long time. When they met again, theywere so glad that they kissed each other.At about the age of 12 a boy became a member of the first of theboys' ceremonial lodges (pp. 117-118). From then on his play ac-tivities were those of comembers of his lodge. His play was entirelyapart from girls. Great emphasis was placed on physical training.Training for adult life, too, took on a more serious aspect.Boys swam rivers, brim full and still rising. They ran races practically everyevening. They climbed trees and were encouraged to run long distances andnot to use their horses. These were to be saved for occasions when they mightwish to show them off. Riding horses continuously wore them down. Fathersand brothers, too, encouraged boys to walk long distances and to sleep out atnight on the grass, when en route. This was done even if they had plenty of ponies.Boys were encouraged, too, to carry heavy weights on their backs, such as turkey,deer, and fish, or even a log for firewood.?Women gathered smaller pieces thatwere used for tipi fires.?Boys were sent on errands, too, from camp to camp. Amother in one camp might tell her son to pack a parfleche of meat and berries,weighing from thirty to forty pounds, to another camp that was fifteen to thirtymiles away. Boys wrestled a great deal, too, especially with boys of their ownage of another tribe, like the Kiowa, Comanche, or Apache. All these tribes mightbe camping out not so far apart. Some boys in our camp might yell, "Koo!Hoo!" to boys in the other camps. Some boys from there might answer back.That meant the challenge had been accepted. Off would go our shoes! Ourpants be rolled up ! Sides began to approach each other. Soon there was a clash,a running and jumping against each other, kicking each other with the feet.Bach tried to dodge the other. If one of them retreated, one of us would runafter him and try to catch up to him. Both boys and young men wrestled likethis. When young men played it, it was quite rough. HiLQEEl ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 111Occasionally girls ran races toward a goal, or kicked balls towardit. Kroeber tells of a game played with, stuffed deerskin balls bygirls and women. The balls, he writes ? are attaclied to a string, by which they may be held while being kicked. Itwould seem that these balls are as much implements for some form of jugglingas they are balls to be actually thrown. They are made of two circular piecesof skin. These are apparently stuffed into hemispheres, and then their edgesare sewed together by a back-and-forth stitching of sinew. Along this seam, theball is often painted of a color different from the remainder of the surface, whichappears to be almost always colored. Sometimes there are spots of paint oneach side of the hemisphere. [Kroeber, 1902, p. 394.]Culin collected a buckskin ball used in a girl's game among theNorthern Arapaho in 1900. The ball, 21/^ inches in diameter, has amedian seam and has a 19-inch thong attached to it. One face isdecorated with a cross in colored quill work. When playing, theend of the thong was held in the hand and the ball thrown up andcaught.'^A girl's play life usually ended with puberty. Learning the dutiesof a housewife now became paramount. Mothers or grandmothersassumed the role of teacher.When a girl first washed dishes, cooked, or baked bread, did her first sewingor made up beds, really when she did things that a woman was expected to do,her mother would say, "You know how to cook now?or maybe to sew. I'll getyou some material to sew." She might get her a hide to make moccasins. Thegirl would then sew something for a child or a relative. Then the mother wouldsay, "Now you go and take these to your brother's baby or sister's baby." Afterthe girl baked her first bread, the mother would cut it to pieces and say, "Yougo, give this to your brother, your sister, your grandmother." The people wouldthen see that the girl was learning. No presents were given by the mother whenthe girl did these things for the first time. That was only done for the boywhen he came home after his first successful hunt.GAMESCulin classifies games played by the North American Indians asgames of chance and games of dexterity. Among the games of chanceplayed by the Arapaho, he records dice games and hand games ; amongthose of dexterity he lists archery, snow snake, hoop and pole, ringand pin, shinny, and hand-and-foot ball. Minor amusements of theArapaho he classifies as swings, tops and buzzers.^" Some games wereplayed together by Arapho boys and girls ; others they played apart. ""Culin, 1907, p. 705. Specimen, Cat. No. 36977, is found In Free Museum of Scienceand Arts, UnlTersity of Pennsylvania.?? Culin, 1907, pp. 36-37. For an account of games played by Arapaho, see Mooney,1896, scattered through pp. 962-1023 ; Kroeber, 1902, pp. 368-397 ; Culin, 1907, and theItems therein described and found in Culln's Collection in the University of PennsylranlaMuseum ; and Dorsey, 1903, p. 187-191, for games played by children during the SunDance. 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Jessie Eowlodge told of two games played by boys and girls to-gether.Oue of the games, called Hanatecha'hatiet (Packing-each-other-over), wasplayed by boys and girls from 7 to 10 years of age. The players, both boys andgirls, all sat in a row with feet outstretched facing one way. Either a boy or agirl was "It." "It", some distance from the row at a designated goal, startedmoving toward the row, either closing his eyes tightly or covering them withhis hands. He was not to see. Those in the row clapped knees with hands, andeach said something?^just anything?to confuse the "It." The "It" came closer,kicked the foot of one in the row, picked him up by the feet, and carried himhead downward to the goal. While carrying him over, the "It" swung himaround two or three times, asking him, "Tell what you like." "Tell where youlive." Answers were the name of some meat or something much liked, and theplace where oue lived. Then the "It" dropped the captive at the goal. The "It" again blindfolded his eyes and moved toward the row. The one at thegoal directed him by saying, "Move a little to the right," or "Go way over to theleft," thereby telling the "It" just about where his [the one at the goal's] chumwas. The game ended when all the row had been brought to the goal. [Describ-ing the other game, Eowlodge said:] This was a game played in water. Inthe early days small boys and girls intermingled without hesitancy of beingimmodest. They swam together and played together unmolested. In thosedays both boys and girls played games in the river. We played this in my time[now 57 years old] and it was played in her time [now 40 years old]. Thechildren were nude sometimes ; sometimes they wore some clothing.?But afterthe girl showed signs of physical development, she was no longer allowed toplay with boys.?One of those playing, either a boy or a girl, was "It." "It"lined up all the others. Everj^body had to be in water up to the waistline. The "It" faced south. As each child came up to "It"?let us say it is a boy?the boywet his own ears and nostrils with water. Then the "It" lifted him up, i-estedhim on both of his ["It's"] hands so the boy's chest was skyward, and asked"What kingdom?" The boy answered either frog, hawk, fish, stone, tree, buffalo,etc., after which the "It" dipped him into water and then turned him somer-saulting backward through the water.The Arapaho game batiqtu'ba (abbreviated "tiqtup")?classified assnowsnake by Culin-?according to Mooney, was played by boys andgirls together. Mooney wrote : It is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding thesticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two persons or twoparties play against each other, boys sometimes playing against girls or menagainst women. It is, however, more especially a girl's game. The game sticks(batiqta'wa) are slender willow rods about four feet long, peeled and paintedand tipped with a point of buffalo horn to enable them to slide more easilyalong the ground. In throwing, the player holds the stick at the upper endwith the thumb and fingers, and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it outVkith a sweeping motion. Young men throw arrows about in the same way, andsmall boys sometimes throw ordinary reeds or v/eed stalks. Among the Omaha,according to Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or icein the same manner. [Mooney, 1S96, pp. 10U7-8.] *" ?? Mooney is also Qnotecl bj Culin, 1907, p. 400. HILGBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 113Dorsey (1903, pp. 187-191) gives the "game of buffalo meat" andthe "game of choosing grandfathers" as games played together byboys and girls from 7 to 14 years of age.Spmning tops was played by boys only. Jessie Rowlodge, who hadspun tops in his childhood days, said : Tops were spun only by boys. Tops were made from some hardwood, suchas walnut, hickory, or oak. The boys usually made the tops themselves, althoughtheir fathers, brothers, or mothers might make them. A top was about 1%inches in diameter and tapered to. a point so it stood about 1^^ inches high.The tip of the point was tempered by being heated in a fire. Tops were usuallyspun on ice, but could be spun on any smooth surface. They were sometimesspun in the sand to show how well spinners could spin. Each spinner had astick about the thickness of a finger and 2 feet in length. At one end of it,two strands of buckskin % inch wide and 18 inches long were attached. Theywere either tied to the stick with sinew or glued to it with gristle. When aplayer was ready to spin his top, he wrapped the buckskin string around thetop, laid the top near his feet with point toward his left [the top was placedto the right of his feet], the end of the stick held in the hand and when all wasready, he pulled the stick with a quick movement and then followed his top,whipping it along with the buckskin of his stick. Tops actually hummed. Some-times boys made their tops fight, like man to man, and played them aimingthat one should hit the other. The one that split when they met was the onethat lost." Younger children, Mooney (1896, p. 1006) notes, made tops by run-ning a stick through a small seed berry. These were twirled with the fingers.Mooney (ibid., p. 962) also records a favorite game of contest be-tween boys, called chi'chita'ne, "in which the player, while holding inhis hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot, keeps in the hand whichgrasps the string a small wisp of grass bound with sinew. He lets thisdrop and tries to shoot it with the arrow before it touches the ground.The wisp is about the size of a man's finger."Kroeber lists a hoop and pole game played by boys : Netted hoops thrown at with arrows are made by grown-up people for boys.They are properly made of a green stick and a single long thong of buffalo-skin. The wheels are used in several ways, sometimes by two parties of boysdrawn up opposite, and sometimes by a smaller number. One way of playingis to throw the wheel so that it will roll over another player's bent back. Thisplayer then runs after it to spear it. [Kroeber, 1902, p. 386.] "A favorite pastime for boys while sitting around, according toJessie Rowlodge, was to take turns pinching the skin on top of the headof other boys. Three usually played this.A Southern Arapaho described a game of dice, called "bouncinggame," as played exclusively by girls or women : "A certain number ofdiamond-shaped bones were marked so as to represent different scores.They were placed in a basket and the basket bounced so vigorouslyon a hard surface that all the bones landed outside the basket. Scores ^FoT a similar note see Mooney, 1896, p. 1006. Also quoted by Culin, 1907, p. 733."Mooney (1896, p. 994) describes a wheel game played by men in early times.892644?62 9 114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdlu 148were kept by sticks stuck into the gioand near the players. Four, five,or six could play the game." Culin ( 1907, pp. 53-54) describes a set ofdice and a basket collected by Mooney among the Southern Arapahoin 1891 as: "Set of five dice of buffalo bone, marked on one side withburnt designs, and basket of woven grass, 9 inches in diameter at topand 2% inches deep. The rim of the basket is bound with cotton cloth,and the inner side of the bottom is covered with the same material.The game is played by women." " Mooney (1896, p. 1005) wrote ofthe dice game : "Any number of women or girls may play, each throw-ing in turn, and sometimes one set of partners playing against another."According to Kroeber : The bone or seed game consists of two or more sets of either two or threedice, and often of a basket in which these are tossed. The dice are sometimesmade of plum stones or similar seeds; in other cases, of bone. Whatever thematerial, they are usually marked by burning one side only, though occasion-ally they are incised, or bored with rows of holes, such marks being then filledin with paint. The shape of the bone dice is most frequently circular, rectangu-lar, or rhomboidal. Sometimes the ends of the rhombus are cut off, resulting in ahexagonal die; and not infrequently the rounding of the rectangle or rhombusgives rise to oval forms. The number of dice in a set, a set being the numberof identical dice in a game, is either two or three. The number of sets consti-tuting a game is from two to five, though only two sets seem generally to beused at one time. The count depends on the combination of marked and unmarkedsides as the dice fall. [Kroeber, 1902, p. 387.]Although children did not participate in adult games, they wereobservers. A favorite game of their mothers, and of adult women ingeneral, was shinny. Mooney recorded shinny being played bywomen with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball made of buffalohair covered with buckskin. "Two stakes are set up as goals at eitherend of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive the ballthrough the goals of the other. Each inning is a game" (Mooney,1896, pp. 964-965). A shinny ball collected by Granier among theNorthern Arapaho probably previous to 1890 (pi. 24) is approxi-mately 3% inches in diameter, 10^^ inches in circumference one wayand 10 the other. Its weight is nearly four ounces. An attachedbuckskin thong is 614 inches long. It is completely covered withbeads, the ground work being white glass beads and divided by twointersecting lines of red beads. Each quarter segment contains adesign in colored beads. Designs on opposite sides are alike.^^The following selection from Mooney not only describes the gamecalled "hunt the button" as played by Southern Arapaho men andwomen, but probably gives a good description of the social atmospherein which Arapaho children spent many winter evenings : ? Specimens are In the U. S. National Museum (Cat. No8. 152802 and 152803).?^The ball (D. S. National Museum., Cat. No. 200764) was thought to be of Sioux makeby two Northern Arapaho women in their seventies. "The design is not Arapaho. TheArapaho women may have played witb it. But it was probably a gift fronii some othertribe," they remarked. HiLQBE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 115This is a favorite winter game with the prairie tribes, and was probably moreor less general throughout the country. It is played by both men and women,but never by the two sexes together. It is the regular game in the long winternights after the scattered families have abandoned their exposed summer posi-tions on the open prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter of thetimber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus camped together,the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song resound nightly throughthe air. To the stranger there is a fascination about such a camp at night, withthe conical tipis scattered about under the trees, the firelight from within shin-ing through the white canvas and distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figuresof the occupants making merry inside with jest and story, while from half a dozendifferent directions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or the weirdchorus of the gaming songs. Frequently thex'e will be a party of twenty tothirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their voices can be heard farout from the camp, while from another tipi a few rods away comes a shrill chorusfrom a group of women engaged in another game of the same kind.The players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of the fireplaying against those on the other. The only requisites are the "button" orga'qaa, usually a small bit of wood, around which is tied a piece of string orotter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as has already been described. Bach partyhas a "button," that of one side being painted black, the other being red. Theleader of one party takes the button and endeavors to move it from one hand tothe other, or to pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing side keep asharp lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the button tryto deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting their hands behindthem, so as to pass the ga'qaa on to a partner, all the while keeping time to therhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the whole party at the top of their voices.The song is very peculiar, and well-nigh indescribable. It is usually, but notalways or entirely, unmeaning, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surpris-ing fashion, but always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and armsof the singers. The greatest of good natured excitement prevails, and every fewminutes some more excitable player claps his hands over his mouth or beats theground with his flat palms, and gives out a regular war whoop. All this timethe opposing players are watching the hands of the other, or looking straight intotheir faces to observe every telltale movement of their features, and when onethinks he has discovered in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumbtoward that hand with a loud "that." Should he guess right, his side scores acertain number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins another song.Should the guess be wrong, the losing side must give up an equivalent number oftally sticks. So the play goes on until the small hours of the night. It is alwaysa gambling game, and the stakes are sometimes very large. [Mooney, 1896,pp. 1008-9.] VISITINGChildren were not allowed to participate in adult visiting, but theywere allowed to sit by and listen in. Sometimes, however, storieswere told primarily for their amusement. As a sample of such storiesArnold Woolworth, an 80-year-old Southern man, after a chuckle,related the following : A man went on the warpath. He was tired and came back. On the wayhome at night he saw a tipi in which a fire was glowing. It was a pretty sight.He walked up to it and found one woman there. She made a bed for him andhe slept there. The next morning when he woke up, he saw a skeleton in rags 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 above him. And he was in an old ragged tipi, too. The tipi he had seen thenight before was a pretty tipi.?What he saw was probably like the burials ofthe Cheyenne, they bury in trees you know.?Well, this man never stopped again.He walked day and night until he got home.'"As a sample of a coup story Arnold Woolworth repeated one thathe had heard Chief Left Hand tell : [Old Man Left Hand is reciting:] We [Arapaho tribe] were on the warpath.Two Arapaho and one Apache?I, Bull Thunder, and one Apache Indian?wethree were on scouting duty on foot. We were in the mountains. We were look-ing around and saw the tracks of an enemy. We looked into the distance andsaw a Ute coming down the mountains. He was trailing an elk track. "Youtwo sit back and I'll sit near this sage brush. And when this Ute comes I'llkill him." The Ute kept looking around and beyond for the elk. As soon ashe came to the brush whei-e I was, I fired. Just as the Ute turned to run away,I grabbed him and we tussled. I managed him and took his scalp. I just tookbis scalp, but did not quite kill him. Then Bull Thunder and the Apache In-dian came up and tapped the Ute.?That was a sign that you were a man if youdid that. You just tapped your enemy while he was alive.?I hadn't quite killedthe Ute, so he sat up and looked around. [Informant indicated that the Uteused his thumb and first finger to hold up the skin on his forehead so as to beable to open his eyes.] The rest of the party came up and then they finished theUte. [The interpreter added.] And that's a war recitation. These warriorstories are told in an abbreviated form at ceremonies to let the tribe know thatthe one telling a story had shown courage and had succeeded. Such an act gavea man status iu the tribe. But when they are told to children as bedtimestories, details like the above are not given."A TO-year-old Northern woman, when about 12 years old, had beentold the following story by her grandmother : There was a man and his wife and their relatives. All these and their friendswere traveling together. They had been camping together. In the fall, aboutSeptember or October, they set out to find a camping place for the winter. Sothey broke up camp and started out. Now, one of the daughters of this manand his wife was married to a man from another group. While they were travel-ing, looking for the winter camping place, this girl stopped her father andmother?they were on horseback?and told them that she had lost a pillow.She told them to go on ahead slowly while she went back and looked for herpillow. She rode back on horseback alone. She came to a drove of wild horsesnear some brush. When these wild horses saw this woman on horseback, they allran toward her. There was a stallion in the group. This girl got off her horseand got on the staUion and got away with him. When it was about time forher to return and there was no sign of her, her people began to wonder whathad happened to her. The horse she had ridden out came back, but she didnot. So they waited in that place for a while. The girl's husband rode around,off and on, looking for her. When they had gotten enough meat to last for awhile, they decided to go back to look for the girl. They did. The men rodeout on horseback and looked all over the hills for the girl. They often cameto where the group of wild horses was, but they never suspected anything. Theypassed up the horses just looking for the girl. One man said one day, "Thesehorses may have chased that girl's horse and she may have been knocked off herhorse." The men rode back to the camp. Her husband stayed and looked " See also Voth, 1912, pp. 43-50, for 15 tales gathered by him while missionary amongthe Arapaho from 1882-92, and Kroeber and Dorsey, 1903, for 146 additional ones. HILOBE] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 117 around for his wife. Soon he, too, got back to camp. Then they all got onswift horses and again rode out to the wild horses.?These wild horses werealtogether different from the horses the Indians rode.?And this was theirplan : to round up all these wild horses and to drive them to their watering placein the river. When they got them all rounded up, and got them down to theriver, they found this girl among them. She was getting to be lilie a horse.She was winnowing, and her body was getting hairy. Her cousins and brotherhad to rope her. She fought for freedom, but they brought her home. Shewanted to go back to those wild horses. They had the hardest time keepingher home. Even her father and her mother had to hold her. So two of herbrothers led her out of the tipi, and they had to use an arrow on her, and killedher. Her brothers were ashamed of her. They didn't like the looks of her.They told people not to touch her but to let her lie there and not to buiy her.My grandmother heard this story from her grandmotlier.Smoking by Arapaho children was not institutional. No objections,however, were raised when children smoked. "My father [father'sbrother] was a sickly man. He used to ask me to prepare his kinni-kinnick for him. That helped me to form the habit of smoking. Myfather had taught me to smoke when I was a young girl." On occa-sions during the present study preadolescent Northern boys and girlsdid not hesitate to roll cigarettes from their mother's or grandmother'ssupply. When halted it was because they were diminishing the supply,and evidently not because it was unconventional for children to smoke.Missionary efforts among the Southern group have discouraged smok-ing even among adults. No children were seen smoking there.SOCIAL DANCESSocial dances, including the Squaw Dance, the Wolf Dance, theKabbit Dance, the Owl Dance, the Dog Dance, the Fox Dance, theCrazy Man Dance, the War Bonnet Dance, and, more recently, theForty-nine Dance, were held at intervals during the year. Men,women, and children participated in them. In recent years theNorthern Arapaho meet annually during the Christmas week in theircommunity hall near St. Stephen's Mission to dance the social dancesof the early dsij and to recount old tales of scouting. There is alsoan exchange of gifts, such as horses and articles of clothing. Manyparticipants attire in "old-tim.e" regalia. (Cf. pis. 25, 26, 27, 28, 29.)CEREMONIAL AGE SOCIETIES'"Nearly the entire male population of both Northern and SouthernArapaho, from boys about 12 years old to the oldest men in the tribe,*** *' For a complete account of Arapaho age societies see Kroeber, 1902, pp. 151-229 ; Mooney, 1896, pp. 986-989 ; and Lowie, 1916, pp. 930-938. For the Gros Ventres cere-monial organization, see Kroeber, 1908, pp. 227-268. The Chicago Natural HistoryMuseum exhibits regalia and paraphernalia of both men's societies and the women'ssociety.?* This differs from Mooney who says they Included "nearly all the men of the tribeabove the age of seventeen" (1896, p. 986). 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148held membership in eight ceremonial societies. Informants calledthem lodges or dances; the literature sometimes calls them military orwar societies. Commonly their members are called dog soldiers.Membership in the age societies was not compulsory, but nonmemberswere not respected or entrusted with tribal responsibilities. Mooney(1896, pp. 986-987) says that they were "not allowed to take part inpublic ceremonies or to accompany war expeditions.''The societies were graded by age.?^ Membership in them wasprogressive, that is, a man could not become a member of one societyunless he had held membership in all preceding ones. A man ad-vanced when he vowed or pledged to hold the ceremonial of the nextsucceeding society, or when man vowed or pledged to hold the cere-mony, all other men of his age were obliged to join in the ceremonyand advance thereby to the next degree. Meetings were held atirregular intervals; sometimes years elapsed between them.Boys held membership in the first two societies; men in the remain-ing six. Northern Arapaho boys about 12 years old joined the Black-birds ; Southern boys, a corresponding society called the Fox. Theyproceeded from this one to the Stars. At 17, the age at which boys wereexf)ected to have an appreciation of the importance of the societies,they were permitted to join the first of the men's societies, the Tom-ahawks. Sometimes men were 20 years or older before they becameTomahawks because no Tomahawk meeting had been held since theyhad become Stars. Due to the varying lengths of intervals betweenmeetings, the general age of a society in a given generation might varyfrom the general age of the same society in another generation. In-formants said men between 20 and 30 belonged to the second of themen's lodges. Southern Arapaho called it Staff or Betahanan;Northern informants, Spear. Thirty to forty-five-year-old men be-longed to the Crazy Lodge ; '? those between forty-five and fifty-five,to the Dog Lodge, sometimes called Beggars' Lodge. Next in orderwas the Sweat Lodge, and then the Nanahaxwu Lodge.No secrets, powers, or obligation were attached to the boys' lodges ; namely, the Blackbirds or Fox and the Stars. Nor did they have aprescribed regalia. The men's lodges all had secrets, powers, andobligations. These increased as the lodges advanced.Each lodge was a distinct organization, but all lodges showedsimilarities : Members were about the same age ; women participatedin several ceremonials but held membership in none; each societyhad its own characteristic songs and dances; ceremonies were heldin an enclosure, usually a covered one; ceremonials were of 4 days' ?' According to Lowle (1916), only five of the Plains tribes had societies graded by age,namely, the Hidatsa, Mandan, Arapaho, Gros Ventres, and Blackfoot. Other tribes hadnongraded societies,'"Mooney (1896, pp. 987-988) notes that the Stars consisted of men about 30 yearsof age ; that the Crazy Men were more than 50 years old. HILGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 119duration; paraphernalia and regalia were of prescribed types; eachcandidate was instructed in the ritual of the lodge by a grandfather,an older man who knew the ritual well.^^The women's lodge was the Buffalo Lodge. x\ll women over 15years of age, married and unmarried, could belong to it. Men couldnot hold membership in it, but they assisted at the ceremonials. Ac-cording to Kroeber the lodge had six degrees (Kroeber, 1902, pp.210-224). The ceremonial was held at irregular intervals, awaitingthe vow of a member or of a candidate. It consisted of 4 days ofsinging and dancing in an enclosure. Each dancer, regaled to repre-sent a buffalo, was coached by a grandmother, an older member whocorresponded to the grandfather of the men's lodges. The ceremonies,however, and all things related to them were under the supervision ofthe old medicine man. It was his responsibility to see that theceremonial was carried out in accordance with traditions.As indicated above, neither boys under 12 nor girls under 15 wereprivileged to become members of the societies. Two boys, however,participated in the dance of the Biitahawu, the second of the men'ssocieties. According to Kroeber, they were the dancers of the fourthdegree of the Biitahawu, and were called "little Biitahawu dancers."They carried small lances painted black (Kroeber, 1902, p. 159).Two small girls, called buffalo calves, participated in the BuffaloDance. According to Kroeber, each little girl wore an embroideredhead band representing a snake in which stood white feathers. Duringthe ceremonial the little girls walked with two sticks (Kroeber, 1902, p.222). Boys younger than 12 years were chosen by lodge members toserve as errand boys. These boys had first-hand opportunities, there-fore, of learning many things related to the lodges.The following account was related by Jessie Eowlodge, who hadacted as a messenger in the ceremonial meetings of several societies : Among the Arapaho there were two boys' lodges. We (Southern Arapaho)called the flrst one Fox ; the Northern Arapaho called it Blackbirds. The secondone was variously called Star Falcons, Eagles of the Stars, Hawks among theStars, or simply Stars. Any time after a boy was 12 years old, he .ioined t)ie Fox ; when about 15 or 17, he joined the Stars. He could become a Star only after hehad been a Fox. He stayed with the Stars until he was about 20 when he joinedthe first of the men's lodges, the Tomahawk. The men's lodges were : first, theTomahawk ; second, the Betahanan' ; third, the Crazy Lodge ; fourth, the Dogs'Lodge or Beggars' Lodge ; and then two very sacred lodges, the Sweat Lodge andthe Nan^haxwu. There was no age requirement for admittance to a lodge, butone had to become a member of each lodge in succession : first a Tomahawk, thenBetahanan', then Crazy Lodge, then Dog Lodge, then Sweat Lodge, and thenNanahaxwu. Members were admitted to a lodge whenever that lodge held aceremonial. Lodges were not held at any set time, but were given if someone "Kroeber (1902, p. 226) writes that all ceremonies are under the direction of themembers of the oldest society ; that meetings were held in a lodge In the center of theCamp circle ; and that In most of the ceremonies there was a symbolic reference to war. 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 148made a vow to do so. It might take 15 or more years before such a vow wouldbe made by someone. A man might, therefore, be 25 years of age before he hadan opportunity to join the first of the man's lodges, the Tomahawli. On theother hand, It might happen that two successive lodges were given the same year,and he could then join two iu one year. But this seldom happened.The Tomahawk Lodge met for the last time on this reservation [Cheyenne-Arapaho Reservation, Okla.] in 1903. Members, when joining it, were usuallybetween 20 and 25 years of age. Paraphernalia needed for this lodge were thewar club, white crane feathers, a calf tail, white and black paint. Womenparticipated in this lodge, but they did not hold membership in it. During theceremonial souie of the men sat on the south side of the enclosure and some onthe north side. Behind each man sat a woman. The men and women on thesouth side were called midgets; those on the north, stalwarts or giants. Thewomen on the midgets' side were called upon sometimes to change seats withthe women on the giants' side. The two sides opposed each other in songs andin telling war stories. The side that outdid the other was served the bestfood during the ceremonial. The midgets nearly always took the prize. Whenthis lodge met the last time, in 1903 as I said, the midgets outdid the others.The second men's lodge was the Betahanan'. I can't translate this word.I have asked Chief Ute, Sherman Sage, men of the Gros Ventres and also of theBig Lodge?Big Lodge is a distinct group within the Arapaho?to translate theword, but none could do so." Paraphernalia for this society were hawk feathers,sinews, deer and buffalo hides. In this lodge two boys sat in the center of theceremonial place and members danced around them. These boys served inthe same capacity as did the two little girls, called buffalo calves, in the BuffaloDance. Before each meeting the two boys were instructed by men who, as boys,had served in the same capacity. I saw all of these lodges hold meetings exceptthe two sacred ones. The most recent meeting of the Beta.hanS.n' was held in1916.The Crazy Lodge met the last time in October 1913. Those who joined Itactually jumped into fire, but none was burned. I don't know how it is done.Maybe the old men give the candidates herbs and medicines to immunize them.They were never burned or scarred. My uncle was the principal participant ; he was called White Crazy Lodge Man. Paraphernalia needed were white clay,eagle feathers, and sweet grass.The next lodge, the Dog Lodge or Beggars, serenades during the nights of theSun Dance. Women may participate in the singing, but they may not be mem-bers.?I don't like to talk about this lodge ; it belongs to the Sun Dance.The Jenaja'xibed, often called Sweat Lodge, and the Nanahaxwu are verysacred lodges. Great sacrifices had to be made to become a member of thesetwo sacred lodges. In the Sweat Lodge a man was required to fast for 3 dayssitting perfectly still without moving in the slightest. In order to be able to dothis, props are placed under his armpits. The Sweat Lodge met for the last timein 1874. That was before I was born. The Nanahax'vnl is more sacred eventhan the Sweat Lodge. It takes 3 or 4 days to be initiated into it, and there ismuch wailing and praying. This lodge met the last time in 1878.When a lodge met to hold a ceremonial, some boy was asked to act as errandboy for the members. I acted as errand boy for my uncle in all the lodges thathe joined. He belonged to all except the two sacred ones and the Dog Lodge. " Rowlodge hereby Indicates that he had asked outstanding authorities, namely an oldSouthern Arapaho (Chief Ute), the recognized best authority of the Northern Arapaho(Sherman Sage), men of the Gros Ventre of the Prairie, traditionally a part of theArapaho peoples, and members of one of the five divisions of the Arapaho, and that afterconferring with all of these, he was unable to get a translation for the word. HILQEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 121The errand boy is announced as one by the criers in the camp so that all thepeople will know who he is. Such a boy has access to the tipis or the privatehomes of any of the members of the lodges. He may be given orders likethese: ''Go get that old man," "Go get that horse," "Go get some sage." Theboy then runs back and forth on errands. When he has time, he may run intoany tipi and say, "I want to eat," and the people in that tipi will feed him. Or hemay stop at another tipi and say, "I want to rest." The people will say, "Here isyour bed." Toward evening he may feel cold and may stop in a tipi and borrowa blanket.A leader is chosen by each of the boys' and the men's societies, one not from thesociety immediately above it, but from the one just above that one. For example,the Fox choose their leader from the Tomahawk ; the Star from the Betahanfin' ; the Tomahawks from the Crazy Lodge, etc. Now, let us say that the Fox are outfor a leader. The Tomahawks then are the eligibles. But none of the Toma-hawks care to have the responsibility of leadership. So, when they hear thatthey are being sought after as leaders, they hide. Using strategy each one runshere and there, and finally finds a hiding place. But the Fox, being wise to this,keep an eye on the one they want to choose as leader and pursue him. But finallythey lose him. Maybe around three or four in the morning, they find him. Theysurround him and grab him. By force they take his hands and hold them aroundthe pipe. After his hands have touched the pipe, he can't refuse to be their leader.Then they lead him back to camp. Here they call on an old medicine man whoadvises and lectures the Fox and their new leader. From that time on theTomahawk man is their leader. Each Fox chooses a man from among theBetahanan' as his grandfather. This grandfather advises liim and gives himwords of encouragement. These two?the Fox and his grandfather?must alwaysagree. The grandfather is called Hya.The women's lodge is called Benotax'wii, or Buffalo Lodge. The Buffalo Lodgehad its last meeting about 55 years ago. Any woman over 18, married or single,could be a member. During their ceremonial meeting they wore headdresseshaving buffalo horns. Each woman had a whistle in her mouth. As they dancedtheir heads moved from right to left to right. Two girls, about 12 years old,highly painted and ornamented, sat in the center facing each other. The womendanced around them. These two girls were called Buffalo Calves. They heldan important position. Members of the lodge were very particular which girlsthey chose. These girls were instructed by women who had served in the samecapacity at some previous meeting.What I have told you is correct. I saw the ceremonials of all the lodges exceptthe two sacred ones.Arnold Woolworth, for whom Jessie Rowlodge had acted as errandboy, gave the following account : Boys belonged first to the Fox and then to the Stars. They joined them volun-tarily ; some boys never joined them. There were no secrets attached to thesetwo lodges. The other lodges?the men's lodges?all had secrets. Men's lodgeswere in order : Tomahawk, Staff or Crook, Crazy Lodge, Dog Lodge, Stoic Lodge,and one that you can call Masters of Ceremonies, because it gave its membersthe right to be directors of the ceremonials of the other lodges. A man who wasa member of the seventh degree, the Stoics, had all the powers that the degreesbefore it gave and, in addition, those that were sometimes obtained when a manfasted in mountains. The Stoic Lodge was really the last one in which powerwas conferred. Those who joined it had the power of prayer; whatever theyprayed for was thought to be granted. The Stoic Lodge met for the last time at 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bcll. 148Calumet, Oklahoma, 76 years ago [1866]. I remember that meeting. I myselfcompleted five degrees. I joined the fifth one, the Crazy Lodge, more than 60years ago [1SS2]. The lodges beyond the Crazy Lodge have not met since then.They died a natural death among the Arapaho.A lodge was held only when a man vowed to hold one. Supposing a certainman vowed for the next lodge. Then all those of his lodge moved along with himto that lodge. No one was forced to do so ; each one decided for himself. Some-times some "backed out." There were no women members in any of the men'slodges. "Women, however, helped along in the Crazy Lodge.?The women hadtheir own lodge, the Buffalo Lodge. In it they dressed like buffalo.Pete Lone Bear, a 66-year-old Northern Arapaho (pi. 1), gave thefollowing account : The Sun Dance is the most important lodge. It is first in rank because in itmen suffer and fast. They really endure something in it; they don't in otherlodges.The Buffalo Lodge was exclusively for women. During its ceremonial dancethe members held a whistle in the mouth?whistles like the ones used by thedancers in the Sun Dance?and rocked their heads back and forth, from shouldertoward shoulder, to the rhythm of the drum. The enclosure in which they heldtheir dance was built similar to the one in which the Sun Dance is held exceptthat tipi covers were used to cover the framework instead of branches of trees.The dancing, which lasted four days, was done in five different places in theenclosure, the dancers going around in it clockwise. The sacred pipe was notbrought to the enclosure, but all space inside of the enclosure was consideredsacred. People [uonmembers] couldn't go into it; they had to look on from theoutside. A buffalo head with horns was in the enclosure. Women who tookpart in the dance wore headdresses of buffalo heads with horns. The womanwho sponsored the dance, that is, the one who had vowed to give it, wore a buffalorobe. It, too, was considered sacred. The husbands of the women were on-lookers ; only the women danced.I was a member of the Tomahawk and of the Spear Dance. The Crazy Danceand the Dog Dance had died out by the time I was old enough to be a memberof them. So I can't tell about them firsthand. Six years ago [1934] the Toma-hawks met.'