SI CIRC WAFERS mm>r;ii;V SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 128ANTHROPOLOGICALPAPERS Numbers 13-18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 1 Auri legend! ratio In rivis e montibus A pa- XL I.latcy decurrentibus. Roc r L ah CO loco, in auo nojlr* trx cxtruflafuit, mugni funt /fiontefjndorum lingua,Av2i\3.icy cotnominatt.e cjuibus , ut (x toftogra^hica chartavidfre licet, ormnturiramagm rivi,provohentei arenam, cm niultum auri, argent i cir ^ ? (^^^ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYBULLETIN 128ANTHROPOLOGICALPAPERS Numbers 13-18 UNITED STATESGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICEWASHINGTON : 1941 For eale by the Superiiitendeut of Documeute, Washington, D. C ------- Price 70 cents nLETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution,Bureau of American Ethnology,Washington, D. C, March 1, 1940.Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts,entitled "The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by AmericanIndians," by Sydney H. Ball; "Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Sta-bility of a Culture Pattern," by Wilham N. Fenton; "TonawandaLonghouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after Lewis Henry Morgan,"by William N. Fenton; "The Quichua-Speaking Indians of the Provinceof Imbabura (Ecuador) and their Anthropometric Relations with theLiving Populations of the Andean Area," by John GiUin; "Art Proc-esses in Birchbark of the River Desert Algonquin, a CircumborealTrait," by Frank G. Speck; "Archeological Reconnaissance of SouthernUtah," by Julian H. Steward; and to recommend that they be pub-lished as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirling, Chief.Dr. C. G. Abbot,Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. m PUBLISHER'S NOTE A separate edition is published of each paper in the series entitled "Anthro-pological Papers." Copies of Papers 1-18 are available at the Bureau of AmericanEthnology, Smithsonian Institution, and can be had free upon request.List of Anthropological Papers published previouslyNo. 1. A Preliminary Report on Archeological Explorations at Macon, Ga.,by A. R. Kelly. Bull. 119, pp. v-ix, 1-68, pis. 1-12, figs. 1-7. 1938.No. 2. The Northern Arapaho Flat Pipe and the Ceremonj^ of Covering thePipe, by John G. Carter. Bull. 119, pp. 69-102, figs. 8-10. 1938.No. 3. The Caribs of Dominica, by Douglas Taylor. Bull. 119, pp. 103-159,pis. 13-18, figs. 11-37. 1938.No. 4. What Happened to Green Bear Who Was Blessed with a Sacred Pack,by Truman Michelson. Bull. 119, pp. 161-176. 1938.No. 5. Lemhi Shoshoni Physical Therapy, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119,pp. 177-181. 1938.No. 6. Panatiibiji', an Owens Valley Paiute, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119,pp. 183-195. 1938.No. 7. Archeological Investigations in the Corozal District of British Honduras,by Thomas and Mary Gann. Bull. 123, pp. v-vii, 1-57, 61-66,pis. 1-10, figs. 1-11. 1939.Report on Two Skulls from British Honduras, by A. J. E. Cave. Bull.123, pp. 59-60. 1939.No. 8. Linguistic Classification of Cree and Montagnais-Naskapi Dialects, byTruman Michelson. Bull. 123, pp. 67-95, fig. 12. 1939.No. 9. Sedelmayr's Relacion of 1746. Translated and edited by Ronald L.Ives. Bull. 123, pp. 97-117. 1939.No. 10. Notes on the Creek Indians, by John R. Swanton. Bull. 123, pp. 119-159, figs. 13, 14. 1939.No. 11. The Yaruros of the Capanaparo River, Venezuela, by Vincent Petrullo.Bull. 123, pp. 161-290, pis. 11-25, figs. 15-27. 1939.No. 12. Archeology of Arauquin, by Vincent Petrullo. Bull. 123, pp. 291-295,pis. 26-32. 1939. CONTENTS PAGENo. 13. The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by American Indians,by Sydney H. Ball ixNo. 14. Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Stability of a Culture Pattern, byWilliam N. Fenton 79No. 15. Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after LewisHenry Morgan, by William N. Fenton 139No. 16. The Quichua-Speaking Indians of the Province of Imbabura(Ecuador) and Their Anthropometric Relations with the LivingPopulations of the Andean Area, by John GiUin 167No. 17. Art Processes in Birchbark of the River Desert Algonquin, a Cir-cumboreal Trait, by Frank G. Speck 229No. 18. Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern Utah, by Julian H.Steward 275Index 357ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES1. Frontispiece: Placer mining by Indians of Georgia i2. Los Cerrillos open cut 783. Mining catlinite pipestone, Minnesota 784. Mines other than obsidian and soapstone worked by Indians priorto coming of whites (map) 785. Obsidian and soapstone mines worked by Indians prior to comingof whites (map) 786. 1, Jesse J. Cornplanter, Seneca of the Tonawanda Reservation.2, Rev. Peter W. Doctor, ex-chief of the Tonawanda Band ofSenecas. 3, Abbie Brooks, Tonawanda Seneca 1387. 1, Waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L. 2, Sarah Snow, Seneca herbalistof Quaker Bridge, Allegany Reservation 1388. 1, Kate Debeau (D'Ailleboust), Mohawk herbalist. 2, Simeon Gibson,principal informant at Six Nations Reserve, Ontario 1389. Tonawanda Longhouse: 1, The longhouse and cookhouse. 2, Indianyouths reshingle the longhouse under National Youth Administra-tion, 1937 16610. Faithkeepers prepare the Community Feast in honor of the "ThreeSisters" at the Planting, or Seed, P'estival in May 16611. The men assist the women by pounding corn 16612. Our Uncles, "the Bigheads," go through the houses announcing theMidwinter Festival 16613. 1, The False-face Beggar Dancers visit a house on second night of Mid-winter Festival. 2, 3, Charlie Chaplin and the Devil capture theimagination of children 16614. Groups and individuals stage impromptu dance contests 16615. Facsimile of first page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parkerwritten at Rochester, January 29, 1850 166V VI CONTENTS PAGE16. Facsimile of last page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parkerwritten at Rochester, January 29, 1850, showing signature 16617. Facsimile of first page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morganwritten at ElUcottville, February 12, 1850 16618. Facsimile of last page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morganwritten at Ellicottville, February 12, 1850, showing signature 16619. 1, General view of the village of Angachagua. 2, Houses and fields atAngachagua 22820. 1, House at Angachagua. 2, Quichua Indian woman spinning wool,Angachagua 22821. 1, Native Quichua Indians of Angachagua showing typical costume.2, Household utensils: pottery vessels 22822-28. Indians of Otovalo group 22829. Indian of Agato, near Otovalo 22830. Birchbark containers, sap bucket, and round pail (River Desert Band) _ . 27431. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 27432. Birchbark sap pails and dishes (River Desert Band) 27433. Birchbark trunk (River Desert Band) and baskets (Mattawa Band) 27434. Decorated birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band, Algonquin) 27435. Algonquin birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 27436. Algonquin birchbark box 27437. Algonquin birchbark containers for household articles with floralfigures in sgrafitto designing and with sewed-on cut-out patterndecoration 27438. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 27439. Birchbark envelope container for bear bait (River Desert Algonquin,P. Q.) and birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration(River Desert Band) 27440. Birchbark cut-out pattern markers for decorating bark containers,representing undefined varieties of flowers and leaves (River DesertBand) 27441. Camp of Algonquin birchbark worker and basket maker (MadenineCesar) (River Desert Band, P. Q.) 27442. Mackusi-^we, "Beaver Meadow Woman" (Mrs. M. Buckshot), withdecorated birchbark baby carrier for infant up to 1 month of age? 27443. Pit houses at site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 35644. Site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon, a, House A. 6, Rubbed grooves inrock 35645. Masonry cliff houses and slab structures (sites 18, 37, 71, 83, 96,Johnson Canyon-Paria River Region) 35646. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon 35647. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon 35648. Petroglyphs at site 130, Johnson Canyon 35649. House ruins at White Canyon (site 2), Redd Canyon (site 4), andLake Canyon (site 6) 35650. Slab and masonry structures near Lake Canyon (site 6) and belowSan Juan River (site 12) 35651. House types at Redd Canyon (site 4), Aztec Creek (sites 16, 17), andRock Creek (site 22) 35652. Pictographs and petroglyphs 356TEXT FIGURES1. Angachagua house plan 1732. Angachagua roof frame 174 CONTENTS VIIPAGE3. Algonquin methods of sewing birchbark with stitches of spruce root infastening the sides of containers. A basting tack 2374. Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin) 2385. Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorativeborders derived from them 2446. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers 2457. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band) _ 2468. Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers 2479. Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a-e) and animalfigures from decorated objects (/-t) 25210. Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (RiverDesert Band) 25311. Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band) 25412. Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands) _ 25513. Symmetrical band floral designs from birchbark containers (RiverDesert Band) 25614. Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band) 25715. Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers andbaskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs 25816. Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming and RiverDesert Bands) _ 25917. Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a-e), and birchbark cut-out patterns for decoration of containers (J-j) (River Desert Band) _ 26018. Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band) 26119. Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Band) 26320. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representingflowers (River Desert Band) 26421. Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers(River Desert Band) 26422. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, and designstaken from decorated objects (River Desert Band) 26523. Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (Mattawa Band) . 26624. Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band) 26625. Assortment of plant-design elements from sides and covers of birch-bark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealisticrepresentations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band) 26726. Sketch map of Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 28227. Sketch map of slab structures, site 39, Kitchen Canyon 29028. Sketch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon 29029. Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon 29130. Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon 29131. Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon 29132. Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 29233. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures, site48, Wildcat Canyon 29334. Sketch map of masonry house and slab structure, site 60, KitchenCanyon 29435. Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites 76,80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons 29536. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119,Johnson Lakes Canyon 29537. Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray. Numbersindicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 300 VIII CONTENTS PAGE38. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls.Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 30139. Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowl, site 123, Dairy Canyon.. 30240. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychromebowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion 30241. Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 30342. Bowl rims, Tusayan black-on-white and Tusayan black-on-red 30343. Rim sherds and handles of plain ollas, Paria gray and Johnson gray-tan 30444. Variations in rims of plain ollas 30545. Rim sherds of Paria gray bowls 30646. Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon, and corrugatedolla rim sherds from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 30647. Chipped sandstone "hoes" from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. . 31048. 49. Metates from sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 311, 31250. Mullers, or manos, and cross sections of same from sites in JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region 31351. Projectile points of chipped flint. Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion 31452. Knives, drills, and scrapers. Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 31553. Textile impression in adobe 31754. Crescent ("sickles") of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collection atKanab, Utah 31755. Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah 31856. Two quartz objects, a, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria Riverregion, b, Crystalline pendant (11894), site 119, Johnson LakesCanyon 31857. Petroglyphs, sites 1 and 4, MoUy's Nipple Canyon 32058. Pictographs, site 7, Molly's Nipple Canyon; and site 29, WildcatCanyon 32159. Pictographs and petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon 32260. Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon 32361. Petroglyphs, site 117, Johnson Canyon 32462. Petroglyphs, site 130, Oak Canyon 32563. Petroglyphs, sites 130, 132, and 133, Oak Canyon, and site 141 nearClark Canyon 32664. Distribution of sites of different periods in Johnson Canyon-PariaRiver region 32765. Map of Glen Canyon, Colorado River 32866. Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon 33067. House structures, a, Plan of ruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon, b-f,Houses on the northern cliff of White Canyon, site 2 33168. Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon 33369. Large ruin at Redd Canyon, site 4 33670. Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22,Rock Creek 33971. Metates and manos, or mullers, from sites 6 and 9, near Lake Canyon;site 11, near Escalente River; and site 22, near Rock Creek 34072-74 . Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon 345-34775. Pictographs and petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon 34876. Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah 34877. Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab, Utah. \_ 349 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthuologyBulletin No. 128 Anthropological Papers, No. 13The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stonesby American IndiansBy SYDNEY H. BALL CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 1Uses of gems and ornamental stones by American Indians 3Known sources of gem supply 6The Indian as geologist and mineralogist 6Ideas as to origin of precious and decorative stones 7The Indian as prospector 9Mining methods 10The Indian's knowledge of commercial chemistry 14The effect of Indian mining on the commercial conquest of America 15Indian mining laws 15Trade - 16Gems mined by American Indians 19Diamond 19Corundum (ruby and sapphire) 20Emerald 20Beryl 22Tourmaline 22Turquoise 22Garnet 27Olivine 28Lapis lazuli 28Sodalite 28Lazulite 29Opal 29Distribution of quartz gems 29Amethyst 30Rock crystal 30Agate - 32Jasper 33Chalcedony 33Chrysoprase 33Iris 33Agatized wood 33Distribution of j'ade 34Jadeite 35Nephrite 37Minerals and ornamental stones mined by American Indians 38Actinohte 38Chloromelanite 38Pectolite 38Serpentine 39Staurolite 39Magnesite 39Alabaster and stalactitic calcite 39Galena 40Hematite 41Azurite and malachite __ _ 41XI XII CONTENTS Minerals and ornamental stones mined by American Indians?Continued.Smithsonite 42Atacamite and brochantite 42ChrysocoUa 42Pyrite 42Cannel coal, jet, and lignite 43Mica 44Labradorite 45Sunstone 45Moonstone 45Amazonstoiie 45Slate 45Variscite 45Calamine 46Fluorspar 46Amber 46Soapstone (steatite) 47Catlinite 48Obsidian 52Other minerals 55List of mines operated by the Indians 56Bibliography 59ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES1. Frontispiece: Placer mining by Indians of Georgia i2. Los CerriUos open cut 783. Mining catlinite pipestone, Minnesota 784. Mines other than obsidian and soapstone worked by Indians prior tocoming of whites (map) 785. Obsidian and soapstone mines worked by Indians prior to coming ofwhites (map) 78 THE MINING OF GEMS AND ORNAMENTAL STONESBY AMERICAN INDIANS By Sydney H. Ball / tell thee, golde is more plentifull there [Virginia] then copper is withyg * * * Why, man, all their dripping-pans * * * arepure golde: * * * and for rubies and diamonds, they goe forth onholydayes and gather 'hem by the sea-shore, to hang on their childrenscoates, and sticke in their childrens caps, as commonly as our children,weare saffron-gilt brooches and groates with hoales in 'hem.^ INTRODUCTIONWhen Europeans arrived in America they found the AmericanIndian largely in the Stone Age, although a number of tribes, and par-ticularly those of Mexico, Central America, Colombia, and Peru, usedcertain metals. Imbued with our conception of racial superiority, werarely think of the Indian as a capable prospector and a patient, ifprimitive, miner. Yet the rapid development of mining in Mexicoand Peru after the conquests was mainly owing to the large number ofore bodies opened up by the local aborigines. Lust on the part of theSpaniards for gold, silver, and precious stones and, to express it mildly,canny concern on the part of the English and French for such wealth,were the activating forces behind much of the exploration of America.Both to the American Indian and the white man, mineral productswere essential, but the former used coal mainly as an ornament andpetroleum as a liniment, while the latter could not be inveigled to "rush" a new obsidian "find" to supply weapons of war.This article treats of the gems and ornamental stones used by theIndian before he came in contact with the white man. His metalmining has been frequently described: The pits he dug on the LakeSuperior Copper Range; his exploitation of the mercury mines ofNew Almaden and Peru for paint; his placer mining in Georgia,Mexico, Central America, the West Indies, northwestern SouthAmerica, and Brazil; and his gold and silver lode mining in Mexico ? Seagull, a sailor, to Scapethrift in Eastward Hoe, a popular drama by Geo. Chapman, Ben Jonson, andJoh. Marston, 1605. See volume 3, p. 51, of The works of John Marston, 3 vols., London, 1856.1 Z BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128and Peru. Copper and gold were extensively used; silver, tin, lead,platinum, mercury, and iron (meteoric) less so. Within the UnitedStates copper and gold were treated as pebbles and pounded into theshape desired, but in Mexico, Central America, and western SouthAmerica an elementary smelting technique had been evolved and incertain localities the skill with which metals were forged, cast, alloyed,and plated astonished the conquistadores. Platinum, it may berecalled, was used by the Indian long before it was known to whitemen.The Indian's knowledge of gems and ornamental stones was, how-ever, much more comprehensive than that of metals and his mostextensive mines or, at least, those known to us, were of ornamentalstones.The Indian made use of a large number of gems and ornamentalstones, some 84 being known to the writer. His acquaintance withminerals suitable for decorative purposes exceeded in number, atleast, that of the peoples of Europe and Asia at the time of the dis-covery of America. The hst, as presented (p. 56) is fairly completefor North and Central America but for South America could doubtlessbe appreciably extended. Of the early men who made the Folsompoints, those of Folsom, N. Mex., used chalcedony, jasper, andobsidian, and those of the Lindenmeier site near Fort Collins, Colo.,chalcedony, jasper, moss agate, hgnite, quartz, hematite, and agatizedwood. It can be said with considerable assurance that at the beginningof our era, or roughly 2,000 years ago, the American Indian used inaddition the following precious and decorative stones : Agate, alabaster,azurite, bloodstone, calcite, jadeite, jet, lapis lazuh, malachite, mica,nephrite, common opal, pyrite, satin spar, selenite, serpentine, soap-stone, and turquoise. By 1000 A. D. or even earher, the following,among others, had been added: Amber, camehan, catlinite, chloro-melanite, emerald, fluorspar, galena, garnet, magnesite, marcasite,moonstone, noble opal, sodahte, and variscite.It is a curious instance of parallel cultural growth that of the 25stones first used by early man on the eastern and western continents,16 were common to the two cultures (Ball, 1931, pp. 683-685).As sources of material on the subject, we have: (1) Artifacts pre-served in pubHc and private collections; (2) mine workings, althoughmany which once existed have become obUterated; (3) early andpresent-day literature; and (4) the traditions and myths of theIndians. Evidence from the latter two sources must be used withdiscretion, as the mineralogic knowledge, particularly of the earlySpanish writers, and of some archeologists, is, to say the least,inadequate, while myths may be of much later origin than the eventsthey describe. Antheop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL SUSES OF GEMS AND ORNAMENTAL STONES BY AMERICAN INDIANSGems and ornamental stones were used by the aborigines for a largenumber of different purposes, for nonmetallic minerals served notonly their special functions as we know them but also, at least amongcertain of the Indian tribes, all the uses of metals and, among all ofthem, certain of the functions of our metals. The principal usesmay be listed as follows: a. Ornaments.?Ornaments consisted of pendants, beads, and carved figures:Gem mosaics were worn among the Pueblos, the semicivilized Mexicans, thePeruvian peoples, etc. The Indian adores vivid colors and he has a childlikelove of beautiful pebbles, particularly if brightly colored. To the semicivilizedpeoples from Arizona to northern Chile, the blue and the bluish-green of the turquoiseand the green of jade and emerald had a peculiar fascination. Such stoneswere eagerly sought and highly valued. The first gained its color from the cloud-less sky and the second symbolized the growth of crops; their value being increasedby the supernatural power gained thereby. So highly regarded were they thatjade could be worn only by nobles among the Aztecs, and among the Yavapai(central Arizona) only a chief (mastova) was privileged to wear turquoise bracelets(Gifford, 1932, p. 229). All green stones were treasured by the Yuma medicinemen (Corbusier, 1886). The Indian used many materials in their jewelry which,until the introduction of the modern "novelty" jewelry, we would have scorned.Shell, for example, and wood, berries, seeds, iridescent beetle wings and fruitstones, and even worse, for Capt. John Smith, in his history of Virginia, tellsus that some of the Virginia Indians wore in holes in their ears small "green andyellow colored snakes near one-half a yard in length"; others "a dead rat tied bythe tail." The Cheyenne Indians strung human fingers into necklaces (Bourke,1890), and the Sioux wore hands as earrings (Mallery, 1893, p. 752, fig. 1278).On the other hand, the custom of the women of the southern Mexican coast andof British Honduras of placing fireflies in their hair, while a bit startling to thewhite traveler, has, after all, charm.The use of jade, hematite, turquoise, rock crystal, obsidian, and pyrite inlaysin the teeth of Mayan and certain Mexican and South American tribes was, ofcourse, for display rather than as an aseptic measure.b. Weapons.?Hard stones with conchoidal fracture were eagerly sought forarrow- and spear-heads, knives, and razors. That some of these weapons wereeffective, we learn from rough old Bernal Diaz, who asserts that a single blowof an Aztec sword, set with obsidian points, would decapitate a horse. TheHudson Bay Eskimo, when lead is scarce, use soapstone as bullets.c. Household utensils.?Soapstone was widely used for lamps, particularlyamong the Eskimo, and for cooking utensils by many tribes. Pyrite and quartzwere used to produce fire, particularly by the peoples of the extreme northernpart of the American Continent (the Eskimo) and of the extreme southern part(the Fuegians). Angular fragments of quartz, and some say obsidian, set in aflat board, are made by a British Guiana tribe and are traded over considerabledistances as manioc graters (Farabee, 1917, p. 77). Commerce in these graterswas widespread (McGovern, 1927, p. 211). Similar graters were used by theUaupes in the upper Amazon (Wallace, 1853, pp. 483-484).d. Surgical instruments.?Shaped rock crystal was used for blood-letting bythe California Indians, and lancets of this material and obsidian by the ancientpeople of Peru. Obsidian knives served their grewsome role when victims weresacrificed to the gods of Mexico, and knives of this material were used in scarifica- 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 tion by California Indians and by the Araucanian and the Mapuchian shamansin bleeding the sick.e. Graving tools.?The Hidatsa of North Dakota cut their pictographs on rockwith sharp-pointed quartz fragments, as Richard Spruce infers the AmazonianIndians did./. Abrasives.?The Indians of Racine County, Wis., crushed rock crystal toform an abrasive in pipe making (West, 1934, p. 341). Pumice was also used asan abrasive by the Nevada, Nebraska, Montana, and California Indians and bythe Eskimo of Cook Inlet, Alaska.g. Mirrors.?Mirrors were made of obsidian and pyrite by the Aztecs, Mayas,and the Peruvians; and among the Mound Builders mica probably so served.The Eskimo of Hudson Strait use a plate of biotite "so fitted into a leather caseas to be seen on either side" (Lyon, 1825, p. 38).h. Windows.?Selenite and perhaps mica were used in windows by the Pueblos,and Mexican "onyx" by the Aztecs. Selenite was supposed to permit thePueblos to see out but the keenest eye could not see what was passing in theinterior of the feebly lighted rooms (Mollhausen, 1858, vol. 1, p. 157).i. Embellishment of buildings.?Precious stones were used in quantity by boththe Aztecs and the Peruvians in their temples and palaces. Turquoise was, ininstances, set in the lintels of the Pueblo houses. Arizona agatized wood wassometimes used as a building stone in constructing the ancient pueblos.j. Pigments.?Hematite, malachite, and azurite were not only widely used aspendants and in other ways in the mass but, when crushed, as pigments. Thelatter two furnished the Pueblo people their favorite colors?green and blue.Among the Navaho crushed turquoise was used to paint certain ceremonialobjects (Pogue, 1915, p. 103). The green used to dye the wool of Chilkat blanketswas derived from copper ores. The British Columbia Indians also used malachiteas a pigment. The Pawnees and Mandans heated selenite and from the powdermade a whitening used in tanning buckskin. The Navaho medicine men usedgypsum as chalk in drawing and the Pueblos merely powdered, or burnt andmixed it with water as whitewash. Calcined gypsum powder was used by theOmahas to clean, whiten, and dry the sinews binding feathers to their arrows.The Aztecs used chimaltizatl (selenite) to whiten their paintings (Clavigero,1807, pp. 16-17). The California Indians procured body paint from a "vermilioncave," the outcrop of the New Almaden mercury mine. Cinnabar was also usedby the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Peruvian Indians. The beautiful pale greenbrochantite of the Corocoro copper deposit, Bolivia, was used by the local Indiansas a source of green pigment before the Spanish arrived (Berton, 1936). TheIndians used the brilliant red hewettite (a hydrous calcium vanadate) to makepictographs on the sandstone cliffs of Emery County, Utah. Within one-halfmile are commercial vanadium deposits.