* They hadn't met for 25 years. When I joined the Tomahawks,years ago, the lodge was built just like the Spear lodge. It was made of polesaround which tipi coverings were placed. The top was not covered. It was,therefore, just a shelter with no covering over the top. The man who sponsoredit was given the sacred tomahawk, a stick which represented the Shoshoni ; ourenemy. The top end of the stick was bent at right angles. The bent piece wascarved to represent a Shoshoni : the hair over the face was cut in bangs likethe Crow Indians wear it today. The entire stick was painted and the uppersection near the angle was decorated with feathers. The lower end was sharp-ened so that it could be planted in the ground. The sponsor, the man who hadpledged to give the lodge, was looked upon as the head man.?Somebody had topledge a dance before it could be given.?This man was looked upon as a sacredperson. It was his duty to see to it that the tomahawk sticks were made. Eachman who was joining at that particular dance got a stick. He shaved off all barkand then gave it to his grandfather.?Grandfathers were men who cared forthem during the dance.?Each grandfather carved into it the head of the '* The interpreter remarked : "I was In Denver then, and missed witnessing it. But Iread about it in the Denver Post. I'm sorry still that I missed it for I may never seeanother one. We have not had one for 25 years." HiLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 123 Stioshoni.'^* An old man was present to see that the carving was done cor-rectly. He might even teach them?they were pretty old men?how to carvethem. He also blessed the sticks and made certain that the men prayed right.I was about 19 or 20 years old when I joined. I was not yet married. Some ofthe men were married before they joined.I belonged to the Spear Dance also. Spears were made during the first threedays of the dauce. On the fourth day they were used, each dancer holding onein vertical position. The entire pole was painted. A spear was attached at theupper end and feathers tied around the top and the bottom. Only the sponsorof a dance had anything sacred about him. The sponsor of the Spear Dance woreeagle feathers in his hair, his buckskin belt, and the garters which he wore justbelow his knees. Other dancers, also, had feathers, but they were not blessed.All lodges except the Sun Dance and the Buffalo Dance are alike in this : a manbecoming a member of it at a meeting helps along in it the next time the lodgemeets. These helpers are called "Soldiers" to this lodge. For example: if aSpear Dance were given this year the men vv'ho were admitted this year wouldhelp along with everything the next time the Spears met, and they would becalled "Soldiers." A pledge to give a ceremonial was usually made when therewas sickness in the family. Once a person pledged to join a lodge he had to doso and to go through with it. If he did not, he would have bad luck. Womenwere permitted to be present at all the dances but they could be members of onlythe Buffalo Dance. Because there was much sickness in old times, it was notan uncommon thing for three lodges to be held each year. But now, none arebeing held. I have tried to tell you what I know. I might say, too, that whenthe Arapaho were still roaming about, they sometimes came to a place where itwas suitable to hold a lodge. It was time to admit boys. Maybe many boys hadpledged to join the lodge. Those joining had to be old enough to know what itwas all about; probably about seventeen years of age. If they were youngerthan that, they were thought not to understand what was going on.Jane Hungry Wolf, an 80-year-old Northern woman, said : When dances were held, none could do so until the dance of the Spear Lodgehad taken place. After they had finished, the Tomahawk Lodge was held andthen the Crazy Man's. There was no set time in which lodges had to be held,but they had to follow each other in that order. The Buffalo Lodge took placeevery year ; it stood by itself and was not held when the others were meeting.I helped in two lodges: the Buffalo Lodge and the Dog Lodge. I didn't everpledge anything and so I didn't have to sponsor any either. I merely tookpart by helping. I helped three times. It happened this v/ay : My older sisterwas in the Buffalo Dance. She had to handle poles for the lodge and I helpedher. The next time I helped another sister who was also handling poles. Thewomen wore something on their heads that looked like a buffalo head; it hadhorns. The next time I again helped my older sister, but this time I wore awar bonnet which was mostly red. They called it the red headdress. I againhelped with the poles. The lodge poles were painted every morning, and Ihelped every morning. This was the Dog Lodge. Her [the interpreter's]grandfather sponsored it. '? Sherman Sage, who waa abont 15 or 16 when he joined the Tomahawks, said that eachmember of the Tomahawks carried a stick made from the branch of a tree about a yardlong and an inch in diameter. In taking the branch off the tree, a part of the tree trunkwas chopped off also, but In such a manner that It remained attached to the branch.The tree trunk section was carved to represent a horse's head. "It had mouth and eyescarved in it." A similar Item (No. 71986), labeled "Pledger's Wand" collected by Dorseyin Oklahoma in 1903, Is exhibited in the Chicago Natural History Museum. A notationsays that the wand was carried in the dance by the man who had vowed to give the dance. 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buli^ 148 "MEDICINE" "medicine," "medicine bag," medicine man, "making medicine"The term "medicine" is used when speaking of a power ascribed tosupernatural origin and believed to be effective through supernaturalhelp. Mooney (1896, p. 980) defines it as "anything sacred, mysteri-ous, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief." Itshould be distinguished from medicines used in medication.The Arapaho child did not possess "medicine" or a "medicine bag."It had no relationship with the origin of "medicine" or with theexercising of its powers. It might, however, be subjected to thepowers of medicine men and could nearly always be present when "medicine" was being used.All informants agreed that "medicines" originated in a dream or avision which men had during a self-imposed prolonged fast in isola-tion. Women occasionally, though very rarely, fasted for the samepurpose. Some informants said that "medicines" also came to menand women unsolicited in a dream during sleeping hours or during avision when awake; such persons were neither fasting nor isolated.Kroeber (1902, p. 450) speaks of both ways, but notes that the firstmethod was institutional; that the second showed that the first was "not consistently and rigorously followed out." Sage was certain thatall "medicines" possessed by Arapaho at any time had had their originduring self-imposed fastings by men. Men and women, he said, whoowned "medicines" at any time in the past or at the present time andwho had not fasted for them, had either purchased them from thosewho possessed them first-hand, having fasted for them, or from thosewho possessed them second-hand because they had learnt them fromthose who had purchased them earlier. Parents, he said, often taughttheir "medicines" to adult children, and wives learnt them from hus-bands, especially those "medicines" that dealt with curative values ofherbs. Sage was certain that all "medicines" extant among the Arap-aho at the present time, except those owned by very old people, hadbeen purchased or learnt.The present writer believes that both fasting for "medicine" by menand purchasing or learning of "medicine" by both men and womenwere institutional, and agrees with Kroeber that obtaining "medicine"by unsolicited visitations from the spiritual world was rare and wasprobably not institutional. "Medicines" of men were believed to have powers of divination,magic, sorcery, and cures ; those of women, mostly cures. Informantsgave names of medicine men whose "medicine" enabled them to readthoughts of others ; to remove foreign objects from human bodies ; totell the location of persons, an enemy, or stolen goods ; to predict re- HILQER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 125 covery from sickness ; to deform or cripple persons ; to kill at a dis-tance ; or to affect weather. Some medicine men had several powers ; most of them excelled in only one. "Furry Hat, an old medicine man,predicted mostly events, but he seemed to have knowledge of allthings." "In old days there were a few men who had a very specialpower to kill people at a distance." Clark wrote: "Some of theirmedicine men had the power to produce rain or wind to assist them,and had exercised this power. They could also cause the snow to van-ish and rain to come ; in fact, could control all these elements throughmeans which they tried to explain, but I could only make out that itwas a kind of jugglery" (Clark, 1885, p. 42).A person who possessed "medicine" associated it with the objectthat had formed part of his vision or dream. A replica of this object,or objects if there were several, was kept by him in a container. Thecontainer was often the entire skin of an animal ; sometimes, only apiece of buckskin or cloth. The container with its contents was calleda man's or a woman's "medicine bundle" or "medicine bag." "Medi-cijie bags" were occasionally either inherited or appropriated, es-pecially if the "medicine" associated with the bag had already beentaught to the one inheriting or appropriating it. Bags extant todayhave come to owners in the above ways. "That bag hanging from thetop of that pole," said a Northern woman in her fifties, "is a medicinebag that I inherited from my father. It is very old. My great grand-father also used it." Her bundle, wrapped in white cloth, was hang-ing out-of-doors from the top of a pole that she had nailed to the door-end of the ridge of her canvas tent. Another middle-aged Northernwoman said: "Goes-in-the-Lodge had a grandmother, called TreeWoman, who at her death left him a medicine bundle. It contains asmall doll that everybody speaks of as Little-Woman. Little-Womanwears a blanket and over her forehead something like a protrudinghandkerchief. She is never made use of except in the sweat lodge,where she is placed on a piece of cloth in front of the head man. Whenin the sweat lodge her blankets are removed. As soon as the men beginto sing, she sings too, and she can be heard above the others." Kroeber(1902, p. 310) recorded that there were a number of sacred bags amongthe Arapaho during his study. One had been inherited by a youngwoman shortly before the summer of 1899.A Southern informant told of a medicine bag in the possession ofChief Little Kaven's family (pi. 39).New ones no longer originate whenever one fasts. The ones bow ownedamong the Arapaho originated in primitive times and have been handed down.No one today linows the origin of these. The Buffalo Lodge had one, and Ibelieve all the lodges had one. The Little Ravens have one of these in theirfamily still. Some years ago one of the Little Ravens told me that every 25years the stones in that medicine bundle generate a stone. He said then that 126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [?ulu 148 one could be expected in 1940. Medicine bundles were used when the lodgeshad ceremonials. Each was kept by the principal man of the lodge in somesort of pouch. When the man died, the pouch passed to the next oldest man.Long reported an Arapalio displaying his medicine bag in 1819-20 : At our solicitation he readily opened his sacred depository, and displayed Itscontents on a skin before us, whilst he politely proceeded to expatiate on theirpowers and virtues in the occult art, as well as their physical efficacy. Theyconsisted of various roots, seeds, pappus, and powders, both active and inert,as respects their action on the human system, carefully enveloped in skins,leaves, etc., some of which, to his credulous faith, were invested with super-natural powers. Similar qualities were also attributed to some animal pi'oductswith which these were accompanied, such as claws of birds, beaks, feathers,and hair. [Long, 1904-7, vol. 16, pp. 21&-217.]Miclielson's informant stated that "it was commonly known thatwhenever a medicine bag was kept in a tepee, the tepee would not bemolested ; and the same respect was shown a tepee in which a medicineman dwelt" (Michelson, 1933, p. 600). "Medicine man" was the term used to designate a man who hadobtained "medicine"; he was always a physician and a leader inreligion, and generally a magician. Not infrequently he was also asorcerer. "Medicine woman" was applied to a woman doctor ; rarelydid medicine women have powers other than curative ones.According to a Southern informant, medicine men and medicinewomen had the privilege of becoming members of several exclusiveorganizations. Apprenticeship preceded membership. Her accountfollows : Medicine men were grouped Into groups that called themselves Bears, Beavers,Buffalos, Fox, Horse, and Lizard. To become a member, one had to take train-ing from older members and abide by the principles of the group. I am goingto tell you a little story about a member of the Lizard group. My father madeseveral lizards out of buckskin and stuffed them. This was about 4 or 5 yearsago [1936.] At a Sun Dance held the same year, one of the dancers had oneof these lizards on his back. In its mouth he had put some feathers. One ofthe old men who sponsored the dance blessed the lizard and the lizard becamealive and walked up the man's back and sat on his shoulder. People sawthis. One woman fainted. Others ran away. Now, those lizards could healpeople. [A woman in her thirties listening in had also seen it.] The medicinemen could put one of these lizards on any part of a man's body that pained.The lizard stuck there until the pain ended. Then it fell off.According to another Southern informant, any medicine man ormedicine woman may join any of the medicine-men's groups, "suchas the Lizard, Horse, etc. They do not need to be directed to do soin a dream or vision." The degrees are not progressive; hence, amedicine man may become a member of any one he chooses. "Thereis no particular order. A person may join any or as many as he orshe wishes to." All groups were considered of equal value. Hilgeb] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 127Occasionally all medicine men met and purified their "medicines." "About a month ago [early May 1941] the Indian medicine menaround here met at Old Man Ute's place [Southern Arapaho]. Heis their manager. My husband is a medicine man, and so he wasthere, too. Last year [1940] they met five times." "Occasionally allthe medicine men gather in a place where they camp in order to purifytheir 'medicines.' They have a special tipi for this. The inside isfixed up nicely. In it the medicine men carry on their ceremonial.They put cedar on fire and make incense with it to purify their 'medicines.' That gives the 'medicines' new strength."A medicine man "made medicine" whenever he exercised the powershe possessed. These powei-s, as stated previously, might be those ofphysician, leader of religion, magician, or sorcerer.Chief Ute was the leader of the medicine men in the Southerngroup during the period of this study; for many years it had beenChief Little Raven. In 1884 the United States Indian Agent com-plained to the United States Commissioner of Indian Aflairs thatChief Little Raven had plowed his 40 acres of farm land in the riverbottom in the spring, and had planted corn, "but at once abandonedit and left to lead medicine making ; the result is not an ear of corn,but a magnificent crop of weeds" (Dyer, 1884, p. 73). In 1886another Agent of the Southern Arapaho wrote regarding "medicinemaking" : A great drawback to these Indians has been their "medicine making," Itcaused them to neglect their fields, and created much disturbance in the schools.I considered it a great step toward the better when you succeeded in inducingthem to postpone their medicine until tlieir crops did not require their constantcare. But, still more, the decline of this superstitious custom, as evidenced bythe attendance of only seventy-five to one hundred ; and by the further factthat "Little Raven," the greatest "medicine" chief of the Arapahoes, withoutwhom no "medicine" dance could be had until now, left the recent "medicinemaking," came to the agency to transact some business, and remained over allnight and slept as unconcernedly as if no "medicine" was in progress, andbut a few years ago no business with the white man could have deterred himfrom doing his supposed duty at the "medicine lodge." [Voth, 1886, p. 125.]The "medicine dance" of the Arapaho was the religious tribalceremonial called the Sun Dance (pp. 148-160).PASTING FOR "mEDICINe" '? "Medicines," as stated before, originated conventionally duringfasts. Arapaho men fasted singly in an isolated place for severaldays. The place was usually a hilltop ; occasionally it was a lonelyspot on the banks of a stream or lake.^? Four days of fasting was ? Cf. also Kroeber, 1902, pp. 418-454. '?Cf. Scott, 1907, p. 559 for a similar Btatereent by Left Hand (pi. 38), a SouthernArapaho chief, in 1897. 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULi.. 148 tlie conventional number ; occasionally, a man fasted only 2 or 3 days ; very rarely 6 or 7. Sage fasted 7 days. "Black-Man, who is nowdead, fasted 7 days and got powers that made him a strong medicineman."Informants differed regarding the age of fasters. Most of theminsisted that men had to be in their thirties or at least in their latetwenties. "There was no such thing as young men fasting. Menat 30 went out on hills or mountains to fast." Some informants saida man was old enough to fast when he was able to take care of himself,that was when he no longer needed the supervision of his parents;occasionally, they said, a man was able to do so soon after 17.The fast consisted of abstinence from food and drink. The fasterwas permitted, however, to smoke. He used his own pipe and notthe one used at ceremonies. His "medicine" came to him in a dreamwhile asleep, rarely in a vision during his waking hours. Alwaysit was associated with personified animals.Accounts of informants follow:(a) Occasionally a dream told a man to become a medicine man. I willtell you of one such instance. One of the men who lived near here dreamedthat he should go to the end of the bluff?it is out this direction [pointingtoward it]?and fast by himself there. The thought then kept coming to himtelling him that he should fast. But he would answer his thinl^ing by sayingthat he was a Christian. Yet he felt, nevertheless, that if it would be goodfor him to fast, he should do it. He decided to fast. He said to his family,"Take me over there." They wanted to make a shelter for him there and takea bed for him also, but said, "I don't need a bed or a shelter." He wentto the bluff, and fasted. That night, the first night, something hummed aroundhim, but he could neither see nor feel anything. Just at sunrise a mountainlizard, that is a Gila monster, came up over the edge of the steep bank. Thereit was, changing its colors. The second night something else came to him andtold him, "We are going to give you power to heal sick people with turtles,snakes, water-dogs, and lizards. You must not harm these animals ever, andyou must keep others from harming them." The third night the Gila monstercame again at sunrise and showed his colors, and said, "You have finished ; go back home now. This does not interfere with your religion. You musthave respect for this now." The man is dead now. He belonged to the Lizardgroup. A man who did not get powers when fasting had to be directed in adream while fasting in order to have the right to inherit or learn the powers.Such a man might learn the use of powers by serving an apprenticeship witha medicine man who had knowledge of such matters. It was possible that aman could have all the powers at one time because he had learnt them all.For instance he could cure people, tell where a lost cow was, etc., but each ofthese had to be learned from different groups. And he had to participate inthe medicine men's ceremonials, once he knew them.( 6 ) Men could fast anywhere, but they had to be alone. The place where manyof them fasted was across the river. They fasted 4 days and 4 nights. I believein old times fasting was done for 10 days, but that custom has died out. Womensometimes fasted, too. My husband has only power to cure sickness like pneu-monia, or fevers, or sick babies. Babies were treated in the same way as adults. Hn-OBE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 129They bathed the body in medicine. [Informant pantomimed taking smudge inthe palm of bis hand and bringing it to the afflicted part, such as forehead,shoulders, and chest] The medicine man mixed various roots. I do not knowthe names of the roots ; the medicine man who uses them knows. About 10 or 12men around here who are medicine men and 2 women who are medicine womenknow what to use. They all hold meetings sometimes. They met last month[April 1941]. I never fasted, but I know a woman well who did.(c) [Sage said :] When I was a little boy, I dreamed of something associatedwith thunder, but I never dreamed it clearly. When I went out to the hills, formy first fast, I fasted 5 days and didn't get it straight even then. I was 19years old then. When I was older, I fasted again; I stayed 7 days. On thefifth day I received all the information by which I now live. When fastingI neither ate nor drank anything; not even water. When I fasted the secondtime?the time I received all my powers?I was 23. I went out to fast manytimes after that, but it was during my second fast that I learned the things bywhich I now live.(d) I was about 35 years old when I fasted for the first time. I could havefasted earlier, but my father's "medicine" had told him that it was not yet timefor me to do so. I fasted for 4 days and 4 nights without food or water. Fast-ing is done in a place like the woods over there [half a mile from the house],and the man is there alone. Men will go to the faster in the evening and in themorning to see if he is all right. If it is cold while he is out there, they will builda fire for him. These pray with him every night and morning and keep up thefires. On the fourth day, just as the sun goes down, he goes into a sweat lodgewhich either he had built before he fasted or which had been built by thefriends who came to see him each evening. After his sweat he is offered foodand warm water. Usually he drinks only a little water then ; he will eat on thefollowing day, for then he feels better. He comes home that night. I did not usemy curative powers for 20 years after I fasted. I have fasted seven times since,eight times in all.Kroeber based the following on an account related to him by a well-known medicine man : Once he fasted four days. On the third day he saw fighting. A man paintedgi'een over his body, his hands red, and his face yellow with red streaks passingdown from his forehead to his jaw, was on foot in the fight in the midst of theenemy. He wore a necklace from which hung medicine and an owl feather,and which was swung around his back. This person ran between the two fighting-lines four times. The enemy shot at him with arrows, but did not hit him once.Even when he was near them, their bow-strings would break. Then his dreamor vision changed, and the people he had seen were small birds flying in flocks,called waotanictceci ; and the man running between them was a yellow-jacketor wasp, flying back and forth. After his fast and return home, the informantdreamed that he saw a man wearing on the front of his head a small figure repre-senting the man he had seen in his vision.After he had begun to have medicines, a person appeared to him in a dreamor vision, bringing him a badger-skin medicine-bag.On another occasion he fasted on a hill near a lake on the Cimarron. It wasthe third night. As he was lying on the ground he heard footsteps. A mancalled to him to come to his tent. He thought someone was trying to deceivehim, and he paid no attention. The person continued to call him. The fourthtime he said, "Hurry and come. Other people are waiting for you." Then theinformant consented. He went in his thoughts, but he himself did not get up892644?52 10 130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148from the ground. He went downward from where he was lying, into the ground.He followed the man who had called him, and entered a tent. On the right sidein the tent sat four young men painted black with yellow streaks. On the leftside in the tent sat three young men painted yellow with red streaks. The manwho had possessed the medicine sat at the back of the tent. He himself sat downat the left side, so that there were four on each side of the man at the back.This person was painted red. In front of him lay a pipe with its head to thenorth [the left]. The head of the tent put mushrooms on the fire as incense,and then shook his rattle, in imitation of a rattlesnake, while the young men sang.Then he passed the pipe, and they smoked. After this, he rubbed and cleanedthe pipe, and told the visitor that he must do in the same way. Then he foldedhis arms, bent his head, and two snakes came from his mouth, coiled on theground, and darted their tongues. Then the man who had vomited the twosnakes blew on them, and they disappeared. At first the visitor did not knowwhere they had gone. Then he realized that they were in his own body. Hedeclares that he keeps them there now, one on each side. Through virtue of thisdream he now cures rattlesnake-bites. A pipe is sent him, and after smoking ithe goes to doctor the person that has been bitten. If he receives this pipe, heis able to effect a cure. While he is doctoring, the patient can see the two snakesprojecting out of the medicine man's mouth. When the medicine man comesacross a snake, of whatever kind, he catches it, strips off its skin, and eats itsmeat and internal organs raw.It appears that the supernatural being that gave him his snake-medicine wasthe same that he had seen in a dream of the battle. Apparently this sameperson took him away in a dream and showed him the plant which he wasto use when he doctored rattlesnake-bites. After having been shown the properplant, he looked for it until he found it.This man's medicine-bag was a badger-skin (Museum No. 50/300)" and its con-tents were the following : A small figure made of skin painted green, with a yellow head and with redhands, throat, and vertical stripes on the face and legs, and with a small bag ofmedicine and an owl's feather attached, represents his supernatural helper as hesaw him in the fight. The small medicine-bag attached to the figure is paintedwith blue stripes, and contains a mixture consisting of a root calledhiitcauxtlfiwaxn, of amalgam from a looking-glass and of the excrement ofwasps. A feather somewhat painted with green hangs from the medicine-bag.The body of the figure contains parts of two white plume feathers with quills.Hair is attached to the back of the head. The entire figure is worn on the headas a battle-amulet. [Kroeber, 1902, pp. 420-422.]USING "medicines"As noted previously, every medicine man was a physician and aleader in religion; often he was a magician and, occasionally, asorcerer. The following accounts relate to his "medicines" as amagician or sorcerer; his activities as a physician and as a religiousleader are recorded in the two following chapters.(a) Account of a Southern woman in the sixties : Certain of our men, those who had the "medicine" to do so, could tell whereanyone of our own people was, and also where an enemy was located. This is " The specimen Is found in the American Museum of Natural History. HILOEB] ABAPAHO CHILD LIFE 131how it was done : A hole was made, and in it a fire was built. Rotten wood wasused as fuel. Over this fire about 30 to 40 rocks so big (approximately 8 to 12inches in diameter) were placed. They were heated there for about 2 hoursafter which they were carried to a lioie in the center of the balloon tipi [sweatlodge]. Two buckets of water had been taken into the balloon tipi also, oneof cold and one of hot water. The cold water was used for drinking; the hotwater was sprinkled on the heated rocks. The sprinkler used was made ofcedar boughs. The flap covering the door had to be raised four different timesto permit air to enter. The steam in the tipi became so dense at times that themen could not see each other. The floor of the tipi was covered with sage orwith hay. Sometimes the medicine man stayed in the balloon tipi and did hisdivination there ; sometimes he went into another tipi. Some men could makethe balloon tipi shake all over. It was these men who could tell who it wasthat had stolen horses or where the enemy was located or whether a sick personwould get well. [Her husband, nearly 70 years old, coutinued:] My father'suncle was at one time left alone on the prairie. They got a medicine man tofind out where he was. This man went into a balloon tipi and then told themwhere my uncle was. They went out and found him in that place. His feetwere blistered from walking. Coyotes had licked his feet, but had not donehim any harm. He was exhausted; but he was still alive. The coyotes hadtold him that he would always have "medicine" from them, and that theywould tell him v?hen enemies were coming. It v.-as animals that give theIndians their power. The Utes and all the Indians got their "medicines" fromanimals.(b) An account of a middle-aged Northern woman : There are two medicine men on this reservation that are witch doctors. Aperson wishing to injure another will go to one of these. The witch doctorpounds snake rattlers and bones of human skeletons into powder and mixes themwith a root. While mixing them he prays for power. One time two men whowere known to everyone as hating each other disagreed at the Sun Dance.Everyone feared that they would wish each other death, or some other terriblething.?When something like that is going on. people must not stand too closeto the opening of the place in which such people are for fear such an ill wishwill descend on them.?These men must finally have agreed, for nothing everhappened. And here is another thing I can tell you: One of ray aunts wasmarried to a man very much older than herself. He kuew that she did notlove him. So one day he said to her, "I will see to it that you will get a nicelong rest." Then he went away. After 2 or 3 months my aunt took sick, raved,and always kept saying, "The old man!" She repeated these words when shesaw me, and her last words before death were, "The old man." And here isanother power that these witch doctors have: The race horse from the otherend of the reservation formerly won all the races ; but at the last race, thehorse from this end of the reservation won. Before the race someone said hewould see that Buckskin would win, and he won. They got one of the witchdoctors to work for them.((?) A Northern woman in the eighties related her experience:Once I gave birth to a child. I was still sick. It was in the morning. It wasin the winter and snowing. The man who had the power of reading otherpeople's thoughts was in our tipi. He had slept there. He could also predictthings. I was lying so I could see him. He got up and made a fire with sticks.Then I saw him take his moccasins. One he put on. The other one had a holeabove the heel. He was looking at this hole. I was watching him all the time. 132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148In a few minutes he started thinking. He didn't put the moccasin on. I thoughthe wanted his moccasin mended. So I reached backward above the place whereI was sleeping. I had a piece of sinew and an awl there that I used in sewingmoccasins. But it was gone. This man then took his moccasin and threw itat me. He was angry. I was sick still, and I screamed ; it scared me so. I wasso frightened that I cried. He laughed and told me he knew that I was thinkingof mending his moccasin. He knew my thoughts. Even if people just sat andthought and made no move, he would know what they were thinking. He wasalso able to tell what was going to happen.(d) The wife of a Southern man in his sixties told of her husband'sexperience : When ijeople have a stroke in the face, some Indians think some one "witched"them. Indian doctors can cure that. My husband, one evening, went over to hissister's place. His sister's husband was a medicine man. He was also an In-dian doctor and many people went to him to be cured. But many of them diedthere, too. My husband went over there and was going to sleep there. Outsideunder an arbor where these people ate, there was a bucket with drinking wateron a high table. The old medicine man said to his wife, "Go fetch that water."She answered quietly, "I brought it in ; it is in the house in the corner." Herepeated it again ; his wife answered in the same way. Then my husbandthought, "Oh, well, I'll just go out and bring it in." So he went to bring it in.[Then addressing her husband] Now you continue. [Her husband continued:]I went to the arbor. It looked long and dark, and I felt around for the bucket.Suddenly I felt as if I were in a whirl. I was dizzy and the side of my face feltqueer. My sister saw me stagger and asked, "What's the matter?" All of asudden something happened. I could feel that something was not right. Sheknew, and said to her husband, "You have that boy hurt now !" The nextmorning it affected the top of my head. For a few weeks I felt like falling. Iwent to a brother and told him I did not feel well. He said, "Let's go to ourbrother-in-law." So we put together some gifts and went back to the same placewhere I had been hurt. They built a special tipi there for this medicine manand he tried to cure me ; but he couldn't make me well. He was supposed toknow how, but he couldn't cure me. So we went back home. My brother said, "I think there is another man who may cure you." We went to him with thingsfor payment. He went through ceremonies of praying and singing. Then heplaced a live coal on a pan and dropped cedar twigs on it. I inhaled the fumes.The medicine man chewed cedar, also, and spat the cud into his hands. He rubbedthe cud all over his palms, and then smeared it over the right side of my face, theside that was paralyzed. Then he continued to pray and sing. Suddenly hestopped and asked me if I heard some one singing outside. "The man that'ssinging is the one that hurt you," he said. After that my headache left me, andI felt more like myself. I was coming back to normal. "Now," said the medicineman, "I'll make you some 'medicine' that you must carry in your pocket. Thennothing will ever harm you again." The "medicine" was tallow mixed with herbsand made in the shape of a marble ; it smells sweet. He put this into a blackcloth and I have carried it ever since. And I haven't been bothered any more.[He permitted the writer to handle it. To all appearance it was a ball of herbsthe size of a golf ball. It looked dark and was fragrant.] [His wife continued]We are not sure that it was his brother-in-law that "witched" him for if he didhe should also have the power to cure him. But that's a separate "medicine."Years ago many bad these powers. All Indians say that it is not right to hurtanyone that way. Yet some did it. Nobody thought much of people that did HILOBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 133that ; people really looked down on them. Some probably did it on account ofjealousies.(e) Sherman Sage told of the manner of inflicting a personal injurythrough a medicine man : If a woman bated a man or a man hated a woman, the person doing the hatingconferred with a medicine man and obtained from him a worm or insect intowhich bad "medicine" had been placed. The person then threw the "medicine" atthe one hated, and disfigured his face. For instance, a woman might be a good-looking woman?and they all wanted to be good-looking?no one would want tomarry her after she was disfigured. There was an old man who wore a smallpiece of "medicine" tied to his hair on the back of his head. He was sittingdown.?He was the old man who had two wives of whom I told you.?Well, ayoung man who had gone to Carlyle and had come back home was sitting nearby.He thought he was smart. He snapped his fingers like this [thumb over indexfinger] at the thing in this old man's hair. This old man used his "medicine"on that young man, and he got worms in his nose, and died from it. He triedto get the old man to take them out, but the old man wouldn't do it. That wasabout 10 years ago [1930]. In early years there were many old men that hadstrong "medicines." Now there isn't one left who has strong "medicine." Thisold man was the last one who had such power; I mean the man who had thestick tied to his hair. My grandfather was a great medicine man. He used totalk about God. Everybody talked about his powers. Somebody put a rock ina man's forehead one time, and caused him to have a headache. My grandfathertook that rock out. The same man was also wronged iu his kidneys by havingthe bones of a turtle placed in them. My grandfather removed these also.Right now there is no one who does anything like that any more.(/) A middle-aged Northern man told of "medicine" in the posses-sion of his family : The Northern Arapaho have charms by means of which they can produceinjury to others. Our family has such a charm. It was handed down to us frommy grandfather. It is a deer foot. Some years ago we had a horse race, likewe often have. The men in my family made a smudge of cedar twigs and wepurified ourselves with the smoke. Then we chewed some of the deer foot fine,and blew it into the nostrils of the horse. We then made a smudge of sweet grassand blew this along the mane of the horse. In the race the other horses smelledthis and it weakened them. Consequently our horse won the race. The swift-ness of the deer, in this case, was transferred to the horse. No girl or womanwas ever allowed to ride such a horse.(g) A Northern man was told the following by his mother : A certain medicine man who had gotten power in a dream wanted to showthe people what he could do. So he erected a large tipi in a place and calledupon the entire tribe to erect their tipis in a circle at some distance from his,leaving an entrance toward the rising sun. His tipi was in the center. Hestayed in it for 4 days and 4 nights, fasting. The men of the tribe stayed in italso, but they sang. Two men were asked to sit on the outside of the tipi, one oneach side. At the end of the fourth day, these two men were asked to mounttheir horses. Then each was given an arrow. Both then rode to the entranceof the camp, and from there one rode left and the other right within the circle.When they met at the rear of the circle, each galloped in opposite directions acrossthe prairies and finally returned to meet at the entrance of the circle. From here 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148they rode to the center tipi and returned the arrows after swinging them aroundin circles [first clockwise, then counterclockwise]. Soon antelopes came run-ning in great herds. The man in the center tipi then threw all the arrows upinto the air. This caused the antelopes to fall down. Everybody could nowslaughter an antelope. The people had been told before the antelopes appearedto be prepared with knives. My mother told me this story. It must be true forshe took part in it.Will-of-the-wisp, called "fire-balls" by the Chippewa, a phenomenamuch feared by them and accredited by them with much power, wasnot known to the Arapaho. Since swamps were seldom found in theliabitat of the Arapaho, marsh gas may not have been part of theirexperience. "However, old people sometimes see lights in the timber,and they call these ghost lights. But that's only a glow from old rottenlogs. Then, too, when one sees an owl in the dark, its eyes shine. Andthey call these ghost lights also."HEALTHPREVENTIVE MEASURES OF ILL HEALTHThe greatest preventive of ill health was not to speak of ill healthor of its treatment. "I really don't want to be discourteous, but I can'ttell you anything more about our way of treating sicknesses. It mightbring sickness upon some of these children, or even upon the people.""When we didn't talk about sickness, the people kept well, at leastmost of the time."The spread of an epidemic was thought to be prevented by saturat-ing the air of dwellings with fumes made by burning cedar or testesof beaver on hot coals. "When many did become sick, that is whenthere was an epidemic, every household placed a piece of testis ofbeaver on hot coals and let the odor and fumes thicken the air and sodestroy the germs. But we also did this when anyone was sick in ahouse and there was no epidemic." Since a total eclipse of the sunwas thought to forecast an epidemic, men shot toward it as a preventivemeasure (p. 91).If medicine men foresaw epidemics?the powers of some werethought to enable them to do so?^they subjected themselves to a cere-monial sweat after which they anointed all who came to them withceremonial paint believing thus to immunize them. "Only the medi-cine man knew if there would be an epidemic. If he expected one, hetold his family and relatives about it. He prepared a sweat lodge(pi. 31) . He went into it and sweat. After that he sat in it and otherArapaho went in to him. He rubbed war paint around their wristsand ankles and made a cross with the same paint on the forehead.This was also done to children. It was done to keep sickness away."According to Kroeber (1902, pp. 428-429), the Arapaho believed that HiLOBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 135when one end of the moon was much higher than the other, generalsickness might be expected.At the onset of spring a purgative was administered by an herbalist.When the weather began to get warm, now it is about the middle of March,some old man pulverized an herb and gave each of us a pinch of it to put in ourmouths. He also made tea of it and gave each one a cupful to drink. Sometimeshe boiled a large dish of it, and everybody came to his place and drank a cupfulthere. My parents and all of us did. This was a blood purifier, I think ; for itwas taken when the blood renews itself.Bathing was done both for the sake of cleanliness and as a pre-ventive of ill health. It was thought to strengthen the physique, givetone to the muscles, and cause the blood to circulate quickly. EveryArapaho man and woman was expected to bathe daily. On the day ofits birth an Arapaho baby was dashed with cool water (p. 21), andthis was done until it was able to walk, after which it was taken tothe river by its mother whenever she went for her own bath. Themother held the child in her arms as she walked into the water. ^Vhenthe water was frozen, the mother broke the ice and did the same.Spending 5 or 6 minutes in the water was thought to be sufficientlylong. Old Lady Salt Friday said that formerly Arapaho childrenwere not afraid of water, "but today they cry 'Cold ! Cold !' as soon asthey are a little wet." She used a piece of buffalo hide as wash clothwhen bathing the babies in the river. "The colder the water was theharder I rubbed the baby's skin. That made babies healthy andstrong," she added.As soon as children were able to masticate, they were given muchmeat to eat, for "meat made them strong and robust. Strong childrendidn't get sick very easily."Wolf Moccasin, an Arapaho, told Clark (1885, p. 42) that at theSun Dance his people "cut off a piece of flesh from the arm and gaveit to the God in Ihe sun, praying as they did so that they might livelong on the earth, and be spared from sickness and disease."PHYSICIANSThe Arapaho had men and women physicians. Men physicians,called medicine men, were herbalists, bloodletters, physiotherapists,psychotherapists, magicians and shamans. They were, therefore, bothphysicians and leaders in religion, religion and healing being insep-arately bound up in the practice of the medicine man. It was not trueof women physicians. They were always herbalists, usually midwives,but very rarely shamans. A woman physician was either called medi-cine woman or old nurse, old nurse being a term most generally used.All knowledge for the treatment of the sick originated in a questfor personal supernatural powers, these powers being spoken of as 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETECNOLOGY [BuLU 148 "medicine" (pp. 124-125). "Medicine" was obtained only during aprolonged fast to which Arapaho men subjected themselves. To theknowledge obtained by a man during his fast, he could add more bypurchase from those who already possessed it. Women physiciansnearly always obtained theirs from men and other women who hadsuch knowledge ; it was rarely sought by them in a vision quest.According to Sage all curative knowledge today is learnt fromothers. Knowledge so gained must be paid for. "One time I paid ahorse for knowledge regarding some herbs." "We still have some goodmen doctors and women doctors ; we used to have many. Today oneperson learns from another how to treat sickness. But I'm afraidit will all die out, for this younger generation does not believe muchin these Indian medicines. I know some medicines myself but I'mcertain that she [pointmg at her 12-year-old daughter] won't wantto learn them when she grows up." Michelson noted that it was cus-tomary for a woman doctor to instruct her daughter in the adminis-tering of herbs. His informant said, "As my mother was a doctorI learned through her the use of many herbs, roots, bark, leaves, andseeds of certain plants for the treatment of various ailments, beforeI was married" (Michelson, 1933, p. 602) /?Quoting a Southern informant : A man may have to go through the ordeal of fasting for 4 days and 4 nights,before he will be taught the beneficial use of herbs by older medicine men. Hewill be taught how to gather a year's supply, how to pulverize the herbs, andhow to mis them. Certain combinations are used for certain sicknesses. Themixtures are prepared and then stored in small packages ready for use. Theinstructions for administering them have to be learned from those who are ex-perienced in the practice. Some have very unusual applications, like the ones amedicine man had who could handle reptiles. Willie Mix was one of these.A woman learned the administering of herbs by being a companion to her hus-band when he was administering tliem. She did not fast, but merely learnedthem by contact with her husband.An eighty-year-old Southern informant had taken lessons from anoted medicine man : When I was about 30 years old, I took lessons from a great medicine man calledBlack-Man. He is dead now. I still use his medicines. He knew medicineswith which to cure people. I took between 20 and 30 lessons from him. I had tolearn each lesson separately, one at a time. Each was different and each haddifferent songs. When applying the medicines today, I sing the songs andshake a rattle and follow the old man's instructions. After the Whites came wealso found a medicine for smallpox.HERBS, ROOTS, BARKPrayers were said by the herbalist while he or she collectedherbs, roots, and bark. Most of these were found "in the timber and " Michelson wrote that about one quarter of the Southern Arapaho used Indian doctorsIn 1932. (Ibid., p. 609.) HiLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 137under the ground." "Say it is a root I am getting. Well, I say theprayer four times, and while I am saying it the fourth time, I pullup the root." Neither tobacco nor sage was offered as sacrifice whenmaking herbal collections.Eoots, herbs, and bark were used in several curative ways : A de-coction made by boiling them in water was either drunk or used inbathing the affected part of the body ; they were chewed and appliedas a poultice; and they were laid dry on hot coals to make fumeswhich were both inhaled and wafted over the affected part or overthe entire body. One informant during an interview placed chewedplug tobacco on a cut in her finger remarking, "Formerly I chewedherbs and used them as a poultice."Herbalists were often specialists. "My old man cures pneumonia.Some can cure pneumonia and colds. Others know how to curestomach troubles; others rheumatism; others headaches." Kroeberrecords the contents of a medicine bag owned by an informant whotreated several ailments. The following tells of some of the contents : 1. A red bag of niaata-root, used against cough. Pinches of the powderedroot are put into a vessel of water at four sides, proceeding in order from leftto right. A fifth pinch of the root is then dropped into the middle of the vessel,the fingers being raised somewhat higher than before. The water is then boiled,and the medicine drunk by the patient.2. A little bag of medicine called waxubaa, which is said to grow in the pres-ent habitat of the Northern Arapaho. This Is a medicine for stomach-ache.3. A smaller yellow bag of haeawaanaxH, the root most frequently used inthe tribal ceremonies of tbe Arapaho. By this man the root was mixed withearth when used. Five pinches were dropped into a vessel of \vater, boiled, anddrunk. This was to cure pains in the back and in the chest.4. A small red bag containing a pebble-like formation fouud by the owner inthe side of the body of a buffalo, and called hauatca ("buffalo-bull"). This stoneis laid on sores in order to cure them. The bag also contained a root, which, likethe preceding remedies, is boiled in water and the decoction drunk. It is usedas a cure for hemorrliages or lung-disease.5. A turtle-tail worn as a head-dress by young men, being supposed to aidthem in retaining good health. With this was the heart of a turtle, with whichthe owner refused to part. This heart is pounded fine, and drunk in water as aremedy for pain in the heart. [Kroeber, 1902, pp. 419^420.]Medicines for the sick were prepared in a tipi built especially forthe purpose. When administering medicines the doctor sang songsprescribed for the particular cure he was trying to effect while shak-ing his rattle made of gourd to the rhythm of his song. The Arapahodid not beat a drum when treating the sick. At times both patientand doctor sang together. Both always prayed for a cure. Paymentsfor the doctor's services had to be in sight before he attempted acure. Formerly these consisted of horses, hides, and other valuables ; today, they are money and some small amounts of calico or clothing. 138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Quoting several informants : When I was sick a few years ago, the medicine man?the one we visited yester-day?repeatedly came and sat near me and sang. He talked to me about thesacred pipe and coaxed me to drink tea that he had boiled for me. . . , My manis a medicine doctor. He knows a root that he uses in curing pneumonia. Hecured me when I bad pneumonia. He first prays to God ; then he builds a littlefire and makes a smudge with cedar; then he puts tlie root into a cup andholds it in the smudge ; then he boils the root in water and while it is boiling,he shakes his rattle and sings. Then he gives the patient some of it to drink. Heprays like this : "Lord, bless the earth and this medicine for the sick ; bless it sothat it will heal the body." The sick person also prays and asks the Lord to blessit. These roots and things of the earth must be holy, since God put them therefor men. . . . When a medicine man uses his knowledge for curing, he prays tothe Great Spirit for the sick person and then he and the patient sing together.One is expected to pay. Years ago, before we had money, we paid in valuable gifts.Today, we give money. While the medicine man is performing his cure, he smokesa pipe. Before doing so, he offers the pipe first to the Great Spirit Above by liftingit upward ; then to mother earth below by pointing it downward ; and then tothe four directions by pointing it toward them. This pipe represents the sacredpipe and is usually made by rolling tobacco in corn husks.''* The sacred pipeused at the Sun Dance, they say, is made of clay and is more like a stem ; it hasno bowl.** ... I know what to do for certain sicknesses. Once I was called to awoman who had just given birth and who was bloody from the hips down. Iprayed over her and gave her some medicines to drink. Then I took beaver muskand herbs and placed them on hot cinders. I made the mother inhale the fumesand let them envelope her body. She got well again. ... A headache is curedby washing the head and face with a decoction as hot as the patient can bearit. It surely helps. The decoction is made by boiling a root shaped like a turnip(niada') in water.Among the Southern Arapaho, the mescal button {LophophoraWiUiamsii. Lem. Coulter) does not only form the center of thepejote cult but it is being used at the present time almost as a panaceafor ills and aches. For some Southern families it is almost an ex-clusive household remedy. It is used to a very much lesser degreeamong the Northern Arapaho. Supplies of mescal buttons were seenby the writer in various households of the Southern group. Somehomes had tin cans filled with them; several families, a flour sack;others, only small cloth bags. Many families had strings of the but-tons hanging on walls. One couple was drying a string of 102 but-tons slung across a wire pasture fence. Repeatedly the writer wasoffered buttons for future medicinal use. "You just eat some of thesebuttons the next time you feel sick, and see how soon you'll feellike newborn. These have the medicines of the White doctors allbeat !" (Cf. also Cairns, 1929, pp. 638-645.)Decoctions made by boiling the buttons in water are taken by bothadults and children for internal aches. As a poultice, a mash of it '? Kroeber (1902, p. 401) records that eorn-hiisk cigarettes were smoked at the peyoteceremonial.80 According to Carter (1938. p. 95), It has a bowl. HiLGBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 139is applied to sores, to rheumatic and arthritic areas, to external swell-ings, and to aching corns. It is nibbled at for colds and nausea, andwhen chewed fine is packed into the cavity of an aching tooth.SUCKING, BLOOD LETTING, BURNING, TATTOOING, SWEATINGCertain medicine men had power to cure by sucking. Sucking theaching part or the area of a sick part of the body was done either byapplying the mouth directly to the affected parts of a sick person'sbody, or by sucking them through the hollow or porous section of abone of a large animal. According to Kroeber (1902, p. 438) theporous bones of large mammals or reptiles found on riverbanks andthought to be the bones of water monsters, were frequently appliedto sores or wounds and sucked. These same bones were used as in-gredients of medicines. The leg bone of fowl, such as is used by theChippewa medicine men in sucking, was not used by the Arapaho. ''The Arapaho applied the mouth directly to the sick part or to thepart that pained. This might be in the lung area, for instance.""The Arapaho cure headaches by sucking the forehead in various partsdirectly by the mouth, just like they suck burns. They used no longduck bones in sucking."According to Kroeber, persons, especially children, who becamesuddenly sick with pains in the side, back, or neck were thought tohave been shot by a ghost. Kroeber says : The object which has entered the body, and which may be a bone, tooth, hair,or piece of skin of a dead person, is called a "ghost arrow" (Qiikanaci). Thedoctor says to the patient, "A ghost has shot you, giiktcjlbiin." When the doctorsucks out the object, which sometimes proves to be liquid or filthy, either he orthe patient swallows it. If the doctor swallows it, it increases his power ofsuckiug objects of this kind. [Kroeber, 1902, p. 437.]Bloodletting was done either by allowing blood to flow from a vein,or by sucking or cupping it from an incision. In bleeding, the upperarm was tightlj' bound and gashes were made at the inner elbow withswift strokes. Formerly sharp-edged stones were used for gashing;more recently', pieces of glass. When a sufficient amoimt of bloodhad flowed, a poultice, usually clean earth, was applied to stop bleed-ing. An informant had seen an Arapaho doctor tie a band of clothtightly around the arm of a woman about halfvv^ay between her elbowand shoulder. He had told her to grasp a nearby pole tightly. Then,with a piece of sharpened glass that he had fastened into the end of atwig, he tapped the inner elbow with quick strokes. Soon bloodflowed. According to Kroeber (1902, p. 438), pieces of "black glass"were fastened to sticks and these laid over a vein. Then the stick wasstruck with a piece of wood so that blood spurted. Bleeding, he notes,was done in spring and autumn, apparently because of general indis-position rather than for specific pain. 140 BUREAU OF AIvIERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bcuj. 148Cupping or sucking was done to relieve headaches, rheumatic orarthritic pains, or pains of any kind. One or several slight incisionswere made in the skin over the area that pained. Sucking was thendone in one of two ways : either by applying the mouth directly to theincision or to the open tip end of a buffalo horn or cow horn, the largeend of which had been set over the incision. Approximately 4 inchesof the narrow end of a horn was used. Usually the tip end was cutoff'; sometimes it was merely perforated. Generally a hornful ofblood was considered a sufficient amount to effect a cure. AnArapaho woman had been bled by a Kiowa woman "who does it justlike we do. The Kiowa woman searched around until she found apiece of dark red glass. The kind she was looking for was bottleglass. Red bottle glass is always sharp. Then with the sharp edge ofthis she made incisions here and here and here [center hair line onforehead, and sides of head on crown. Scars were also visible ontemples]. Then she sucked blood from all of them through the endof a cow's horn. She did this because my eyes were giving me muchtrouble."WTien cupping was done, a horn with tip cut off was placed on theincision, and a vacuum created within it by sacking the air from it bymouth through the opening at the tip and maintaining it by placing afinger on the tip. When the horn was filled with blood, it dropped off.A hornful was thought to be a sufficient amount to bring about a cure.*^ "I know of a person who had five tiny slits made on his back over Mslungs, and had five hornfuls of blood drawn. He was well after that."If temples were being cupped, the toe nail of fowl was generally usedin place of a horn since it was lighter and adliered more easily.Muscular pain.3 accompanied by swellings were treated with heatproduced by having some substance bui*nt over the area. "We didnot tattoo in order to cure rheumatic pains like you say the Chippewado. Here's what we did. We took oyster mushrooms Vv^hich grow ontrees, and broke off fibers from them. We piled up as many as 30 ofthese fibers over the swollen aching part and held a live coal to eachfiber successively, beginning with the topmost. When it reached theskin, all was flipped off with a finger. Anyone can do that today tohimself or to others. It isn't necessary that he be a doctor." "Mumpsor swellings that come from rheumatism are cured by burning sage onthe affected part. Sage is laid on the area that is swollen, and islighted and allowed to burn nearly to the skin."The Arapaho did not tattoo for health purposes. It was a tribalcustom, however, to tattoo for ornamental purposes.^^ According toa Northern infonnant, an Arapaho man was to have three tattoo spots ?? Cf. Kroeber, 1902, pp. 438-439, for similar statements.?2 According to Cliittenden (1902, 2:878), a tattooed breast was a distinctive Arapahotribal custom. HlLCEBl ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 141in horizontal line on the center of his chest. A woman had but one,and it was on the center of her forehead. Several Arapaho womenwith a tattoo on the forehead were seen during the present study. Aman tattooed himself; women did so for each other. Children, too,could be tattooed but not before they were 7 or 8 months old. Whentattooing, the skin was pricked with briers of yucca tied in a bunch.When blood began to show, men rubbed pulverized charcoal into thearea; women pressed a little red paint in the center and charcoalaround it. "This is a tribal custom. It is merely ornamental andhas no significance."A steam bath, spoken of as sweating, was taken in a dome-shapedhut, commonly called sweat lodge. It was made by covering a frame-work of saplings with hides (pi. 31). Sweating served as a healthrestorative. (Cf. also Kroeber, 1902. p. 452.) Children were neversubjected to it, and women very seldom used it. Men sweat in thespring of the year to relieve sluggishness and a feeling of debility.The sweat lodge used for sweating as a health restorative was also usedfor ceremonial sweating (pp. 147-148).PERSONAL SACRiriCE, FASTING, MATERIAL SACRHTCE, CHANGING NAMEWhen the usual remedies for the restoration of health had beentried and no recovery followed, a relative of the sick person promisedpersonal sacrifice to obtain it. Sacrifices consisted of participationin the Sun Dance, of making an offering of a finger or at least a portionof one, of fasting in isolation, and of offering material things to thesacred pipe.The sacrifice of the Sun Dance included a drastic fast and, before1904, physical torture.Several informants had sacrificed one joint of the little finger of theleft hand for the restoration of the health of a relative. One had sac-rificed a joint of both fourth and little fingers of the left hand toobtain her mother's health. Old men usually did the severing with asharp knife. An old woman, however, had done so %vith a hatchet forone informant. Michelson's informant sacrificed a finger to obtainher sister's health. Her account follows : As I said, I wanted to be positive tliat it was permissible for me to tell ofthe sacrifice of my finger, and since it is, I will tell of it. It was this way.After my sister had been married several years and had had several children,she became sickly. Realizing the responsibility I was facing in the custody ofher children in the event of her death which seemed evident by the failure of twoof the best Arapaho doctors after periodical gifts for their services, I unhesita-tingly made a vow to sacrifice my left little finger, so that my sister's life mightbe spared, so that her small children, who were a pitiful sight to me as theywere about their helpless mother, might again enjoy happiness with theirmother, and so the rest of us would he relieved from the impending sorrow, 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 especially ruy father and motber who thought so much more of this daughter,as she always was somewhat frail. The next morning an Arapaho woman wascalled to remove my finger in the usual way. She told me that since I wasslender this wound vrould heal rapidly, which it did. My sister commenced toget better, improving very quickly. She became hungry for deer meat. Theyoung men went out and brought deer that they bad killed ; they brought turkeyand beaver, which my sister ate, getting back her strength very rapidly. After ashort time she was again well and happy with her children, which made us allhappy again. At the time I made the vow my father expressed his gratitudevery forcibly, and praised me for my thoughtfulness. I had just one thought,and that was that my sister was going to recover. [Michelson, 1933, pp. 609-610.]Eegarding fasting as a sacrifice for health, informants related thefollowing : Any man older than 20 years could fast for the recovery of a sick i)erson.If anyone in the relationship was sick, a man of that age promised to go to thehills to fast. He would go there and spend 4 days and nights fasting fromfood and drink. He would smoke, however. ... A man fasts if he has vowedto do so because one of his family is sick. . . . [His wife added :] The last timehe [her husband] fasted, I was sick with pneumonia. He also vowed to fastwhen I was about to be operated on. The operation was a success. He fastedthree other times when I had pneumonia. Another time he fasted when ourdaughter kept getting those jerking spells. She had had them since she was ababy. The Indian doctors could do nothing for her, nor could the UnitedStates Agency doctors. So my man fasted. Our daughter was about 6 years oldthen, and she was cured. She is 11 years old now. It was in our minds andhearts to cure her. My man, too, is a medicine man and has powers to cure.It was conventional to make offerings of material things to thesacred pipe to obtain the recovery of a person who was then sick, orin fulfillment of a promise made while some one was sick who hadsince recovered. Usually the offerings were made during the SunDance. They could, however, be made at any time. [Cf. also Carter,1938, p. 77.]At any time during the year, not necessarily during the Sun Dance, I maycarry out a vow to make an offering to the sacred pipe that I made so thatmy sick child should recover. The sacrifice will consist of adding anothercover to those in which the pipe is already wrapped. . . . The coveringsthat you saw around the pipe in Wyoming last summer were sacrifices. I willtake to the pipe whatever I have promised, like a piece of red cloth, or maybea white woolen blanket. I also take some food and leave it near the pipe.Anyone can take the food after I have offered it. If I am allowed to view thepipe, war paint will be put on my face, and I will step on the bundle made ofthe blanket or the cloth that I have offered and look at the pipe.During a prolonged illness the sick person sometimes assumed a newname as a health restorative (pp. 60, 63).RELIGION AND SUPERNATURAL POWERSThe deities of the Arapaho religion included a Supreme Being andsuch minor deities as Keepers-of-the-Pipe, also called Water-Drip-ping-Old-Men; the sun, called Grandfather; the earth, called Mother; HILGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 143and for every adult man, the personified animal of his vision quest.The tribal religious ceremonial was the Sun Dance. Leaders inreligious ceremonials were always medicine men.Interpreters in every instance hesitated to ask questions regardingreligious beliefs, especially regarding the Sun Dance. Informantsduring first interviews when cooperation was sought regarding infor-mation related to Arapaho child life, were quite willing to assist, butadded that they could not speak of their old religion. "These oldvvomen and all the old members of our tribe, I believe, do not like tobe asked questions about the ceremonies of the Sun Dance. My fathermade the same remark yesterday. For instance they do not like tobe asked what the man does who gives the Sun Dance when he goesinto the tipi and fasts there previous to giving the dance. Nor dothey like to be asked about the powers that the medicine man has orhow he got them or practices them." "The Sun Dance is very sacredto us and we don't like to talk about it." "You'll have to ask the oldmen of the tribe to get the truth about the Sun Dance ; and then youwill not learn much, for most of them won't like it if you ask them.All the Whites that come here to learn our old customs ask about it ; but we don't think we should talk about it so carelessly. Anywaywe women don't know much about it."Due to this reticence and also because rather complete studies ofthe Sun Dance had already been made by Dorsey and Kroeber, eye-witnesses to Sun Dance ceremonials, the obtaining of information re-lated to the Sun Dance was not pressed. Doing so might have beendiscourteous find might also have weakened or destroyed rapport whichwas needed for information not yet found in the literature. Kecently,too. Carter, who had the unique experience of participating in theceremony of covering the sacred pipe, recorded the ceremony.^^ Thesacred pipe is a religious ceremonial object highly esteemed by bothNorthern and Southern Arapaho and used during the Sun Dance ofthe Northern Arapaho. Some information on Arapaho religion, how-ever, was collected and is recorded in the present chapter.Arapaho children were taught the religious beliefs of their peopleas soon as they were able to learn. They were taken to old men of thetribe for instructions. To impress upon them the imp>ortance of re-ligion, they were painted periodically by the old men, the old menpraying for them while doing so. "The children would then realizeearly in life that they had a religion."Children were not participants at the Sun Dance, but were presenteverywhere during its performance. If old enough to understand, a *? For studies of the Arapaho Sun Dance, see Dorsey, 1903 ; Kroeber, 1902. For studiesof the sacred pipe, see Carter, 1938. For studies of the Sun Dance of other Plains tribes,see Sun Dance of the Plains Indians, edited by Clark Wissler, 1921. For a general de-scription o? the Sun Dance, see Dorsey, in Hodge, 1910, pp. 649-652. 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 child was made aware of the sacrifice that a father or a brother wasmaking by participating in the Sun Dance. If the father or brotherparticipated in it in fulfillment of a vow made because the child hadbeen restored to health, the child was told about it. The child, too,was present when its clothing and moccasins were offered at the centerpole by its mother or grandmother. (Cf. Dorse}^ 1903, pp. 156-157.)At the present time a little girl's shoes or dresses are offered ; a boy'sshirt or pants. At the close of the Sun Dance, dancers placed handsin blessing or as a petition for good health on heads and bodies ofchildren brought to them for this purpose by mothers or grand-mothers. SUPREME BEING AND MINOR DEITIESThe Arapaho believed in a Supreme Being. Quoting informants : Even in old days our Indians believed in God. My first recollection of a medi-cine man is seeing him standing in the center of a medicine lodge?the one towhich only old men belonged [pp. 117-118]?and using the expression "HeavenlyFather" or "Everybody's Father" in a prayer. The Arapaho vpord for God is hardto translate ; but that is what it means, "Heavenly Father" or "Everybody'sFather." It refers to the same God that we now pray to as Christians. TheIndians always knew that there was a God but we learnt more about Him whenwe went to the school of the Whites. ... In old days the Indians believed inone Supreme God. We always believed there was a God ; the Whites didn't haveto teach us that. The various lodges [pp. 117-123] went by that belief ; we canprove it by them.Quoting Jessie Eowlodge : The Arapaho believed in life after death and also in one Supreme Being. Sincethe Arapaho word for this Being is hard to translate, different translations aregiven by different Arapaho, but all refer to the same Supreme Being. Expressionsmeaning God are used in prayers. When God is addressed directly, He is called,He'jJibaneaxa. The best translation of this word, I think, is White-Man-Above.This does not mean a White man, however, such as we now speak of, meaningAmericans. A better translation may be Spider-Above, Here is the significanceof this term : A spider does very mysterious things. He spins a web from hismouth in a mysterious way. Furthex-more he may suspend himself by a threadthat comes from his mouth, and then climb up on it again. Hence the spider isa symbol of mysterious performances. One can't understand them. Neither canwe understand the Supreme Being. The Supreme Being, however, is not a spider.He is like a human being. When this Spider-Above is talked about and is notaddressed directly, He is spoken of as either Ha'sanSnen, translated Our Father,or Bat'ati, translated The-Mysterious-One. Now, the old men of the last degreeof the lodges, the degree called Nanahaxwu, were the ones that were allowedand were eligible to pray to this Supreme Being, The Spider-Above lived in theskies somewhere and made children grow. He was prayed to for protectionagainst calamity and misfortune.Not all medicine men could pray to the Supreme Being ; some had to pray to thespirits that appeared to them during their fasts. These personal spirits wereanimals ; they might be any animal living in the air, in water, on the earth, orin the earth. It had to be a living creature. HiLUBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 145The four holy men of whom Sherman Sage spoke to you, men who cared foi*the sacred pipe on earth and who are now prayed to by the Arapaho, are probablywhat the old men around here, authorities in the matter, call Water-Drippin.u-Old-Men. The Arapaho word for the old men is Je'najebaxa'haa. Michelsontranslated this as Water-Sprinklers. I would translate this as Water-Dripping-Old-Men. The Water-Dripping-Old-Men, when very old, became almost sacred.They had a good deal to do with the sacred pipe when on earth, but they werenot the custodians of it. Only men that had been members of the Nanahaxwucould carry on the ceremonials that, eventually in eternity, classified them withWater-Dripping-Old-Men. Here is one thing that potential Water-Dripping-Old-Men had a duty to do : Supposing, because of some calamity, such as defeat, death,or some ill fortune in the tribe, people were downhearted and everything seemeddisheartening. Then the old men of the Nanahaxwu held a ceremonial beforesunrise at which they painted the members of the tribe with Indian paint." Thiswas done more particularly for the benefit of children. It renewed the happinessof thought and mind in the people. These old men were the ones who wereeligible to offer prayers to the Spider-Above as I have said. Mtev they haddirected their prayers to the Spider-Above, they directed them to the sun, sj leakingof the sun as gx'andfather ; then to the earth as mother ; then to the Water-Dripping-Old-Men, and next to Biacldiawlt?I have no knowledge regardingBlack-Hawk ; that is a mystery for me?and lastly all the spirits were asked as agroup to listen to the petitions of the people on earth. The grandfather, thatis the sun, was credited with making things grow by sunlight and by wettingthe earth with rain.?Grandfather is a term that is sacred and carries with it agreat deal of respect.?The earth was spoken of as mother since she is theproducer of things. The Spider-Above is addressed in the iirst person in prayer ; the sun and the earth are addressed in the third person. Sacrifices were madeto the Spider-Above through the Sun Dance.Quoting another informant: "Formerly the prayers at the SunDance were addressed to the sun; now the sun dancers pray to theOne above the sun." Quoting Sherman Sage : "Prayers said at theSun Dance are offered so the Indians will be good, stay well, and livelong."Regarding the Spider-Above, the following account similar toRowlodge's is recorded by Grinnell for the Cheyenne and includes acorresponding note for the Arapaho : The Cheyennes say there is a principal god who lives up above?Heamma-wihio?and that there is also a god living under the ground?Ahk tun o' wihio.Both are beneficent and they possess like powers. Four powerful spirits dwellat the four points of the compass. . . . Heammawihio, the Wise One Above,was the chief god. He was the creator ; he first of all was addressed in prayer, *? Regarding Indian paints, a Northern ?woman said : "Paint is dug for In the mountains.It is pounded into powder and then moistened with fat or grease. Paint keeps evil spiritsaway. One way of using sacred paint Is to smear it Into the palms of hands and thenrubbing it over cheekbones, forehead and the bridge of the nose. It may be applied totemples instead of cheekbones." When applying it, strokes are upward. Old informants ofthe present study often had old paint rubbed into the parting of the hair at the crownof the head. Clark on the word of Wolf Moccasin wrote : "The God of their forefathersgave them paint. It protected them from the heat of summer and the cold of winter, andalso gave them good luck. Black paint was used after returning from war, indicatingjoy, rejoicing ; red paint was used in profusion when under the pressure of any excitement,either in war or love, put on face, hair, and body." [Clark, 1885, p. 42.]892644?52 11 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148and to him the first smoke was offered. The man who prayed looked upward,and perhaps held his hands toward the sky, saying, "I am poor, and in need ; help me"?to food, health, long life, success in war, or whatever it might bethat he especially desired.The dwelling place of Heammawihio is denoted by his name, which is com-posed of the adverb he'amma, above, and wi hio, a word closely related towi'hiu, chief. Wihio also means spider, and white man, and appears to embodythe idea of mental ability of an order higher than common?superior intelli-gence. All its uses seem to refer to this mental power. To the Indian thewhite man appears superior in intelligence to other men. He has great knowl-edge, wonderful implements, and clever ways. When he came, he knew morethan the Indians, and taught them how to do things they had never donebefore or, indeed, had ever thought of doing. On account of his ability theycalled him wihio. The spider spins a web, and goes up and down, seeminglywalking on nothing. It is more able than other insects, hence the name.The Arapaho word for spider is nia tha, which is also the word for white man.Niatha is given as meaning "the wise one." ... I believe that wihio has thesame significance. On the other hand, I have been told that the word wihioconveys the idea of being enclosed in something. Of water in a keg, and ofa saddle tied up in a sack, the same word would be used. It has been saidthat when Wihio left them to go up into the sky, he was clothed in a garmentwoven of grass, which entirely covered him.Next after Heammawihio the power of the earth is named in prayer. It isimplored to make everything grow which we eat, so that we may live ; to makethe water flow, that we may drink ; to keep the ground firm, that we may liveand walk on it ; to make grow those plants and herbs that we use to heal our-selves when we are sick; and to cause to grow also the grass on which theanimals feed.The great power put the earth here, and must have put us on it. Withoutthe earth nothing could live. There could be no animals or plants. Thefather of life taught us this.Footnote: According to Wautan (an Arapaho) Chiva Niatha means Niathaabove, or the good god. They asked blessing from him ; he is the owner of allthe land. Niatha below he thinks is the same; he is also called the Owner ofthe Ground, When they smoke, they say, "Owner of the Ground, smoke," mean-ing the under-ground God ; there is no name for him. The medicine men, insmoking point the stem of the pipe to the four points of the compass, then upand down, but other people make only the last two motions. [Grinnell, 1923,vol. 2, 88-89.]On the word of the Arapaho, Chief Little Eaven, Clark recordedthe following : About one hundred years ago we were ranging over as far as the Big HornRiver. The Great Spirit had taken pity on us a long time before and given usthe Buffalo. A raiding party from our camp was out, the young men came onthe Shoshone Indians, saw ponies, ran off some ; these were the first we had everseen. We used to think there was a force, an unknown power (Great Spirit) inthe earth, and we used to pray to it ; finally it gave us all the earth could give ? stone implements, corn, etc. ; then this force went above. This same power is inthe sun and at the four corners of the earth,?everywhere. [Clark, 1885, p. 40.]According to Kroeber, the order in which beings were addressedin certain prayers was "first our father, second the sun, third hiiteni,lourth hitaxusa (or last child, equivalent to hiintcabiit, 'water-mon- HILQEE] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 147 ster or owner of water'), fifth the thunder, sixth the whirlwind, andseventh the earth." According to one of his informants, the pei-sonssometimes addressed in prayer were successively: "Above-Nih'a?Qa?,the four old men, and then the sun." He notes, too, that "the earthis sometimes spoken of as woman, the sky as man, as is shown in thephrase 'hiitaawu"neina" hixtcaba neisana" ('the earth my mother, theabove my father') ." (Kroeber, 1902, p. 313. ) CEREMONIAL SMOKING, CEREMONIAL SWEAT BATHSBy ceremonial smoking the Arapaho meant puffing smoke from along-stemmed pipe after directing the pipestem skyward, then towardearth, and next toward east, north, west, and south (pi. 6).^^ Noceremony associated with the spiritual world was ever conducted with-out ceremonial smoking. Old informants of the present study neverfailed to smoke either immediately before, or during, or after givinginformation related to their religious beliefs. Sage interrupted in-terviews in order to smoke, saying that he had now told us sacredthings (or would do so after smoking) and that he must thereforesmoke. He packed the bowl of his pipe (cf. pi. 1 for pipe) with asmall twig, tilted the pipestem skyward, then dipped it slightly to-ward earth, then east, north, west, and south. A very old Southernman interrupted his conversations in the same manner.^^ Childrenwho played rather boisterously close by were hushed and made tosit still whenever an old man smoked. Adults, too, talked less andonly in whispers. No one was allowed to pass in front of the smoker.One little girl, one day, was about to pass in front of Sage while hewas smoking, A woman caught her little skirt and pulled her to thefloor where she herself was squatted. The little girl tiptoed to thewriter, and whispered, "You know that's just like saying a prayer;that's why we all have to be quiet now."Sage smoked kinnikinnick which he had made by mixing the innerbark of the "red willow" with commercial chewing tobacco. Bothwere finely shaved. The bowl of his pipe was of red catlinite ; he hadobtained it from the Sioux of South Dakota. The stem was a hol-lowed piece of wood. A Southern man smoked finely crushed sumacleaves, mixed with commercial smoking tobacco, "such as PrinceAlbert." The sumac leaves were either picked from the bush anddried or picked from the ground after falling and drying. Hayden(1863, p. 327) notes that kinnikinnick of the Arapaho was bas-nak-than', a bush growing near Fort Bridger.Ceremonial sweating consisted of a steam bath taken in a hut madeof a framework of saplings covered with hides. It is commonly called ?Cf. also Dorsey, 1903, pp. 41-42, 128-130, and 155-156, for ceremonial smoking.8?Cf. Scott, 1907, p. 559, for a similar account by Chief Left Hand given in 1897. Cf,also Mooney, 1896, pp. 918, 1063-4, for ceremonial smoking of other tribes. 