^ Black pigments were produced fromlignite (Pueblos), from manganese dioxide (Pueblos and Californians) , from coal(Haidas), from graphite (New York, New England, and Alaska Indians andEskimo), from sphalerite ore (Pueblos), from micaceous hematite (Yukon Indians),or from galena (Apache-Yumas). The latter also used calcite and magnesite aswhite pigments. The Oubeways, on the other hand, used iron sulphate derivedfrom decomposing pyrite as a black dye. The Seri, inhabiting Tiburon Island,Sonoro, used dumortierite as a blue face paint (Kroeber, 1931, p. 27). ThePueblos used jarosite in addition to yellow ochre for yellows and browns (Cos-grove, 1932).k. Currency.?Among the Indians of California, large obsidian blades andbeads made of magnesite were used as standards of barter. The larger of the ? Written communication from Robert H. Sayre, Denver, Colo. Anthhop. Pap. No 131 INDIAN MINING BALL 5latter were worth up to $20 (Hodge, 1922, p. 16; Sumner, 1907, p. 152). Blackobsidian blades of ordinary length were worth among the Yurok Indians ofnorthern California about $1 an inch; the red obsidian, being rarer, was even morevaluable. Blades of 30 to 33 inches in length were worth much more, indeedthey were of inestimable value (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 26-27). Turquoise was, per-haps, as near to a unit of value as the Pueblos, Navahos, and Yaquis possessedand nephrite beads were used in somewhat the same way in British Guiana andin the Mayan cities.Like most primitive people, the American Indian saw in gems anddecorative stones not only beauty but the supernatural and the awe-inspiring. The medicine men among the Cayapa Indians of Ecuador,for example, are unwilling to dispose of the pebbles used in their in-cantations lest the spirit in the stone become angry, an old Greekidea. Edward Bancroft (1769, pp. 21, 311) states that the Indiansof British Guiana in his time would not touch agate pebbles locallyabundant "from a principle of superstitious veneration, as they arededicated to the service of their magical invocations." Preciousstones, therefore, were important factors in their religious life as thefollowing uses indicate: I. Objects of worship.?Among the pre-Colombian aborigines of Manta, Ecua-dor, a large emerald was worshipped, and rock crystal and jasper appear to haveserved the same purpose, respectively, among certain of the Peruvian and Ecua-dorian tribes, until the Incan army forcibly showed them the error of their waysand they became sun worshippers. The Mixtecs worshipped a large jade atAchiuhtla, representing the god Quetzalcoatl. There is now at the Universityof Texas a meteorite from Wichita County, Tex., long venerated by the Comanchefor extraordinary curative powers. It was known as Po-a-cat-le-pe-le-corre(Medidne Rock). In passing, all made votive offerings to it (Bolton, 1914, vol.1, p. 296).711. Fetishes and charms.?Rock crystal among the Natchez (Le Petit in French, ' 1851, pt. 3, p. 141) and the Pimas, nephrite among the Brazilian fishermen,sections of Baculiies among the Chej^ennes, turquoise among the Pueblos, andmalachite among the Apaches, served as fetishes. Quartz crystals were used ascharms by the Eskimo shamans, as was jasper, and the medicine men of theTarahumara today use quartz crystals as charms (Bennett and Zingg, 1935, p.369). Among the Yumas quartz crystals brought good luck.n. Votive offerings to gods.?Turquoise among the Pueblos and Navahos,emeralds among the Chibchas of Colombia, emeralds and turquoise among theIncan Indians, and precious stones among the Tahus of Sinaloa, served as votiveofferings. The Zuni women ground corn and mixed it with powdered turquoiseand white shell and offered it to their gods as food.0. Temple incense.?Amber was used as incense by the Aztecs.p. Means of divination.?Quartz crystal among the Pueblos and the Cherokees(Olbrechs, 1930, pp. 547-552), hematite among the' latter tribe, obsidian andpyrite mirrors among the Aztecs and the Cakchiquels of Guatemala, and jadeglobes and rock crystals (Brinton, 1883, p. 24.5) among the Mayas, were used indivination. The Navaho medicine men use rock crystal in diagnosing disease bystar-gazing, the light of the star being reflected in the stone permitting him to seethe cause of the sickness of the patient like a motion picture (Wyman, 1936, p. 245).218558?40 2 6 BUREAU OF AMEMCAN" ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 q. Medicinal use.?Gypsum, ochres, and other minerals were used medicinally.Among the Tehuelche, a Patagonian tribe, "the new born babe is smeared overwith damp gypsum" (Musters, 1871, p. 176), doubtless a reasonably good substi-tute for talcum. Powdered steatite was similarly used on Washoe and Yakutbabes. Locally among the Colombian Chibchas the stomach of the desiccatedcorpse of the chief was filled with gold and emeralds before the body was wrappedin cotton and placed on a pedestal in a corner of one of their shrines. (Perhapsnot medical, but interesting.)r. Musical instruments.?Like the Chinese, the Venezuelan Indians knew thesonorous tones when thin plaques of nephrite are struck (Heger, 1925, pp. 148-155).The Pomo Indians of California also recognized the sound-producing qualitiesof minerals for they suspended two blocks of obsidian in the tree above whichtheir deer traps were fastened. The struggling deer caused the stones to clashtogether, thus appraising the trapper of his success.KNOWN SOURCES OF GEM SUPPLYThe maps of North and South America (pis. 4, 5) and Hst of minesoperated by the Indians (p. 56) show the sources known to the writerfrom which the Indians obtained gems and ornamental stones. Thelist is markedly fragmentary for a number of reasons; principallybecause the mines, quarries, and placer deposits, abandoned for themost part centuries ago, have disappeared or become inconspicuousand also because much of the product sought by the Indians was oflittle or no value to the white. For the latter reason the list of pre-Hispanic quartz mines is doubtless much less complete than are thelists, for example, of emerald and turquoise. However, in spite ofthese difficulties, 289 Indian mines are listed.Within the writer's knowledge of the archeology of the variousareas and, taking into consideration the extensive territory occupiedby the tribes and the relative mineral wealth thereof, it may bestated that the tribes with the widest loiowledge of decorative stonesand gems were the Mayas, the Pueblos, the Aztecs, the Mound Buildersand the Indians of our southeastern States; a list including most ofthe more advanced peoples who were not only more ingenious than theaverage savage but whose higher civilization demanded a greatervariety of raw materials. As miners, the Pueblos, Aztecs, Peruvians,and the Indians of the southern Appalachians were outstandingwhUe the Mayas and Mound Builders depended largely on commercefor their supplies of gems.THE INDIAN AS GEOLOGIST AND MINERALOGISTThe Indian, generally using tools of stone, by long experiencebecame a fair geologist, knowing the rocks most suited to his needs andtheir characteristics?indeed, probably much better than we do. Thisrequired a knowledge of texture, hardness, and mineralogic make-up,so that he could recognize the same mineral if found in two differentplaces. One mineral was good for pipes, a second for arrow points. Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 7and still a third for axes. The Indian's curiosity regarding mineralsis shown by the presence in graves of mineral fragments apparentlynot valuable to him economically, such as zinc blende and chalcopy-rite (Schenck and Dawson, 1929). Incidentally, the Indian mineralo-gist knew atacamite, sodalite, brochantite, pectoHte, labradorite,dumortierite, hewettite, and variscite long before his Europeanconfrere.One reason the Indian so frequently sought material for his arrow-heads from stream gravel was that he realized that such material wasfresh and did not shatter badly, as opposed to weathered materialfrom surface outcrops or detrital boulders. Capt. G. F. Lyon (1825,p. 69), on his visit to Southampton Island, found both flint and agatepebbles on the beach, but the Eskimo use only the former, sincethe latter are prone to split along the banding. To obtain absolutelyfresh arrow material, whether flint or obsidian, the Indian was attimes forced to quarry, and, in quarrying, the partially weathered sur-face material was rejected. Similarly, the makers of catlinite pipesrejected all but a small part of the material quarried, for it had to beheat-resistant, of good color, and easily shaped. The Indian realizedthat soapstone absorbs and retains heat and that lamps or cookingutensils of it, once heated, gave up their heat slowly, keeping the oilfluid or the game cooking. The California Indians used the softer,more micaceous Santa Catalina steatite for pots and the closer-gi-aineddarker rock for weights of digging sticks, pipes, and ornaments (Schu-macher, 1880, pp. 259-264). As the arrow-shaft straighteners werefirst heated, the Indian had to select for this use a mineral or rockresisting heat; soapstone and serpentine were common materials.The Porno Indians of California anticipated the modern petrog-rapher's ideas as to quartz by differentiating obsidian into two distincttypes, bati xaga ("arrow" obsidian), which was especially suitable forflaking, and dupa xaga ("to-cut" obsidian), which was harder, brokemore cleanly, and was consequently, for instance, suitable for razors.The first came from Lower Clear Lake, the second from Cole Creek(Loeb, 1926, p. 179).The luminescence of rock crystal (q. v.) was known to the PuebloIndians and it is not impossible some arrow maker of our own South-west many centmies ago was the first to observe this property ofminerals.IDEAS AS TO ORIGIN OF PRECIOUS AND DECORATIVE STONESThe Indian normaUy accepted minerals unthinkingly, but in someinstances an aboriginal philosopher tried to explain their origin. Hisresults were reminiscent of those of his Greek prototype: Mineralswere the direct gift of the Great Spirit (the Sauk and Fox idea regard- 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128ing the galena of the Upper Mississippi Valley) or their origin wassuggested by some striking physical property. Certain of the Indiansof the north country saw in rock crystal a form of ice, as did the ancientGreeks and as do the modem Afghans; to the Mohawks, however, itsglistening crystals were the congealed tears of a devoted mother,reminding us of a Greek myth as to the origin of amber. Sparks werederived from pyrite, therefore to the Point Barrow Eskimo it fellfrom the sky. Laminae of mica to the Delaware were scales of themythical Homed Serpent. Catlinite from its color evidently waseither stained by buffalo blood or was hardened human flesh. Againflint was associated with war and the chase; consequently to thePotawotomi, flint pebbles found here and there mark the sites ofcombat between an evil spirit and Nonaboojoo, "the friend of thehuman race" (De Smet, 1847; Thwaites, vol. 29, 1904-7, p. 376).Similarly, the silicified wood found on the mesas near the GrandCanyon, Ariz., was known to the Indians as the arrows of Shin-ar'-ump (Powell, 1875, p. 190). The brittleness of obsidian accountsfor the Pomo Indians' explanation of the abundant fragments of therock on Mt. Kanaktai, north of San Francisco Bay, Calif.; namely,that the obsidian-man, caught in a bush, in freeing himself fell andbroke into thousands of pieces (Barrett, 1933, vol. 15, pp. 31^ 220,226, 231).In instances the Indian was poetical, as is well exemplified in hislegend of the origin of the iridescent obsidian which occurs withthe ordinary obsidian at Glass Butte, Lake County, Greg. To killoff a particularly venomous type of yellow jackets, the Indianssurrounded