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHKOLOGY [Bull. 148 a sweat lodge (pi. 31). The sweat lodge was used for ceremonialsweating and also for sweating done as a health restorative(p. 141). Children were never subjected to sweat baths of any kind.Regarding ceremonial sweat baths, Sage said : The people take sweat baths in sweat lodges but only after the sacred pipehas been sweat. When the buds on the trees begin to open, the sacred pipe istaken into the sweat lodge. Here the medicine men sweat and say prayers sothat the people will live long and have much to eat. In the fall the sacredpipe is again sweated first, and then the rest of the people take their sweat.According to the owner of the sweat lodge, the framework of whichis shown in plate 31, a new sweat lodge was built each year in thespring after the first thunder. No sweat lodge was used more thanone year. He also stated that at the present time the ceremonial sweatis taken in the spring and again in the fall when the leaves are turn-ing. Usually four persons go into the sweat lodge at one time. Assoon as all are within, each one fills his own pipe four times, smokingit each time. When all have finished smoking the fourth pipe hotstones are handed into the lodge from the outside. Plain water, nevera herbal decoction, is poured on the hot stones. This produces steam.Before smoking the pipe, it is pointed toward heaven, toward earth,toward southeast, northwest, northeast, and southwest. "We singsweat house songs. We never forget them; they are sacred songsand have never been recorded."The framework of the sweat lodge shown in plate 31 consisted of15 willow saplings set in a circle 11 feet in diameter. The upper endof each willow was twisted around the upper end of the one oppositeit and securely tied there with either cord, strips of cloth, or innerbark. To hold the entire framework in position each willow was tiedto three poles laid across the top. One of the crosswise poles wasfastened directly over the opening. The opening was 2 feet 8 incheshigh and 2 feet 3 inches wide at the base. It faced east. The frame-work was 4 feet high. Bulrushes covered the floor. Approximately25 stones, each about equal to 2 fists, lay in a pile in the center. Whenin use the lodge was covered with tent canvas or blankets: "in thebuffalo days, we used buffalo hides." The lodge, the owner said, wasused for the spring and fall ceremonial sweat baths. He used it atother times, if his health required it.TRIBAL RELIGIOUS CEREMONIAL : THE SUN DANCEThe tribal religious ceremony of the Arapaho was the Sun Dance.A Southern Arapaho related the origin of the Sun Dance thus : We believe that all order and law for our tribe originated with the Sun Dance.Old Indians claimed that before the Sun Dance, our Indians lived any wayand without rules. One time one man felt sorry for the people, so he took a HII^GICK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 149peace pipe aud went out each day inviting the people to live together in betterorder. He went out along the river, talked and prayed and invited the Indiansto join the lodge, and that was the beginning of the Sun Dance. But that wasmany years ago.Informants called the Sun Dance hasa'a, which means tanned hideor robe. The term, hasa'a, is thought to have originated in the customthat at the Sun Dance each dancer had lying before him, while danc-ing, a pile of tanned hides or robes. The hides or robes were his giftsto his sponsor, to the drummers and to others. Another name giventhe Sun Dance by Arapaho is ha'sayat, meaning sacrifice. Kroeber(1902, p. 280, ftn.) translated the Arapaho word for the Sun Danceas sacrifice-lodge or offering-lodge, the term sacrifice probably havingoriginated in the bodily tortures that dancers endured by abstainingfrom food and water and by being attached to the sun pole with longthongs. Informants thought the term "Sun Dance" had originatedwith the White man since the conduct of the dancers gave the im-pression that they were gazing into the sun.Here is how it was done: All dancers had to look at the center pole. Thesponsor of a dancer?we call him the painter, it is really the man directing aparticipant?marked a place on the center pole on which the dancer had torivet his gaze. This might be a knot or a piece of bark on the pole, or the paintermight make a mark somewhere on the pole. [Informant here indicated marksvisible on the center pole shown in plate 34.] The painter might even be sosevere with the man he was directing as to make him stand close to the pole,away from the ring of the dancers. In order then to be able to rivet his eyeson the assigned mark on the pole the dancer had to hold his head so far backthat it appeared as though he were looking into the sun.The chief features of the Sun Dance of the Arapaho were thosefoimd among most of the Plains Indians. Thej' were the ceremonyconnected with the erection of the center pole ; the dance lodge, whichwas a shelter of poles set in a circle about the center pole; an altar;a sacred bundle, which among the Northern Arapaho contained thesacred pipe and among the Southern Arapaho the sacred wheel ; thedancing ceremony ; and, until 1904, the torture.The Arapaho conducted the Sun Dance annually until its prohibi-tion by the Department of the Interior of the United States Govern-ment in 1904.*^ According to Dorsey (1903, p. 2), a majority of the *^ In all probability, several factors entered into the prohibition of the Sun Dance, in1904. Quoting John Collier, Commissioner of U. S. Office of Indian Affairs : "Under theIndian regulations of 1904 of the Department of the Interior, practice of the Sun Dancewas considered an Indian offense. The exact regulation read as follows : 'The "sun-dance,"and other similar dances and so-called religious ceremonies, shall be considered "Indianoffenses," and any Indian found guilty of being a participant in any one or more ofthese "offenses" shall, for the first offense committed, be punished by withholding fromhim his rations for a period not exceeding ten days ; and if found guilty of a subsequentoffense under this rule, shall be punished by withholding his rations not less than fifteendays or more than thirty days, or by incarceration in the agency prison for a period notexceeding thirty days.' . . . Since 1935 this regulation and any other prohiliition onIndian religion have been removed." (From letter of John Collier, Commissioner of theUnited States Bureau of Indian Affairs, to the writer under date of February 24, 1941.) 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148tribes had discontinued the ceremony between 1885 and 1890. Kroeberwas an eyewitness to the Northern Arapaho Sun Dane? of 1900 andDorsey to those of the Southern Arapaho held in 1901 and 1902**(pis. 32 and 33).Men led the Sun Dance or merely participated in it as dancers infulfillment of a vow to do so. Such a vow was made in order to obtaina favor, ward off a grave danger, or as a thanksgiving offering. "Anyperson who comes out of a predicament or who recovers from a sick-ness or a strain may promise to give a Sun Dance or to be a dancer inone. For example : Years ago some people were picking chokecher-ries in a canyon. All at once a stream came down the canyon, like itdoes when it rains in the mountains. A man on horseback tried tocross this stream. But the horse stood still, snorted, and looked intoa cave. A monster there had worked a spell on the horse. The manpromised to give the Sun Dance and the spell was broken." "Some-body that I know offered the Sun Dance years ago to obtain a safejourney." "One of my relatives had a bad dream. He dreamed thatall his children had died. When he woke up he promised to give theSun Dance so that his children would live. Such a promise mustnever be broken."Seger, an eyewitness to a Southern Arapaho Sun Dance in 1877related the following : At a Sun Dance male members of the tribe volunteer to submit to sufferingand torture to satisfy the Evil Spirit. I can't better illustrate the way theIndian looks at this matter than repeat from memory the substance of a prayermade by Little Raven, a celebrated Arapaho Chief and Medicine Man, at a SunDance held at the Red Hills, near where the town of Geary is now located. Thisdance was held thirty years ago, at a time when the buffalo was becoming scarce,and the Arapahos were living mainly on rations issued by the government. Al-though these rations were given them, yet they considered it very unfortunatethat they were compelled to live on charity instead of living the free and inde-pendent life of a hunter and having plenty of fat and juicy buffalo meat, whichI can testify to that it would satisfy the appetite of an epicure. But now we willquote from Raven's prayer. The sun was up to high noon ; six warriors stoodnude except a breech clout and gee string ; in their bleeding breasts was fasteneda rawhide lariat rope fastened to sticks thrust under the skin or to some tiedto the skin, which had been raised up for the purpose. One warrior was dragginga buffalo head, with the horns on, by a buffalo lariat rope, which was fastenedto the skin which was raised up from his shoulder blade, and several passedunder it while he dragged it around the grounds. The blood was streaming downhis back, and as the horns on the head would catch in the ground, the skin onthe Indian's back would be peeled out several inches.In the midst of this torture old Raven stepped out, and raising his handstoward the sun in an appealing attitude, he addressed the Great Spirit, askinghim to look down upon the suffering and misery that the Arapahos at that timewere undergoing. He said: "Many are sick and suffering from disease; the ** For a complete account and description of the Southern Arapaho Sun Dance, BeeDorsey, 1903 ; for that of the Northern Arapaho see Kroeber, 1902, pp. 279-308. HiLOBEj ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 151buffalo are leaving us; the white people are surrounding us like a party ofhunters would surround a herd of tired buffalo ; there seems no help for us ex-cept from the Great Spirit. We know this brave, and punishment is visitedupon us for our disobedience is the wish of the Great Spirit, and there is noneother left for the Arapahos but to suffer and in this way atone for our misdoings.The Arapahos are willing to suffer the worst punishment that is visired uponthem. We realize that we will not be delivered from the invasion of th? whiteman. We realize that the buffalo will disappear with the coming of the whiteman. What we now ask is that the Great Spirit will pity us and let the soldiersand young men bear the sufferings for their people, which they are willing todo, as the Great Spirit can now look down and see these young men that arenow suffering and bleeding voluntarily to appease the wrath of the Great Spirit.We ask the Great Spirit to be satisfied with this voluntary suffering of theseyoung men who are now suffering torture, and ask that the women and children,who are weak and timid, be spared from sickness and suffering. We ask thatas there is no hope for the Arapaho except to get their food from the earth, asdoes the white man, that the Great Spirit will so influence the young men andchildren that they may be willing to learn to cultivate the earth and to raise foodto keep their people alive."This prayer expressed the sentiment of the Arapahos thirty years ago, andthey have been slowly and steadily advancing toward the fulfillment of the spiritof this prayer of Raven's. The Sun Dance has long been considered an obstaclein the way of civilization, and it has been forbidden by the Indian office. Thereis no doubt that as long as the Sun Dance is kept up the Indian cannot engagesuccessfully in farming and settle down in families, each family in a home oftheir ovni. The requirement of the Sun Dance is such that it requires everymember of the tribe to be present, every clan must be present and in their place.It is now impossible to fill these requirements.The Sun Dance is fast becoming a thing of the past, and probably would havebeen discontinued sometime ago, were it not that when a chief is installed assuch, he takes an obligation or pledge to do his best to help every member of thetribe to carry out every vow they may make to the Great Spirit. When a mem-ber of the tribe makes a vow to make a Sun Dance to appease the wrath of theGreat Spirit, the Chief is obliged to do all in his power to call the tribe togetherand organize a Sun Dance. The faithfulness of the Chief in carrying out or ful-filling these promises is from a certain standpoint commendable, yet the SunDance is destined to go, and the sooner it goes the better it will be for the Indians ; yet while they were living under tribal government, it filled a very importantplace in their affairs, and had many useful and commendable features. [Seger inPeery, 1933, pp. 974-977.]NOTES ON THE 1936 NORTHERN ARAPAHO SUN DANCEThe 1936 Sun Dance of the Northern Arapaho was held from July30 to August 2 near the village of Arapahoe on the Wind Eiver Reser-vation in Wyoming. The regulation of 1904 of the United States De-partment of the Interior forbidding the holding of the Sun Dancehad been removed in 1935.The writer collected the following notes in the field 3 weeks later.An informant who was present at the dance judged from the numberof tents, boweries, and sun shelters, erected in camp circle formationnear the Sun Dance lodge, that approximately 300 families had 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148attended the ceremonials.^? Ralph Piper, a Northern Arapaho in histhirties, had led the Sun Dance."*The framework of the lodge was still standing. The center polewas the trunk of a cottonwood tree with a crotch at the top. The en-closure forming the lodge was made by planting 16 trimmed cotton-wood saplings, each crotched at the top, in circular position at somedistance from the center pole. The framework of the ceiling of thelodge consisted of 16 jack pine poles placed in such a way that eachone reached from the crotch of one erect sapling to the crotch of thenext one, thus completing a polygon; and of another 16 poles, eachplaced so as to reach from the crotch of an erect sapling to the crotchof the center pole. The poles forming the polygon rested horizon-tally ; the ones used as rafters lay in a slanting position.The framework of the lodge, therefore, was a 16-sided polyhedron.Untrimmed saplings of various wood rested against the horizontalpoles providing shade. The entrance?merely a space against whichno trees had been laid?faced east. Opposite the entrance, near theremains of a bowery, lay a cedar tree, some wearing aj)parel, and sev-eral burlap sacks containing clothing. According to an informant,these were sacrifices made at the Sun Dance. Very close to the junc-tion of the rafters and the center pole, pieces of calico had been tied."No children's clothes are tied to the center pole ; only cloth bought instores and handkerchiefs, and such things. These must remain on thepole and should never be removed ; they are an oiFering. In old daysthey were left there. But today the younger generation goes out afterthe Sun Dance is over and the old people are no longer around, andtakes these things away." At the base of the center pole lay worn-outclothes, shoes, overshoes, sweaters, stockings, underwear, and burlap,sacks of clothing. An informant thought that the sacks containedclothes worn from babyhood to about 12 years of age. Parents hadplaced these sacks near the center pole during the night following thethird day of the ceremonial and on the morning of the fourth day.This is in agreement with Kroeber's and Dorsey's findings. Kroeberwrote that children's worn-out clothing was tied to the lodge poles onthe day following the last day of dancing, in 1900, and also notes thatDorsey recorded the sacrifice of the children's worn-out clothing in thedancing lodge for the Southern Arapaho in 1901 and 1902. It wasoffered the d&j following the third day of dancing which is the lastday, or the eighth day of the entire ceremony (Kroeber, 1902, pp. 300,302) . Culin wrote ( 1901, p. 19) : ?? Cf. plate 31, 2, for a gathering of the Northern Arapaho tribe in camp-circle formationin 1935.o? Ralph Piper also led the Sun Dance of the Northern Arapaho held at Arapahoe vil-lage from July 30 to August 2, 1942. During the 1941 Christmas holidays he announcedto a gathering of the Arapaho that he would lead the Sun Dance during the followingsummier so that all Arapaho boys who entered the services of World War II would returnhome safel.v. Seven men danced in 1942. UlLGEEj ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 153The posts were hung with quantities of children's clothing, beaded moccasins,leggings, and calico dresses. On the ground within was a painted buffalo skullin a kind of shrine made by driving small willow stakes and hoops on either side.The clothes were offerings by parents to secure the health of their children.He describes tlie Sun Dance lodge as about 50 feet in diameterand as consisting of a center pole and 16 posts, each of the posts witha projecting beam to the center pole.Dancers of the 1936 Sun Dance neither ate nor drank for 3 daysand 8 nights. "We can tell if one takes a drink, for then he willperspire. They were given peppermint plants to smell; that helpedtheir thirst and hunger." Dancers were painted anew each morn-ing. Designs were different at each painting. Both design and colorhad distinctive meanings. Red and yellow paints were made fromearth. White, green, orange and black were commercial products."Red paint feels cool ; yeUow, hot." ^^ Wild sage brought from themountains was used for wreaths worn by each dancer on head andabout waist, wrists, and ankles. Rattles were made of hide.As stated pi'eviously the sacred tribal bundle of the NorthernArapaho contains the sacred pipe ; that of the Southern Arapaho, thesacred wheel.The sacred pipe is in the possession of the Northern Arapaho and it will neverbe turned over to the Southern Arapaho. The Southern Arapaho come here tosee it. They have the sacred wheel. The Cheyenne have the sacred arrows.God gave the sacred pipe to the Arapaho people.**Ceremonies connected with the Sun Dance are the pipe ceremony,the bathing ceremony, the ceremony of paints, the purification cere-mony, and one other which the informant could not recall.The pipe is about 8 inches long. It is always wrapped in new material, suchas blankets or calico, and is cared for by people called holy people. During theSun Dance the pipe rests on a quadruped of poles. (Cf. pi. 35, 1.) The polesare painted red. Behind the pipe hangs the medicine bag. The sacred pipe isnot smoked in the Sun Dance or in the sweat lodge.*^ The Chippewa on thisreservation [Wind River] asked for the calico that was offered to the pipe atthe dance [1936] and the Arapaho told them they might have it. The sacredpipe of the Arapaho is now [1936] in the safekeeping of Oscar White at St.Michaels [village on the Wind River Reservation, Wyoming]. He is not per-mitted to give it away during his lifetime. If anyone wishes to see it, he mustoffer many things, such as hides and calicoes. We are not supposed to say muchabout the pipe. The older people know more about it. Careless handling ofthe pipe will cause much rain. The pipe must be held this way [with handsaway from one's body, with palms of both hands open, and with fingers pointingin the direction of each other].Neither sage nor tobacco were used as sacrificial offerings to the pipe.w The contents of several Arapaho paint bags were seen in the Chicago Natural HistoryMuseum (1941) : copper oxide had been used for green; Iron oxide, for red; commercialcolors obtained from traders, for purple and yellow.?2 Clark (1885, p. 43) recorded Wolf Moccasin as saying the same.?"This is not in agreement with Scott's account given by Chief Left Hand of theSouthern Arapaho (Scott, 1907, p. 558). 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 148NOTES ON THE 1940 NORTHERN ARAPAHO SUN DANCEThe Northern Arapaho Sun Dance of 1940 was held from August1 to August 4, again near the village of Arapahoe on the WindKiver Reservation in Wyoming. Preparations for the dance beganseveral days before August 1. On August 1, at sunset the fast ofthe dancers and the dancing began. These ended at sunset on August4. The writer witnessed the dance on the afternoons of August 3and 4, and remained at the scene of the dance until after the removalof the sacred pipe. The pipe was removed at sunset on August 4.The following personal observations made by the writer and in-formation obtained by her from a Northern Arapaho man, a non-member of the Sun Dance who was present at the dance, were recordedin the field."*Joe Waterman inaugurated the dance as a thanksgiving offering.Nine dancers participated. All made the sacrifice of fasting in ful-fillment of a promise. The informant had been told that one man'swife and another man's child had been cured after the respectivemen had promised to fast the next time the Sun Dance would beheld. He knew that several other men hoped to obtain thereby therecovery of a seriously ill member of the family; one of a parent;another of a brother.The sacrifice consisted of abstaining from food and drink fromsunset of August 1 to sundown of August 4, or 72 hours. Severalof the persons who helped to raise the center pole had fasted for3 days previous to the erection of the pole ; others fasted on the dayof its erection. Some of those who helped to build the lodge or whomade other preparations for the dance fasted during the days whilethey assisted. An old Northern woman remarked that all the mem-bers of the Eabbit Lodge, a lodge exclusively for men, met 4 daysbefore the participants of the Sun Dance began to dance. Duringthese daj^s the members fasted. It was this lodge that prepared "the buffalo hide and other things that belong to the Sun Dance."According to Schmidt (1934, p. 672), a live rabbit was pressed downon a buffalo robe on the first day of the Sun Dance. The robe wascarried by the sponsor of the dance and his wife. It was thoughtthat the rabbit in dying breathed his breath, and thereby his life, onto the robe. Kroeber wrote regarding the Northern Arapaho SunDance held in Wyoming in 1900 : After the buffalo (represented at the present time by a skin) had been killedand the hide brought in, it was touched among the Northern Arapaho, by thechildren of the camp (brought by their mothers), and then by a number of men. ^ The writer Is Indebted to the informant for his assistance and also for the permissionhe obtained from proper Arapaho authorities for her to take the kodak pictures shown inplates 34 and 35. HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 155 It seems that the Southern Arapaho also formerly had this practice. . . .[Kroeber, 1902, p. 305.]A 1942 informant of the present study said : "Fathers and mothersmake their children touch the buffalo robe and then pray for thecliildren." According to Kroeber (1902, p. 283) , children also touchedcalico used as an offering. He was told that about sunrise of thesecond preliminary day of the Sun Dance of the Northern Arapahoin 1900 all the children were brought to touch a piece of calico whichhad been "given away" or sacrificed by a man on account of hiswife, who had been sick.Daniel Walker and Pete Iceman had volunteered to lead the erectingof the 1940 lodge, a lodge similar to the one used in 1936. The centerpole about 6 inches in diameter at the base was the trunk of a basswoodtree crotched at the top. At some distance from the center pole16 saplings were planted in an upright position in circular form.Each upright pole had a crotch at the top. From crotch to crotch apole was laid. The 16 horizontally laid poles along with the 16upright poles gave the lodge the appearance of a 16-sided polyhedron.Sixteen basswood poles with one end resting in the crotch of an uprightpole and the other in the crotch of the center pole formed the rafters.In several places along the wall poles were attached as crossbars, eitherhorizontally or in an X position. Against these and all about thewall, except in the opening facing east which was used as an entrance,branches or young trees of basswood and willow had been laid. Theseserved as windbreaks and provided shade. Occasionally persons,especially children, slipped in and out through places that were nottoo densely laid over with trees. Within the enclosure a furtherwindbreak was provided by canvas covers which were attached tothe lower section of the trees which rested against the framework,especially in the southwest section where the dancers rested.Fabrics and gifts of various kinds, among them a rattle of buffalotoes used during the Sun Dance, lay at the base of the center pole.Handkerchiefs and neck scarfs of various colors and sizes were fas-tened at the junction where the center-pole crotch and rafters met.These waved in the wind and were spoken of as flags. Just belowthe crotch an undressed buffalo robe and large bunch of willows hadbeen fastened. At uueven distances along four of the rafters, hand-kerchiefSy small strips of calico, and occasionally some sagebrushwere tied. The informant thought that the four poles so decoratedhad some significance, since the dancers in the early part of the dancingpaid them some respect.Within the south half of the enclosure the activities of the SunDance took place. The west half of the south half (therefore thesouthwest quarter of the total enclosure) was sacred ground. Within 156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 145it the sacred pipe rested. (See diagram (fig. 1) for positions.) Mostof the dancing, too, was done there. Also in it were the resting placesof the dancers, of the old men who were sponsors of the dancers, andof the young men who gave occasional assistance to the dancers. Inthe east half of the south half (the southeast quarter of the entireenclosure) sat the drummers, the old women singers, and the relatives,both adult and children, of the dancers, drummers, and sponsors. Thechildren moved freely within this quarter. At times small childrenwandered into the sacred section but they were quickly recalled byelders or fetched by them. The north half of the enclosure wasoccupied by spectators and visitors. These included Arapaho Indianswho were nonaffiliates of the Sun Dance, visiting Indians of othertribes, and Whites. NORTHSpectators : Nonaffiliate Arapaho men andwomen and children, visiting Indians of othertribes, and Whites WESTYoung menwho assisted Center pole Kntrance BASTdancersSacredpipeRestingplace ofdancersOld mensponsors OldwomensingersDrummersWomen and children : relatives of dancers,sponsors, anddrummersSOUTH FiQTTBE 1.?Diagram showing the approximate positions of the center pole, thesacred pipe, and the persons present at the 1940 Northern Arapaho SunDance.The sacred pipe, well covered with a number of thicknesses of fadedcalico, of blankets, and of new pieces of cloth, was suspended fromthe junction of four poles that were set like the poles of a tipi. Thisfour-poled support stood to the southwest of and not far from thecenter pole. The new fabric coverings were offerings made by the HIL6ER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 157dancers. "These offerings were made to the pipe. But the prayingwas addressed to God for the intentions for which the sacrifices offasting and dancing were being made. This sacred pipe is alwayskept among the Northern Arapaho. It is never given to the SouthernArapaho. It is not even lent to them." An old Southern Arapahoman, a visitor at the Sun Dance, agreed with this statement and addedthat the Southern Arapaho had never at any time had the pipe in theirpossession.The drummers seated on logs encircled the drum. During theafternoon of August 3, 10 men drummed; during the afternoon ofAugust 4, 13 and at times 15. The informant said that the songswere nonsense syllables. (The writer doubts this. They were proba-bly considered too sacred to be translated. Cf. p. 39.) Four andsometimes five old women sat close to the drummers, between themand the wall of the lodge, and at times joined the drummers insinging.?^ They were there to encourage the men in drumming andsinging. Children who moved about freely sometimes sat down withthe women; sometimes, near the drunmiers. The drum was one ofseveral that are extant among the Arapaho, each district having adrum. A band about the drum was decorated rather haphazardlywith pieces of sagebrush.Two of the dancers were known to be in the thirties ; none were intheir forties. Each dancer had a sponsor, an old man, who directedhim in the dance, painted him, and encouraged him in his dancmgand fasting.All dancers wore on their heads wreaths of sagebrush with tuftsof the brush tipped with downy feathers hanging over the forehead.Similar wreaths were worn by some around wrists and ankles. Allwere barefooted and were nude from neck to waistline, wearing nar-row skirts from waistline to ankles. Over front and back of skirtseach wore panels decorated with beadwork. Most of the dancers worea beaded belt, with sagebrush attached to it. Both arms and thebody from neck to waistline were painted with an ointment made bymixing earth and water and grease. Decorations varied. One dancerhad several rows of painted dots down the length of his arms andbody. Another had chest and back and neck painted to give the ap-pearance of wearing amulets suspended from a cord around his neck.Another had lines and dots on his face. The hands of most of thedancers were painted dark, giving the appearance of wearing gloves.Around the neck of each dancer hung a whistle tipped off at theend with downy feathers which fluttered as sounds left the whistle.Whistles were made from the large bone of an eagle wing. Duringthe dancing each dancer held his whistle unsupported in his mouthwhile both of his hands hung to his sides. Two dancers each switched " One drum rbythm of an Arapaho Sun Dance song is recorded by Densmore (1936, p. 81). 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148his own shoulders, chest and back with the end of a horse tail whiledancing, timing his switchings to the beatings of the drum. Duringone dance another dancer switched himself with a switch made ofblack feathers. Sponsors had taught the men how to use the switches.Intermittent dancing to the rhythm of drumbeats and singingconsisted of staccato movements of the entire body with knees slightlybent at each drumbeat. No part of the feet was at any time raisedfrom the ground. When not engaged in dancing, dancers restedunder warm blankets on thin mattresses spread on the ground behinda screen. The screen was made of twigs planted in the ground, thesection close to the ground being peeled of leaves and bark. Whileresting some dancers smoked. Pipes were usually prepared by thesponsor. At intervals, when no one danced, drummers lazily beatthe drum. Gradually they played louder and louder. Eventuallyone dancer rose and began to dance. Before long others joined him.Occasionally all nine danced at the same time.The closing ceremonial began at sunset (4 o'clock) on August 4.A man stepped forward toward the sacred pipe. The drummersdrummed softly as he rolled back the layers of calico covering thesacred pipe. The crowd quieted down and were completely hushedby the time the bundle of cloth containing the sacred pipe couldbe seen. The bundle was a tube about a foot in diameter and morethan a yard in length with eagle feathers tied to both ends. It hungsuspended from the junction of four poles as stated previously.As soon as the bundle was well uncovered the drummers drummedenergetically. Dancing began with seven dancers present. Infor-mants thought that probably the other two were too exhausted toparticipate and that sponsors were not allowing them to dance. Noone would have thought less of them had they not danced for theywere known to be less strong physically than the other dancers.Since the last dance is always exceedingly strenuous, sponsors testtheir client's endurance before allowing them to dance. This is doneby pulling each finger of the dancer. If knuckles crack, the dancerhad endurance to continue; if not, he is not permitted to dance anylonger. Dancers are often weakened by a fever which most of themendure on the second day. Sponsors had evidently found the twomen who had not appeared at the beginning of the last dance, tohave endurance. They therefore encouraged them to dance. Soonthey appeared and danced. All nine now danced in the southwestsection of the lodge between the sacred pipe and their resting place.All faced east. One dancer danced backward until he got behindthe sacred pipe, where he continued to dance while resting both ofhis hands on the coverings over the sacred pipe. The eyes of alldancers were fixed intently on the center pole. After some time aninterlude followed. During it several nondancing men each brought HlLGEE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 159into the lodge an armful of sagebrush, placing it so that there werenine separate heaps on the ground. During the interlude, also, threeof the dancers and four other men huddled behind the sceeen (pi.35, 3) chanting incantations at intervals. They were busily engagedmaking "cherry water" which was to be given to the dancers as afirst drink at the close of the ceremonial. Soon the dancing wasresumed. Each dancer now stood on one of the heaps of sagebrush,and faced the setting sun. One dancer was handed what our infor-mant called a "sacred wheel." It appeared to be a circle of wire,two-thirds of it fringed with loosely attached eagle feathers.*^ Thedancer did as he had been taught by his sponsor, an old man: Heswung the "wheel" with an upward-forward-downward movement.and the reverse, to the rhythm of the drumbeats. Occasionally, hechanged the wheel from one hand to the other. At times he swungit behind his back. All swings were in direct line with the settingsun.During this dance the brush that rested against the west wall ofthe lodge was removed, thus making an opening there. Two mennow removed the bundle containing the sacred pipe from the poles,and rested it on the back of a woman who had stepped forward.It was held in position on her back by placing the band with whichit had been suspended from the poles around her forehead. Withhands hanging at her sides, she walked through the opening madein the west. Two men followed her, all three walking along a pathin single file, directly toward the setting sun. One of the two mencarried the calico offerings which had been removed from the pipe.A week later a relative of the woman who carried the pipe on herback remarked : The keeper of the pipe did not need to be a man. A woman takes care ofthe pipe now. She was the woman you saw carrying it out of the Sun Dancelodge last week. This woman's father cared for it, and it was understoodthat when he died this daughter would care for it. It was entrusted to hercare because she had taken care of her father. It is kept in her house. No,she was not the oldest in the family. She does not handle the pipe, nor doesshe know the ceremonials connected with it. Her brother knows them. Longbefoi'e her father died, he used to call her brother to be present whenever hewas using the pipe ceremonially. The brother then had to repeat everythingthe father did and said, so he would learn exactly how to perform the cere-monies and what prayers to say. The pipe must be kept among blood relatives.The sister of the woman caring for the pipe remarked, "It alwaysmust stay with blood relatives. It cannot be taken care of by in-laws."Another woman in the group added : "It is better to tell you that thispipe follows the blood like the sap in a tree, for wherever the bloodgoes that is where the pipe goes. But I don't like to talk about thepipe. Only people who handle the pipe should talk about it." ?? Cf . also Kroeber, 1902, p. 309, for a similar note. 160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148Drumming and dancing continued until the sun was completelyset and dusk was well on. Older men now congratulated the dancers,shaking hands with them. The dancers proceeded to the place wherethe "cherry water" had been prepared, and soon reax^peared, whenmany men and women shooks hands warmly with them. Severalmothers and grandmothers brought sickly or crippled children to someof the dancers. The dancers rested their hands on the children, raisedtheir eyes heavenward and prayed for the recovery of the children.They also rubbed the parts of a child's body designated by the motheror grandmother as the afflicted part. Then they laid hands on thehead of the mother or grandmother also. After this, the drummersmoved the dnnn toward the center of the lodge and struck up thegay notes of a social dance. Many children and women and some ofthe men danced happily around the drum and the drummers. Sher-man Sage greeted the writer and said : This is the old religion of the Arapaho. It has been handed down from onegeneration to another. It was the only religion the Arapaho had before theWhite man came. They have brought us the Catholic religion, the Protestantreligions, the Ghost Dance religion, and the Peyote religion. But the Sun Dancehas been handed down to us as the only Arapaho religion. We knew that therewas a God before the Whites came. We call Him Everybody's Father. Wementioned Him these days in the Sun Dance.BELIEF IN LIFE AFTER DEATHLITE AFTER DEATHThe Arapaho believed that life continued after death. Their wordfor the abode of eternal life means "place above." Its location, otherthan that it was above, was not known to informants of the presentstudy. It is a place of happiness, but it is not thought of as heaven,such as Christians believe it to be, for "we knew nothing about heavenuntil the missionaries came."Upon the word of the Arapaho Wolf Moccasin, Clark recorded itto be in the east : They believed that after death they went to the land of the rising sun;this land was far away beyond and below all mountains, a level country nearthe ocean. An Arapahoe killed in battle did not have to travel over this longtrail by land, but went through the air easily and comfortably by the dead man'sroad, or rather, the road of the warriors killed in battle (Milky Way). . . .Those who had died for a time (fainted) had, on their return, stated that theyhad seen the lodges of their people in that far-off land, they had plenty of buf-falo, antelope, and all kinds of game. [Clark, 1885, p. 41.]Mooney's informants, on the contrary, stated that the "place above"was in the west: "In Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west,not on the same level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and sepa-rated also from it by a body of water" (Mooney, 1896, p. 983). Oneinformant told Mooney that he had "met in the spirit world a man of HiLGEEj ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 161the now extinct Arapaho band of the Hanahawunena." The manwashed the informant's face and then painted him with some of theold-time mineral paint of the Indians. Mooney (1896, p. 971) notesthat according to "the Indian belief, all the extinct and forgottentribes have now their home in the world of shades." Left Hand, chiefof the Southern Arapaho, told Scott that ? the old Arapaho said the dead went upward ; sometimes the dead turn into owls.Sometimes when there is a sick person in a lodge and a whirlwind strikes thelodge the sick person dies and his spirit goes out of his body with the whirlwind.When we see a whirlwind coming down the road, raising a vortex of dust, weget out of the way?it is a dead man's spirit. If I do not get out of the wayit will take my life. [Scott, 1907, p. 559.]Whether or not the spirits of the people depart to the same place inwhich the Water-Sprinkling-Old-Men and the former keepers of thesacred pipe live was not known to informants of the present study.Informants also differed in their statements as to the place and thelife to which persons were assigned after death who had lived badlives. Most informants were agreed that only persons who committedsuicide had died in a bad state since they had not had time to againbecome good persons. All others had ample time to do so, theythought, since every Arapaho had premonitions of death 4 days beforedeath occurred. Some informants, however, said suicides did notcontinue to live after death. Still others said that they did, but onlyafter they had roamed on earth longer than the conventional 4 days.Sherman Sage did not agree with this but said, "The good spirits wentto the One who made the world ; the bad ones went where it was dark.Ever since I can remember people said that." Quoting otherinformants : Everybody was happy after death somewhere. I don't know where but some-where above. We knew of no place to which bad people went, for none werethought to he bad when dying . . , The dead went to a place above this earth.I don't know how long it took tliem to go there, nor do I know whether theywent east or west. I know they went above. Bad people must roam aroundon this earth for a while before going above.The departed spirit remained 4 days among old haunts and friendsbefore leaving for the place of happiness. Arnold Woolworth, an80-year-old Southern man, said : The old, old Arapaho believed in the immortality of the soul. This belief hasbeen passed on from generation to generation. The only ones that we thoughtdid not live on were those that hnd committed suicide. I never heard of helluntil I came in contact with White men. The old people did not know about hell.The Arapaho expression for eternal life is "Life above." It takes 4 days to gothere. It's at this hour, 4 days ago, that Tom Levi died." He was buriedyesterday. His soul is supposed to be leaving about now. The Arapaho say ^ Tom Levi was a respected Southern Arapaho who died on May 24, 1942, at about 60years of age.892644?52 12 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buli^ 148that the spirit wanders around for 4 days to see relatives once more. They goto all places in which they were accustomed to live. When they have donethat they are ready to depart for the above. Living people can feel the presenceof the dead in their homes sometimes. Sometimes they can also tell that thespirit is either on its way or is already present by the way a dog acts. Forinstance, if a spii'it were coming here, or were here, my dog would run backand forth around the house, outside here, aimlessly. When he does that I knowthat a spirit is around here. The spirit of a child also moves around for 4 days.When asked if Tom Levi's spirit had visited his place, he answered, "No, the man was not accustomed to coming here when living."DEATHAll Arapaho, except children, are believed to have premonition ofdeath. "Four days before death sick persons will say that they arecalled to die. I know this to have happened many times." "Sickpersons may tell you that they will soon die, but they do not wantanyone to talk to them about death."Dogs howling in an unusual way are believed to predict death, andare feared to cause it.When certain dogs howl like coyotes, it's a bad sign: it indicates bad luckand it's best to kill such a dog. This howl is different than a dog's ordinaryhowl. Black Man over here had a dog that howled around bis place. Fromthere he went to Bluff Man, then to my wife's father's place, then to ElmerSweezy, and then to the Camp [village]. He left death in his tracks in everyplace. They finally killed the dog.Immediately after death, the body was dressed in the best that hissurvivors could furnish ; in new clothes, if it was possible. At timesfriends contributed clothing. The body, face, and hair were paintedwith red earth mixed with grease. "Persons usually knew when theywere dying, and asked that their best moccasins, clothes, belt, blanket,earrings, and bracelet be laid near them. Bodies were dressed afterdeath." "Let us say a man is sick and dies in his tent. After he isdead, he is dressed in his best clothes. As far back in my life as Ican remember, persons were dressed after they died." Chief LittleEaven, too, told Clark (1885, p. 40) that it was their custom to dressthe remains in the best clothing, in a war bonnet and best robe orblanket and to paint the face with red paint. Weapons, he said, werenever placed with the remains.After all present had seen the body, now dressed and painted, itwas wrapped into a covering in a lying position. In early days thecovering was a buffalo robe or part of the covering of the man's tipi ; in more recent times, a woolen or a cotton blanket was used. Some-times the hair of near relatives?cut by them as a sign of mourning ? was laid between the body and the covering. All was held in placeby windings of thongs of rawhide or by bands cut from the remainingportion of the tipi cover, that is, if part of the tipi cover had been usedas a winding sheet. HiLOBE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 163INTERMENT AND GRAVESConventionally, burial took place before sunset on the day of death.If death occurred after sunset, burial was the following day. In hotweather, however, the body was buried at once. If it was very cold,the body was kept until people could go out into the cold withoutdanger of freezing. But it was never kept longer than two or threedays. The body was removed through an opening made at the westend of the tipi opposite the entrance of the tipi. Since the entranceof the tipi always faced the rising sun, this opening faced the settingsun. To make the opening, two poles were set farther apart and thetipi cover raised.Conventionally burial was beneath the surface of the earth. Gen-erally gi'aves were only deep enough to keep coyotes and other animalsfrom disturbing the remains ; occasionally, they were 4 to 6 feet deep.Graves were covered with prickly cacti, twigs of brush, and pieces ofwood. Over these rocks were piled. No one molested or removeda body. Anyone disturbing burials might expect to be paralyzed,afflicted with tuberculosis, or with some other ailment. No onewas known to have been so afflicted, and none was known ever to havedisturbed a burial.If the ground was frozen?"we had no implements with which todig frozen earth"?the body was laid on a rock shelter and surroundedby rocks, or it was placed on a rocky hilltop and covered with rocks.The same was done if death occurred while camp was moving. Chil-dren and stillbirths were buried in the same manner as adults. Arap-aho did not cremate bodies.We buried our dead wherever they died. If we didn't live at the place ofburial, we went back there periodically to see our dead and to fix up the place.We went to see if they were all right. If the stones had been disturbed, we piledthem up again. We would go a long way sometimes to see our graves. Mybrother died close to Caspar [Wyoming]. Later we were camped at Norwood,many miles from there. My father and mother and our relatives went back tofix bis grave. We went on horseback. We stayed overnight. I am tellingyou what I know from my own experience. . . . We never changed the clothesof the dead person after the person was once buried ; but we did straighten outthe clothes and make certain that the rocks around the body were in such aposition that the coyotes could not get at it.Burials were never on scaffolds nor on trees. The Sioux and theCheyenne buried in trees. Quoting Arnold Woolworth:The Arapaho never buried their dead in or near trees; the Cheyenne andPaiutes did that. One time we went through Nevada. In a woods there wesaw many Paiute Indians buried. They were wrapped in quilts. Their faceswere covered with handkerchiefs. Each body was seated on the earth with itsback resting against a tree and feet straight out. At the base of almost everytree in that woods was either a body or bones and rags. I took the handker-chief off the face of one body to see if it was a man or woman. It was a woman. 