the mountain and set fire to the forest.After the mountain had burned for several days there came up a shower havinga beautiful rainbow. The rainbow shone all day on one spot on the south sideof the Mountain and at evening seemed to enter the ground at this particularspot. After the fire they found that some of the mountain had melted and hadmade heaps of glass for their arrow and spear points, but the rainbow had settledinto one heap and left the beautiful colors there.This they called "rainbow" obsidian and used only for sacred andreligious purposes (Forbes, 1935, pp. 307-309).On the west shore of Lake Champlain near the falls, the wavesthrow well-polished flint pebbles upon the shore. The Mohawkcompanions of Fathers Pierron, Fremin, and Bruyas, in 1667, threwtobacco into the water offshore, so that the nimble little people livingunder the water would continue to furnish them with abundantmaterial for their arrows (Donohoe, 1895, p. 103).The medicine men of British Guiana teach that five classes of spiritsdirect the natural world and that each is represented by differentstones (quartz, jadeite, etc.). Each neophytic medicine man isgiven two stones, representing the spirit and the spirit's wife, for his Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 9 rattle. Provided the spirit is satisfied to be associated with thepiaiyen, the stones breed and multiply, increasing the medicineman's powers in proportion as he has more spirits to assign to tasksor errands (Gillin, 1936, pp. 158-159).THE INDIAN AS PROSPECTORThe search for game and the need of roots, berries, and fruit asfood made the Indian observant as to nature and kept him out ofdoors much of the time. Wliether on a hunt or on the warpath, hewas on the lookout for promising material for his arrows and hisornaments. Certain tribes, it will be remembered, were nomads andin a year's time covered a large area.The Toltecs are reputed to have been great gem fanciers and Aztectradition ascribes to the former their own knowledge of the art ofworking precious stones. The Toltecs attributed its invention to thegod Quetzalcoatl (Biart, 1887, p. 325). The Toltecs were also reputedto be remarkable prospectors, for Friar Bernardino de Sahagun(1829-30, vol. 3, pp. 106-114) states:Their knowledge of stones was so great, that, even though these were hiddendeep in the earth, they discovered them through their natural ingenuity andknowledge, and they knew where to find them. Their manner of making suchdiscoveries was the following: They would get up very early in the morning andgo up to an eminence and turn their heads toward the place where the sun had torise; when it rose, they carefully looked in every direction to see in what place anyprecious stone might be hidden; they would especially look for them in places thatwere damp or wet, and particularly at the moment when it was rising: then aslight smoke would go up quite high, and there they found the precious stonesunder the earth or inside of another stone, whence the smoke would issue.In instances, at least, the Indian recognized the value of mineralindicators, for on the Coppermine River, northern Canada, the localIndians dug for copper in the detrital deposits "wherever they observethe prehnite lying on the soil, experience having taught them thatthe largest pieces of copper are found associated with it" (Richardson,in Franklm, 1823, pp. 528-530).The efficiency of the Indian as a prospector is conclusively shownby plates 4 and 5, on which are indicated, though admittedly incom-pletely, the sources of the Indian's supply of gems and decorativestones. Note how many of the soapstone localities of the easternStates were known to him and how well the mica belt of the SouthernAppalachians is delimited, Petrographers searching for glassy phasesof igneous rocks might well be guided by the Indian's obsidian mineswhile practically all of the known turquoise localities of our ownSouthwest and the emerald deposits of Colombia were worked byIndians in prewhite time. As to nephrite and jadeite, the aborigineshad sources which are still unknown to their white successors. 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Many mineral occurrences were shown the whites by Indians, andIndian or half-breed prospectors have played no mean role in dis-covering mineral deposits in the United States and Canada in thepast five decades. MINING METHODS ?The Indian's metal mining technique and his knowledge of smeltingwere inferior to those of the Greeks and Romans and probably thoseof the Carthaginians. As a gem miner, however, he was about asskillful as the Egyptian and Asiatic peoples, the great gem miners ofthe Eastern Hemisphere in classical times. To us his knowledgenecessarily seems crude, but in fairness to the Indian it should becompared with the European knowledge of the early sixteenth century,a comparison considerably less disadvantageous to the Indian.We are dealing with a mining industry in its infancy, and in con-sequence the major portion of the Indian's mineral products came fromriver gravel, although marine beaches, glacial moraines, and weatheredoutcrops furnished a second part and hard rock mining still a third.Predominantly, the Indian was a placer miner. George Catlin toldG. E. Sellers (1886, p. 874) that the Indians considered chalcedony,jasper, and agate most easUy chipped into arrowheads and theprincipal sources of their supply were "the coarse gravel bars of therivers where large pebbles are found." It is not unusual for one sideof an artifact to be a segment of a pebble; for example, the jadeiteof the Aztecs and Mayas.Alluvial mining for gems and ornamental stones presumably con-sisted largely of visual inspection and hand sorting. The rudimentsof gravity concentration in gold placer mining appears to have beenknown to certain of the Indians of both North and South America(pi. 1) but it could rarely have had apphcation in procuring gems anddecorative stones. On one of the Aleutian Islands, however, amberoccurs in a steep bank of friable material. "The natives spread awalrus-skin between two boats at the foot of the bank and dislodgethe earth, which falls upon the skin and from this debris much amberis obtained" (Dall, 1870, p. 476).It is by no means impossible that silicosis existed among the Indians,for the Yana arrowhead makers of northern California dreaded tobreathe obsidian chips. They believed these caused many diseasesand it was a function of the medicine man to "suck" out such frag-ments (Pope, 1918, p. 117).Mineral deposits, being rare and unusual phenomena essential tothe natives' well-being, appealed to the religious mysticism of thesavage. Spirits guarded them and because of the savages' animalisticreligious viewpoint, these spirits were often fearsome and might be ' Holmes, W. H. Handbook of aboriginal American antiquities. Pt. 1. Introductory. The lithicindustries. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 60. 1919. Anthrop.Pap.no. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL H assisted by birds of prey or hideous snakes. On the Red River nearLake Winnipeg, Verendrye, writing in 1729, tells us (1927, p. 46)there was '*a small mountain, the stones of which sparkle night andday. The savages call it the 'Dwelling of the Spirit': no one venturesto go near it." Similarly, the salt springs of Syracuse, N. Y., throughfear of their spirit, were not used by the Indian (for a western instance,see Irving, 1888, p. 74). Again, as the deposits were the propertyof the spirits, compensation must be made for minerals extracted, ? a votive offering, perhaps of a httle tobacco or a bracelet. The Indianwas unwilling to discover his mines to the whites lest the spiritspunish him and the Navaho Indians even invented terrifying tales tokeep the whites from their garnet mines. Pedro Pizarro (1921, vol.2, pp. 393-394) teUs us that the "wizards" tried to keep the Indiansfrom showing Lucas Martinez the mine of the Sun, an admonitionsuccessfully backed up by an eclipse of the sun followed by an earth-quake. Wabishkeepenas, who in 1820 attempted to show GovernorCass and H. R. Schoolcraft the large mass of native copper near themouth of the Ontanagon River, was kept by the spirits from findingit. So incensed were the tribesmen at him that he was cast out ofthe tribe and almost starved to death (McKenney and HaU, 1933,vol. 1, p. 349). We may surmise, however, that some Indians sensedthat with the discovery of mines, whites would appear, with conse-quent unsettlement of the Indian system of economics.Due to such behefs, certain of the Indian miners, at least, and per-haps all, performed religious ceremonies to propitiate the spirits orgods before beginning mining. This was true of the aboriginal emeraldminers of Colombia, of the Plains Indians in mining catlinite, of theCahfomia Indians in quarrying magnesite, and of the Eskimo inmining soapstone and jade. Sugar Hill, a California obsidian locality,was sacred ground, whose spirit the Pit River Indians feared to offend.The Oregon obsidian arrow makers abstained from water while makingarrows; if a blade broke, in the making, the spirits were against themaker and the broken pieces were thrown away never to be touchedagaiu; if a maker showed anger, his punishment would be twice assevere; in consequence, he sang a hymn of praise to the spirits whenhe started to make another point (Forbes, 1935, pp. 307-309). PeterMartyr tells us that among the Indians of Veragua, Panama, gold wassacred and mining was preceded by fasting and penance. The Indiansof Colombia only mined what placer gold they needed and any surpluswas returned to the stream; if they took more than their need the "river-god would not lend them any more" (Sumner, 1907, p. 142).The Pueblos while gathering salt at Salt Lake, near Estancia, N. Mex.,were required to be quiet, silent, and serious. "If they speak or laughor make fun they will stand just where they are and die" (Benedict,1931, p. 7). The Hopi, for 4 days prior to starting out for the Colorado 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128River to obtain rock salt, observed a taboo on sex relationship. ThePueblos of Isleta (Parsons, 1932, pp. 320-321) get their red paint fromthe Manzano Mountains to the east of their pueblo. Proper religiousceremonies soften the hard rock so that it can be scraped out withone's fingers. One must not take more than he needs or it will returnto its pristine hardness. In the West Indies religious ceremoniespreceded placer mining and the miner for 20 days before starting on hisexpedition observed strict contmence or else he got no gold (Joyce,1916, pp. 67, 243-245). The Caribs of British Guiana get their bestclay for pottery from a small hill near the mouth of the Cuyuni andlong journeys are made to it. All mining is confined to the fu'st nightof the full moon and by break of day the natives are on their wayhomeward with a big supply. Pots made from clay obtained at anyother time break and transmit disease to those who use them (Schom-burgk, 1922, vol. 1, p. 203).Many of the aborigines had, however, passed beyond the first stagesof mineral exploitation, that of hand sorting the valuable componentfrom stream gravels, morainal material, and outcrops, and actuallyattacked the ores and precious stones in place either by open cuts orby underground workings. The Indian, indeed, did much quarrying,the open cuts, particularly of turquoise and obsidian, being extensive.Before searching for gold in vein outcrops, the Panama Indiansfirst burnt the grass, thus laying bare the rock.The Indian hard-rock miner used in primitive form most of theelements of modern mining. He had as mining tools stone hammersand sledges, deer- or caribou-horn picks and wood (one end often beinghardened by being charred), horn, stone, and copper gads. Knowledgeof breaking rock by building a fire against it and then thi-owing waterupon it appears to have been widely spread (Lake Superior, southwestWisconsin, North Carolina, and other southern mica mines, Pennsyl-vania jasper mines, Arkansas novaculite mines, the New Mexican andadjacent tm'quoise mines (pi. 2), Mexico lode mines, etc.). This greatinvention was a logical one as many Indians must have noted that theboulders, upon which they built their fires were fractured when, forsafety, the embers were quenched with water. Most of the workingsare pits or open cuts with their greatest dimension following the strikeof the deposit. From them certain gem-bearing beds were stoped(Tylor, 1'861). From such open cuts also, in mstances, winzes extended,there being aboriginal workings in the Los Cerrillos turquoise mine topoints 100 feet below the present surface. Short tunnels occur in theNorth Carolina mica mines and in the Mineral Park, Ariz., and SanBernardino County, Calif., turquoise mines. In the aboriginal saltmine, 3 miles south of St. Thomas, Nev., certain galleries are reportedto be 300 feet or more long (Harrington, 1930). In the placer minesof the Chuchiabo district, province of Callao, Peru, Pedro Sancho, Antheop. Tap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 13Pizarro's secretary, states that some of the galleries were 40 brazas(about 240 feet) long (Means, 1917, pp. 163-165). In the ancientsalt mine at Camp Verde, Ariz. (Morris, 1929, pp. 81-97) 4 or 5 differ-ent levels exist, each following a higlily saline horizon. Two ofthese, 