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 148Jessie Kowlodge told the following regarding burials : Sherman Sage told me that up in the pine country?that was before the Arapahomoved into the prairies?pine trees were trimmed of all limbs, set up in tipifashion, and the dead body placed inside this cone-shaped affair. All was abovethe ground and the compartment was practically air tight. Sherman Sage saidhis mother was buried that way. With her was buried a piece of pottery, suchas the Arapaho used to make. This pottery was made of clay and blood ofbuffalo. Someone from a small museum in Nebraska asked Sage for the potteryand Sage took him to his mother's burial place and gave it to him. This typeof burial practically petrified the bodies.Older informants were agreed that it was not conventional for theArapaho to bury food or material articles with the body. A 27-year-old Southern woman, however, said that she had seen the burial of anunmarried pregnant Arapaho woman (1940) into whose grave wereplaced her suitcase and all her personal belongings. According toWolf Moccasin, the Arapaho "buried their dead in the ground, laidthem away on the breast of their mother, and with the remains neverput the weapons, but best blankets, pipe of deceased, and a pony killedfor the spirit to ride to the country beyond the rising sun" (Clark,1885, p. 41).It was conventional to shoot a favorite horse near the grave of itsowner. This was generally done immediately after the burial whilethe relatives were still present.Sometimes a person's best pony was taken out to the grave and shot so thatit fell on the gi'ave. Such a pony was shot when my sister died. When her[pointing at a relative] brother died two ponies were shot. All the food leftin the house at the time of a death was also placed on the grave afterburial. . . . The Sioux shot the horses and buried them with the dead. We didnot do that; we shot them and let them lie on top of the graves. ... A boywhom I knew had a pet horse. They took the horse to the cemetery near hisgrave, shot it there, and left it there to decay. That was done recently. Itwas done some days after the burial.Quoting Kroeber regarding death and burial : The dead body is allowed to lie so that all the dead person's friends cansee it. It is dressed in the best clothing, some perhaps being contributed byfriends .... The body is buried on the hills, being taken there on horseback.The grave is made deep enough to prevent coyotes from digging out the corpse;with this object in view, thorny brush is also put on the grave. The relatives goout to the grave for several days. They mourn there, crying while sitting inone place. Hair that has been cut off by friends and relatives is wrapped upwith the body and buried. The dead man's best or favorite horse is shot next tohis gi-ave, and left lying there. The tail and mane of the horse on which thebody was taken to burial are cut off and strewn over the grave. Before thebody is taken away to be interred, an old man speaks encouragingly to therelatives .... Sticks that may have touched him while he was dying areburied with him or laid on the grave. [Kroeber, 1902, pp. 16-17.]While the body was being interred, relatives took from the home ofthe departed person anything they wished. "I have taken things from HILGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 165houses of my relatives and also from houses of two friends. I haveone friend's sewing machine and another's dresser. The dead person'sbed was not taken, but his clothes were." Quoting Jessie Rowlodge : All things that had not been taken were expected to become the property ofthe eldest son, in case the deceased was a parent, or of the eldest brother, incase the deceased was his brother or sister. If, however, the son was liberalminded and another son had taken care of the parent, the older son could givehim the privilege of taking the things ; but the eldest son had the right to keepthem if he so wished. If the man's wife was still living, the children usuallylet her retain the things. Often, however, what was left of the things that hadbeen used by the departed when the family returned from the burial, was burnt,such as dishes, furniture, mattress, bed clothes, even loaned dishes in whichpeople had brought food. If these had not beeu taken back by the owners bythen, it was understood they didn't want them.The stakes to which the tipi had been tied were also burnt, but not thetipi pole, nor the tipi covering. The tipi was moved to anotherlocation.According to Kroeber (1902, p. 11), there were no fixed rules ofinheritance; generally brothers and sisters of the deceased took hisproperty. Arnold Woolworth said a deceased person's brothers andsisters who were offspring of the same parents as the person, were notto take any of the property; but his brothers and sisters that wereoffspring of his maternal aunts and paternal uncles had a right todo so.I was only 5 years old, [he said], when my mother died. I was too young toInherit any of her horses. In those days horses were the wealth that the Indianshad. But when my father died I was 12 years old. He left 40 horses. Mybrother and I could have kept all of them but we decided to give my stepmotherhalf. We boys divided the others. I had four sisters but these were all marriedso that they did not get any horses. If any of the girls had not been married,they would have gotten some horses too. It was an older brother and I thatgot together and decided things. If a woman died her husband and children gother belongings. Of course, in old days, Indians had nothing but horses. Divid-ing these up is an old Indian custom.Today relatives of Northern Arapaho move out of the house inwhich a person has died. Usually they return to it after some time.Occasionally the house is deserted and left to fall to pieces. "Thepeople all around here leave a house when someone has died in it.""An old man died in that house over there," said several little NorthernArapaho girls, "and then his wife moved into the tent you see nearthe house. Wlien our grandmother died [1939] we moved away fromthat place [pointing to a house] and have not [1942] returned to ityet."Southern Arapaho, today, more often erect a tent near the housein which someone dies, than they desert it. At times they remain inthe house, as do some of the Northern Arapaho. But in that event thehouse is thoroughly fumigated with a smudge of cedar and herbs. 166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148A house in which a spirit is thought to be visiting, or to have visited,is also fumigated. Arnold Woolworth said, "If the spirit of TomLevi had come here, I would have fumigated the place with cedar.People say they do not like the smell of the dead, that is why theyfumigate." MOUENnsraImmediately following a death, the mother of the deceased gashedher legs or arms, sometimes both, so that blood flowed. Occasionally,a mother asked someone to do it for her. it was not unusual for thefather or other near relatives of the deceased to slash themselves like-wise. Quoting a Southern informant : When my sister died, my mother took a knife and gashed both of her legs fromknee to ankle and her arms from shoulders to wrist and made several cuts onher forehead. This could be done by mothers for either sons or daughters, andwas done just as soon as death occurred. The father usually gashed his fore-head. A father, however, who grieved much over a son's loss broke the son'sarrow shafts and pushed the arrow end through the flesh of his [the father's]upper arm, forearm, nnd chest. He might later withdraw the arrows.Quoting Northern informants : The last woman around here who cut her legs did so this spring [1936] whenher daughter died. . . . Immediately after a person died his relatives grabbedan ax or a knife and slashed their own legs and arms. This was done for any-one in the immediate family.** ... I know of people who, not so long ago,gashed themselves all over and burnt their own belongings and those of thedead person, too. People mourn until they grow accustomed to the dead person'sbeing gone.Most women and some men in mourning cut their braids. Some cutthem to the ears; others only to the shoulders. Some believed thatcutting them too short had evil effects. "I saw one old woman rub theblades of a pair of scissors with charcoal before she cut her braids, butI don't know why she did this."Sacrificing a portion of a finger during mourning was institutional.Only women made this sacrifice. An informant who was very grief-stricken had cut her own little finger off at the first joint. She mighthave asked some one else to do it for her, more especially an old man.Another informant had sacrificed the first joint of both little fingersand of the fourth finger of the right hand. She sacrificed them whenher fifth child, her baby, died. An old man had done the severing.She had not gashed her legs on this occasion, however. The inter-preter had seen scars on the woman's arms, probably from gashes madeat other deaths. "My grandmother's legs were full of scars due toslashes made because she grieved over a death. Both of her littlefingers were cut off at joints. Men slashed wrists and ankles and cuttheir braids but they never cut off finger tips." "My mother had first ?? The family in this instance included parents and their offspring. HiLGEK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 167joints of both little fingers cut off, but she had no scars on her legs orarms." Quoting an 80-year old Northern man : Arapaho women, not men, slashed their legs when mourning. Formerly theyused knives made of sharpened rocks to do so. This was done when they grievedand took death, such as the death of a father or mother, very hard. We mournedfor about one year and stayed away from the place where the person had died.When mourning both men and women cut their hair to just below the shoulder.If the hair was cut too short it was thought to bring bad luck. Both men andwomen let their hair hang loose as it grew out again. [PI. 16.] We also paintedour faces.Kroeber wrote regarding mourning : When a person dies his relatives cry and unbraid their hair. Sometimes theycut their hair. The greater their love for him, the more hair they cut off.Women tear off a sleeve; they gash themselves (lightly) across the lower andupper arm and below the knee. The dead body is allowed to lie so that all thedead person's friends can see it. It is dressed in the best clothing, some perhapsbeing contributed by friends. Those who thus contribute toward dressing adead man receive one of his horses or other property. A horse is also given fordigging the grave and for similar assistance. The body is buried on the hills,being taken there on horseback. The grave is made deep enough to preventcoyotes from digging out the corpse; with this object in view, thorny brush isalso put on the grave. The relatives go out to the grave for several days. Theymourn there, crying while sitting in one place. Hair that has been cut off byfriends and relatives is wrapped up with the body and buried. The dead man'sbest or favorite horse is shot next to his grave, and left lying there. The tailand mane of the horse on which the body was taken to burial are cut off andstrewn over the grave. Before the body is taken away to be interred, an oldman speaks encouragingly to the relatives. The dead man's family move toanother place. They give away the tent in which he died. If he happened todie in a brush shelter, it is burned. Clothing, beds, and other articles that werewhere he died, are burned, in order that his shadow (spirit) will not come back.Sticks that may have touched him while he was dying are buried with him orlaid on the grave. Immediately after the burial the relatives bathe because theyhave touched the corpse. For several nights they burn cedar leaves ; the smokeor smell of this keeps away the spirit. For some time they wear old clothingand do not paint. They seek no amusements. At first they eat little. As longas they wear old clothes and keep their hair unbound, they are in mourning.This period is not fixed. When they have finished mourning, they provide foodand invite in old men and women. An old man paints their entire faces andtheir hair red. This is called cleaning; it is done in the morning, so that theymay be under the care of the sun all day. Now they braid their hair again, andgo about as before. [Kroeber, 1902, pp. 16-17.]Michelson's informant said : After my first child, a boy, was a year old, I became ill, and my mother tookme to an Indian doctor at another camp, in accordance with the request of myhusband. After I had been away from my husband a few days, word came tome by a messenger that my husband had suddenly become sick and had died.Owing to my serious illness at the time of my husband's death, my father pleadedwith me not to cut my hair, nor cause any cutting on my flesh ; so while I obeyedmy father, I cut my hair just a little. [Michelson, 1933, p. 604.] 168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HiTHNOLOGY [Bolu 148Miclielson adds this note : It was customary for a woman's hair to be cut at the death of any relative,including her husband ; and her flesh was gashed, preferably below the knees, andsometimes on the arms below the elbow. Any female relative called upon coulddo the gashing; or a woman did it herself. Sometimes women would makegashes even on their foreheads. [Michelson, 1933, pp. 604^605.]Both men and women relatives mourned from one to three years.Mourning too long might cause another death in the family. Upontne request of an interpreter, the writer suggested to the interpreter'smother (maternal aunt) that she end her period of mourning sinceshe had already mourned for 14 months. "She may do it if a Sistertells her," the interpreter added. The old woman listened, hung herhead, wept, and said, "I can't forget my old man ; he did so much forme and was always so good to me." The interpreter said, with feel-ing : "No, she can't stof) mourning yet. I can see that now."During the period of mourning both men and women dressed inworn-out clotliing, wore no jewelry, allowed hair as it grew again tohang loose over shoulders, and did not participate in any tribal affairor tribal gathering. Agnes Yellow Plume, who was in mourning,had her hair hanging loose over shoulders (pis. 15 and 16). Whenit fell into the way of her vision while sewing, she parted it down theback with both hands. Then she divided each side into two strands,twisted the strands on her right side, one around the other, and whileshe held the ends of the twist in her mouth she twisted the strandson the opposite side in the same manner. Then she tied the ends to-gether and slung the twists over her head letting them hang down herback. She would not braid them since she was in mourning. Wlienthe writer placed a necklace about her neck, she admired it and thenremoved it and put it into her sewing kit. "Mourners don't wearjewelry," the interpreter noted.The Arapaho did not carry around with them during the period ofmourning a bundle or parcel containing hair of the deceased or adish which had been used by the deceased. "The Cree do that.""We keep photographs or bracelets, etc., of the dead person as keep-sakes, but no one carries them around." " ''?" '^i"^'uThe Arapaho were not restricted during mourning by taboo^' tMtajffected their seasonal occupations, such as gathering berries or wildroots, a custom of the Chippewa. Nor did they refrain from pro-nouncing the name of the departed. lO-oeber (1902, p. 17) writes thatthe name of the dead was apparently mentioned as freely as that ofthe living.The Arapaho did not build a fire at the grave of a departed one.Leaving food at the grave was also probably not conventional, al-though several old informants had seen it done. Informants in theirsixties had not even heard of it. Quoting Old Lady Salt Friday: HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 169We used to bring food to the grave and leave it there. We would tell theperson buried there to eat it, and not to feel badly after we left. We used tothink the spirit of this person hovered around and talked to us. We thoughtthat if we brought food to it, it would not come around any more. We talkedto the spirit just as though it were still living. I remember my mother leavingfood at her brother's burial place. At home she had pounded meat fine, andmixed it with berries. She put it into a bag made of the dried lining of theheart of a buffalo. This lining is tough. At the grave she dug a small hole.Then she took the food out of the bag and put it into the hole in the ground andcovered it up. The bag she took home.A. Southern woman in her forties said : When our old people wish to show that they still remember a departed one,they make a collection of many things, such as dresses, blankets, quilts, andshoes. They spend several months doing this. They tie these articles intoseparate bundles. At a gathering of the people, they pile the bundles around aphotograph of the dead person. Then they'll say to others, "Come and see ourdead." Anyone can take a bundle then. We do this because we want thepeople to know that we have not forgotten our dead.DOMESTIC ECONOMYNo responsibility for the economic support of the family rested onthe Arapaho child. Children were expected, however, to help parentsand elders with any work at hand. In this way they learnt adult oc-cupations. They learnt also by being nonparticipant observers ofadults at work. Responsibilities for work were placed upon them asthey grew older.THE BUFFALO : CHIEF SOUKCE OF SUPPLIESSupplies for domestic economies of the Arapaho, as of the PlainsIndians generally, centered about the buffalo. De Smet (1863, p. 148) , who knew life on the American prairies well, wrote in 1854 : "The fleshof the bison is much esteemed and very nourishing ; it is deemed thedaily bread of all the Indian tribes on the great plains."The buffalo [he wrote] supply almost all the necessaries of life. Their skinsform lodges or dwellings, and serve as clothing, litters, bridles and saddle cover-ings, vessels to hold water, boats to cross lakes and rivers; with the hair theIndians made their cordage ; with the sinews, bow-strings and tliread for clothes,as well as glue ; the shoulder blade is spade and pickaxe. [De Smet, 1863, ftn. p.187. Cf. Mooney, 1896, p. 980, for a similar note.]As an eyewitness to the large numbers of buffaloes, De Smet wrotein 1854:The bisons roam the prairies in herds of several hundreds, and often of severalthousands. On many of my travels I have seen with my own eyes, as far as Icould discern on these immense plains, thousands and thousands of these nobleanimals moving slowly, like an interminable troop, in one direction, and browsingthe grass as they progress. They have a fearful appearance; their hairy headsinspire with terror those who are ignorant of the pacific habits of this noblequadruped. Indeed, such is their timidity that one man can put to flight the most 170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148numerous herd. When alarmed, the tramp of their hoofs, their bellowings, andthe columns of dust which they raise, resemble the deep murmurs of a tempestmingling with peals of thunder, lessening as they grow more remote. [De Smet,1863, pp. 147-148.]Informants of this study referred with regret to the passing of thedays of the buffalo. "The buffalo was our best friend. Nearly every-thing we had we owed to him : our food, our tipis, our clothes, ourbedding, everything. If any family did not have all it needed in thosedays, it wasn't the buffalo's fault !"DIVISION OF LABORAn Arapaho man's chief economic occupation was the chase; awoman's, the preparation and care of food supplies and the dressingof hides used in making clothing, bedding, and tipi coverings.A man provided food not only for his own wives and children but also for hismother-in-law's family [said a Southern man in discussing the sharing of work].The man brought whatever he killed into his mother-in-law's tent. Here hiswives, that is, those who were daughters of the mother-in-law, helped to dressthe animal. The cooking, however, was mostly done by the mother-in-law with-out her daughters' help. When the food was cooked, she asked them to fetchit to their own tents or she brought it to them. The daughters, however, wereexpected to keep their own tipis clean and orderly. They and their mothertogether dressed and tanned hides, and made moccasins. In the event the motherdied, and the wives had no maternal aunt to direct their work, the eldest ofthem took over. But she stayed in her own tipi; she did not move to themother's tipi.Farnham recorded the busy life of an Arapaho man's wife in 1839 : His wife takes care of his horses, manufactures his saddles and bridles, andleash ropes and whips, his moccasins, leggings, and hunting-shirts, from leatherand other materials prepared by her own hands ; beats with a wooden adze hisbuffalo robes, till they are soft and pleasant for his couch ; tans hides for his tentcovering, and drags from the distant hills the clean white-pine poles to support it ; cooks his daily food and places it before him. And should sickness overtake him,and death rap at the door of his lodge, his squaw watches kindly the last yearn-ings of the departing spirit. His sole duty, as her lord in life, and as a citizen ofthe Arrapahoe tribe, is to ride the horse which she saddles and brings to his feet,kill the game which she dresses and cures ; sit and slumber on the couch whichshe spreads; and fight the enemies of the tribe. [Farnham in Thwaites,1904-7, vol. 28, p. 267.]Old women informants of the present study were quite certain, onthe contrary, that a woman's duties formerly were not nearly sostrenuous and trying as those of a man ; hunting, they thought, waslaborious, and warfare, dangerous.HUNTINOMeat, especially buffalo meat, was the chief food of the Arapaho.The plains abounded with wild animals. De Smet wrote of theprairies in 1851 : HILGBB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 171 It may be said that it is the country in which the buffalo and herds of deer aregenerally found in the greatest abundance. A good hunter might easily killhere, in the course of a day, several cows, deer, a mountain-goat, a red-tailedand black-tailed duck, an antelope, hares and rabbits. He might fire twiceupon a grizzly bear, and perhaps meet a gray and a silver fox. To this list ofanimals we may add the beaver, otter, badger, prairie-dog, and several kinds ofwild fowl, principally pheasants and grouse. [De Smet, 1863, pp. 83-S4.] "Since providing the family with meat was the Arapaho man's chiefeconomic duty, boys were trained early to use the bow and arrow.A boy's first success in shooting an animal used as food, usually abird or rabbit, was celebrated by his family by giving away gifts;sometimes these gifts were given away at a feast prepared by hismother. Usually, but not always, the meat of the animal was servedat the feast.Sherman Sage related his first successes in hunting : When I was 9 years old, a chum of mine?he was a lifelong chum of mine;the old fellow died not long ago?and I were somewhere near Denver [Coloradol.We had been climbing around in the cliffs and had sat down to rest. Just thena deer came out from behind some cliff and stood there. It didn't move. I goton my knees and shot. I was lucky, for I shot the animal right in the forehead.I brought it home. My mother was surely proud of me. She cooked the meatand invited all the old people. In fact, she was so happy that when one oldwoman came in, she put a newly tanned buffalo robe on her back. She askedthe old people to pray for me. As each old man came in, she asked himespecially to pray for me. That was the custom. Those that thought muchof their children always had a feast when a boy brought home his first hunt.Before I killed that deer, my father had given me a bow and an arrow. I hadshot a bird, got it, and brought it home. My folks gave a feast at that time,too. The bird was lying in the tipi and everybody that came looked at it. Mymother pointed it out to them and said with a good deal of pride that I hadshot it. My folks were proud of me because I had a good aim ; they predictedthat I would be a good hunter. Yes, they showed that bird to everybody thatcame around. That was before I killed my first deer. And here is anotherexperience I want to tell you about. It will give you another instance uponwhich my parents based their predictions. I was about 21 years old whenthis happened. We [Arapaho tribe] were in camp down toward Casper[Wyoming]. Our family lived near a river. Going up to our tipi one day, Icame upon two old men who were watching an eagle circle round and round.They couldn't shoot at it because of its circling. I took the bow and arrowof one of the old men and waited until the eagle started downward. Just asit made a turn, I shot it in the first joint of the wing. I crippled the wing. Soonthe eagle came swooping downward.Quoting Arnold Woolworth : I must have been about 6 years old when I began to use a bow and arrow ; Iknow I was 7 when I shot my first rabbit. My parents were glad to see mebring home something I had killed. They cooked the rabbit, and we ate it athome. No, I was not given a new name because I had shot something. Maybesome other tribes do that; we don't. I was surprised, and proud, too, when Ishot my first bird. It was our custom that the father give away a horse when ??For descriptions of Arapaho country, see James Hildreth (1836). For abundance ofbuffaloes, see William Hornaday (1889). 172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 148 a son shot Ms first bird or rabbit or buffalo calf. My father did that for mybrother who was much older than I. He didn't do it for me. The old customswere dying out when I was growing up.Quoting a 60-year-old Southern woman : A motlier was so proud of her boy when he killed his first bird that she pre-pared a feast at which she gave away presents. She felt the same way when hekilled his first rabbit. If she had no gifts to give away then, she cut the rabbitup and gave her friends each a piece of it. I know that I will be proud whenmy boy kills his first bird or rabbit. Formerly boys used bows and arrows,not guns.Every young man was expected to assist with the butchering andthe transporting of meat from the scene of the hunt to the campingplace. He was not, however, permitted to join the communal tribalbuffalo-hunting expeditions until he reached his twenties. Occa-sionally, a young man in his teens tried his success as an individual.A Southern hunter said: "I shot a buffalo calf directly in the headwith a gun and killed it when I was about 15 years old. We werereally not to shoot buffalo until we were much older. But occasion-ally a boy tried his luck and no one said much about it, unless hedisturbed the herd by doing so." Sherman Sage killed his firstbuffalo when he was 15 or 16 years old.I killed a little buffalo calf of fawn color, at the time my little sister wasborn [he related]. When I said I was going out to hunt a buffalo, the mentold me that I was too young. They said, "You will get yourself all bloody."But I went. And I shot my first buffalo. I drew it aside and killed it. ThenI stripped off a piece of hide. Next I opened its belly and took out the largeintestine, which I turned inside out. Then I stuck a knife into a blood vesseland let the blood flow into the intestine, as a container. Next I cut out theliver and the kidneys and put them into the piece of hide. Then I went home.My mother was pleased when she heard me say to my father, "I am bringingyou something you will be glad to eat." She said, "You are sneaking this in."My father sat down then and talked to me. He told me that after this I couldkill buffalo, but that before I killed one for myself, I must kill one for an oldman. That if ever I killed many and there was an old man around, I shouldtake one to him and say, "Here is a buffalo ; it is yours." I should never sayto him, "Here is a buffalo ; I killed it for you." I asked my father why I couldn'ttell that old man that I had killed it for him. He answered, "If you toldthis old man that you killed it for him, it would be the same as saying to him, 'I killed your relative.' So we never used those words ; we simply said, 'Hereis your buffalo. This is yours.' " Usually men did not go out to hunt buffalountil they were 20 years old. My father told me when I was a boy that I wastoo young to go; that he didn't want me to get all bloody yet. But after Ikilled the buffalo that I told you about, he told me to go ahead, but to makecertain that before I killed one for myself, I first killed one for an old man.If immediate needs called for it, a man sometimes either went outsingly or with a few other men, to get several buffaloes. Usually,however, buffalo hunting was an organized community affair. Theentire tribe, or a division of it, moved from the winter shelters to theopen prairies in the spring, after the buffalo calves were several weeks HiLGBH] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 173 old. Camp was then staked on tlie banks of a river, in the vicinity ofwhich the buffaloes were known to be.De Smet describes a single-handed hunt by an Assiniboin whoacted as his guide : Alone and on foot, he stealthily approached a large herd of bison cows. Assoon as he was near enough to them to allow of their hearing him, he began toimitate the cry of a young calf. At once the cows ran towards the place ofconcealment of the ingenious hunter, and he killed one of them. The troop,alarmed, withdrew hastily and in great disorder. He reloaded his rifle andrenewed his cry; the cows stopped, returned as if by enchantment, and he kiUeda second. The Assiniboin assured us that he could easily have taken moreby the same stratagem, but thinking two cows were enough for us, he sufferedthe rest to go. [De Smet, 1863, p. S4.]Wissler (1931, pp. 6, 7) notes two methods of hunting buffalo thatwere generally used by the prairie Indians before horses were intro-duced: One of these was to entice or stampede small herds into en-closures where they were shot down at will. By the other, the buffaloeswere rounded up by systematic grass firing and while they were incompact formation were attacked at close range by foot men. It islikely that both of these methods were used by the Arapaho.A Southern woman had heard old men say that when huntingbuffalo, men on horseback chased the young animals from the oldand then sorted out the cows from the bulls. In this way they couldkill whatever they wanted. They packed the meat on the back ofhorses and brought it home for their wives to dry. "Drying was doneon poles ; we dry beef that way today."The method most generally used by the Arapaho, according to in-formants, was the following: Chiefs and scouts decided upon thetime. Then all men beyond their teens rode out on horseback, sur-rounded the buffalo herd at some distance so as not to alarm the ani-mals, and gradually closed in on them. When the herd was fairlywell corralled, a few men kept the herd from spreading out while theothers shot or speared the animals.If the herd w^as at a great distance from the camping place, a singleman might be sent out to entice the herd nearer the hunters. De Smetwitnessed such a scene on the plains : He approaches, against the wind, and with the greatest precaution. At thedistance of about one hundred paces he envelops himself in a buffalo hide, thefiir turned outside, and also envelops his horse as much as possible in thesame manner, and then makes a plaintive cry in imitation of that of a bisoncalf. As if by enchantment, this cry attracts the attention of the whole herd ; after some seconds, several thousands of these quadrupeds, hearing this pitifulplaint, turn towards the pretended calf. At first they move slowly, then ad-vance into a trot, and at last they push forward in full gallop. The horsemancontinually repeats the cry of the calf, and takes his course towards the pen,ever attentive to keep at the same distance from the animals that are followinghim. By this stratagem he leads the vast herd of bisons through the wholedistance that separates him from his companions, who are on the qui vive, full 174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 of ardor and impatience to share with him in his sport. [De Smet, 1863, pp.1.-11-152.]A Northern woman had accompanied her husband who went outwith a party to hunt. "Women often did this formerly." One largebuffalo was killed, but her husband didn't think he had gotten a fairshare of it. "He didn't like this. So he went away by himself tosmoke. Before smoking he pointed the pipestem toward heaven andthe earth and the four directions. Immediately afterward he wentout again and he got a buffalo. Smoking, in the old days, you know,was like praying." The stem of the pipe that her husband had usedwas made from the bone of the foreleg of an antelope. He smokedkinnikinnick.Fremont, an eyewitness to a buffalo hunt of the Arapaho andCheyenne on July 8, 1842, described it thus : We were too far to hear the report of the guns, or any sound; and at everyinstant, through the clouds of dust, which the sun made luminous, we could seefor a moment two or three buffalo dashing along, and close behind them anIndian with his long spear, or other weapon, and instantly again they disappeared.The apparent silence, and the dimly seen figures flitting by with such rapidity,gave it a kind of dreamy effect, and seemed more like a picture than a scene ofreal life. It had been a large herd when the cei'ne commenced, probably threeor four hundred in number; but, though I watched them closely, I did not seeone emerge from the fatal cloud where the work of destruction was going on.After remaining here about an hour, we resumed our journey in the directionof the village.Gradually, as we rode on, Indian after Indian came dropping along, ladenwith meat; and by the time we had neared the lodges, the backward road wascovered with the returning horsemen. It was a pleasant contrast with the desertroad we had been traveling. [Fremont then goes on to describe the Arapahocamp.] Several had joined company with us, and one of the chiefs invited us tohis lodge. The village consisted of about one hundred and twenty-five lodges,of which twenty were Cheyennes, the latter pitched a little apart from theArapahoes. They were disposed in a scattering manner on both sides of a broad,irregular street, about one hundred and fifty feet wide and running along theriver. As we rode along, I remarked near some of the lodges a kind of tripodframe, formed of three slender poles of birch, scraped very clean, to which wereaflBxed the shield and spear, with some other weapons of a chief. All werescrupulously clean, the spearhead was burnished bright, and the shield whiteand stainless. It reminded me of the days of feudal chivalry ; and when, asI rode by, I yielded to the passing impulse, and touched one of the spotless shieldswith the muzzle of my gun, I almost expected a grim warrior to start from thelodge and resent my challenge. The master of the lodge spread out a robe forme to sit upon, and the squaws set before us a large wooden dish of buffalo meat.He had lit his pipe in the meanwhile, and when it had been passed around, wecommenced our dinner while he continued to smoke. Gradually, five or sixother chiefs came in, and took their seats in silence. When we had finished,our host asked a number of questions ... A storm had been gathering for thepast hour, and some pattering drops on the lodge warned us that we had somemiles to our camp. . . . We found our companions under some densely foliagedold trees, about three miles up the river. . . . Nearly opposite was the mouthof one of the most considerable affluents of the South fork, la Fourche aux Castors HILOGB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 175(Beaver fork), heading off in the ridge to the southeast. [Fremont, 1846,pp. 18-19.]Lone Man, a Southern Arapaho, described the implement used inenticing deer by means of a call. It was made by hollowing out a3-inch section of the limb of a tree, the limb being about 2 inches indiameter. One end of the casing was then sliced to li/^ inches fromthe end and a thin slice of wood pushed into this end. The piece ofwood was fitted tightly into the cut slits and held there by buckskinstrips that were wound about the outside of the casing. Strings weresometimes used in place of the thin slice of wood. According to LoneMan, wild turkeys were also enticed by a call. Some hunters, he said,stretched a tough blade of grass tightly between the thumbs. By blow-ing the breath through it, they imitated the call of the wild turkey.He himself had not used this method, for he was able to imitate thecall of the wild turkey without the use of a grass blade. (See WorksProgress Administration.) Kroeber (1902, p. 22) notes that whistlesof either wood or bone were used as deer calls in himting. Dogs werenot used in hunting (Kroeber, 1902, p. 24) . Sherman Sage knew of distinguished hunters who had possessedhunting charms. He knew persons, also, with whom these had beenshared. But charms were not used generally, he noted.FOOD AND ITS PREPARATIONThe chief food of the Arapaho was meat, more especially buffalomeat, as stated previously. The meat of an ashen gray buffalo, amutant, was not eaten; it caused a skin eruption of white blotches. "In those old days we mostly ate buffalo meat. It made childrenand everybody strong. After the White man came he would notallow us to kill buffalo ; he gave us bacon and flour instead. But theIndians didn't know what bacon was. I'm amused every time nowwhen I go to town and buy bacon. It reminds me of the days whenwe had to learn to eat bacon." Deer meat, too, was relished. So wasdog meat. Other foods were wild roots and wild berries.Fresh meat was boiled with wild roots.^"*' Meat not needed forimmediate use was cut into ribbonlike pieces and either hung in airand sun to dry, or more often cured over slow fires. The smoke gaveit additional flavor and made it vermin safe. Hayden (1863, p. 327)recorded that a weed found on gravelly hills, a species of Eriogonum,was used for smoking meat. The Arapaho called it bis-ci'-hin, bimeaning cow, and ci-hin, smoke, therefore buffalo smoke. Strips ofjerked beef were being cured for storage, in the traditional way,during the years of the present study. In one home it hung across apole which was attached cornerwise in a kitchen over an open stove. 100 Kroeber writes that elk-horn scrapers which were used In dressing hides were some-times used in digging roots. (Cf. Kroeber, 1902, p. 26.) 176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BtJLUl48The following ways of preparing meat or animal products arethose of Mary Black Horse, a Southern Arapaho. The brochure fromwhich they were copied states that "the foods prepared by thesemethods nourished the people who lived in this land long before whitemen came."Dry Meat.?Slice the meat very thin, salt slightly aud hang in sunshine onpoles (not wires as wire turns meat green). Turn meat three times during theday, remove at night and place, well stretched, on canvas cloth. Cover withcanvas and press. Place in cool and dry place during night. Hang in sunshinesecond day. When meat turns dark it is cured. Third day it turns graj'. Put inpasteboard box and store. To prepare for serving place in oven. It will turnbrown quickly. Or sprinkle cold water on both sides, pound with hammer untilfine, mix with Indian butter and roll into balls or serve as it is.Indian Bologna.?Take the long straight gut of a beef, clean and turn, placein warm water and bring to boil, remove, and clean well (when clean will feellike a silk glove). Take the tenderloin of beef, slice and cut in one inch strips.PuU the gut over the meat but do not have tightly filled with meat. Tie oneend of filled gut. Pour water salted to taste into gut being careful not to gettoo full as it will shrink when heated. Place in warm water and continue tocook until meat is done.Indian Butter.?Take joints and bones, particularly those of the lower backof animals, chop fine, cover with cold water, bring to boil, and boil slowly.When fat comes to top, pour cup of cold water into mixture to solidify andremove at once with dipper or ladle. Continue to boil for 2 hours removing fatat intervals. Add small amount of sugar to fat, mix and allow to solidify.Punch hole and drain off all liquid. Serve with dry meat or use as dairybutter. The butter is also delicious served with Indian Fry bread.^"Dog meat was not only eaten at ceremonials, but was generally eatenand relished by the Arapaho. Farnham {in Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 28,p. 266) wrote : "They own large numbers of horses, mules, dogs, andsheep. The dogs they fatten and eat. Hence the name Arapahoes ? dog eaters." Mooney (1896, p. 954) wrote that Saretika, the Comancheand Shoshoni name for the Arapaho, meant dog eaters, "in allusionto their special liking for dog flesh." Kroeber (1902, p. 31) notedthat a small dog had been cooked whole for the ceremonial accom-panying the transferal from one owner to another of a sacred bagused when ornamenting buffalo robes and tents.Dogs are considered a delicacy today. "We always eat dogs at theSun Dance. I recently [1941] killed a young pup about three monthsold. The meat was really delicious." "Puppies are eaten beforethey themselves eat anything dirty. They are dressed like chickens,with entrails removed and limbs cut off, and are then boiled. I haveeaten them ; they taste very good. They taste like pork. Some personsaround here still eat them."Wild cherries {Padus serotina) were eaten both fresh and dried.Those that were not eaten fresh were partially crushed, both pulpi? Copied from Indian Cool?ery (MSS) with the courteous permission of Tommie Wortb,Home Demonstrator on the Cheyenne-Arapabo Reservation, 1941. HiLGEK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 177and pit, and sun-dried. An extra supply might be caked and stored.Most generally it was used in making pemmican, pemmican being acompound of finely pounded dried buffalo meat or buffalo fat andcrushed wild cherries. Pemmican was stored in rawhide containers,called parfleches. Long reported purchasing pemmican from anArapaho woman in 1819 : The squaw had in her possession a quantity of small flat blackish cakes, whichon tasting we found very palatable. Having purchased some of them, we ascer-tained that they were composed of the wild cherry, of which both pulp andstone were iwunded together, until the latter is broken into fragments, thenmixed with grease, and dried in the sun. [Long in Thwaites, 1904-7, vol. 16,pp. 217-218.]Buffalo berries {/Shepherdia argentea and S. canadensis) and serv-ice berries {Amelanchier) were also a favorite diet. Both were sun-dried and stored. "In the winter we mixed the buffalo berries withgrease and ate this mixture with meat ; today we mix the berries withlard and use this on bread like jam." Berries gathered in Augustwere being sun-dried on porches and roofs, in boxes and on canvasesduring the present study. Gathering them before the first frost pre-serves the tart taste which the Arapaho favor. Because of the thornson the bushes, the berries are not picked by hand, but the bushes arebeaten with a stick until all the berries have fallen on cloth or canvaslaid under the bushes. Catlin noted the abundance of berries in theprairie areas and wrote : . . . we had the luxury of service-berries, without stint ; and the buffalo bushes,which are peculiar to these northern regions, lined the banks of the river anddefiles in the bluffs, sometimes for miles together ; forming almost impassablehedges, so loaded with the weight of their fruit, that their boughs were every-where gracefully bending down and resting on the ground.This last shrub (shepperdia) , which may be said to be the most beautifulornament that decks out the wild prairies, forms a striking contrast to the restof the foliage, from the blue appearance of its leaves, by which it can be dis-tinguished for miles in distance. The fruit which it produces in such incredibleprofusion, hanging in clusters to every limb and to every twig, is about the sizeof ordinary currants, and not unlike them in colour and even in flavour ; beingexceedingly acid, and almost unpalatable, until they are bitten by the frostsof autumn, when they are sweetened, and their flavour delicious ; having, tothe taste, much the character of grapes, and I am inclined to think, would pro-duce excellent wine.The shrub which bears them resembles some varieties of the thorn, though (asI have said) differs entirely in the colour of its leaves. It generally growsto the height of six or seven feet, and often to ten or twelve ; and in grovesor hedges, in some places, for miles in extent. [Catlin, 1841, pp. 72-73.]Wild currants, intended for winter storage, were being poundedwith a stone by a Northern woman (August 1936). The mash was tobe mixed with flour, molded into cakes by hand, and then sun-dried."Some women put theirs through a meat grinder, but I like mine892644?52 13 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148crushed the old way. Too much juice is lost doing it any other way,"she remarked.Wild roots were probably only a meager part of the Arapaho diet.Cultivated vegetables may have been an important food in very remotetimes. Sherman Sage recalled hearing his grandmother tell that theirpeople planted corn and prepared the ground for it with a hoe madeof a bone attached to a stout stick. Chief Little Kaven told Clark(1885, p. 40) : "Before we crossed the Missouri River we used to plantand raise corn. The Arickarees stole the corn and the art of raisingit from us. Before we went hunting so much we lived on what weraised from the ground." Arapaho of the present study dug a wildroot called by them "carrot" and another with two roots called "po-tato." They are boiled and eaten, soon after being gathered. Theyare considered too soft to be dried and stored for winter use.A 65-year-old Northern woman made a beverage for mealtime ? "the same as my grandmother used"?by boiling wild peppermint inwater. Her son had gathered an armful near the Wind River (1942) , which she tied into a bunch and hung from the kitchen rafters todry.There were no set hours for mealtime. A meal was prepared when-ever a fresh supply of meat was brought in; at other times onlywhen some older member of the household indicated hmiger. Quot-ing Sherman Sage : In old times people in general ate three times a day ; old people ate morethan three times a day. The old men were often invited out and given food,especially meat ; sometimes the old women wei'e invited, too. Each one broughthis own dish. If they were offered more food than they could eat, especiallymeat, as sometimes happened, they stuck the extra pieces on a willow twigand took them home. Soup containing different kinds of berries was oftenserved to them, too. But this, of course, was eaten in the place. We neversweetened our gravy or soup ; in fact we had nothing to sweeten it with. Wedid not use wild honey, but we did suck a sweet substance out of a big beeafter killing it. We used salt that we took from rock salt beds found on theway to Oklahoma. We stored salt in rawhide bags.According to Mooney (1896, p. 967), the Plains Indians were alsovery fond of the sweet milky juice found between the bark and thewood of the cottonwood {Populus Tnonilifera) . Kroeber (1902, p. 24) tells of two Arapaho methods of makingfire : By one method two stones were struck?later a piece of flint anda piece of steel?and dry pithy cottonwood used for tinder. The othercalled for a hand-worked fire drill made of a plant or shrub (siitcina-waxu) grown on the prairie. With this buffalo dung was used astinder. Buffalo dung served as fuel, unless wood was available.Cooking in very early days was done either in the paunch of thebuffalo or, probably more often since it was more durable, in a bowl-shaped rawhide. The paunch or rawhide was placed in a hole made Hiloeb] ARAPAHO CHILD LITE 179in the ground with the edges resting on the rim of the hole. Theedges were held in position by being weighted down with stones.After water and small pieces of meat were put into the containerheated stones were dropped in. When cooled off the stones were re-placed by other heated ones. This process was continued until thecontents were sufficiently boiled. Kroeber's informants told of potteryused for cooking (Kroeber, 1902, p. 25). In more recent times ironkettles obtained by trade with Wliites were used.In the early day the bladder of any large animal served as a bucketfor carrying water.^?- According to Kroeber, spoons were made ofhorns of mountain sheep ; bowls were hollowed-out knots of the cotton-wood tree ; rawhide served as plates ; knives were made of the narrowpiece of a buffalo shoulder blade (Cf. Kroeber, 1902, pp. 24, 25).Knives were not used near the place of cooking. "Even today womencan't sharpen knives on a stove," said a Northern woman, "or stirthings on a stove with one, or turn pancakes with one. In fact, touse a knife anywhere near a stove will cause horses to become lameor to be hurt. It might cause them to run into a barbed wire. AWliite woman asked me to turn pancakes with a knife the other day,and it sent a chill down my back."Collins describes an Arapaho fireplace and a meal served him inthe tipi of Powder Face, an Arapaho chief in the 1890s, thus : We all sat down on buffalo robes which covered the floor, except in the center,where some flat stones covered an area eighteen inches square. In the center ofthis square sat an iron pot on a flat stone raising it above the fire bed. A fireof small faggots burned there, each faggot pointing toward a common centermarked by the pot. To the west of the fire was another group of flat stones witha few ashes strewn over them. . . .Indians never had any regular mealtime, eating whenever they felt like it.When there were provisions in the tepee, something was always simmering overthe fire in the pot. So it was in Powder Face's tepee that day. After we hadseated ourselves, the wife took a turkey-wing fan and whipped the fire into lifeas she pushed the unburned ends into the center. Soon there was a steamingwhich betokened preparation for eating. Powder Face first took some fire andraked it onto the other flat stones. On this he placed a piece of meat taken fromthe pot in the center. This was a burnt offering. Then each of us took pointedsticks and fished out some of the meat on plates of wooden board. Before eating,the man of the house held a piece of the meat on a stick above the burnt offeringand spoke to the Great Being above, then lowered it toward the earth and askedMother Earth to give him strength. The meat was beef, and in the same messwas what looked like potatoes to me. I afterwards found that these were theroots of cat-tails from the near-by river banks. After I had eaten my fill ofmeat and cat-tail roots, the squaw gave me a large hunk of dried wild cherries.These had been dried and mashed into a mass which was kept in parfleche trunksabout the tepee. We washed this down with water from the river. [Collins,1928, pp. 194-195.] ^"^ Kroeber records a similar statement. (Cf. Kroeber, 1902, p. 18.) 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148THE TEPIThe tipi was the Arapaho child's home. It consisted of a conicalframework of long, slender, straight poles of either cedar or pine,more often of pine. According to Mooney (1896, p. 979), cedar wasparticularly desirable because of its fineness of grain and durabilitywhich made it both heat- and moisture-resistant and therefore pre-vented warping. Two sets of tipi poles owned by Northern womeninformants were lodge pole pines {Pinus murrayana) . They werecompletely trimmed of all outer and inner bark and had been smoothedwith sandpaper. When the tipi was to be erected, the poles, usually20 to 30 in number, were set firmly into the ground and brought to-gether about 3 to 4 feet from the top.The tipi cover consisted of dressed buffalo skins, usually untanned.These were fitted and sewed together on the ground to form a hemi-sphere of one continuous piece. It took from 15 to 20 skins to makea cover, the number depending on the size of the tipi and also on thesize of the skins. Longer pieces, called "ears" were sewed to each sidenear the center of the hemisphere. When the cover was in use, the "ears" were adjusted so as to regulate the draft. Strands of sinewwere used in the sewing.Burton recorded a description of a tipi and the erection of it in1862. Among the tribes using it were the Arapaho. His accountfollows : The Sioux, Arapahos, Cheyennes, Utaha, Snakes, Blackfeet, and Kiowas usethe Comanche lodge covered with bison skins, which by dressing become flexibleas canvas. They are usually of a shining white, save where smoke-stained nearthe top; the lodges of great chiefs are sometimes decorated with horizontalstripes of alternate black and white, and ornamented with figures human andbestial, crosses, circles, and arabesques. The lodge is made of eight to twenty-four straight peeled poles or saplings of ash, pine, cedar, or other wood, hardand elastic if possible, about 20 feet long; the largest marquees are 30 feet indiameter by 35 feet high, and are comprised of 26-30 buffalo skins ; and they aresometimes planted round a "basement" or circular excavation two or three feetdeep. When pitching, three poles lashed to one another with a long line, some-what below the thinner points, are raised perpendicularly, and the thicker endsare spread out in a tripod to the perimeter of the circle which is to form thelodge floor; the rest of the poles are then propped against the three first,and disposed regularly and equi-distantly to make a steady and secure conicalframework. The long line attached to the tripod is then wound several timesround the point where the poles touch, and the lower end is made fast to the baseof the lodge, thus securing the props in position. The covering of dressed, hair-less, and water-proof cow-buffalo hide?traders prefer Osnaburg?cut and sewnto fit the frame like an envelope, and sometimes pinned together with skewers,Is either raised at first with the tripod, or afterward hoisted with a perch andspread round the complete structure. It is pinned to the ground with woodenpegs, and a narrow space forms a doorway, which may be closed with a blanketsuspended from above and spread out with two small sticks. The apex is leftopen with a triangular wing or flap, like a lateen sail, and is prevented from clos-ing by a pole inserted into a pocket at the end. The aperture points to windward HILGKR] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 181when ventilation is required, and, drawing like a windsail, it keeps the interiorcool and comfortable ; when smoke is to be carried off, it is turned to leeward,thus giving draught to the fire, and making the abode warm in the severestweather, while in lodges of other forms, you must lie down on the ground to pre-vent being asphyxiated. By raising the lower part so as freely to admit thebreeze, it is kept perfectly free from mosquitoes, which are unable to resist thestrong draught. The squaws are always the tent-pitchers, and they equal orien-tals in dexterity and judgment. Before the lodge of each warrior stands his lightspear, planted Bedouin-fashiou in the ground, near or upon a tripod of thin,cleanly-scraped wands, seven to eight feet long, which support his spotless whitebuffalo-skin targe, sometimes decorated with his "totem"?we translate the word "crest"?and guarded by the usual prophylactic, a buckskin sack containingmedicine. . . . The fire, as in the old Hebridean huts, is built in the centre of thehard dirt floor ; a strong stick planted at the requisite angle supports the kettle,and around the walls, are berths divided by matted screens; the extremest un-cleanliness, however, is a feature never absent. In a quiet country these villageshave a simple and patriarchal appearance. The tents, which number from fifteento fifty, are disposed round a circular central space, where animals can betethered. Some have attached to tliem corrals of wattled canes, and a few boastof fields where corn and pumpkins are raised. [Burton, 1862, pp. 106-108.]One Northern woman when erecting her tipi tied three poles to-gether, about 4 feet from the top, and erected these first. Then sherested the remaining poles against these. "If the poles are placedcorrectly," she remarked, "they never stir from their position." Nextshe raised the covering by means of a pole, and rested the middle ofit on the west side of the framework. She then brought the sides ofthe covering toward the east, or the front, laid one edge over the otherand pinned them together with wooden pegs. An opening was leftat the top to serve as a smoke hole and for ventilation. The entrancealways faced east "so as to face the sun ; light is holy, you know." Shenext pounded short wooden pegs through the ground edge of the coverand into the ground. This fastened the cover and gave it tautness.She now poked the end of a pole into an "ear" and rested the poleagainst the same side on the outside of the tipi. A second pole waspoked into the other "ear" and rested against the tipi on that side."With these we regulated the smoke," she remarked. If the windblew from the southwest, for instance, the south pole was manipulatedinto position so that its flap prevented the wind from blowing thesmoke back into the tipi. The pole to the north in this instance wasallowed to drop its flap on the framework toward the west. In theevent of rain, both flaps were folded over so as to close the opening.A hide was fastened over the entrance of the tipi to keep out rainyor cold weather, and also animals.Hides used as tipi coverings were dressed by the women withoutceremony. Ceremonials, however, accompanied sewing them togetherand decorating them. Not all women had their tipis decorated. Itwas customary for a woman who had actually invaded an enemy campand struck an enemy in his own camp to count coups while making the 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 148decorations for a tipi. "Such a woman might also count coups whenpiercing a child's ear at the Sun Dance."A conventional set of tipi ornaments, according to Kroeber, con-sisted of five circular pieces of hide or skin embroidered with quills orbeads and a series of triple pendants with dew-claws and loops at theends. One of the five disks was usually about 8 inches in diameter;the other four were smaller. The large one was attached at the topon the west side of the tipi cover just below the place where the poleused in raising the tipi cover into position was fastened. The foursmaller disks were fastened to the cover several feet above the bottom,one each at the southeast, southwest, northwest, and northeast. Someof the triple pendants were attached in two vertical rows, one row oneach side, above the entrance where the cover was pinned together.Others were sewed to the edge of the "ears." ^"^Beds, the chief furnishings of an Arapaho tipi, are described byMooney as follows:The bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods, peeled,straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened together into a sort ofmat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings passed through holes at the endsof the rods. The bed is stretched upon a platform raised about a foot abovethe ground, and one end of the mat is raised up in hammock fashion by meansof a tripod and buckskin hanger. The rods laid across the platform, formingthe bed proper, are usually about 3% or 4 feet long (the width of the bed),while those forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter asthey approach the top, where they ai'e only about half that length. The bedis bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the exposed rodsare painted in bright colors. The hanging portion is distinct from the partresting upon the platform, and in some cases there is a hanger at each end ofthe bed. Over the platform portion are spread the buckskins and blankets,which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A pillow of buckskin, stuffedwith buffalo hair and elaborately ornamented with beads or porcupine quills, issometimes added. The bed is placed close up under the tipi. In the largest tipisthere are usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway and the others oneach side, the fire being built in a hole scooped out in the ground in the centerof the lodge. They are used as seats during waking hours, while the ground,with a rawhide spread upon it, constitutes the only table at meal time. ... Ingoing to bed there is no undressing, each person as he becomes sleepy simplystretching out and drawing a blanket over himself, head and all, while the otheroccupants of the tipi continue their talking, singing, or other business untilthey too lie down to pleasant dreams. [Mooney, 1896, pp. 963-964.] "*Pillows in the early days were made of softly tanned hides stuffedwith hair of deer and antelope. A Northern woman had the pillowsand mattresses of her own bed stuffed with hair of deer and antelopein 1942. She had also used down of milkweed for pillows.Only a few Arapaho owned tipis during the present study but coversin every instance were of canvas. Commercial canvas tents were usedio? Kroeber, 1902, pp. 59-60. Cf. also pp. 70-77 for Kroeber's personal observations ofthe ornamentation of a tent.^ Cf. also pi. 120 in Mooney's study for Arapaho bed. HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 183 as dwellings by many during summer months, since they were coolerthan their frame houses. Families in both groups had sunsheltersin which food was prepared and eaten. Members of families oftenate and also slept in them (pis. 34, i, and 36) . A Northern woman wascertain that "in the old days when the Indians lived in tipis and hadno houses, they didn't mind the cold of winter or the heat of summer.The houses we now live in are too warm in the summer and every onehas colds in the winter." The United States Indian Agent of IndianTerritory reported in 1884 that Little Kaven, an Arapaho chief, wasgiven a hospital building as a residence when the military abandonedCantonment, Okla. The building had cost the Government $12,000."He sleeps in it occasionally," the Report says, "but has his tepee in thefront yard, where his family lives" (Dyer, D. B., 1884, p. 73).DRESSING SKINSDressing skins was a laborious task. It was done exclusively bywomen. Children were helpful in fetching articles and in runningerrands, but they had no part in the labor itself. Girls of marriage-able age, however, assisted in all of the work.No opportunity for witnessing the tanning of hides presented itselfduring this study. Informants, however, were agreed that the steps inthe process of dressing skins were (a) removal of the flesh and fats thathad adhered when the skin was removed from the carcass ; (&) soakingthe hide; (c) scraping off all hair, unless the hide was to be used for arobe or floor mat; (d) treating the hide chemically to soften it; (e)stretching it; (/) softening the hide by scraping and rubbing; and(g) tanning it over a smudge, if tanning was desired. Kroeber re-corded the following details of the Arapaho way of dressing skins : Several tools are in use for dressing skins. A chisel-shaped flesher (nowgenerally made of iron, originally of a buffalo leg-bone) is used to clean theinner surface of hides from fat and flesh. If the hair is to be removed, which isalmost always the case unless a blanket is being made, an instrument made of elk-antler is used. The end of this extends at right angles to the handle, and isprovided with a metal blade. This instrument is at times made of wood, butthen has exactly the shape of those made of antler. With this instrument thehair is cut from the skin with little difficulty. Sometimes a stone hammer isused to pound the hairy side of the skin until the hair comes off. With theelk-antler scraper the hide is generally thinned down more or less, the surfacebeing flaked or planed off. All hides used for clothing are thinned to a certainextent. The scrapings obtained in this process are sometimes eaten. . . .After the hair has been removed, the skin is stretched on the ground by meansof pegs, and dried until stiff, if rawhide is to be made. If soft hide is desired,as for clothing, the skin is soaked and then scraped or rubbed with a bluntedge until it is dry. Now, pieces of tin, whose scraping edge is slightly convex,are generally used for this purpose; formerly bone, horn, and perhaps stone,seem to have been used. Another form of scraper for softening or rougheninghide consists of a slightly curved stick of wood a foot long; in the middle ofthe concave side of this is a metal blade. The whole object somewhat resembles 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148 a draw-knife. This instrument is used more particularly on buckskin, wliich ishung on an upright post or stick. . . . Buffalo-hides are also softened by beingdrawn over a rope, twisted of sinew, about one-third of an inch thick. [Kroeber,1902, pp. 26-27.]Two Nortliern women of the present study tanned elk and cowliides as they had been taught by their mother, who died in 1939 : Here is how mother did it: First the hide was soaked in plain water forabout two days. Then it was stretched and staked taut on the ground in thesun. Immediately after staking it, the hair was scraped off with an implementmade by inserting a blade into a horn. [Scraping was done in a stooping posi-tion with movements toward body.] Before the hide dried, the flesh side wasscraped but with a different tool. Before the hide was completely dry it wassoaked in either warm soap water or warm water mixed with kerosene. Afterthe hide had soaked for some time, it was wrung out and dried hanging overa line, fence, or bush. After it was well dried, it was soaked in a mixture ofliver or brain boiled in water, sometimes raw brain mixed with water. Todaymost women use Oil of Neat's Foot [oleum bubalum]. The hide was then driedon a line or on grass in the sun without wringing or rinsing it. After the hidewas dry, it was again soaked in plain water. This time, however, it was wrungout before drying it. After it was thoroughly dry, it was softened. Mother tookthe handle off the scythe, staked the pointed end of the scythe firmly into theground at the root of a tree and tied the other end firmly to the trunk of thetree with buckskin thongs. Then she pulled the hide back and forth over theblade side of the scythe. This was hard work and it often took her all day.She usually took her time and rested in between. After it was as soft as shewanted it, she dug a hole, about 20 inches deep and about 15 inches in diameter,and built a smudge in it, using either fine chips of wood or bark of cottonwood.She then sewed up the hide to make a sack of it with one end open. She placedthis sack over a tipi-shaped framework made of saplings and set this over thesmudge. She watched the smudge carefully so there would be no blaze, butonly smoke. At the closed end of the sack she had sewed a strip of buckskinwith which she tied the sack to the top of the saplings. This held the hide inplace. When one side of the hide was sufliciently smoked, the sack was turnedinside out and again smoked, thus giving both sides a tan. I always had mothertan the hides for me without smoking them ; I don't like smoke smell. We usedto tell mother to keep the hides outdoors until the smoke smell had left them.Another Northern woman soaked hides (1942) for one night in amixture of water, lard, boiled liver, and brain of either elk, cow, orsheep. She tanned the hides over a smudge to keep moths away, butafter the tanning, she again whitened them by rubbing them withwhite soap. In 1942 she was making tops of moccasins from an elkhide she had whitened. For soles she was using cowhide preparedlike parfleche. Her friend was soaking several cowhides in an irri-gation ditch at the time.^?^ Another Northern woman was about readyto give three elk hides their last softening (1936). She had soakedthem over night and in the morning had tied them into knots to keepthem damp. Stretching them at midday when the sun was hottestwas best, she remarked. She and another woman would pull them in 3"" Whites had seen cowhides soaking in the Wind River (Wind River Reservation, Wyo.)in 1941. HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 185 all directions first, and then back and forth over the sharpened edgeof the blade of a scythe. The blade was ready. She had removed itfrom its handle and had set the pointed end securely into the ground.The other end she had tied to a fence post with ropes. The sharpenededge of the blade faced the angle made by the post and ground. "Formerly four women held the hide while a fifth rubbed it with asharp stone," she added. "But that was hard work."CLOTHINGFormerly the Arapaho wore clothing made of elk and deer hidesfinely dressed and worked until delicately soft. A man's clothingconsisted of shirt, leggings that reached from hips to ankles, moc-casins, and breechclout. Boys' clothing was identical with that ofmen in pattern and material '^^^ (pi. 37).A woman's clothing consisted of an open-sleeved dress that reachedabove the ankles and of moccasins with leggings that nearly reached theknees. Leggings were held in position by means of garters. Girls'clothing, except for size, was identical with that of women ^?^ (pi. 37) . When away from home both men and women wore robes of dressedbuffalo hides ornamented with designs in paint or, more often, inquill work."^ Bradbury {in Thwaites, 1904-7, 5 : 139) saw a Cheyennewear a buffalo robe in the first decade of 1800 that had been purchasedfrom an Arapaho. The robe "was curiously ornamented with figuresworked with split quills, stained red and yellow, intermixed with muchtaste, and the border of the robe entirely hung around with the hoofsof young fawns, which at every movement made a noise much re-sembling that of the rattlesnake when that reptile is irritated." ASouthern women, one of Kroeber's informants, had made 30 robes.Kroeber's account follows : . . . She said that the usual buffalo-robe had twenty lines of quill-embroideryacross it, and was called niisa uxt. There were seventeen lines, and then threemore close together along the bottom of the robe. The lines were ordinarilyyellow. She made one robe with white quill-work, to signify old age. The lineswere formerly not made of red quills (as in some modern robes of children).Only certain portions of designs on the lines were red. Sometimes these weregreen instead of red. Fifty small dew-claws of the buffalo were hung aspendants or rattles along the lower edge of a twenty-lined robe. If the robe hadonly seventeen lines of quill-embroidery, forty hoof-pendants were attached.She had made a robe for every member of her family but one. Whenever shemade and gave away a robe, she received a horse for it. She once began a robe ?? Cf. boys' costnmes, Cat. No. 58021, 58032, collected by Cleaver Warden and G. A.Dorsey in 1905 on the Wind River Reservation, Wye, and exhibited in the Chicago NaturalHistory Museum. Cf. also Wissler, 1916 b, pp. 51-65.*?^ Cf. girls' costumes, Cat. Nos. 58027, 70727, collected by Cleaver Warden and G. A.Dorsey in 1905 on the Wind River Reservation, Wyo., and exhibited in the ChicagoNatural History Museum. Cf. also Wissler, 1916 b, pp. 65-67. For moccasins, seeThayer, 1942, pp. 80-40.*^ Kroeber, 1902. p. 10. Cf. also Mlchelson, 1934, pp. 137-139, for in-law taboos.892644?52 IB 210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148some of the people who lived with him, but that these were some ofthe men to whom she was not allowed to speak, and could, therefore,not interpret for them. They were her husband's fathers in Arapahoway. In several instances we interviewed the wife of one of thesemen. Upon our arrival the old man rose and left without saying aword to us, even by way of welcome. He could not be in the presenceof the interpreter. In some instances he moved several feet awayand sat down behind a tree with back toward us, listening in, however.But he took no part in the conversation. On the following day hiswife would give us additional information, or correct some of theprevious day's statements. Her husband had given her further in-formation after we had left. A Northern informant did not think itproper to continue giving information after her son-in-law sat downabout 15 feet from her in the shade of a tree where his children hadbrought him a plate of dinner. It was the only shady place other thanthe one that we were occupying. Shade was a necessity since the tem-perature that day was 110? F.Sage lived in one room of his two-room house ; his son and the son'sfamily occupied the other. On all occasions that we visited Sage, hisson's wife sat either in the room occupied by her family or in a sunshelter, located behind the house. In recent years, however, he hadeaten in her presence, she remarked?she cooked his meals?but he hadnot spoken to her. Since giving information regarding old customscould hardly be considered a necessity, she did not think that she shouldinterpret for him. She could speak to him only when it was verynecessary.In a three-room house of a Southern Arapaho we found a daughter-in-law sitting alone on the back porch of her house while her 80-year-old father-in-law, who was blind, sat on his bed in a front room of thesame house. The woman's husband and her children had gone to townto a baseball game. She had spent the entire afternoon alone and sohad her father-in-law. She noted : Whenever we wish to say something to each other, we send the children backand forth. For instance, I sent the children to tell their grandfather this noonthat dinner was ready. And they brought him to the table. He and my husbandand the children ate ; I sat on the front porch until the old man was finished. IfI would talk to him, he would think that I had no respect for him. That's whatthe old people all say. I wouldn't talk to him unless it were really necessary.For instance, if he took sick suddenly and there was no one else around here,then I would have to talk to him. Having to sit alone like this and not beingallowed to talk to my father-in-law is really hard. He is a good man and I havealways admired him. He is lonely now, too, because he does not know wherehis son is, the one in the army.Another daughter-in-law who had accompanied us did not appearin her father-in-law's presence at any time. She did not greet him HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 211upon arriving or bid him goodbye when leaving. On our way homeshe solicitously inquired of his daughter, the interpreter, whether herfather-in-law had failed any since the daughter had last seen him.JOKING RELATIVESSisters-in-law were expected to tease their brothers-in-law and tojoke with them. Brothers-in-law were expected to do the same to boththeir sisters-in-law and brothers-in-law. This joking and teasing wasoften of a questionable nature, sometimes obscene. "It is understoodthat when I meet a brother-in-law or a sister-in-law I will jokewith them." "I am suj)posed to tease the sisters and the brothers ofmy husband. My husband is supjDosed to tease my brothers and sis-ters." "My husband's brother teases me about the past. I just jokewith him. My husband does the same to my sister no matter wherehe meets her." "My sisters are both married. I can throw water ontheir husbands ; they are my brothers-in-law. My sisters do that, too,to my husband. My husband can do it to his brother's wife, also."Teachers in an Arapaho school remarked : The girls in our school have always shown great respect toward their brothersand boy cousins. They seldom even speak to them ; when they do, it is with thehighest regard. But these same girls will tease their brothers-in-law, also boysat school, and that often in questionable ways, something that has always seemedto us much more dangerous than it would be to talk to their brothers or cousins.Quoting Kroeber : Brothers-in-law joke with each other frequently ; often they abuse each othergood-naturedly ; but they may not talk obscenely to each other. If one does so, heis struck by the other. A brother-in-law and sister-in-law also often joke eachother. They act toward each other with considerable freedom; a woman maypour water on her brother-in-law while he is asleep, or tease him otherwise, andhe retaliates in similar ways. [Kroeber, 1902, p. 11.]SEPARATIONS, DIVORCESThe Arapaho had no formal divorces, that is, no legal dissolution ofthe marriage bond. Separation of couples, however, was not infre-quent. Either partner left the other. Usually, however, the wifeleft her husband or the husband sent her away. Sometimes the wifeordered the husband to leave the tipi.The wife left her husband because he mistreated her, because heneglected her for another woman, or because she herself had a sweet-heart with whom she preferred to live. A husband sent his wife awaybecause he considered her unfaithful, because he found her quarrel-some, or because he himself was enamoured with another woman whomhe wished to marry. If the wife ordered her husband to leave, it wasbecause of nonsupport. 