8 to 12 feet apart, are connected by a winze.To carry out the product, hide and birchbark bags (Lake Superiorcopper mines and paint mines of Havasupai, Ariz.) were used and, inthe Lake Superior open cuts, paddlelike wooden shovels for mucldnghave been found. In those mines, drainage was by ditching, supple-mented by cedar troughs, and wooden bowls were apparently used toscoop out the water. The Havasupai of the Grand Canyon region,Arizona, obtain their red paint from a mine on Diamond Creek and toreach the portal on a cliff face they use ladders. A "chicken" ladder,a tree with its branches lopped off, was found in the old Lake Superiorcopper mines and another in Alammoth Cave. In the former district,too, rock pillars were left at one point and at a second the hangingwall was supported by huge granite boulders. There, also, greatmasses of native copper were raised by the use of levers and woodenprops.Certain features of lead mining by the Sauk and Foxes of thesouthwest Wisconsin lead district over 100 years ago are of interestalthough Indian methods may have been improved through inter-course Avith the whites (Meeker, 1872, pp. 271-296; History of JoDaviess County, 111., 1878, p. 836). There were then some 500 miners,largely women and old men for here, as opposed to most Indian min-ing, the able-bodied men were loath to mine. Some of the pits were45 feet deep, the bottom being reached by a ramp. Ore and wastewere removed by a mocock (a basket of birchbark or buckskin) whichwas dragged out by a rawhide rope. Rock was broken by the firemethod. Drifts were run some distance into the side hills. Themining tools were originally buckhorns, but later European iron toolswere introduced.Normally, as little waste rock as possible was broken but, to get atplates of native copper in the Lake Superior region, the gangue oneither side was, in places, removed and, in other open cuts, flintnodules were mined by undercutting. In turquoise mining in theSouthwest, as the gem occurs as thin veinlets or small nodules, the orewas removed in blocks which were then carefully broken into smallpieces to extract the gem. The ratio of waste to product was large.In mining gypsum in Mammoth Cave a circular area was cleared onthe cave floor and the valuable gypsum sorted from the limestonewaste (Pond, 1937, p. 178).Most of the pits were sufficiently lighted by daylight but in Wyan-dotte Cave, Ind., mining was carried on over a mile from the cavernentrance. Flaming torches lighted the miners' work, as they did in 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128the Camp Verde, Ariz., salt mine and the selenite deposit at GypsumCave, Nev.On the Huallaga River, in eastern Peru, rock salt occurs in beds atthe river's edge and the Indians make long canoe trips to obtain it.The overburden is jSrst stripped and then trickles of water are ledover the salt, which gradually dissolve their way to bed rock and theblocks are broken up into fragments of convenient size to carry away(Dyott, 1923, p. 130; Kerbey, 1906, p. 185).That aboriginal mining had its major disasters is proven by thePueblos' tales of miners, who were robbing pillars, being entombedin the New Mexican turquoise mines. The disaster is always broughton by an irreligious act either, according to variants of the tale, be-cause of mining proscribed pUlars or because a miner gave turquoise tohis sweetheart, against which gift there was a taboo (Benedict, 1931,pp. 196-197, 236, 254). Alonzo W. Pond (1937) tells a dramaticstory of an Indian gypsum miner trapped in Mammoth Cave. AtChuquicamata, Chile, in the pre-Hispanic pits, the mummified bodyof a woman was found, her head crushed by a fall of rock.From the modern point of view, most of the open pits were smallbut, at Flint Ridge, Ohio; Magnet Cove, Ark.; Los Cerrillos, N. Mex.,and Hidalgo, Mexico, the material removed must be measured inhimdreds of thousands of tons. In the quartzite quarry, 125 milesnorth of Cheyenne, Wyo., Wilbur C. Knight (1898) estimates thetonnage of rock moved *'by hundreds of thousands if not by millionsof tons." The great majority of the mines listed (p. 56) were small-tonnage operations and most of them, at least, supplied the needs of asmall number of primitive people. But also in Europe and Asia fourcenturies ago most of the mines were small operations."High grading" was feared at least in the Peruvian communal min-ing, for at the Chuchiabo gold placers, Pedro Sancho (Pizarro, 1917,165) states "they [the caciques?S. H. B.] have taken such precau-tions in the matter that in nowise can any of what is taken out bestolen, because they have placed guards around the mines so that noneof those who take out the gold can get away without being seen."THE INDIAN'S KNOWLEDGE OF COMMERCIAL CHEMISTRYThe Indian knew something of chemistry; he burned limonite toproduce red ochre for paint, gypsum was dehydrated to producewhitening, salt was obtained by evaporating sea water or saline springwater, and the Peruvian Indians smelted simple ores. The Kamialeached the salt-impregnated earth of Salton Sink and crystallizedthe salt out by boiling '(Gifford, 1931, p. 4); this was done also byIndians of eastern Peru (Smyth and Lowe, 1836, p. 145), and by theChibchas (Thompson, 1936, p. 120). A Potawatomi chief statedthat their tribe had first noted elks drinking at salt licks: the Indians ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BAT.Ti 15then tasted the water and, likmg the flavor, boiled their meat andvegetables in it; finding this palatable "they boiled down the water inthe manner that they had done the sap [i. e., hard maple sap?S. H, B.]and thus obtained salt" (Keating, 1824, p. 118).The Tapuyas, of Brazil, made saltpeter by leaching earth contain-ing it and then boiling the solution until the salt crystallized out(Warden, 1832, vol. 5, p. 209). Alunogen was used by the Navahosas a mordant.THE EFFECT OF INDIAN MINING ON THE COMMERCIAL CONQUESTOF AMERICAThe hoarded mineral wealth of the Indians and the mines fromwhich it had been obtained hastened to a remarkable degree thedevelopment of mining in America. Many of the earliest Spanishmetal mines in Mexico and Peru were but further development ofaboriginal mines. The natives' knowledge of the occurrence of gold,silver, emerald, and turquoise expedited mining development bymany decades. Further, the primitive system of roads, the Indiantrails, were followed by the white man in his exploration and conquestof the coimtry. INDIAN MINING LAWSUsually the mine belonged loosely to the tribe in whose territoryit occurred but in most cases working parties from other tribes couldtake what was necessary for their own needs. The mineral minednorth of the Rio Grande, at least, was the personal property of theminer and he could use it or trade it as he saw fit (Gilmore, 1929, pp.99-100; Weyer, 1932, pp. 174-176). In some instances, a valuabledeposit for a time was sacred ground, open to all comers; for example,the Minnesota catlinite deposits (see p. 48), the Wisconsin catlinitedeposits, and the blue clay of Blue Earth River, Minn., and probablythe Obsidian Cliff obsidian (Alter, 1925, p. 381). Among the PomoIndians of north-central California, the magnesite deposits and theobsidian quarries were operated, after proper votive offerings, by allthe Indians of the region. Should hostUe villages meet by chance atsuch places, their quarrels were forgotten; naturally, however, eachhad its own encampment and each party went about his businessseparately (Loeb, 1926, p. 194). Flint Ridge, Ohio, also is stated tohave been neutral ground (Wilcox, 1934, p. 174). Neutral groundwas not confined to mining for it is said that among the AraucanianIndians of Chile warfare ceased during the pinon nut season (Latcham,Jr., 1909, p. 341).Such common use of mineral resources among the Indians probablyoriginated through fear of angering the spirits of the mines. In cer-tain instances, however, tribal rivalry existed as to the ownership ofmineral deposits, and the Modak and Pit River Indians fought for 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128the possession of the rich obsidian deposits west of Glass Mountain,Cahf. Even monopohes existed in rare instances; for example, anold Natchez Indian alone made black marble pipes, nor did he permithis fellow tribesman to know the source of his raw product. For acommon pipe he demanded "half the price of a blanket" (Schoolcraft,1851-57, vol. 5, p. 692).Gold, silver, and precious stones found in the Incan Empire weredelivered as tribute to the Inca and he and his family wore them andalso those nobles and captains he delighted to honor; they were usedalso in adorning the temples. "They were merely valued for theirbeauty and splendor" and were only mined when the Indians had noother work to do as "these were not things necessary for their exis-tence." "Yet as they [the Indians] saw that these metals were usedto adorn the palaces and temples (places which they valued so highly)they employed their spare time in seeking for gold, silver, and preciousstones to present to the Ynca and to the Sun who were their Gods."(Garcilaso, 1871, vol. 2, pp. 21-22.) The Incan government, appar-ently with parental care, did not permit mining to be so extensivelyearned on by any individual as to injure his health.TRADEDue to less perfected methods of transport than our own, the stonesused by the Indians were more likely to be of local origin than theyare with us. In consequence, the somxe of precious stones was hkelyto be near its user's home?an aid in tracing its provenience but oneto be used cautiously. Each tribe used the best stone his bailiwickafforded for the purpose required. A suitable mineral was much usedby the tribe living where it occurred and from such centers graduallybecame less common until it disappeared where the limit of the localbarter was reached. Conversely, if a region supplied no superlativelygood material, for arrowheads, for example, the stones used mightbe of diverse origins. As the Indian liked variety and particularlybrightly colored stones he was willing to barter articles of value forsuch as attracted his fancy. Much material from a distance was,however, used and, indeed, the Indians of the Argentine coast werewholly dependent on imports. In the first place, some of the tribeswere nomadic and in tribal wanderings side trips were doubtless madeto localities yielding desirable minerals. It is known that in 1680, awar party of Iroquois braves attacked tribes west of the Mississippi,distant from their New York home some 1,000 miles, and that otherIroquois war parties attacked the natives of South Carolina and ofLake Superior (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 12-13). In some instancesperiodical trips were made for the particular purpose of procuring thedesired material; we may cite the excursions to the pipestone quarryin Minnesota and the long wanderings of Eskimo after soapstone and ANTHnop. Tap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 17 other mineral substances. Roderick Macfarlane says the Eskimo ''insinging and shouting boatloads" journeyed 400 miles to get flint fromthe quarries at Fort Good Hope (Stefansson, 1922, p. 12; 1914, pp.17-18). Again, by barter from tribe to tribe, some mineral substancesalmost traversed the continent until they found owners who treasuredthem too dearly to part with them. In the eighteenth century, In-dians of the Northwest, even as far north as Montana, by intertribalbarter possessed Spanish goods from New Mexico. Minnesota catli-nite was carried as far as New York and Georgia; the Mound Buildershad obsidian in quantity, probably obtaining it from the YellowstoneNational Park (1,500 miles), mica and soapstone from the AppalachianMountains (250 miles), and copper from Lake Superior (600 miles).New Mexican tm'quoise reached Mexico City and the Mayan cities,and Colombian emerald was so common in Peru that for at least twocenturies after the Conquest it was known as Peruvian emerald.Certain tribes, for example, the Nez Percys, were outstanding astraders and over 100 years ago the Chippewas told William Cameronthat they sometimes went as far as Virginia to barter Lake Superiorcopper for the products of the Atlantic coast (Fowke, 1888-89,pp. 402-403).The Aztecs in particular, and the Mayas and Caribs to perhaps analmost equal extent, had a merchant class who journeyed far beyondthe limits of their own countries. Colonel Church believes the Caribstraded along the seacoast of northwestern South America and theWest Indies and probably in the entire Gulf of Mexico, includingFlorida (Church, 1912, p. 46). But the most interesting example oftrade was the possession by the pre-Colombian Caribs, of the tinyisland of Montserrat in the West Indies, of ornaments of amethyst,carnelian, jadeite, turquoise, rock crystal, chalcedony, lapis lazuli,nephrite, and cannel coal (Hodge, 1922, pp. 65, 75; Harrington,1924, pp. 184-189). These semiprecious stones are all foreign to theisland and strongly suggest that for their raw material the local Cariblapidaries were able to draw upon a number of different South Amer-ican localities, certain of which must have been 2,000 miles away.Charlevoix, indeed, states that the Haitians have a legend that thegreen stones with which they hollowed out their canoes came fromoff the island and he specifies from the upper Amazon (Schomburgk,1922, vol. 1, p. 264). C. F. P. von Martins also reports that WestIndian Caribs spoke of their green stone amulets as "polished fromthe far-off continent" (Von Martins, 1867, vol. 1, pp. 731-732).