212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148A wife was considered unfaithful if suspicions of unfaithfulnesshad been aroused in her husband because he had seen her speaking toanother man too often or when alone, or because she was talked of ashaving been seen living with another man. Sometimes her husbandverified his suspicions ; sometimes he did not.Occasionally a suspicious man calmly sent his wife away, either toher paramour or to her home. More often he became angry andjealous. Usually he whipped her, and cut off the tip of her nose or herbraids, or both. According to Kroeber (1902, p. 13), he also slashedher cheeks. This treatment of an unfaithful wife was conventionaland neither her parents nor the tribe did anything about it. "Thereis one case known in which a man bit off his wife's nose. The Black-feet, too, mutilate the faces of their wives." "I had a grandmother,my mother's mother, whose husband was jealous of her and cut hernose off with a knife. She was ashamed of her nose after that andwould hold her hand before her face when talking to people. It wascomical to see her holding her hand that way and looking down onher nose to see if it was completely covered. Such a woman was some-times spoken of as 'The-woman-with-a-nose-without-a-point.' Theknife we used in slaughtering had no point and was called in Arapaho,the knife-without-a-point. When my grandmother wanted this knifeshe would never call it by its name."Quoting Sage : If a husband came upon his wife while she was talking to a man, he mightsneak up on the man and cut off his braid. Later he'd cut either the nose or anearlobe off his wife. But there were instances when a man found his wife withanother man and simply said to them, "You two can marry each other. Tou canhave her." The people would complain to the man's [the paramour's] parents.They would take that man's horses away from him. Nobody, not even herparents or the parents of the new husband, would help this couple to movetheir tipi. They had to go on foot, too, since they had no horses. This was anunfailing custom in those days: parents never helped their own if they didwrong. Some men beat up their wives ; most of them did not. They used whipsin doing so. Most of the men were jealous when they did this. A man some-times accused his wife of talking to a man or of liking a certain man and senther away. He would be jealous of this man. If there were any truth in theseaccusations, the outcome was always that the girl, after being home a while, mar-ried the man whom she was accused of loving. My oldest brother [cousin] wasa chief. This chief had a younger brother who was my friend. We were thesame age. We grew up together. This friend had a wife who was unfaithful tohim. He never beat her up, but once when he was sharpening his knife and hehappened to see his wife talking to another man down near the river, he wentdown there and cut off her nose. The parents of this girl didn't do anythingabout it because they didn't like what their daughter was doing. My youngerbrother had two sisters for his wives. The people kept telling him that one wasunfaithful. But he wouldn't believe what he heard. He said, "I have to see herdoing this with my own eyes before I believe it." But he saw her. He happenedto see her going into a tipi. So he went there and he found her with the manall right. He brought her back to his tipi. He made her dress up in her best HILGKK] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 213 clothes and fix up her hair. Then he gave her his best horse, put her on thehorse and took her over to this man to whom she had been talking, and said, "Here, you can have her !" He gave his wife away, but he never beat her.It happened, also, that for insufficient reasons a man sometimesmutilated his wife, whipped her, and ill-treated her in general. Insuch cases, either the woman's brother, her uncles, or parents, or allof them, talked to the man and threatened to take his wife away fromhim and return her to her home. If the man did not amend, thewoman was taken home. Sometimes the woman went home of herown accord.My husband often beat me, but never after I was pregnant with our first child.From that time on I received good treatment from him. I was married at 15,but I don't remember how old I was when my first child was born. . . . Yes,I got plenty beatings, but I dislike telling about them. . . . My first husbandoften beat me ; not so my second husband. Once when I had been beaten up, mythree brothers came over and told my husband that this would have to end. Theyreported him and he was put in .iail. In old days all the men beat up their wives. . . . My husband's oldest wife, she was my own sister, beat the other wives.We were three. My old man also beat me up. Once when he beat me, I foughtback like a cat. Another time I threw rocks at him and nearly killed him. Oncewhen he whipped me, I left him and stayed away 4 years. I didn't care to livewith another man, so I same back to him.Quoting other informants:When a wife didn't behave herself her husband cut her bangs close to her bead,or he cut off her nose. During the time the Arapaho were still roaming about ? they moved nearly every month?a man and his wife fell into a quarrel. I wasrelated to the woman, so I know. The woman's horse was a fast runner, fasterthan her husband's. Her husband wanted to exchange horses with her. At firstshe refused; she did not wish to give up her own horse. Finally, she got oii'her horse and let him have it. But she didn't like his horse. So she slid off it,went to her man, and said she wanted her own horse back. That started aquarrel. There was a little creek close by. He chased her hack and forth alongthat creek until she finally gave up exhausted. He was very angry and askedher if she wanted her nose cut of?. She was so frightened that she didn't hearcorrectly. She thought he had asked if she wanted her bangs cut off. She said "Yes." And he cut her nose off to the bone. She begged him to cut only the tip,but he was so angry that he cut it all off. She was covered with blood and fainteda few times. Her people searched all over for the piece he had cut off, but couldnot find it. They decided that he must have swallowed it. The man got rid ofher, and she went back to her parents. She was about 16 years old then. He wasa full-grown man. Her parents and brothers didn't care. They said it was herown fault. The tribe didn't do anything about it either. She remained singleuntil she was about middle-aged, when she married a man of her own age. Shenever had any children. She was always ashamed of her nose and used to coverit with her hand when talking to people. A man would treat his unfaithful wifein the same way. . . . Husbands scolded and whipped their wives. That'swhy their wives left them. I always got along well with both my husband andmy older sister, his other wife. The White people said he couldn't have twowives. So I pretended I lived separated from him. But I really lived with himand cared for him and my sister until he died. My older sister was too crippledto take care of him. 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETEDSTOLOGY [Bull. 148Quoting Sage : Not many couples separated. Those who did were mostly cases in which themen beat up their wives. If they beat their wives too many times, the parentstook the daughter home. If the woman was innocent, she would say to herhusband, "I am a good woman. You beat me up for nothing. You accuse meof doing things and of talking to men. I love you. I think much of you, but Ican't stand these beatings any longer. You stay here in our place and keep thechildren ; I'll go. Another man may find me ; and if I have a good home, maybeI'll come after the children." Sometimes the mother took the children with herto her parents. Sometimes a man, after his wife told him that she was leavinghim, promised to be good to her ; he promised to do better. Nearly always hetreated her better after that and then they stayed together.Both Northern and Southern informants gave sterility as a causefor the separation of couples. In both groups other informants hadnot even heard it spoken of as a cause. Sage said: "Couples neverseparated because either party was sterile." A Southern Arapaliosaid : "If the couple was childless, the woman might leave her husband.A man sometimes left his wife because she was childless."Several informants knew of instances in which a wife left herhusband or told him to leave both her and her children because ofnonsupport. "But there weren't many such cases because men usuallysupported their families." According to one informant, it was cus-tomary for a wife to permit her husband to go away at times "toother places during the years that she was nursing a child; she didnot wish to have another child for another 4 years. It happenedsometimes that the man stayed away too long or neglected to feedhis family during that time. In that event his wife did not hesitateto tell him to remain away entirely. He probably went back to hisparents then."Sometimes a man announced publicly at a social dance or other socialgathering of the tribe, that he was getting rid of his wife. He helda stick in his hand to represent his wife, and announced, "Here, I amgiving my wife away !" and threw the stick into the air. Or he calledout the wife's name, saying, "Here, I am giving her to so-and-so,"naming the man. Then he betit the drum with the stick and threw thestick at the man. The drummers now beat the drum vigorously.The crowd cheered. The man whose name was called often caughtthe stick. Sometimes neither he nor the woman was present. In thisevent, the news reached them through gossip. Both Northern andSouthern informants agreed that public announcement of a separationwas institutional, but that the beating of the drum following the an-nouncement was borrowed from the Cheyenne.Sage related the following : Yes, occasionally formerly, they announced a separation at a public gathering.A man would go to the drummers, beat the drum with a stick, throw the stickaway, and say, "Whoever wants my wife may have her, and her tipi, too ; her HILGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 215 tipi goes with her ; and some horses, too." In each case that I know of the manwho got the stick married the woman. The woman might not even be present;she might not even know about it. Slie might be in her home tipi. There werecases where one man had two wives. The wives were jealous of each other anddidn't get along. The man would find tlie one who caused the disturbance.Then he would take the stick and throw it out of the tipi entrance, and say tothis woman, "I am throwing you out, too, along with the stick." She had to gether belongings together then and leave. She generally went to her parents orrelatives.A Northern woman in the thirties said : I recall an instance that was much talked about when I was a little girl. Aman separated his wife by the drum at a dance. Everybody cheered and laughedwhen another man grabbed the stick. Everybody wondered if he would reallymarry the woman. He married her. And they said it was done for fun. But heis still married to her.An 80-year-old Southern man insisted that separation by beatingthe drum was a borrowed custom. "The Arapaho did not separateby the drum," he said. "The Cheyenne did that. Wlien an Arapahoman knew that his wife had been unfaithful, he got a crier to call out, 'I give my wife to so-and-so [mentioning the name of the man withwhom his wife had been unfaithful] ! Here is your wife !' " AnotherSouthern man nearly 60 years old said : A man might divorce his wife by the drum. This was usually done if theman cared for another woman. I know of two such instances in the last 20years. This was done at a social dance, not a a lodge dance (pp. 117-118).A man and his wife might not be getting along together, although they livedtogether. This sometimes happened when they had no children or the childrenwere grown-up. The man might say to his wife, "My brother [cousin] has nowife. You fix up nicely. I'm going to hit the drum." She knew what thatmeant. She was just as "game" as he was. They went to the dance. The manwould walk up to the drummers and motion to them to stop. Then he would askan old man to tell a war coup and after that the crier would call for the man tocome, the one to whom the husband was giving his wife. The husband wouldtell the drummers to drum. They didn't drum a melody but merely made muchracket with the drumsticks. Then the husband would say, "I'm giving my wifeto cook and sew for you, my friend ! Here's your cook, your wife !" If theman was there, the wife went with him. If he was not present, he would soonhear about it, for many knew of it now. These two, the wife and the man, talkedit over. She might decide to go with him, or she might go to her son, her sister,her parents, or to anyone she wished to. In the cases that I have witnessed theman was always willing to take her.The children of a separated couple were never neglected. One ofthe parents kept them or arrangements were made by either one tohave them cared for by grandparents or relatives of either side.The parents usually decided what should be done with the children. Theman might keep a son or an only child, even if it were a girl. It might happenalso, that a man would leave his wife and children, take all his horses and be-longings, and be married to another woman. If he left his first wife because headmired another woman and this woman admired him, the marriage ceremonialwould again be carried out. Another tipi would be set up for them. It has 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148happened too, that a wife took the children with her and that the man weanedone after the other from her as they grew older. Sometimes he arranged to havethe children go to his parents, and these would provide for them. But the manin no instance feels any obligation to support his children. If he does not carefor them from sheer love, some one else will.Sage said : The man might provide for the children by placing them with his mother orsister or aunt. Sometimes his mother or sister or aunt provided for them with-out his help. Oftentimes the wife took the children and went to her parents.Sometimes the wife told the husband to keep the children, that after she wasagain married and had a good home, she might come for them.If the separation occurred during the pregnancy of the wife, thechild, when born, could be claimed by the man whose progeny it wasand could be taken by him. If the paramour of a woman was itsfather, the husband of the woman insisted that the child be given tothe paramour. "I knew two such cases."Devotedness and affection between an Arapaho man and his wifewere probably the rule. A visitor to an Arapaho village in 1883 toldthe following of Chief Powder Face : He did not rise, but continued his ministrations to his wife as he bade mebe seated. No introduction was made, but I knew the woman to be his wife, ofwhom I had heard. Aunt Sally had said she was a nice Indian and that PowderFace was good to her.The two had been married many years, and had no children. Powder Facehad never taken another wife, and this one was his willing slave to the day ofhis death. He helped her with many duties commonly falling to the lot of thewomen and was a lover always.On this first meeting with the couple, he did not seem to mind me and continuedto stroke her hair into place as he spoke words of endearment. He oiled her hairand braided it for her. [Collins, 1928, pp. 193-194.]Affectionate devotion between husband and wife was observedeverywhere among both Northern and Southern Arapaho during thepresent study. "If a woman had horses in her own right, the husbandtook care of them after their marriage. Her ponies were especiallycared for by him. He would comb his wife's hair, braid it, painther face. She would take good care of him, too. She would washhis moccasins ; and if they were ripped, she would mend them."SUMMARYChild life among the primitive Arapaho began with birth. Itended when the child was considered no longer in need of or subjectto parental protection and direction. The girl reached this maturityat puberty ; the boy, probably, at 20.No monograph of Arapaho child life and its cultural backgroundis now available. Some scant but excellent material related to the HILGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 217 child is found in Michelson's Narrative of an Arapaho woman ( 1933,pp. 595-610) , Mooney's Ghost dance religion and the Sioux outbreakof 1890 (1896, pp. 953-1023) and Kroeber's The Arapaho (1902).The following summary is based largely on data which the writercollected on field trips in seasons from 1935-42 during personal in-terviews with 15 Southern Arapaho on the Cheyenne-ArapahoReservation in Oklahoma and 42 Northern Arapaho on the WindRiver Reservation in Wyoming.Prenatal Period.?Arapaho believe that speaking of prenatal lifeor of birth will cause a relative to become pregnant. Some informantsbelieved that the fetus was human from the time of conception;others, only from the time of quickening. Some gave an abortedfetus adult burial; others disposed of it in the same manner as theplacenta.A child born with certain unusual characteristics was consideredreincarnated. A child that died when very young or a person whodied when unusually old was believed to return to earth to liveagain in a newborn child. Twins were not reincarnated persons.Reborn persons were not identifiable. Reincarnation was unilateralin sex.Fertility could be produced in both men and women; sterility,only in women. Artificial contraceptive methods were probably notknown. Children were spaced by denial of coition and by prolongednursing. Induced abortions were looked upon with great disfavor,and, in the early day, probably happened very rarely. Families ofinformants and interpreters nmnbered from 1 to 10 children.The sex of the fetus could not be induced, but it was predictableby the contour of the mother's body and the location of the fetus.In all probability twins, too, were predictable. Parents desiredchildren of both sexes so that they might each have help in theirrespective work. They did not desire either boys or girls to exceedthe other in numbers. In general there was no wish that the first-bornbe a boy.Violations of certain food and conduct taboos by either parentaffected the unborn child. Both husband and wife were also boundby conduct restrictions and prescriptions during the pregnancy ofthe woman, the wife to a greater degree, however, than her husband.Birth.?A child was generally born in the home tipi. AVhen thetribe was en route it was sometimes born in the open. Since the powersof "medicine bags" were lessened by nearness to the lochia, the bagswere removed from the tipi before a birth. Lessened powers could berestored by fumigation. Any person or any object that contactedthe lochia was considered unclean. If a person had had such contactsand went directly to a sick person, he caused the sick person's death. 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Conventionally a husband was not present during the delivery ofhis wife, nor could he be helpful in any magical way. Her fatherwas usually present. Her mother and several older women assistedat the birth. At least one of these was a midwife; the others wereherbalists, generally called medicine women. Medicine men attendedthe delivery, making decoctions for the delivering woman.When giving birth, a woman knelt bracing herself by clutchinga horizontal rod that rested in crotches of upright poles. Attend-ing women took specific positions. One of them gagged the womanto bring about delivery. At the onset and during labor pains thewoman was given potions made by the medicine men.Innnediately after delivery the navel cord was drained and cut,and the navel treated. Then the woman was again gagged to assisther in ejecting the placenta. The secundines?and sometimes theplacenta also?were folded into the material upon which the womanhad knelt, and either buried or hung in a tree. All informants agreedthat they were never burnt.Women usually returned to work a few days after delivery. Deathwas known to have occurred at childbirth. Informants knew ofstillbirths also.The head of a newly born infant was molded into a round shapeby one of the attending women. No other part of the body wasshaped. The fontanels were not given any treatment ; it was believedthat soon after they began to harden the child would begin to talk.No significance was attached to the caul ; it was disposed of with thesecundines. The baby's first bath, which was given immediatelyafter birth, and its daily bath until the navel dropped off, consistedof cool water dashed on its back. Subsequent baths were dashes ofcold water. No herbal decoction was used.As soon as the child and the mother were prepared, the fatherwas called into the tipi. It was to him and not the mother thatcongratulations were offered. On the day of delivery the mother,but not the child, was purified by fumigation. A birth was not an-nounced ceremonially nor was it celebrated with a feast. The eventspread from tipi to tipi as news.A child's navel cord was sewed into a buckskin bag, which wasusually covered with geometrically designed beadwork. It was neverburnt. Each person's bag was saved during his life and was buriedwith him after death. During babyhood the bag was sewed to thecradle. Older children wore theirs attached to their clothing.Postnatal interests.?Conventionally every Arapho had both earspierced ceremonially in childhood by a warrior, usually, who wasinvited by its parents to do so. The piercing was done either at alarge public gathering of the tribe or at a smaller one, and then gen-erally in the child's home. Parents presented the piercer with gifts, HiLOEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 219among them usually a horse. An adult who wished it might have asecond piercing. A second piercing was done without ceremony.Arapaho did not have noses pierced.Finely ground buffalo manure served as diapers. When appliedto the child's armpits, the manure prevented chafing. Chafing wasrelieved by ointment made of red clay and grease.Museum collections ascribe two types of cradles to the Arapaho;one, a covering of ornamented canvas, attached to an inner frame-work of wood; the other, an all-beaded buckskin band sewed to aback of undecorated rawhide and attached to an outer frameworkof wood. A cradle was generally made for each child by a groupof women, experts in the technique. The sponsor of the making wasusually the mother of the child's father. The cradle was used torestrain the baby when its mother was busy; to carry the baby onthe mother's back when the mother was traveling on foot; to carryit attached to the mother's saddle when she was riding ; and to holdit when in a basket that was fastened to the travois when camp wasmoving. A baby that had outgrown its cradle was carried on itsmother's back, seated in a blanket. Cradles were ceremonially dis-mantled.Women, never men, sang lullabies to babies. Some lullabies con-sisted of nonsense syllables ; others of conventionally burdened sylla-bles. Songs used at social dances were also sung as lullabies. Thoseof the Sun Dance were sung only to sick children.No significance was attached to a baby's touching the fingers ofone hand with those of the other, to its clenching its fists, or to itsfirst smile. It is possible that the advent of its first tooth was cele-brated in the early day; no significance has been attached to it inrecent years. A teething baby was given a rind of bacon, a piece ofgristle, or a small cloth bag filled with sugar upon which to bite.Massaging the baby's gums with an herbal decoction or with roastedmouse meat was also helpful in cutting teeth. Hiding the first tooththat a child lost, in the hair at its crown, caused another to growsoon in its place.A child's first step was of no significance. Its first walk was cele-brated with a feast at which invited old men and old women prayedfor the child. When a child spoke its first words, old men andold women again prayed for it at a feast to which they had beeninvited. The closing of the fontenals gave indications that a childwould soon talk. When it was noticed that they were closing, thechild was fed boiled eggs and boiled meat of meadow lark. It wasthought that a child so fed would talk early and learn easily. Mov-ing the meadow lark's bill back and forth between the child's lipswas also believed to effect early speech. Meadow larks were thoughtto speak Arapaho. 220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148A child's first clothing was the hide of a fetal or a young buffalofinely tanned on flesh side only. When worn the hairy side was nextto the body. In cold weather the baby was tucked into the completehide of a wildcat or a mountain tiger, the head of the skin servingas a cap. During its creeping days the baby wore only a shirt ofvery softly tanned deer hide. In warm weather it wore no clothingat all. Usually it was given its first moccasins when it was able tosit up alone; sometimes, not until it was ready to walk. After itsbabyhood the child was dressed in clothing made of tanned deerhide and cut after the pattern of adults.Informants of the present study insisted that cutting a child's hairwas not conventional; that, on the contrary, it was greatly resentedwhen Whites did so in the schools; that the ceremony attached toit was of recent origin.Nursing and weaning.?Since the colostrum was considered un-healthy, a baby was nursed by a nursing woman other than its motherfor the first 2, 3, or 4 days after its birth. During these days eitherthe husband, the midwife, or one of the other women who had at-tended the birth, or someone else, if these were not available, suckledthe mother's breasts. If later the mother's milk supply was greaterthan the needs of the child, or if the child was thought to be ill fromits mother's milk, the mother was nursed by a pup or a raccoon.A child nursed at any time and as long as it wished. There wasno custom regarding nursing from either breast. Drinking broth ora decoction stimulated milk flow. If a mother had insufficient milk,she took the child to another nursing woman, possibly a differentwoman each day. The same was done for an infant whose motherdied. Drinking coffee burnt or cooked the milk. Breasts?and accord-ing to Kroeber, the back also?were padded to protect them from theheat of the sun. The mother wore no straps to support the breasts.A nursing infant rested in the woman's arms or in her lap, if it wasstrapped into its cradle. An older child, probably until it was about4 years of age, sat in its mother's lap. A child older than 4 usuallystood at the mother's side. Conventionally a child nursed until it was4 years old, but some were known to have nursed until they were 5,6, 7, or 8 years old. In unusual cases a child nursed longer. Pro-longed nursing benefited the child and was a means also of spacingchildren. No pregnant woman nursed a child, nor were two siblingsof different ages nursed together ; a child once weaned was not againnursed.In addition to its mother's milk, infants were sometimes given warmwater or an herbal decoction to drink ; an occasional mother gave herchild meat broth. When a child was able to sit up, it might be givena strip of bacon or meat to suck. Conventionally it was given meat,broth, and bread when a little older than a year. HlLGEB] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 221A child was weaned by the mother refusing to nurse it, by separatingthe child from its mother, by giving it fluids when it asked to nurse,by repelling it with bitter substances applied to nipples, and by havinginterests in play supersede those of nursing. The child was notfrightened away by blackened or fur-covered breasts.Atypical oonditions.?Twins were not desired. To prevent theirconception no tenderloin was eaten from birth to the end of child-bearing age by either men or women. Once born they were welltreated. Neither twins nor their parents were shown special respect.Most informants were agreed that no supernatural power was ascribedto twins, that twins of the same sex were not preferred to those ofboth sexes, and that the first born had no privileges over the secondborn. Triplets were decidedly not wanted; they were consideredfreaks.Deformed children were thought to be the result of violations ofprenatal food and conduct taboos, of coition by the mother and ananimal, or the effects of black art.Incest was sincerely disapproved of. Only one case was known,that of two first cousins, according to our terminology, or in Arapahoculture, between brother and sister. Probably coition between grand-father and granddaughter in order to prove sterility of the grand-daughter's husband was institutional.Various terms, such as sweetheart child, night child, stolen child,were applied to a child conceived out of wedlock. The term adheredto the person so born throughout life. Such a person was not shunned,however. The paramour and partner were not respected in the com-munity or in their own or each other's families. No other punish-ment was dealt out to them. If both were unmarried and no marriagefollowed, the woman was generally accepted at her parental homewhere the child was born and reared. If the woman was married, herhusband usually sent her to her paramour, either while she was stillpregnant or after the child's birth, in which case both the woman andthe child were sent. Infanticide was not practiced by the Arapaho.A child was adopted into a home either because it was orphaned,came from a broken home, had a sick mother, or because the adoptingparents or parent wanted a companion. Either a child or an adultperson was adopted because he represented a departed child of theadopting persons or had been a chum of a departed child. Theadopted person did not need to be a relative. Seldom, however, wasanyone but an Arapaho adopted.The adoption of a child was announced by the adopting father,never the mother, at a large gathering of the people, such as the SunDance or a social dance. The adopting parents gave gifts to visitorsfrom other tribes ; never were any given to the child's parents. Afterthe announcement, the child either went to the home of its adopting 222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 148parents where it was treated in the same manner as the other childrenof the family, or it stayed in its own home but paid prolonged visitsto its adopted home. If it stayed in its own home, the adopting parentsoccasionally sent gifts to it. Parents felt honored when a child wasrequested for adoption and, in the early day, never refused such arequest. A mature person was not adopted publicly nor was the adop-tion announced. The person was merely told about it and occasionallywas given presents by the adopting parents.The Arapaho neither enslaved persons nor treated them as servants.Anyone attached to a family, however, was expected to do his sharetoward the support of the family.Talking of sickness might cause ill health in one's family or in thetribe. Curative treatments given sick babies were herbal decoctions,inhalations, fumigations, vapor baths, anointings, suctions, recital ofprayers, tactile contacts with sun dancers, the bestowal of a name, andthe offering of sacrifices. Treatment was administered or prescribedby medicine men and medicine women, herbalists usually, who eachhad exclusive knowledge of medicinal values of herbs, roots, and barks.No medicine man or medicine woman treated his own child. Previousto treatment, payment was made to the herbalist.Preventive measures taken to insure the good health of the childrenwere to refrain from speaking of ill health of children, to administercertain potions to them, to have children anointed by an old medicineman, to have their ears pierced, and to give each a name of a persongrown old in good health.Names.?Conventionally names originated in deviations from thatwhich was usual or in activities associated with war. The unusualmight be an event, a deed, a freak of nature, a mysterious object, anindividual's "medicine," or a vision quest. It appears that in theearly days names originated in dreams also. Old names were retainedin the tribe, most generally in the relationship, especially if the bearerof the name had grown old in good health and in the esteem of thetribe.Both new and used names were given to children, particularly usednames of relatives. Adults were nearly always given used names.Every Arapaho was given a name during infancy. This name wasnot changed during childhood unless the child took sick in which caseit was given a new name?in all probability one that had had itsorigin in a dream?by some person who had grown old in good health.During adolescence and in adult life both men and women not in-frequently changed their names of their own volition or were forcedto do so because someone took their name. Some Arapaho had fourand five successive names.A person of either sex named a child of either sex. Formerly onlyold persons named children; in more recent times persons in their HiLGEE] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 223fifties have done so. Usually, not necessarily always, the namer wasa relative chosen by the parents. Occasionally the namer announcedhimself.Names were changed either in public or in private : in public, afteran extraordinary deed or when replacing a name taken by someoneelse; in private, when seriously ill, at the death of a loved one, andoccasionally after a successful vision quest.Names had no gender, but anyone might add "woman" to thename by which a woman was known. Names given to children differedin no way from those given to adults or assumed by them.Adolescence.?An Arapaho child's brothers and sisters included allthe children that are generally known as cousins in European-Ameri-can culture. Arapaho sisters and brothers in early childhood mixedfreely in all play activities. At the onset of puberty they were taughtto be reserved in each other's presence. At puberty they no longerspoke to each other unless it was absolutely necessary, and this re-lationship continued until old age. They did, however, eat together.The eldest son in a family conventionally felt responsible for hissisters. He was generally called Oldest Brother, rather than by hisgiven name. He gave them advice and consented to their marriages.Exchange of gifts between brothers and sisters was institutional.Arapaho had no prepuberty fasts nor puberty rites for either girlsor boys. Young men were allowed to fast after they had given evi-dence of mature judgment. This rarely happened while they werein their teens. Girls at first menses were expected to keep aloof fromothers, especially from men and from sick persons. Their dishes,however, were not kept apart from those used by other persons. Greatreserve was exercised when conversing about menstruation. In-formants did not agree on the manner in which women dressed afterpuberty. It is doubtful that there was a conventional way ofdressing.Training children.?The Arapaho child was taught by relatives,especially by grandparents, as the occasion arose. It was lectured to,taught to imitate in play the activities of elders, learned by observa-tion, was given explanations and demonstrations, and not only per-mitted but encouraged to assist and participate in adult activities.It was taught religion formally by the old men of the tribe, especiallyby members of the two advanced men's lodges.Maternal and paternal aunts took special interest in nieces of pre-puberty age. As children approached puberty, the mother instructedthem in the custom of brother-sister relationship. Instruction regard-ing puberty and marital relations was not institutional.Most parents exercised little coersion in training the child. Thechild was directed by advice and conference or brought to conform 224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148by being ignored or told that it was hurting its elders by its conduct.Occasionally a child was praised ; sometimes it was rewarded. It wasscolded, but seldom whipped. Sometimes it was frightened into obey-ing. Sometimes it was punished, but never by being sent to bed orby being refused food. Favoring a child was probably not institu-tional; but neither was it a rare occurrence. When one child wasfavored, the others, however, were not neglected.Mental training.?Day began with the rise of the morning star;it ended when Pleiades appeared. Time of day was measured bythree positions of the sun and told rather accurately by the angle atwhich shadows fell. Time of night was told by positions of stars.Days were not named nor were they grouped into weeks. Changesof the moon were noticed, but lunar months were not used as timecounts nor were they named. Certain annually recurrent phenomenaof nature, however, were associated with definite lunar months.Old informants thought that in the early days Arapaho were con-cerned with only two seasons. Younger informants were certain thatthere must always have been four seasons since their language haswords for four seasons none of which lends itself to translation.Years were not numbered. Significant tribal or personal eventswere pictographed on hides and events reckoned from these. Countof one's age was by winters. A mother made a mark for each childas the years passed on an elk or deer antler, the one she generally usedas hide scraper.Counting was done from 1 to 100, and repeated if necessary. Aseach 100 was reached, it was recorded. If counts needed to be remem-bered over a period of time, some permanent record was made by mark-ing a surface or by piling up little sticks. Counting by informantsduring interviews was done on fingers. The hand and forearm andthe height of the body were tools for measuring. Clothing and moc-casins were fitted to the wearer.Thunder and lightning were thought to be caused by the thunder-bird. The rainbow gave notice of the cessation of rain. It was in-terpreted as a fishing line. A total eclipse of the sun predicted an un-lucky event for the tribe. A comet was thought to be a star with a tail.Sage said no significance was attached to Northern Lights ; other in-formants said they predicted a storm, sickness, or were the reflectionof icebergs.In general weather prophets, men whose "medicine" gave thempower to do so, predicted weather. Forecasts based on natural phe-nomena, such as the flight of birds, a ring around the moon, and others,were made by anyone. High winds and rains could be artificiallyproduced.As stated before, a child was expected to talk soon after its fontenalsclosed. To speed matters it was fed eggs and meat of meadow lark. HiLGER] ARAPAHO CHILD LIFE 225A child was taught words by directing it to concentrate and then topronounce names of articles. It learnt the sign language by watchingelders use it and by being formally taught to imitate the signs. Chil-dren were not taught pictography.Adult Arapaho used long-distance signaling to make known theirwhereabouts and to communicate the sighting of an enemy or a herdof buffalo. Signaling was done through physical activities, the useof objects, and stratagem.Training in morals.?The Arapaho are a courteous people. Re-serve is shown until rapport is established. Verbal greetings andshaking hands?and kissing if separation has been a long one?aretraditional. Children were taught these courtesies.Early in life, also, children were taught to extend hospitality tostrangers ; to be generous to everybody, especially visitors ; to be kindto the physically handicapped, orphaned children, and the aged. Theaged were to be shown special courtesy and respect.If siblings quarreled, parents interfered. Parents disliked to havetheir own children quarrel with other children because of possible sub-sequent difficulties between the families. Children were instructedto leave a place where quarreling was going on.A child was taught early not to be a talebearer, a rumor carrier, ora gossiper. It was told not to fight back in a dispute but to leave theplace. An achievement boasted of had to be demonstrated.Taking anything from a member of an enemy tribe, including hislife, was honorable; stealing horses from him was the height ofachievement. Boys in their teens were part of raiding expeditions;girls never were ; occasionally women might be. During formal in-structions children were taught to be honest always with fellow Ara-paho, both in word and deed. If an adult man wanted to give af-firmation of the truth of his statement, he smoked the ceremonial pipepublicly.Rarely did anyone commit suicide. A person doing so was thoughtnot to enter the place in life after death to which other Arapaho went.Murdering or only accidently killing an Arapaho or a member of afriendly tribe brought the loss of status upon an Arapaho.Cannibalism was not practiced unless it was a means by which aman who had lost status because of murder was being reinstated, athing rather doubtful.Children's diversions.?In preadolescent years boys and girls to-gether played at mimicking elders, swam together, rode and rompedtogether. A girl's chief toy was a doll which was always treated as anadult. Every child while still small was given a pony as a gift, towhich were added other ponies and colts as the child grew older. Bythe time adolescence was reached, every boy and girl owned severalponies and horses. A particular pony was a favorite. Every boy and892644?52 16 226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148girl also had a pet dog, and at tlie present time, not infrequently, has apet lamb or calf.During late preadolescence each boy found a chum ; girls did like-wise. Chums often remained lifelong friends. Boys and girls nowbegan to play apart. At about the age of 12, boys joined the first ofthe male lodges. From then on their play was with comembers, em-phasis being placed on physical training, such as running long dis-tances, competing in races, swimming swollen streams, carrying heavyweights, climbing trees, sleeping out-of-doors, and wrestling.A girl's play life usually ended with puberty. Thereafter her playactivities became part of the recreational life of adult women.According to Culin (1907), games of chance played by Arapahowere dice games and hand games; games of dexterity were archery,snow snake, hoop and pole, ring and pin, shinny, and hand-and-football. Minor amusements were tops, buzzers, and swings. Childrendid not participate in adult games but were observers. Neither werechildren allowed to participate in adult visiting. They could, how-ever, sit by and listen in. Sometimes stories were told primarily fortheir amusement.Smoking was a pastime for both men and women. Children ingeneral did not smoke, but no objections were raised if one did.Ceremonial age societies.?^The male population from about 12 yearsof age to the oldest men in the tribe held membership in eight cere-monial societies, called lodges or dances by the Arapaho ; in the litera-ture, sometimes called military or war societies. Membership was notcompulsory, but nonmembers were not respected nor were they en-trusted with tribal responsibilities. The societies were graded by age,and membership was progressive. Boys were members of the firsttwo societies, joining the first one at about 12 years of age.From it they proceeded to the second one. At 17 or later they werepermitted to join the Tomahawks, the first of the men's societies. Inthe second ceremonial dance of this society, two small boys partici-pated. Boys, too, ran errands for members of the societies. Nosecrets, powers, or obligations were attached to the boys' lodges, norwas there a prescribed regalia. Men's societies had both.All women over 15 could be members of the women's lodge. Twosmall girls performed a function in this lodge during its ceremonialdance. "i^/e /, 2, Old Lady Salt Frid, Arapaho, 1940.'40. J, 4, Martha Grosbcck; Xorthern y. u <^ a, ^^ O u : H fVl u f\l BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 23 /Two views of Arapaho doll cradle. (Courtesy United States National Museum.) M X u ''^l'\V"xUxU44'e'*^ H Pi u ti oO ni-J > oi p< e^ o i3U ni (U"(^O *-'C O?rUO- D. OOS J3 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 30 Northern Arapaho, 1942. /, Just after bathing In the irrigation ditch. 2, Mother bathingher child in irrigation ditch. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 31 ^^itgggmmmmmmm1, Sweat lodge framework; Northern Arapaho, 1936. 2, CamptiiLk-: T'l^ Xortlu-rn ArapaluSun Dance. (Courtesy Rev. A. C. Zuercher, S. J.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 32 Southern Arapalio .Sun Daiicc participant. (Courtesy Chicago .Natural Histof}' Museum.) 89264J -19 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 34 ^J^'i^m^"^ ~^Vk^ ^ v: I , L\nil r p: )l( ; I 'MO \i rtlKTii Arapalui Sun Dance. 2, Sun shelter; \' >r\ lain \rapaho, 1936. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 35 1940 Northern Arapaho Sun Dance. /, Dancers and bundle containing sacred pipe. 2,Drummers. Children romping around. 3, Rest period. Sponsors of dancers seated atleft. Several men at right making cherry water for dancers. (Note picture of centerpole on plate 34, /.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 36 /, Sun shelter at Sherman Sage's home; Xuilhcrn Arapaho, ]'JW. J, Sun ^lu-lu-r near RabbitRun's home; Southern Arapaho, 1941. 3, Sun shelter; Xorthern Arapaho, 1936. (\, 5 :z u u BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOUOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 38 Left Hand and son; Southern Arapaho. (Courtesy United States National Museum.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 148 PLATE 39 Little Raven and daughter; Southern Arapaho. (Courtesy United States National Museum.) ut; o _ TO U INDEXAaninSna (white clay people), tribaldivision 187AanA'hawa, tribal division, 187Abortions, 5, 11-12, 217Above-Nih'a?5a?, prayer addressed to.147Addison, Ada, informant, xvAddison, Frank, informant, xvAdolescence, 68-75, 223Adoption, 50-54, 221-222Adze, wooden, 170Afterbirth, see placenta.Age, counted by "snows," 87, 224recorded on horns, 87, 224Age societies, ceremonial, 117-123, 226Ahk tun o' wihio, Cheyenne God, 145Algonquian speaking peoples, 1Algonquins, Eastern-Central, 1, 2Amelanchier sp, 177Amulet, buried with owner, 23, 218worn by babies, 23, 218worn by boys, 24worn by girls, 23See also Battle-amulet.Angelica sp, 55Angelica (Angelica sp.), 55Animal, personified, 227"Antelope," band name, 188, 189Antelopes, 134, 171stuffing of hair of, 182toenails of used as rattles, 36Apache, 93, 110, 116See also Chiricahua Apaches.Apron, girl's, 73, 74, 75Arapaho, origin of name, 1synonyms for, 1Arapaho, Northern 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 2223, 27, 29, 39, 47, 54, 57, 70, 7174, 79, 82, 84, 85, 94, 95, 96, 97104, 106, 107, 109, 111, 114, 116117, 118, 122, 123, 125, 131-132133-134, 137, 140, 143, 149151-153, 154-160, 165, 166, 167174, 177, 178, 179, 181, 183, 184186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 195201, 202, 204-206, 208, 209, 210214, 215, 216Arapaho, Southern, 3, 4, 5, 12, 13, 2223, 28, 29, 39, 47, 53, 54, 71, 7274, 76, 79, 85, 86, 92, 94, 96, 104107, 109, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118119, 125, 126, 127, 130-131132-133, 136, 138, 143, 147, 148149, 150, 152, 153, 157, 161, 164165, 166, 169, 172, 173, 174, 176186, 187, 192, 193, 199-200, 201202, 206-208, 209, 210, 214, 215216Archery, 111, 226982644?52 20 Arickarees, 178Arkansas River, 3Arpan, Rose, informant, xvArrows, 79, 91, 133, 134sacred, 153shafts of, broken, 166See also Bow and arrows.Arthritis, 139, 140Ash, 180Assiniboin, 4, 173Aunt, definition of, 68, 195Awl, sewing, 27, 186steel, 186Awl case, beaded, 72Ba'achin^na (red-willow or blood-pud-ding men), tribal division, 186Back rest, 27, 106, 204Bacon, sucked by infants, 220Bad Faces, band name, 187"Bad Pipes", band name, 187, 191Badgers, 89, 171Bag, rawhide, 178sacred, 176, 218Ball, bouncing, 72buckskin. 111, 114shinny, 114stuffed deerskin. 111Band membership, 188-189, 230Bands, family groups, 187-189, 230names of, 187-188Bannock, 3, 64Barks, curative use of, 137Ba'sawunS'na (wood lodge men or biglodge men), tribal division, 187Basket, game, 114Bas-nak-than', mixed with tobacco, 147Bat'ati (The-Mysterious-One), 144Bath, baby's first, 21Bathing, 108, 135, 227Baths, Ceremonial, 147, 163, 227steam, 141, 147, 148, 227Batlqtu'be, game, 112Battle-amulet, 130Beads, 182, 186Bear, Ida, informant, xvBear-that-don't-run, chief, 191Bear Tooth, chief, 189Bears, grizzly, 171Beaver, 171meat of, 142testes of, 134Beavers, band name, 188Beds, 26, 27, 38, 106, 182, 203, 204, 206,208, 229Beef, 179Beggars' Lodge, men's society, 118, 119,120Behan, Susan, informant, xv 241 242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ll?ur-i.. 148 Bella, used aa ornaments, 31, 32Belt, 162beaded, 157buckskin, 123girl's, 72, 73, 74, 75measuring of, 90Bonclios, 99BCnotftx'wil, see BufTalo Lodge.Berries, buffalo {Shepherdia argentea),177dried, 177, 229gathering of, 177service (Ainelayichier sp.), 177, 229(Shepherdia canadensis), 177, 229wild, 175Berths, ISlBetfihauftn (Second Men's Lodge), 118,119, 120, 121panv{>hernnlia for, 120Big Dipper, time told by, 83Big Horse, informant, 97Big Lodge, men's lodge, 120Big Mouth, chief, 189Biitaha\Yu, men's society, 119Bird ("hief, chief, 191Birds, wild, 171Birth, 15 24, 217-218announcement of, 21assistants at, 15-16, 19, 218position of mother, 16-17, 18-19,218taboos connected with, 12-15, 217Birthmarks, 6, 14Bitner, Dorah, informant, xvBlackbirds, bov's society, 118, 119Black Coal, cliief, 187, 190, 191, 205Black Crow, chief, 191Blackfeet, band name, 187Blackfoot, 1, 12, 25, 95, 118, 180, 187,212IMack-lIawk, mj'sterious deity, 145Black Horse, Mar}', informatit, 176Black-Man, medicine man, 128, 189Bladders, use as buckets, 179, 229Blankets, 38, 51, 52, 99, 100, 121, 148,156, 158, 162, 164, 180 182, 202,203, 206use in signaling, 98worn by girls, 73, 74Bloodletters, medicine men, 135, 227Bloodletting, curative method, 139, 227Boasting, 101-102Boats, buffalo hide, 169Bobtail, informant, 97Bologna, preparation of, 176Bone or seed game, 114Bones, medicinal use of, 139Boone, A. G., Indian Agent, 190BounciTig game, 113Bourke, John G., quotations from, 94,191Bow and arrows, 105, 112, 113, 171, 172,229toy, 106, 108See also Arrows,Bow strings, buffalo sinew, 169Bowl, pottery, 179rawhide, 178, 229wooden, 179, 229 Boys, cermonial lodges of, 1 10, 119, 186,226clothing, 185, 229duties connected with lodges, 120-121, 226first success in shooting food ani-mal celebrated, 171, 229gauges of, 110haircutting, 43-44instructors of, 70-71, 77, 78physical training, 226respected by girls, (?9, 73training of," 110, 229Bracelets, 162silver, 78Bradbury, John, quotations from, 185Hreechdouts, 1S5, 229Bridles, 170buffalo hide, 169British, relations with, 4r>roth, moat, 220Brother-sister relationship, 68-70, 73,195Brothers, definition of, 48, 68, 195Brothers-in-law, 211, 231Buckskin, dressing of, 183-184use of, 30, 31, 35, 36, 89, 90, 182Buffalo, 2, 28, 53, 57, 85, 98, 105, 146,171, 205, 228blood, curative value of, 57bones, use of, 179. 183calf, shooting of, 172, 173cliief source of supplies, 169-170cows, 173dew-claws, use of, 185dung, uses of, 178, 229fetaf, used for first clothes, 42, 220hair, use of, 109head, sacred, 122, 150heart lining \isod, 169hidt^s, preparation and uses of, 86,87, 106, 120, 135, 148, 149, 169,170, ISO, 181, 184, 203, 229horns, use of, 121, 122, 140, 229hunt, communal, 192, 229hunting, 172, 173, 186meat, 173, 174, 175, 177, 229mnnbers of, 169paunch, use of, 178, 229robes made from skin, 122, 154,155, 162, 170, 171, 179, 185, 192,203, 205, 206, 229shoulder blade, use of, 169, 179sinews, use of, 169, 180, 186skull, painted, 57, 153Buffalo berries, dried, 229Buffalo Dance, 39, 119, 120, 123Buffalo Lodge, women's society, 119,121, 122, 123, 125Bull roarer, use of, 93Burial customs, 103, 163, 164, 228Burlin, Natalie Curtis, quotations from,40Burton, Richard F., quotations from,94, 180Butchering, man's duty, 172, 229Butter, Indian, 176Button, game, 115Buzzers, 111, 226 INDEX 243Calf, pet, 220Calf tail, 120Calico, 27, 28, 137, ir^2, \r>?,, \r,4, ]r,V,,158, \r,uCamp circle, 102 193, 230Cainp crior, prol'cuHional, 20Candy, gifts of, 99rarely eatoii by cliikJrftn, 99Cannabaiisin, 105, 106, 225Carter, John (i., xiifjuotations frrtiii, 2, 143Catholic religion, 100Catlin, Gcon^c. f|Uotation8 from, 177Catlinito, pipOKtono, 103, 147Cat-tails, roots eaten, 179Cattle, taboos ret^arding meat as food, 13Caul, disposal of, 21, 218Cedar-bark decoction, medicinal use of,55, 56Cedar fuines, use of, 91, 127, 133, 134,138, 165, 166, 167Cedar poles, use of, 1 80Cedar tree, offering of, 152Celebration, ear-piercing, 24-28, 40, 43,182, 218first walk, 41, 219first word, 42Ceremonial, baths, 147, 153, 227club, 192marriage, 202-209, 231paint, 153peyote, 138pipe, 153purification, 153religious, 148-151smoking, 66, 128, 142, 147sweating, 134, 141, 147-148tipi sewing, 181, 182Ceremonies, see Ceremonial.Chafing, treatment for, 219Chairs, 99Charms, 133hunting, 175, 229love, 200, 231Chasing Hawk, Elizabeth, 30Cheek slashing, punishment by, 212, 231Cherry, wild (Padus seroUna), 170, 177,179, 229"Cherry water," drunk by dancers, 159,160Cheyenne, 1, 2, 3, 6, 11, 12. 14, 15, 16, 21,25, 20, 90, 116, 145, 153, 163,174, 180, 185, 190, 204, 205, 214,215Northern, 21, 56relations with, 3, 4Southern, 3, 71Cheyenne-Arapaho Reservation, 4, 120,217Chi'chita'nS, boy's game, 113Chief in Everything, headman, 189Chief Little Raven, 125, 127, 146Chief Ute, 64, 120, 127Chiefs, 189-191, 230life tenure, 189, 230Chieftainship, not inherited, 190ji^ voting for, 189, 230 Child, adoption of, 50-51, 221favorfid, 82-83, 224naming of, 01 02, 222Children, burial of, 103diversions, UXi-117, 223, 225-226excluded from lodges, 150mental training, 83-98, 224-225methods of itjstructing, 75-78, 94,223-224moral tniining, 98-105, 225naked, 108, 112, 220of separated couples, 215-216, 232r)lay of, 100-109, 223, 225-226prenatal period, 217present at weddings, 209, 231rewards, punishments. 78-82, 224scolding of, 79-80, 224tattooing of, 141training of, 75-83, 102, 223-224Chii)[,ewa, 0, 11, 14, J5, 16, 20, 21, 39,40, 43, 70, 74, 95, 100, 105, 100,134, 139, 140, 153, 168, 194, 195Cyliiricahua Apaches, 191Chiva Xiatha, good God, 146Chokecherry, 30, 62, 79, 84, 85, 150Chums, lifelong friends, 106, 110, 171,226Cigarettes, 98-99Circular patterns, making of, 90Clans, lack of, 230Clark, W. P., quotations from, 1, 95,125, 135, 145, 146, 160, 102, 164,178, 190Clay, white, 120Clothes bags, toy, 107Clothing, 185-180, 224, 228, 229offerings of, 57, 144, 152, 227Clouds, weather forecasting by, 93Club, ceremonial, 192Cocheis, chief, 191Coffee, 62, 220Coition, 48, 49, 217, 221Cold weather, prediction of, 92, 93Colds, treatment of, 139Collier, John, Commissioner of IndianAffairs, 149Collins, Herbert Edwin, quotations from,179, 204, 216Colostrum, discarded, 44, 220Comanche, 110, 170, 180, 200Comets, beliefs regarding, 92, 224Conception, 4-0beliefs regarding, 4, 12Constipation, treatment for, 55Conduct taboos, connected with preg-nancy, 12-15, 47Contracejjtives, 9, 217Cooking, 170, 179hot stones method, 178-179, 229Cooper, John M., xivCordage, buffalo hair, 169Corn, i78, 181, 229Corrals, wattled cane, 181Cottonwood (PopuluH rnonilifera) , 178Coughs, treatment for, 137Council, chief's, 230Counting and linear measurements,88-90 244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Counting methods, 88-89, 206Courtesy, 98-100Courtsh'if), methods, 199-200, 201-202,231Cousin, cross, 48, 195Cousin, definition of, 68, 195Cow, 171, 184given as gift, 53hide, preparation and use of, 184,186horns, use of, 140sinew, use of, 186"Coyote gun," war chih, 192"CoVote men," scout organization, 192Coyotes, 131, 163, 167Cradle inaking, woman's work, 35, 89,209, 219Cradles, 28, 29-38, 219amulet attaclied to, 23, 24, 218beaded, list of, 30, 33, 34canvas, list of, 29construction of, 29-38, 219cover and ])illow, 36dismantling of, 37-38, 219toy, 107, 108Cranes, 92feathers, white, 120Crazy Lodge, men's society, 118, 119,120, 121, 122paraphernalia for, 120Crazv-man Dance, 51, 117, 122, 123Cree, 168Crier, public official, 215Crook, men's lodge, 121Crow Indians, 28, 39, 53, 54, 59, 64, 122Crows, 42, 98Culin, Stewart, xnquotations from, 57, 111, 113, 114,163, 226Cupping, curative treatment, 140Currants, dried, 177, 229wild, 177, 229Curse words, lack of, 80Custer, General, 204, 205Cut Finger, chief, 191"Cut water," circular tin disk, 93Dakotas, 2Dance, Buffalo, 30, 119, 120, 123Crazy-man, 51, 117, 122, 123Dog, 51, 117, 122Forty-nine, 39, 117Fox, 51, 117Gift, 64Owl, 51, 107, 117Rabbit, 39, 40, 51, 107, 117Social, 107, 117, 160, 214, 215, 221Spear, 122, 123Squaw, 39, 40, 53, 107, 117Sun, 2, 13, 25, 26, 27, 28, 39, 40, 51,rt2, 53, 57, 62, 66, 83, 85, 86, 107,120, 122, 127, 131, 135, 141, 142,143, 144, 145, 148-151, 154-161,176, 182, 187, 192, 193, 201, 202,206, 219, 221, 227Victory, 64War-bonnet, 51, 107, 117Wolf, 51, 107, 117 Dance lodge, 107, 215Dancers, relatives of, 156Dancing, 158, 160Daniels, J. W., qu()tationslfrom.'_191Daughter-in-law, 210Dead, abode of, 228dressing of, 162, 228painting of, 162, 228Death, 162, 228Decoctions, 220herbal, 54, 55, 137, 138, 220, 222mescal button, 138Decorations, painted, 157Deer, 89, 171, 175antlers of, 224call, used in hunting, 175claws, use as ornaments,?;31hair, stuffing of, 182hide, use of, 42, 43, 120, 185, 220,229meat, 142, 175, 229Delivery, position of mother, 16-17,18-19, 218presence of father at, 218Densmore, Frances, quotations from, 64De Smet, Pierre Jean, quotationsjrom102-103, 169-170, 171, 173'Dewey, Flora, informant, xvDewey, Rapheal, informant, xvDiapers, substitutes for, 28, 219Diarrhea, treatment for, 55Dice, buffalo bone, 114Dice games, HI, 113Dishes, 55Divorces, 211-216, 231-232Dog Dance, 51, 117, 122"Dog Eaters," see Arapaho.Dog Lodge, men's society, 118, 119, 120,121, 123Dogs, 175, 176, 229beliefs regarding, 93, 162howling of, 162meat, eaten, 175, 176, 229pet, 109, 226Dog soldiers, policemen, 193Dolls, 107, 108, 225man, 108rag, 107woman, 108Domestic economy, 169-186, 228-229Dorsey, George A., xii, xiii, 32, 143, 150quotations from, 25, 28, 113, 152Dresses, 73, 144, 185, 202, 229buckskhi, 90, 110calico, 57, 153mourning, 168Drummers, 149, 156, 157, 158, 215songs by, 27, 28, 157, 214Drumming, 159, 160Drums, 28, 115, 122, 137, 157, 160, 214,2J5toy, 107Ducks, black-tailed, 171red-tailed, 171Dyeing, process, 37Dyer, D. B., quotations from, 183Dyes, commercial, 36vegetable, 36 INDEX 245Eagles, 98, 171feathers, 120, 123wing, whistle made of, 157Eagle's Head, chief, 191Eagles of the Stars, bov's lodge, 119Ear piercing, 24-28, 40, 182, 218curative value of, 57, 222gifts given for, 25, 26, 27, 28, 40Ear plugs, use of, 25, 27Earrings, 25, 28, 78, 162Eclipses, beliefs regarding, 91, 134, 224,227Elk, 89, 184hides, tanning and use of, 184, 185,186, 229teeth, 107Elk horn, hide scrapers, 87, 175, 183records on, 87, 103, 224Embracing, mark of respect, 100PJpidemics, 134Eriogonum sp., 175Everybody's Father, name for God,65, 66, 144Exogamy, 193, 230Eye trouble, treatment for, 140Families, limitation of size, 9-10Farnham, Thomas J., quotations from,3, 170, 176Fasting, 65, 70, 71, 223as a sacrifice, 142, 154, 227ceremonial, 120, 124, 127-130, 136Father, definition of, 48, 68, 195Father-in-law, 194, 209, 210, 211, 231Fawns, hoof used, 185Feasts, 171, 172marriage, 231naming, 65wedding, 198, 202, 204, 205, 207Feather switches, black, 158Feathers, used as aid in birth, 16, 17,19,20Fertility, produced in men and women,6-9, 217Fetus, beliefs regarding, 5, 11, 217burial of, 5, 217, 228Fewkes, J. Walter, quotations from, 95Fighting, man's duty, 170Fingers, sacrifice of, 141, 166, 167, 228.Firebrand, use in signaling, 98Firedrill, 178, 229Fire fan, turkey-wing, 179Fire making, 178, 229Fireplace, 179, 203Flageolet, 199Flesher, skin dressing tool, 183Fletcher, Alice C, quotations from, 193Flint and steel, fire making tools, 178Flutes, 200Fontanels, 20, 41, 94, 218, 219, 224Food and its preparation, 175-179, 207,228Food taboos, connected with pregnancy,12-15, 47P'orearm's length, measure of distance,89"Forks of the River Men," band name,187, 191 Forty-nine Dance, 39Fox, boy's society, 118, 119, 121Foxes, gray, 171silver, 171Fremont, John C, quotations from, 174Friday, Ann, informant, xvFriday, Robert and wife, informants,XV, 191Fuel, buflfalo dung, 178, 229wood, 179, 229Fumigation, 217, 218, 228curative, 54, 137, 222, 226methods, 15, 22, 55Funny Men, band name, 187Gagging, helpful at birth, 218Gambling games, 115Game of buffalo meat, 113of choosing grandfathers, 113Game sticks, willow, 112Games, 111-115, 226boys and girls, 112dice. 111, 226gambling, 115guessing, 115hand, 111, 226of chance. 111of dexteritv. 111, 226Garters, 123, 185, 229Gentes, lack of, 230Gentian (Gentiana lutea), 55Gentiana lutea, 55Gestation, 10-11"Ghost arrow," belief in, 139Ghost Dance religion, 160Gifts, 171acceptance of, 99betrothal, 203exchange of, 202, 203, 204, 206given at adoption, 51given for ear piercing, 25, 26, 27,28, 40, 218given for naming, 62, 63list of, 98-99marriage, 198, 199, 202, 203, 206,231Gila monster, lizard, 128Ginseng {Panax quinquefolium) , 55, 56 /Girls, clothing, 185, 223, 229games of, 111instruction of, 72, 73, 111marriage age, 197, 230marriageable qualities, 198, 230no puberty customs for, 71, 223prepuberty customs, 197, 230puberty, 216, 223, 226Glue, buffalo sinew, 169Goats, mountain, 171Goggles, Gertrude, informant, xvGolden seal {Hydrastis canadensis) , 55"Good Hearts," Arapaho name forthemselves, 96Grand River, 3Grandchild, definition of, 195Grandfather, name for Sun, 142, 145Grandfathers, choosing of, 121, 122instruction by, 119 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Grandmothers, instruction by, 75, 82,119relations with, 69, 206Grandparents, children cared for by,215, 232definition of, 194favorite children of, 82-83instruction by, 75, 77, 80Grass, sweet, 120"Greasy Faces," band name, 187, 188,189, 191Great Kenyon of the Colorado of theWest, 3Great Spirit, prayer to, 150-151, 179Greetings, 99-100Grinnell, George Bird, quotations from,145Gros Ventres, 3, 117, 118, 120, 187, 192Grosbeck, Martha, informant, xvGround, measured by pacing, 90Grouse, 171Haanaxwune'na (Rock people). TribalDivision, 187Hajawaanaxti, used for muscular pain?,137Hair braiding, done by husband, 216Hair cutting, boys, 43, 220infants first, 43-44mourning custom, 43-44, 162, 164,166, 167, 168, 228punishment by, 212, 231Hairdressing, 74, 75mourning, 167, 168Half-breeds, 50, 54Hall, H. U., quotations from, 87Hammer, stone, 183Hanalm^vungna, extinct Arapaho band,161Ha'nahawung'na, tribal division, 187Hanatecha'hatiet, game, 112Handshaking, 99, 225Hand stretcla, measuring device, 89Hand-and-foot ball, game, 111, 226Handkerchiefs, 155Hannah, Susan, informant, xvHarelip, beliefs regarding, 13, 14, 47Hares, 171Harris, Fanny, informant, xvHarris, Veronica, informant, xvHas Horn, Joe, informant, 30Ha'sfinanen, meaning Our Father, 144Hawk feathers, 120Hawks among the Stars, 119Hayden, Ferdinand V., quotations from,175Headache, 137, 138, 139Head bands, embroidered, 119Headdresses, 100buflfalo horn, 121, 122, 123red, 123Headshaping, 20Health, 134-142, 227Heammawihio, Cheyenne God, 145, 146Heap O'Bears, chief, 191Heart, treatment for ills of, 137Heavenly Father, name for God, 144 He'jabSneiixa, name for God, 144Hell, ignorance of, 161Hemorrhages, treatment for, 137Herbalists, medicine men, 54, 135, 136,137, 218, 222, 227Herbs, curative use of, 137, 227roots and barks, 136-139, 222, 227Hidatsa, 118Hide scrapers, elk horn, 87, 224Hide tanning outfits, 88Hides, 137, 153Hilger, Sister Marie, xivHinanaei'ne (Arapaho proper), tribaldivision, 187Hitoune'na (begging people), tribaldivision, 187Hitu'ngna (begging men, beggars,"spongers"), tribal division, 187Hoes, bone, 178Honesty, teaching of, 103, 225Honey, wild, 178Hoop and pole, game, 111, 113, 226Hoops, used in games, 113Hopi, 93Horse racing, 133Horses, 173, 176, 212, 213, 215, 216, 225beliefs regarding, 93, 133, 179care of, 170, 216enemies', stealing of, 102, 225given as gift, 25, 26, 27, 28, 40, 51,52, 53, 55, 66, 70, 79, 102, 105,109, 110, 117, 137, 167, 171, 185,197, 198, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204,205, 206, 208, 209, 215, 219measuring of, 90sacrificed on grave, 164, 167, 22Stoy, 107, 108treatment of, 100use of, 2, 85, 110wealth of the Indians, 165, 188Horse tail switches, used in Sun Dance,158Hospitality, generosity, kindness, 100-101, 225Houses, fumigation of, 165,166left after a death, 165Hummers, toys, 93Hungry Wolf, Jane, informant, xv, 123Hunt, communal, 187, 192, 229, 230Hunting, 170-175, 228Hunt the button, game, 114-115Husbands, 15Hydrastis canadensis, 55Iceman, Pete, 155Illegitimacy, beliefs regarding, 49-50,221111 treatment, cause for divorce, 232Incest, 48-49, 221Infanticide, rare, 49, 50, 221Infants, atypical conditions, 46-57,221?223bathing, 135, 218deformed, 47-48, 221first bath, 21, 135, 218first clothes, 42-43, 220first smile, 40, 219 INDEX 247Infants, first step, 41, 219first tooth, 40-41, 219first walk, 219first words, 41-42, 219food, 135, 219, 220haircutting, 43-44headshapiiig, 20, 218illegitimate, 221lullabies, 38-40, 219nursing and weaning, 44r-45, 220-221sick, 54, 222teething aids, 41, 219toilet training, 29transporting, 38, 219Informants, information from, 6, 7, 10,11, 12, 13, 14, 18-20, 22, 35, 36,39, 42, 43, 49, 53, 55, 57, 58, 59,61, 63, 69, 70, 72, 73, 74-75, 76,77, 78-79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86,87-88, 90, 91, 92, 96-97, 103,104, 105, 106, 107-108, 109, 110,118, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129, 136,138, 141, 142, 144, 145, 149, 151-152, 159, 160, 161, 170, 183, 187,193, 195, 198-199, 213, 214, 217,220, 221, 224list of, XVmen, 4women, 4Inhalations, curative treatments, 54,222, 227Inheritance, customs regarding, 165, 228Interment and graves, 163-166Interpreters, 42, 65, 66, 83, 84, 143, 168,190, 209, 210Interviewing, 99Iron Piper, informant, xvJavelin, toy, 106Jealousy, among children, 82between husband and wife, 212murder due to, 105JenSja'xibed, name for Sweat Lodge,120Jenkins, Clarice, informant, xvJewelry, mourning customs regarding,168, 228Joking relatives, 211Juggling, 111Kaliher, Sister Deodata, xivKansas River, 2Keeper-of-the-pipe, minor deity, 142Kettles, iron, 179, 181, 203, 208Killing, accidental, 104, 105, 225Kindness, practice of, 100-101Kinnikinnick, tobacco mixture, 147, 174Kinship groups, unilateral, 194Kiowa, 110, 140, 180Kissing, 99, 110, 225Knife case, beaded, 72Knife sheath, toy, 107Knives, 27, 179bone, 179, 229slaughtering, 212 Kroeber, A. L., xi, xii, xiiiquotations from, 2, 22, 25, 26, 27,30, 31, 35, 38, 43, 45, 55, 60, 70,72, 73, 90, 111, 113, 114, 119,124, 125, 129, 134-135, 137, 139,143, 146, 149, 150, 152, 15^155,164, 165, 167, 168, 176, 178, 179,182, 183-184, 185-186, 187, 188,189, 190, 192, 195, 208, 211, 212,217, 220, 229Labor, division of, 170Lambs, pet, 109, 226Lances, ceremonial, 119Language, 94-96recording of, 94sign, 95-96, 98teaching of, 94vocabulary of, 94, 95Laws, enforcement of, 193Left Hand, Arapaho Chief, 1, 3, 97, 116,127, 147, 161, 186, 187, 189, 191Leggings, 170, 185, 186, 229offerings of, 57, 153Levirate, 197, 230Lewis, Meriwether, and Clark, William,quotations from, 1, 2, 3Life after death, belief in, 160-162, 228Lightning, interpretation of, 90, 224Litters, buffalo hide, 169Little Ant, informant, xvLittle Biitahawu dancers, boys, 119Little Raven, informant, 97, 150, 162,178, 183, 189, 190prayer of, 150-151Lizards, 128Lodge poles, wooden, 180Lodges, 118, 226boy's ceremonial, 110, 226men's, 118, 119, 226order of admission to, 119, 226women's, 226Lone Bear, Pete, informant, 122-123Lone Man, informant, 175Lone Wolf, Pete, informant, xvLong, S. H., quotations from, 1, 126,177Long Hair, informant, xvLong Legs, band name, 188, 189Looking-up or Looking-around, bandname, 187Lophophora williamsii, 138Love charms, 200"Love child," illegitimate child, 49, 60Lowie, Robert H., xiiiquotations from, 2Lullabies, 38-40, 219Lung-disease, treatment for, 137Mackenzie, Alexander, 2Magicians, 130, 135, 227Magyer, Sister Hieronyme, xivMallerv, Garrick, quotations from, 84, "96, 97-98Mandans, 3, 4, 118Manure, uses of, 17, 28, 29, 219 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Marriage, 193-216, 230-232ceremonial, 202-209, 231cross-cousin, 195, 230elopement, 200, 201, 202, 207, 208,231endogamoiis, 193exogamous, 193, 194feast, 231incestuous, 195monogamous, 193, 194polygamous, 196, 197, 208polygynous, 194prepuberty, 196prohibitions on, 48, 49, 195regulations regarding, 196, 197,201-202separation and divorce, 211-216"sweetheart," 200, 201, 206, 207-208symbol, lack of, 204, 207Master of Ceremonies, men's society,121Mates, choice of, 199-202Mats, 182Maximilian, Prince of Wied, quotationsfrom, 3Meadow lark, beliefs regarding, 94, 219fed to babies, 41-42, 94, 219, 224Measuring methods, 89-90, 224Meat, buffalo, 173, 174, 175, 177burnt offering of, 179deer, 142, 175, 229dog, eaten, 175, 176, 229gifts of, 201preparation of, 175-177, 229"Medicine," definition of, 124, 226powers of, 124, 187, 226practiced bv medicine men, 7, 8, 9,10, 19, 48, 54, 55, 56, 65, 66,124-134, 136, 226, 227purification of, 127use of, 130-134, 227"Medicine" bags, 124, 125, 129, 130,137, 153, 181, 204, 226beliefs regarding, 15, 217contents of, 126, 137inherited, 125, 126"Medicine" bundle, 125, 126"Medicine making," 127"Medicine man," 43, 54, 125, 133, 135,227assistant at birth, 16, 19, 22, 218chief, 191feasting of, 57functions of, 119, 121, 126, 127, 133,135, 143, 222gift to, 7, 55, 222naming by, 62organizations, 126payment of, 137power of, 7, 8, 9"Medicine woman," 126, 136, 227assistant at birth, 16, 22, 218functions of, 126, 135, 222training of, 136Men, clothing, 185, 2^9desirable qualities, 198, 231 Men, duties of, 170, 231marriageable age, 198, 231occupations of, 170, 228societies, 186, 226tattooing of, 141treatment to produce fertility, 7Menstruation, beliefs regarding, 71, 72first, 71, 72, 73, 74, 223Mental training, 83-98, 224-225Mescal button (Lophophora williamsit),138Michelson, Truman, xi, xivquotations from, 2, 25, 26, 27-28,38, 55, 72, 76, 77, 95, 126, 136,142, 167, 168, 217Micho, Sister Olivette, xivMidwife, 11, 16, 17, 19, 21, 135, 218, 227Milkweed down, stufhng of, 182Milky Way, dead man's road, 160Minor deities, 144Mirrors, use in signaling, 98Mix Hair, Ana, informant, xvMoccasins, 42, 43, 73, 79, 100, 103, 109,111, 162, 185, 186, 197, 202, 203,206, 207, 216, 220, 229making of, 170, 208measuring of, 90, 224offerings of, 57, 110, 144, 153Monogamy, 193Monroe, James and wife, informants, xvMonths, lunar, 84-86, 224names of, 85Moon, beliefs regarding, 92phases of, 84, 224Moonev, James, xi, xii, xiiiquotations from, 1, 2, 90, 92, 93, 94,103, 112, 113, 114, 118, 124, 160,161, 176, 178, 180, 182, 186, 187,192, 217Moons, names of, 86unnamed for time counts, 84Morals, training in, 98-106, 225Morning star, beliefs regarding, 92start of day, 83, 224Moss, Alonzo, informant, xvMoss, Paul, informant, xvMother, name for Earth, 142, 145, 179Mother-in-law, 170, 197, 205, 208, 209,231Mothers, 218birth customs, 15-24, 218definition of, 48, 68instruction of sons, 71, 74, 77purification after birth, 21, 218suckling of, 44-46, 55, 220Mourning, 166-169, 228Mules, 176Mumps, treatment for, 140Murder, 104-105, 225recompense for, 105Muscular pains, treatment for, 140Mushrooms, oyster, 140Mutilation, 213, 227ceremonial, 135, 141mourning custom, 166, 167, 168,228punishment bj', 212 INDEX 249Na'kasinS'na (sage-brush men), tribaldivision, 186Name changing, 62-64, 66, 222-223as health restorative, 57, 60, 142,222, 227reasons for, 60, 63, 222Name'giving, curative practice, 57, 60,222manner of, 62, 65Names, 66-67, 222-223Arapaho chiefs, 67men's, 67origin of, 58-60, 64-65, 222used, 59-60, 222women's, 67NanShaxwu Lodge, men's society, 118,119, 120, 144, 145, 189, 193Natural phenomena, interpretation of,90-94Nausea, treatment for, 139Navaho, 40, 78Navel bag, wearing of, 72, 73beliefs regarding, 14, 15treatment of, 16-17, 19, 20, 22-24,89, 218worn as amulet, 23, 218Nawaoinaha'na, tribal division, 187Nawathi'nSha (southerners), tribaldivision, 186Na'wunSna (southern men), tribaFdivi-sion, 186Necklaces, 110Needle, darning, 27Nez Perces, 24Niaata-root, used for coughs, 137Niada', decoction made from, 138Niece, 199, 200Nonsupport, cause for separation, 214,232Northern Cheyenne, see Cheyenne,Northern.Northern lights, beliefs regarding, 92,93, 224Nose, cutting of, 212, 213, 231piercing, not practiced, 24, 219rings, not worn, 24Notched sticks, time markers, 84Nursing, 44-46, 220customs regarding, 44r-46, 220Obscenity, used in teasing relatives, 211Oil of Neat's Foot {oleum bubalum), 184Old Lady Red Pipe, informant, xvOld Lady Salt Friday, informant, xii,XV, 18, 70, 88, 135, 168-169, 188Old Man, Jerome, informant, xvOld nurse, midwife, 135Old people, respect for, 100, 101Omaha, 112One Bull, Jane, informant, xvOne Bull, Oscar, informant, 30Origin myth, 1Orion, beliefs regarding, 92time told by, 83Ornaments, buried with dead, 102cradle, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36silver, 78tipi cover, 180, 181, 182 Osage, 3Oscar White, keeper of the pipe, 153Otter, 109, 171Overshoes, 152Owls, 161Packing-each-other-over, game, 112Paducas, 2Padus serotina, 176Paint, black, 120, 145, 153ceremonial, 134, 227green, 153Indian, 145orange, 153red, 145, 153, 162, 167war, 134white, 120, 153yellow, 153Paiute Indians, 163burial of, 163Panax quinquefolium, 55, 56Pants, 55, 144Parfleche, 110, 177, 179toy, 107Pawnees, 3, 102, 197Pemmican, preparation of, 177, 229Pendants, tipi ornaments, 182Peppermint plant, used as medicine, 16,57, 153, 178Personal belongings, buried vdth dead,164, 186, 228burning of, 167Pet animals, 109Peyote religion, 160Pheasants, 171Photographs, 169Physicians, 130, 135-136, 227Phvsiotherapists, medicine men, 135,227Pickaxes, buflfalo bone, 169Pictographs, events recorded by, 86, 96,224Pictography, not formally taught, 225Pillows, buckskin, 182Pinching game, 113Pine, lodge pole {Pinus murrayana), 180white, 170Pinus murrayana, 180Pipe, 164, 174, 207ceremonial, 103, 104, 159, 225coverings of, 158, 159keeper of, 159, 161, 193sacred, 94, 121, 122, 130, 138, 141,142, 143, 145, 148, 153, 154, 156-157, 158, 159, 187, 193, 230Pipe bag, toy, 107Pipe-bearers, 97Piper, Ralph, Northern Arapaho, 152Placenta, disposal of, 5, 17, 18, 20, 217,218Plains Indians, 87, 95, 103, 118, 149, 169,178Plates, 208board, 179rawhide, 179, 229Platte River, 3, 4Play, children's, 106-109 250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bui-L. 148Pleasant Men, band name, 187Pleiades, time measured bv, 83, 224Pneumonia, 137, 138, 1-42Policemen, camp officials, 193, 230Polulus monilifera, 178Polyandry, 193, 230Polvcamv, 196Polygyny, 193. 230Ponv, buried \vith dead, 164 "child's, 109, 225Porcupine quills, used as ornaments, 31,I 36, 73, 182, 185*" used for ear piercing, 25, 27, 28Possessions of the dead, removal of, 165Postnatal interests, 24-44, 218-220Potion, ^iven at birth, 16. 19, 218Pots, 208iron, 179Pottery, buried with dead, 164Poultices, use of, 137, 138, 227Powder Face, chief, 179, 191, 203-204,216Prairie-dogs, 171Pravers, curative treatment, 54, 56, 57,222Prei^ancv, taboos connected with,12-15, 217Prenatal period, 4-15, 217Prostitution, 9Protestant religion, 160Psvchotherapists, medicine men, 135,227Puberty, 70-75, 222rules regarding, 68-70Pumpkins. 181Puppy, cooked, presented as gift, 70method of cooking, 176Purgatives, 135. 227Purification, 22, 153, 167Quarreling,'' 101, 224, 231Quick-to-anger, band name, 188Rabbit Dance, 39, 40Rabbit Lodge, men's organization, 154,206Rabbits, 13, 47, 89, 102, 171, 172offerings of, 154skins of, 93Raccoons, 55, 220Racing, 110, 111, 226Rain, predictions of, 93-94. 224Rainbow, interpretation of, 90, 91, 94,224Rattles, 115, 138antelope. 36buffalo toes, 155gourd, 137hide, 153turtle, 72Ravens, 98Rawhide, making of, 183Red clay, medicinal use of, 56, 57, 219use as powder, 29Red River of the North, 2Red Willow Men, band name, 188 Reincarnation, beliefs regarding, 5, 6,217Relationship, definition of, 194, 195,197Relatives, joking, 211Religion, taught by old men, 75, 223, 227Religion and supernatural powers, 142-160, 227Reservations, 4, 32, 33Respect shown to aged, 225Rewards, corrections, punishments, 78-82Rheumatism, 137, 139, 140Ridiculous ISIen, band name, 188Ring and pin, game. 111, 226Rings, silver, 78wedding, lack of, 204, 207Roeder, Sister Immacula, xivRoots, curative use of, 137wild, 175, 178, 179, 229Ropes, 170Row of Lodges, chief, 191Rowlodge, Henry, informant, xvRowlodge, Jessie, informant, xii, xv, 26,27. 52-53, 85, 100, 112, 113, 119-121, 144-145, 164, 165Rowlodge, Lucy, informant, xvRun Behind. Susan, informant, xvRunning, 110Sacks, burlap, oflFerings of, 152Sacrifice, personal, 141-142Sacrificial offerings, curative treatment,54, 57, 222, 227meat, 179mutilation, 70Saddle bag. toy, 107Saddle coverine;, bufl"alo hide, 169Saddles, 108, 170Sage, 153curative use of, 55, 56, 57, 140offerings of, 137wreaths, 153, 157Sage, Ed, informant, xvSage, Odilia, informant, xvSage, Sherman, informant, xii. xv, 7, 10,13, 24, 25, 39, 40. 47, 50, 51, 60,64-66. 68, 69, 75-76, 79, 80, S3,85, 89, 91, 92, 96-97, 100, 102,103, 104, 120, 124, 128, 129, 133,136. 145, 147, 160, 161, 164, 171,172, 175. 178. 187. ISS. 189, 192,193. 194. 195, 197. 198. 200, 201-202, 204, 208. 209, 210, 212-213,214-215, 216. 224Sage Bark. Grace, informant, xvSage Bark. Nelson, informant, xvSacebrush, decorations of, 157, 159Salt. 178Saretika. name for Arapaho, 176Saskatchewan River, 3Scalps, trophies, 203, 204Scarfs, neck. 155Schmidt, Wilhelm. quotations from, 154Scott, Hugh Lennox, quotations from,1, 161, 187-188 INDEX 251Scouts, function of, 97, 98, 190, 192, 230Scrapers, elk-horn, 175, 183tin, 183wooden, 183Scythe, 184, 185Seasons, names of, 86, 224Seat backs, rawhide, 204Secundines, disposal of, 17, 18, 218Seger, John Homer, quotations from,150, 193Separation of man and wife, 211-216,231?232causes of, 211-216, 231-232children of, disposition, 215-216, 232public announcement of, 214, 232Servants, lack of, 53, 222Sex, prediction of, 11, 217Shakespeare, William, informant, xvShamans, medicine men, 135, 227Sharp Nose, Winneshead, informant,XV, 50, 190, 191, 197Shawls, 110, 206doll, 107worn by women, 73, 74Sheep, 176, 184mountain, 179Shepherdia argentia, 177Shepherdia canadensis, 177Shields, 174, 181Shinny, game. 111, 114, 226s1"i{*ks 1 X4Shirts, 55,' 144, 170, 185, 229buckskin, 73Shoes, 144, 152Short Nose, Chief, 187, 191Shoshonie, 3, 4, 26, 64, 71, 74, 122, 133,146, 176, 191, 200Shotgun, Sam, informant, xvSiblings, 225Sickness, cure and prevention , 54-57,92, 222treatment by medicine man, 57, 222Signaling, 96-98, 225methods of, 96-98, 225smoke, 97Sinews, 120, 180Sioux, 2, 3, 26, 30, 39, 43, 53, 64, 103,106, 108, 114, 147, 163, 164, 180,204, 205Sister-brother relationship, 68-70, 223Sister-in-law, 197, 211, 231Sisters, 216definition of, 48, 68, 195Sitting Eagle, Alberta, informant, xvSkin dressing, method, 183-185woman's job, 170, 183Skirts, men's 157Skunks, 186beliefs regarding, 14Slaves, lack of, 53, 222Smallpox, 136"Smellers," name given to Arapaho, 96Smith, Catherine, informant, xvSmoking, 62, 117, 207, 226ceremonial, 66, 128, 142, 147, 158,174, 227Snakes, 128 Snakes, Indian tribe, 3, 180Snow snake, game. 111, 112, 226Societies, age, 2, 117-123boy's, 118, 226men's, 118, 226women's, 119"Soldiers," helpers, 123Songs, 120gaming, 115Son-in-law, taboos regarding, 207, 208,209-211Sorcerers, 130Sororate, not compulsory, 196, 230, 231Soups, meat, 178Southern Cheyenne, see Cheyenne,Southern.Spades, buffalo bone, 169Spaniards, relations with, 4Spear, men's society, 118, 122, 123Spear Dance, 122, 123Spears, 174, 181ceremonial, 123Spider-above, name for God, 144Sponsor of Sun Dance, 149, 156, 157,158, 159Spoons, buffalo-horn, 107, 229mountain sheep-horn, 179Spotted Face, chief, 189Spotted Horse, chief, 187, 191Spotted Wolf, chief, 189Spotted Wolf, Helen, informant, xvSpunky Men, band name, 188Squaw Dance, 39, 40Squirrels, ground, 106Staff, men's society, 118, 121Star Falcons, boy's lodge, 119Stars, boy's society, 118, 119, 121Stealing, attitude toward, 102-104Sterility, 6-9, 10, 48, 217cause for separation, 214, 232proof of, 221treatment for, 8Sterilization, by fumes and magic,8-9, 12Stick, ceremonial, 122Stillbirths, burial of, 163, 218, 228Stingy House, trading post, 54Stirling. Matthew W., xivStockings, 152Stoic Lodge, men's lodge, 121Stolen articles, return of, 103Stomachache, 137Stories, 115children's, 116, 226war, 116, 120Storm, chief, 189Storm predictions, 93Strap, carrying, 186Strong, William Duncan, quotationsfrom, 2Suctions, curative treatment, 54, 55, 56,139, 140, 222, 227Suicide, 104, 161, 225, 228forced, 104Sumac, 30, 147Summary, 216-232Sun, beliefs regarding, 92 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 148Sun Dance, origin of, 148-149, 227prohibition of, 149religious dance, 2, 13, 25, 26, 27, 28,39, 40, 51, 52, 53, 57, 62, 66, 83,85, 86, 107, 120, 122, 127, 131,135, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,148-151, 151-153, 154-160, 176,182, 187, 192, 193, 201, 202, 206,219 221 227Sun Dance lodge, 28, 57, 122, 123, 143,151, 152, 153, 193diagram of, 156 (fig.)Sun' Dancers, rules regulating, 153torture of, 85, 86, 141, 150-151Sundials, lack of, 83"Sun dogs," weather forecasters, 93Supreme Being, 144, 227Sweat Lodge, men's society, 118, 119,120, 189, 193preparation of, 129, 134, 141, 147,148songs, 148used in fasting, 129, 131, 141Sweaters, 152Sweating, ceremonial, 134, 141, 147-148,227medicinal, 141, 148, 227Sweetheart child, illegitimate child, 221Sweezy, Carl, informant, xvSwimming, 108, 110, 226Swings, 111, 226Tables, 99Taboos, conduct, 12-15, 47, 217connected with pregnancy, 12-15,217food, 12, 13, 14, 46, 47, 217, 221in-law, 207, 208, 209-211, 231Talebearing, 101Tally sticks, 115Tanning, 183-185, 228Tattooing, method of, 141ornamental, 140, 141Tempest, chief, 191Tent, canvas, 182-183given as gift, 70peyote, 72Tepee, see Tipis.The-Mysterious-One, name for God, 144Thread, buffalo sinew, ^169, 186cow sinew, 186Thunder, interpretation of, 90, 224Thunderbird, mythical character, 90, 91,224Time measurements, 83-88, 224Tinder, buffalo dung, 178, 229Cottonwood pith, 178, 229Tipi cover, buffalo skin, 180, 181, 228dead wrapped in, 162decorations of, 180, 181, 182Tipis, 2, 15, 37, 61, 62, 65, 71, 72, 74,76, 91, 93, 100, 115, 121, 131, 156,163, 171, 179, 180-183, 192, 196,204, 207, 208, 228, 229, 230, 231balloon, 131birth, 18, 19, 217care of, 170ceremonial, 127, 133, 137, 230 Tipis, construction of, 180-181, 229entrance, 180, 181, 203furnishing of, 202, 203, 206, 208,229 231gifts of, 109, 197, 198, 202, 203, 206,215, 231pegged down, 180, 181play, 106removal of, 165ventilation, 180-181Tiqtup, abbreviation for bfttlqtu'be,game, 112Tobacco, 153acceptance of, 99gifts of, 98mixtures, 147offerings of, 137plug, 99, 137pouches, 73refusal of, 99smoking, 98-99use as medicine, 99Tomahawk, sacred, 122Tomahawks, Men's society, 118, 119,120, 121, 122, 123, 226paraphernalia required for, 120Toothache, treatment for, 139Tops, toy, 106, 113, 226used by boys only, 113Totem sticks, 203Towels, 208Toys, 93, 106, 111whirhng, 107Trade, with other tribes, 3, 4Travois, used in travehng, 38, 57, 219Treatments, curative, 54-57, 139-141Tribal divisions, 186-187, 230Tribal government, 186-193, 229-230Triplets, undesired, 47, 221Trophies, scalps, 204Trosper, Baron, informant, xvTrunks, 208Turkey, wild, 142, 175Turkey call, used in hunting, 175Turkey-wing fire fan, 179Turtle, 128heart, curative use of, 137tail, worn as head-dress, 137worn by girls, 72Twins, beliefs regarding, 6, 11, 12, 13, 46,47, 217, 221Tylor, Henry Lee, informant, xvUgly-faced men, band name, 187, 188Uncle, definition of, 68, 195relations to family, 77, 205, 207Underwear, 152Unfaithfulness, beliefs regarding, 212cause for divorce, 215, 231Utaha, 180Utes, 3, 50, 53, 54, 59, 63, 96, 116, 131Vapor-bathing, 54, 222Villages, 174, 181Visions, 128-130Visiting, 115-117Voting, men only, 189 INDEX 253Walker, Daniel, 155Wallis, Wilson D., xivWar bonnets, 123, 162War clubs, 120Warren, Cecelia, informant, xvWarts, belief regarding, 103Wash basin, 208Washstands, 208Water-dogs, 128Water-Dripping-Old-Men, see Keepers-of-the-Pipe.Water-Sprinklers, see Water-Dripping-Old-Men.Water vessels, buffalo hide, 169Waterman, Joe, 154Watermelons, 89Waxubaa, use for stomachache, 137Weaning, 46, 220, 221Weasel Bear, keeper of the sacred pipe,187Weather, forecasting of, 92-94, 224prophets, 92, 224Wheel, sacred, 149, 153, 159Whipping, rare, 78, 81, 224reasons for, 212, 213, 214, 231resented, 43Wliips, 170Whirlwinds, beliefs regarding, 161Whistles, 175ceremonial, 121, 122, 157White Crow, chief, 189White Man, chief, 191White Plume, Hannah, informant, xvWhite Plume, Mae, informant, xvWhite-Man-Above, name for God, 144Widows, marriage of, 197Wild cat, skin used, 42, 220 Will-of-the-wisps, 134Willow, red, 147Willow, use of, 30, 35, 148Wind River Reservation, 4, 32, '33, 34,108, 151, 153, 154, 199, 217Winnebagos, 39Wise-One-Above, Cheyenne God, 145Wissler, Clark, quotations from, 137Witch doctors, 131Wolf, Ann, informant, xii, xv, 30, 35,36, 37-38, 39, 91, 92, 107, 110,190-191, 195Wolf Moccasin, informant, 71, 135, 145,160, 164, 190Wolves, band name, 187Women, clothing, 185, 229games, 114influence of, 230mourning customs, 166-169occupations of, 170, 181, 228, 229participation in lodges, 120, 156, 159standard of virtue, 2tattooing of, 141treatment for fertility, 7Woolworth, Arnold, informant, xii, xv,62,85, 115,116, 121-122, 161, 163,165, 166, 171-172Woolworth, Charles, informant, xvWoolworth, Susie, informant, xvWrestling, 110, 226Years, not numbered, 86Yellow Bear, chief, 191Yellow Horse, chief, 191Yellow Plume, Agnes, informant, xii,XV, 30, 35, 36, 38, 39, 51, 107, 110,168, 186, 190O 4^ 37 A 8^ SMfTHSONIAN INSTfTUTION LIBRARIES 3 9088 01421 8978