[My attention was called to this reference by Miss Gladys C. Ran-dolph.] The "trade trail" of nephrite along the Lesser Antillesto Cuba certainly suggests the South American origin of thatstone. The materials reached the skillful Montserrat Island lapi-daries unworked. Since many rocks and some minerals possess char- 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 acteristics which indicate their source, it is suggested that petro-graphic examination of artifacts might throw much hght on earlyAmerican trade routes,C. C. Jones (1859, p. 19) says that traditions then existed that arrowmakers from the Georgia mountains in olden times left for the seato trade their wares with the coastal peoples. Their avocation washonorable, they took no part in war, and were permitted to go whereverthey pleased, being received everywhere hospitably. When, in 1584,Capt. Arthur Barlow and Capt. Philip Amados traded with the NorthCarolina coastal natives, they found the chiefs had precedence in thebartering and if they were present the commoner sort did not trade.When corn was ripe the Sioux arrived at the Hidatsa villages to tradeand from "the time they came in sight of the viUage, to the time theydisappeared there was a truce. When they had passed beyond thebluffs, they might steal an unguarded pony or lift a scalp and were inturn liable to be attacked" (Matthews, 1877, p. 27). In SouthAmerica also, traders were permitted to traverse the country of theirenemies in part because they carried with them the latest news(Im Thurn, 1883, p. 271).Cabeza de Vaca could never have made his marvelous transconti-nental trip had he not received fair treatment due to the commoditieswhich he gathered and exchanged en route.The wealth and variety of precious stones in the hands of the Aztecswas due in part from A. D. 1406 onward, according to Sahagun (1880,p. 547), to the Aztec traders who covered not only their own countrybut also penetrated the country of the surrounding tribes, travelingin the beginning of the sixteenth century as far south as Guatemala.As they had no beasts of burden, they packed their wares on theirown backs, and it can be safely assumed that the cargoes they broughtback with such difficulty to Mexico City were considered very pre-cious. Owing to their familiarity with foreign tongues, these tradersalso served as imperial spies and frequently as the entering wedge ofconquest.As to when trade originated, we have no data but it presumablybegan soon after the Indians had stone artifacts. We can state,however, that it was well developed both in North and South Americanot long after the time of Christ (Coplico-Zacatenco culture, Mexico,the early Mayan Empire, Late Basket Makers, etc.).In Mexico City, the Spaniards were surprised to find in the marketa quarter given over to the goldsmiths who sold goldware and gem-setjewelry equal to or surpassing the handicraft of their Spanish con-temporaries. Markets or fairs seem to have been held in many ofthe villages on set days which were attended not only by the peopleof the adjoining territory but by traveling merchants from afar.Bernal Diaz was greatly astonished "to see the vast number of people, Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 19the profusion of merchandise exposed for sale, and the admirablepolice system and the order that everywhere existed," Specialmagistrates held court and settled disputes on the spot; official weight-and-measure inspectors were present and falsification was severelypunished (Joyce, 1914, p. 129-30).The Mayas, particularly after they moved into Yucatan, inhabiteda country without precious stones. However, they kept in commer-cial contact with their old home, the mountainous part of CentralAmerica, from which they got opals, presumably jadeite and probablyother gem stones, but they doubtless obtained the majority of theirstones by bartering with the Nahua peoples of Mexico. Indeed, indiscussing the various articles used by the Mayas as currency, Cogol-ludo (1688, lib. 4., ch. 5) includes "certain precious stones and disksof copper brought from New Spain which they exchanged for otherthings." Spinden and Mason (Mason, 1926, p. 439) are convincedthat they had emeralds from Colombia, although the writer has neverseen an emerald in Maya jewelry. The Maya merchants, like theAztec, traveled far and wide. Their gods were Xamen Ek, god ofthe North Star, and Ek-chuah, god of commerce, and to the latterwhen on the road they prayed nightly for safe return home. Muchof their trade, like that of the Caribs, was doubtless by water as theircanoes, manned by from 25 to 30 paddlers, made relatively longvoyages. Columbus on his fourth voyage, in 1502, sighted such atrading canoe in the Caribbean off Bonacca Island.For centuries, the Alaskan natives and those of northeastern Siberiahave been in commercial contact. American soapstone, pectolite,and nephrite were traded with the Siberian natives (Kotzebue, 1821,vol. 3, p. 296). Alaskan nephrite is found in the ruins on St. LawrenceIsland. On the other hand, Asian turquoise and amber (Weyer, Jr.,1929, p. 234) have been found in Aleutian graves.GEMS MINED BY AMERICAN INDIANSDiamondRichard F. Burton (1869, vol. 2, p. 107) states that diamonds inMinas Geraes, Brazil, were "used it is said by the Indians as play-things for their children." While not susceptible of proof, the state-ment is not improbable because when the Portuguese first visitedBrazil, the fact that the natives mined the associated alluvial gold wasevidenced by their possession of gold fishhooks. From time to timean Indian hunter or miner must have been attracted by a diamond ina stream and picked it up, just as the Brazilian gold miners had done,prior to the recognition of the stones as diamonds in 1720. We mayadd that the fine diamond, "The Star of South Africa," was boughtfrom an unsuspecting Negro sheepherder and that the Kashnur 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 sapphires were used locally as gun flintS'?and they made good ones,too^?before their true nature was known. It is probable that theIndians knew of at least some of the precious stones of Minas Geraesbefore the wliite man arrived, for Master Antonie Knivet, who waswith Thomas Cavendish on his second voyage in 1591, says that at avillage inland from Rio, the Tamoyes found "stones as green as grasse,and great store of wliite ghstering stones like Christall, but many ofthem were blew and greene, red and white, wonderfull faire to beholde"(Purchas, 1905-G, vol. 16, p. 220). Still earUer, in 1572, due to in-formation received from Indians, the Governor of Bahia sent Se-bastian-Fernandez Tourinho on a long exploratory trip. In thehinterland, he found different colored precious stones and the Indianstold him of the existence of other varieties (Warden, 1832, vol. 5,pp. 27, 71). _ _Travelers in British Guiana repeat a story, doubtless a myth, thatsome of the native manioc graters have inset in them small diamondsrather than quartz crystals (MacCreagh, 1926, pp. 276-279).Corundum (Ruby and Sapphire)J. H. Howard (1936, p. 78) states that "Mr. Burnham S. Colburn,of Bellmore Forest, N. C, has in his gem collection a ruby beadfound in a Cherokee Indian grave in western North Carolina." Heapparently believes it to be of Indian workmanship and it may benoted that rubies occur in that part of the State.At the Track Rock corundum mine, Union County, Ga., so namedfrom an Indian pictograph nearby, blue and red detrital corundumis common. As the Indians spent considerable time in the vicinity,it is conceivable that they collected some of the brightly coloredcorundum (King, 1894, p. 133).EmeraldEmerald was used ornamentally by the Indians of Colombia,Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru, Brazil, and Panama (pi. 4).Among the Peruvian Indians under the Incas, the emerald (calledUmina) was the king of gems, even the turquoise being "not so muchesteemed by the Indians" (Garcilaso, 1688, pt. 1, p. 341).The Colombian emerald mines had been worked by Indians anunknown but long time before the Spaniards conquered the country,the Chibchas working the Chivor-Somondoco mines, and the Muzosthe Muzo and Coscuez mines. (Pogue, 1917, pp. 910-34; Pampldetof Columbia Emerald Syndicate, 1921; Bauer, 1904; Olden, 1912, pp.193-209; Benzoni, 1857, pp. 109-12; etc.) The Cliibchas, bemggreat traders, also distributed the emeralds mined by the less civil-ized Muzos (Veatch, 1917, p. 249). They bartered part of the ANTHEOP. PAP. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BAIi. 21 emeralds with the tribes on the Magdalena below Neiva for gold(Joyce, 1912, p. 23). The Chibchas held fairs at which emeraldswere featured, particularly that of Turmequ^ held every third day(Bollaert, 1860, p. 20).So relentlessly did the conquistadores plunder the peoples of Ecua-dor and Peru that the large exports to Europe temporarily brokedown the price structure of the emerald market. The fleet in whichFather Joseph de Acosta returned to Europe (A. D. 1587) carriedover 200 pounds of emeralds (Acosta, 1880, p. 226).According to Joyce (1912, p. 42) emerald mining was inauguratedby religious ceremonies and was done in the rainy season, probablyto take advantage of abundant water. Only the local Chibchas werepermitted to dig at Somondoco and if a Chibcha permitted an out-sider to do so, the former would die within a moon. J. Eric Thomp-son (1936, p. 120) states that the miners indulged in herbs causingthem to see visions in which pay lodes would be revealed. Theearth, excavated with pointed stakes, was washed in ponds, fed bydeep-dug water ditches. W. H. Holmes (1919, p. 135) adds thatthe Colombian Indians also worked the solid-vein matter.At the time of the arrival of the Spanish, emeralds in quantitywere in the hands of the natives of northwestern South America anda few in those of Panama. The large number of emeralds in thehands of the Indians in the sixteenth century and their occurrence inold Indian graves in Peru and Colombia, support the thesis of aconsiderable age for the mines, as does the size of the pre-Hispanicworkings at Somondoco. The Spanish chroniclers state that thekeepers of the quipus said that Chimo Capac, a great chief of theChimu period (perhaps 100 B. C.?A. D. 600) received emeraldsamong other tribute (Means, 1931, p. 64). William Bollaert (1861,p. 84), reports that the ruler or Scyris of the Caras, who conqueredQuito about A. D. 1000, wore a large emerald, the hereditary emblemof his sovereignty. Further, Montesinos, a priest resident in Americafrom 1628-42 (Montesinos, 1920, p. 94), states that emeralds wereamong the spoUs of the Inca, Sinchi Roca, when he entered Cuzcoin triumph after defeating the Chancas Indians (about A. D. 1100).It is stated that after Huayna-Capac conquered the Scyris he addedto the horla, the insignia of Incan royalty, the emerald of the Scyris(Myers, 1871, p. 229). The mines are at least a thousand years old.Recently S. K. Lothrop in his excavations at Cocl6, Panama (1937,p. 186) foimd three emeralds; one, a pear-shaped double cabochon,was lYi inches long and about 1 inch thick (189 carats), while asecond weighed 112 carats. This is most interesting proof that thenatives of Panama knew of the existence of emerald to the south asrecorded by Francisco Lopez de Gomara (1749): "Some say that218558?40 3 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Balboa received an account of how that land of Peru contained goldand emeralds."Many archeologists believe that the Mayas and Aztecs possessedemeralds, but to the writer's knowledge no emerald artifact has everbeen found in any of the Mayan or Mexican ruins. I feel that the "emeralds" mentioned by the followers of Cortes were fine jades.Now, however, that S. K. Lothrop has found emeralds at Cocl6, inPanama, a city which had trade relations not only with South Americabut with the cities to the north, the possession of emeralds by thesepeople becomes less unlil^ely. Molina (1571) gives as the Aztecname of emerald quetzdlitztli (the stone of the brilliantly colored bird,the quetzal, Pharomachrus mocinno), an identification accepted byPogue (1915, p. 109) and others (Squier, 1870, p. 246). I aminclined to believe, however, from Moliua's description that this maywell have been but a finely colored translucent jade.While the South America lapidaries in some cases polished the stonesinto cabochon forms, they normally, like the Roman lapidaries, merelypierced the natural crystals so that they could be strung for necklacesor pendants. Emeralds in some instances were mounted by theEcuadorian goldsmiths in gold jewelry.BerylBeryl was not infrequently used by the Aztecs and it is one of theminerals mentioned in. the Aztec Book of Tribute (Penafiel, 1890, p. 79)as coming from the present State of Veracruz. It seems reasonablethat some local Mexican source was known. It was used also by thePanamanians, Peruvians, and Brazihan Indians. At the CharlestonExposition in 1901, a crystal of golden beryl from an Indian mound,near Tessentee Creek, Macon County, N. C, was exhibited. It wasIK inches in diameter and 2)i inches long. Dr. G. F. Kunz stressesthe fact that the Littlefield mine nearby produces fine aquamarines(1907, p. 45). D. B. Sterrett (1907, p. 799) reports that two berylcrystals were obtained from an Indian squaw at Lewiston, Idaho.TourmalineWhen the Mesa Grande, San Diego County, Calif., tourmalinedeposits were found in 1898, it was reported that the Indians had longknown of the deposit, a rumor substantiated by the occurrence ofcolored tourmaline crystals in Indian graves in the vicinity (Kunz,1905, p. 23). The rediscovery of several deposits in the district wasdue to the Indians (Kunz, 1905, pp. 55, 56).Turquoise *Green and blue stones were especially valued by the Pueblos. (Seep. 3.) They highly prized turquoise as an ornament, as a votive ? For further data on turquoise, see Pogue, Joseph E. (1915). ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BAT.T, 23 offering, and as a fetish ; they decorated, in some instances, the hntelsof their doors with it and used it as a measure of wealth and a meansof investment. It may be added that the Navaho, to assist him ingambhng, must needs have a fine piece of turquoise since Noholipi,the Gambling God in the Navaho origin legend, owed his remarkablewinnings to a turquoise lucky piece (James, 1903, p. 150). FrayGeronimo de Zdrate Salmer6n (in New Mexico, 1618-26) says "tothem it [turquoise] is as diamonds and precious stones" (Ayers, 1916,p. 217). In more recent times a string of turquoise fragments suffi-cient for an earring might well be worth the price of a pony (Blake,1858, pp. 227-232). While Prof. J. S. Newberry (1876, p. 41) statesthat it was "so highly prized that a fragment of fine quality no largerthan the nail of one's little finger and one-eighth of an inch in thick-ness was regarded as worth a mule or a good horse." He states thatthe Indians "discriminated accurately between the different shades ofcolor" and were "not to be deceived by any base imitation." Thevalue of turquoise beads was judged by the deUcacy and purity oftheir blue color (Eleventh Census, 1890, vol. 50, p. 186).The Pueblo Indians worked turquoise mines in our own Southwestat a number of places long before the Spanish arrived. Turquoisedoes not occur in ruins previous to those of the late Basket Makersand hence we can date the beginning of turquoise mining in theSouthwest to about the fifth century (Roberts, 1929, p. 142). Thesepeople also apparently inaugurated the fascinating mosaic work of thePueblo Indians. That the industry was an important one long beforethe discovery of America is shown by the many thousands of tur-quoise beads and pendants (30,000 in one room and 5,889 beads in asingle burial) found at Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon, N. Mex.,dating from about A. D. 900 to 1100 (Pepper, 1909; Judd, 1925). Ithas furnished more turquoise ornaments than any other American ruin.George H. Pepper (1905, pp. 183-197) describes a turquoise pendantfrom Pueblo Bonito 3.4 centimeters (P%o inches) long and 2 centi-meters (^^100 inch) broad at top and 2.5 centimeters (1 inch) at thebottom. A single mosaic cylinder 6 inches long and 3 inches in diam-eter was set with 1,214 pieces of turquoise. One can well agree(Pepper, 1920, p. 377) that the nearby Los CerriUos mines must havebeen diligently worked by these people 1,000 years ago. John F.Blandy reported that in one grave near Prescott, Ariz., half a peck ofturquoises worth $2,000 was recovered (Kunz, 1896, p. 910). Arti-facts, indeed, suggest that over a thousand years ago the Pueblopeoples had greater wealth in turquoise than now and this opinion isstrengthened by some of the Indian legends (Gushing, 1901, p. 385).Along the Salinas River, Ariz., ancient ruins are searched for turquoiseafter rains by modern Indians (Bartlett, 1854, vol. 2, p. 247). Tur-quoise is also prominent in the myths of the people of the Southwest 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bitll. 128 (i. e., the Zufii, Pima, and Hopi), including the Navaho creation myth,suggesting the length of time it has been known to them. The extentof the commerce in turquoise in the sixteenth century is further proofthat the mines were relatively old.The most famous of these old tm'quoise mines, that at Los Cerrillos,N. Mex., the Tewa Indian place-name for which is the equivalent of "the place where turquoise is dug" (Harrington, 1916, p. 492),was reworked by the Spaniards until 1686, when the workings caved.From the size of the Cerrillos open-cut and of its dumps (pi. 2), andthe large trees thereon, some of the latter being considered to be 600years old, a considerable age for these pits is indicated. George H.Pepper, judging from country rock attached to some of the PuebloBonito turquoise pendants, is satisfied that Los Cerrillos was the minefrom which they were obtained. In 1540 the Indians at the head of theGulf of California told Captain Fernando Alarchon that the Pueblosdug the turquoises "out of a rock of stone" (Alarchon in Hakluyt,1904, vol. 9, p. 300). Los CerriUos workings have been described bymany geologists. (Blake, 1858, pp. 227-232; Newberry, 1876, p. 41;Silliman, 1881, pp. 67-71; Kunz, 1890, pp. 54-59; Johnson, 1903, pp.493-499; Sterrett, 1911, pp. 1066-1067, 1071.) Rather extensiveancient workings occur all over Mt. Chalchihuitl and on TurquoiseHill, 4 miles distant. Modern mining on Mount Chalchihuitl,according to Silliman, broke into open stopes in which were manystone hammers, some to be held in the hand and others grooved forhandles. One of 20-pounds weight had the scrub-oak handle stiUattached by a withe. He adds that jBre was used in breaking therock. Sterrett says the "main pit on the northwest side of the hiU"is "about 130 feet deep on the upper side and about 35 feet deep onthe lower side, the rim is about 200 feet across and the bottom nearly100 feet across. The large dumps of waste rock removed from thisare about 150 yards long by 75 yards wide and from 1 to 30 feet deep.These dimensions do not correspond closely with those given by theearUer writers since this would give the dump an area of less than 2%acres as compared with some 20 reported by Silliman." It does, how-ever, suggest the removal of some 100,000 tons of rock. Sillimanmentions aboriginal open chambers in solid rock, 40 feet long, and hestates that at places modern mining has encountered aboriginal work-ings to depths of at least 100 feet. W. P. Blake says that 75 years agoit was visited by Indians from a distance and the Indians continueto this day to get turquoise at this mine. Although this mine isundoubtedly old, the Zufii tale of the migration of the Turquoise Manand the Salt Woman suggests that, before the discovery of LosCerriUos, turquoise was obtained from some mine farther north(Bunzel, 1932, pp. 1032-1033), possibly from the locality of La Jara,Colo. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 25There are also ancient Indian turquoise mines (Pogue, 1915, p. 55;Snow, 1891, pp. 511-512; Lindgren, Graton, and Gordon, 1910,p. 324 ; Zalinski, 1907, pp. 464-465, 474) presumably of pre-Columbianage in the Burro Mountains at several localities, on Hachita Moun-tains, and Jarilla Mountains (Hidden, 1893, pp. 400-402), SierraCounty, near Paschal, N. Mex.; Sugar Loaf Peak, Lincoln County(anon,, 1897, vol. 64, p. 456) and Crescent, Clark County, Nev.(Lincohi, 1923, p. 19; Vanderberg, 1937, pp. 24-25) ; Turquoise Moun-tain, Cochise County; and Mineral Park, Mohave County, Ariz, (pitsand 20-foot long tunnels) (Blake, 1883, pp. 199-200; Mining andScience Press, 1902, vol. 85, No. 11, p. 102; Crawford and Johnson,1937, pp. 511-522) ; Manvel, and Silver Lake, San Bernardino County,Calif., and near La Jara, Conejos County, Colo. (Kunz, 1902, p. 760).Several of the Burro Mountain localities known to white miners werediscovered by evidence of aboriginal workings. The presence of char-coal indicates the use of fire in breaking the rock, followed by harumerwork. The larger rock fragments were broken into small pieces inthe search of turquoise. The stone hammers are "of rounded form,4 to 8 inches or more in diameter and were evidently used without ahandle" (Zalinski, 1907, vol. 2, pp. 464-465). Pits were sunk to adepth of 20 feet at least. Fire was also used at Turquoise Mountain,Cochise County, Ariz. Prehistoric turquoise mines occur over a largearea in northwestern San Bernardino County, Calif,, Manvel beingone of the chief centers (Kunz, 1905, pp. 12, 107-109, 152-153; 1899,p. 580) . Stone hammers and crude pottery occur in the old pits whilepictographs are common in the vicinity. The pits, which occur in anarea 30 or 40 miles in diameter, are from 15 to 30 feet across and up to18 feet deep. Malcolm J. Rogers (1929, pp. 1-13) states that in theSilver Lake district, San Bernardino County, Calif,, the pits occur inan east and west line 8 miles long and that short drifts were drivenfrom the main pits.The aboriginal trade in the turquoise of the Southwest (pi. 4) waswidespread, extending from the West Indies and Yucatan on thesouth to Ontario on the north (New York Times, September 20, 1895)and from California on the west to Mississippi and Arkansas on theeast. About 1527, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca obtained turquoisefrom his Indian patients on the Rio Grande, Tex. The men ofHernando de Soto (A. D. 1542), when they arrived in the province ofGuasco (eastern Arkansas), found in the possession of the Indians "Turkic stones?which the Indians signified by signes that they hadfrom the West" (Purchas, 1905-7, vol. 18, p. 46). In a grave inCoahomo County, Miss., 100 turquoise beads and a small turquoisependant were found (Peabody, 1904, vol. 3, p. 51). As glass beadswere also found in the grave, this commerce with the Pueblos of theSouthwest continued after the white man reached America. Vicente 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128de Saldivar Mendoza in 1599 met, near the Canadian River in thevicinity of the present Texas-New Mexican Hne, a band of Apacheswho had been trading for turquoise ("some small green stones whichthey use") with the Picuries and Taos pueblos of New Mexico(Thomas, 1935, p. 7). Agustin de Vetancurt writing between theyears 1630 and 1680 says the Apaches visited the Pueblo of Pecos totrade for Chalchuites (1870-71, vol. 3, p. 323). Among the Apaches,precious stones had a directional symbolism: white shell, north; jet,east; turquoise, south; and catlinite, west.When Sieur Perrot (1911, vol. l,pp. 363-364; LeRoy, 1753), arrivedamong the Fox and Sauk in 1683, he was informed that the latter hadvisited lands to the Southwest where they met Indians coming fromthat direction whence they had brought "stones, blue and green,resembling the turquoise which they wore fastened in their noses andears." They had also seen mounted men resembhng the French,that is, the Spaniards of New Mexico. Twenty-one years earlierRadisson claimed that the Crees of the Lake Superior region had beadsof "a stone of Turquoise" as nose ornaments which they obtained bybarter from the "nation of the buff and beefe" (Burpee, 1908, p.216). Malcolm J. Rogers (1936) states that a piece of turquoisewas reported from a Wisconsin Indian site.Jean Ribault (1875, p. 177) claimed that the French got turquoisesfrom the Florida Indians in 1562 but his mineralogy may have beenfaulty or the material may have been derived from Spanish wrecks.That turquoise, Xiuitl, was known to the Aztecs in early time isproved by the name of their God of Fire and Water, Xiuhcoatl ("TheTurquoise Snakes") (Verrill, 1929, p. 185). Turquoise was rathercommonly used by them, and also at the time of the Spanish occupa-tion by the Indians of Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chihuahua. The lattercertainly got theirs from our own Southwest, largely by barter withthe Pueblos, although perhaps in part in mining excursions whichthey, themselves, may have made. A Franciscan friar (probablyFray Juan de la Asuncion) in 1538 found turquoise among the Indiansof Northern Mexico which they got as day laborers' pay from thePueblos to the north (Bandeher, 1890, p. 86) and the next yearFriar Marcos de Niza repeats the statement. In consequence, atthat time New Mexican turquoise in quantity was in the possessionof at least the northern Mexican Indians and as, in the ruins ofPueblo Bonito sherds of Toltec pottery have been found, trade be-tween our Southwest and Mexico is indicated even 1,200 years ago(Coolidge, 1929, p. 216). While the gem does occur in Mexico atseveral localities, none of the deposits are important and no aboriginalworkings are known, although the Aztec Book of Tribute and thestatement of Sahagun (1880, p. 77) that it was found in the "mines"indicate without much doubt that the Aztecs had Mexican sources of Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] IISTDIAN MINING BAUJ 27turquoise. Turquoise is said by Lorenzana to have been worked atTollan, the capital of the Toltecs, about 1325 (Blondel, 1876, p.294). In short, the Aztecs and their predecessors, the Toltecs, prob-ably got their turquoise largely from New Mexico and Arizona butin part from local sources now undiscovered or exhausted. It appearsto have been available in smaller pieces to the Aztecs than to thePueblos and particularly was used as thin plates in mosaic work.Its treatment suggests its high value and possibly its foreign source.That the Mayas had at their command considerable quantities ofturquoise is shown by the 3,000 pieces set in the mosaic plaque foundby Earl H. Morris at Chichen Itza in 1928 (1931, pp. 210-221).The turquoise, doubtless, was largely of New Mexican origin.Turquoise was a popular and relatively common gem among thePeruvian Indians. It was also used by the natives of Montserrat,West Indies; Bolivia; Colombia; Ecuador; Argentina; and Chile.Indeed A. HrdliSka, in 1910, found a turquoise bead at Miramir,Argentina, on the Atlantic Ocean, 270 miles south of Buenos Aires.The natives of Ecuador had some fair-sized pieces of turquoise, apartially worked bead found on the Island of La Plata being 2^ incheslong and 1)^ inches in diameter (Dorsey, 1901, p. 266). No aboriginalSouth American mines are as yet certainly known but the gem occursat certain places in the Andean regions of Peru, Argentina, and Chile.A suggestion as to a source is obtained from the name, Copiap6,which owes its origin, according to the Indian tradition to the greatquantity of turquoise found in its mountains (Molina, 1809, p. 64).Further turquoise has recently been identified in the Chuquicamatacopper deposit in Chile and as this mine was extensively worked bythe Indians and as turquoise artifacts are found in the immediatevicinity, this was doubtless a source.^D. Jenness found a turquoise bead some years ago in an ancientEskimo grave on one of the Diomede Isles in Bering Strait, which hejudged to be of Chinese origin from etchings on it.GarnetGarnet was used by the Pueblos, although it appears to have beenone of the later stones known, as it has not, to the writer's knowledge,been found in Cliff Dwellers or Basket Makers ruins. Fray Ger6-nimo de Zdrate Salmer6n, who served in New Mexico from 1618-26,in his account of his missionary work states that in the Pueblo ofPicuris (Taos County) "are garnet mines," a garnet locality known tothis day (Ayer, 1916, p. 217). Today the Navahos collect the gemfrom their reservation as do other Arizona Indians from several locali-ties, obtaining the gem both from the desert sands, from ant hills, andthe source rock (Kunz, 1890, p. 80). fc. 'Personal communication, L. W, Kemp. 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128Of doubtful correctness is the reported occurrence of garnet inMound Builders graves (Shepherd, 1890, p. 103).The Comanche Indians collected garnet at Jaco Lake, Chihuahua,Mexico (Bauer, 1904, p. 360) and it was commonly used by the Aztecsand was known to the Peruvian Indians.Don de Ulloa and Don George Juan, Captains of the Spanish Navy,who traveled in Peru in 1734 (Pinkerton, 1808-14, vol. 14, p. 550)state that "rubies" are found in a river near the village of Azogues inthe vicinity of Quito. "Indians wash them recovering pieces as bigas a lentil and sometimes larger. . . . But the inhabitants, con-tent with this piddling work, do not trouble themselves to trace theorigin of the mine." OlivineThe Navahos collect from their reservation olivines which occurwith garnets in the desert sands. That the pre-Columbian Pueblospossessed olivine, I cannot definitely state, although they probably did(Winship, 1896; James, 1920, p. xv). Olivine and bronzite are inci-dental constituents of meteoric iron found in Ohio Mound Buildersmounds (Shepherd, 1890, p. 101).Lapis LazuliLapis lazuli was possessed by the Indians of Montserrat Island,Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile (pi. 4). One of the largest pieces oflapis lazuli known (24 x 12 x 8 inches) was found in a Peruvian grave(Farrington, 1903, p. 202). Lapis lazuli is at present mined in ChUe.By the Peruvian Indians, it was called huinzo.SODALITESodalite was used by the ancient Peruvians and by the Indians ofBolivia, Ecuador, and Argentina. Lapis lazuli, or more probablysodalite, was common at Tiaguanaco, Bolivia, where pounds of workedchips may be picked up, some as large as one's hands (Uhle, 1903, p.95). In 1928 Fr. Ahlfeld (Ahlfeld and Wegner, 1932, pp. 288-96;Ahlfeld and Mosebach, 1935, pp. 388-414) found old workings for soda-lite on the northern part of Serrania of Palca on the East Cordillera ofCochabamba, Bolivia. The mineral occurs as veins in a dike of nephe-line syenite cutting Devonian sandstone. The works consist of opencuts and tunnels, the largest of the latter being 300 feet long and 16feet high. The Jesuits worked the deposits after the Indians aban-doned them, the earliest workings being pre-Inca. Microscopicallyand chemically the sodalite resembles that of the Inca artifacts(Brendler, 1934, pp. 28-31). Anthbop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 29LazuliteLazulite was used by the ancient Peruvians and Bolivians.OpalThe fire opal of Mexico was known to the Aztecs. There is now inthe Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, a head of the MexicanSun God carved in fire opal, probably the work of an Aztec lapidary.Since the sixteenth century, it has been in European collections, andwas one of the gorgeous gems owned by Philip Henry Hope. ElAguila Azieca ("the Aztec eagle") is a lovely Mexican opal weighingcut, evidently by an Aztec lapidary, 32 carats. It is carved in theform of an eagle's head and is reported to have been found about 1863.It is said once to have belonged to Maximilian (anon., 1937, pp. 97,99, 101). Snr. Garcia (1936, p. 559) reports the finding of workedopals in the mountains southeast of Lake Chapala near Jiquilpan,Michoacan. The accurate word picture of the opal in Sahagun'sNahuatl text descriptive of Aztec lapidary work'"(Seler's trans, inSaville, 1922, p. 33) is well known.Wm. T. Brigham (1887, p. 256) states that the Quiches, a Mayantribe, in pre-Spanish times, used noble opals from Honduras commonlyin their jewelry. The Mayas also had hyalite.W. Reiss and A. Stubel (1880-87, p. 29 and pi. 80) recovered rela-tively large pierced opal beads from the Ancon, Peru, ruin. The min-eralogic determination was by Prof. H. Fischer, of Freiburg.Common opal was known to the Indians of British Columbia,Washington, Oregon, Wyoming, South Dakota, California, Panama,Brazil, and Argentina and to the Pueblos, Mayas, and Aztecs. Thatused in Oregon or Washington in part is, or approaches, gem quality.Distribution of Quartz GemsRock crystal and quartz, jasper and chalcedony were used by prac-tically all tribes. Agate was known to the Indians of British Colum-bia, eastern Canada, the North Atlantic States, Virginia, the Missis-sippi Valley, the northern plains, the western mountains, the AmericanPacific coast, and the Pueblos. It was also used by the Aztecs, theMayas, and the Peruvians and the Indians of Costa Rica, Panama,Colombia, Bolivia, British Guiana, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil.Carnelian artifacts have been found in Georgia, Illinois, the westernmountain States, California, Oregon, and Washington, and among thePueblo ruins. It was used by the Aztecs and the Mayas and the In-dians of Costa Rica, Panama, Montserrat Island, Lesser Antilles,Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, British Guiana, and Brazil. In cer-tain Colombian graves, as many as 8,000 beads, largely carnelian, havebeen found together with pebbles of carnelian, suggesting a stream 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 origin. Such beads are readily sold to the present-day Indians livingto the east, and a brightly colored one may be worth a mule. Thelocal source is not sufficient for today's demand and beads are actuallyimported from Germany to satisfy it (Mason, 1936, pp. 212-216).In North America amethyst was used by the Eskimo and by theIndians of eastern Canada, the southeastern States, the upper Mis-sissippi Valley, and California, and by the Pueblos and Aztecs. Itwas also used by the aborigines of Costa Rica, Panama, MontserratIsland, the Lesser AntUles, and Peru. Smoky quartz was used by theEskimo, the Indians of Newfoundland, Rhode Island, the southeasternStates, upper Mississippi Valley, Colorado, Washington, Oregon, andCalifornia, and the Pueblos and Peruvians. Other species of quartzwere used as follows: Moss agate (Saskatchewan, New York, south-eastern States, Wyoming, Colorado, Texas, Utah, California, Oregon,and the Pueblos) ; rose quartz (New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Geor-gia, South Dakota, Aztecs, and Brazil); gold quartz (Georgia, Califor-nia, and Arizona); citrine (Georgia, upper Mississippi Valley, andDakota); prase (Pueblos and Aztecs); bloodstone (Oregon, Aztecs,Panama, and Peru) ; chrysoprase (Peru, Colombia, and perhaps Cali-fornia); iris (Mound Bunders) ; Aventurine quartz (Aztecs and Mayas);plasma (Aztecs and Panama); and onyx (southeastern States andWashington). AMETHYSTThe Aztecs had some amethyst of fine color; finer, I am incliued tobelieve, than that of any of the Mexican sources we now know. Saha-gun (1880, p. 771) mentions Aztec amethyst miues.ROCK CRYSTALQuartz was doubtless obtained largely in river, marine, and glacialgravels but pits were sunk on quartz veins in New England, New York,and in the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and North Carolinaand it must have been a byproduct of mica mining. Quartz was,indeed, quarried at many places in the Piedmont region of the south-eastern States, but since here, as elsewhere, it occurs so frequently aspebbles, gravels were the main soiu-ce (Holmes, 1897). Master Alex-ander Whitaker, minister to Henrico Colony, Virginia, writing in1613 (Purchas, 1905-7, vol. 19, p. 112) says that 12 miles above thefalls on the James River is "a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indiansdoe head many of then: aiTOWs." When Albert de la Pierria foundedBeaufort, Fla., about 1563, the Indians brought the Frenchmenpresents of "pearls, crystals, silver, etc." In 1587, the Frenchmen ofCharles-fort were given by the chief, Ovade, pearls, fine crystal, andsilver ore said to come from 10 days' journey inland (Georgia prob-ably) where "the inhabitants of the countrey did dig the same at thefoote of certaLae high mountaines where they found of it in very good Antheop. Pap. No. 13) INDIAN MINING ^BALL 31quantitie. Being joyfull to understand such good newes and to havecome to the knowledge of that which they most desired" the French-men returned to their fort (Laudonniere, 1904, pp. 481-482). WhenJohn Verarzanus, a Florentine writing in 1524, states that the Floridanatives were the possessors not only of crystal but also of turquoise,we become skeptical of his mineralogic attainments (Hakluyt, 1850,p. 106).The Hot Springs, Ark., rock crystal locality was as well known to theIndians as to present-day mineralogists. Rock crystal and arrow-heads made of it are common in Arkansas Indian graves. In Cavelier'saccount of La Salle's voyage, he says "about 50 leagues from the spotwhere we were [mouth of Rio Bravo, Tex.] were two or three moun-tains on the banks of a river from which were taken red stones as clearas crystal," possibly a distorted reference to Hot Springs (Shea, 1861,p. 28).Father Gravier (1900, pp. 138-141) in his voyage on the Mississippiin 1700 "found in a small basket," in a temple in the village of theTaensas, a subtribe of the Natches Indians, "a small piece of rockCrystal."The Navahos are stated to light their ceremonial fire from the sunby means of crystal (Curtis, 1907, p. 53). The Pueblo Indians of theupper Rio Grande during their rain ceremonies beat the drum toimitate thunder, and rubbed together pebbles of white quartz to^pro-duce an incandescent glow simulating lightning (Jeancon, 1923, p. 68).At Pecos, New Mex., A. V. Kidder (1932, p. 93) found a cylinder, setin a rectangle with a shallow groove into which the cylinder exactlyfitted, both of white vein quartz. The cylinder is about 3 inches longand Iji inches in diameter. Knowing that "lightning sets" still wereused in religious ceremonies at San Ildefonsa, that night he rubbedthe cylinder in the groove and finally the stones "became visible ina strange pale glow which flickered and died for all the world likedistant lightning." Here we have a perfected machine perhaps 700years old; the first Indian to observe the luminescence of quartz musthave done so centuries earlier.The Hopi used rock crystal in religious ceremonies, as well as indivinition (Fewkes, 1898, p. 730; 1904, pp. 107-109). It was alsoused in the religious ceremonies of the Zufii, being, for example, placedon certain fraternal shrines, and by other Pueblos it was used to reflectthe sun into kivas and into medicine bowls. Rock crystal was usedin diagnosing disease both by the Pueblos (White, 1932, p. 110;Parsons, 1932, p. 285) and the Pima (Parsons, 1928, p. 459). Rockcrystal is a common charm among the Yuma Indians (Forde, 1931,p. 196). The Australian medicine man paralleled his American con-frere in many uses of rock crystal in the curative art (Goldenweiser,1922, pp. 105-107). 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128According to a Shasta legend, a long time ago there was in the Easta white and glistening firestone like the purest quartz. The coyotebrought this to the Indians, and thus fire originated (Bancroft, 1886,p. 547). Quartz was supposed by the Chippewas to protect its owneragainst thunderstorms as the thunderbird would no more hiu-t it thana hen "the egg she has laid" (Densmore, 1929, p. 113). The mostprized possession of the Cherokee medicine man was a rock-crystal-like mineral once embedded in the head of the Homed Serpent soprominent in Iroquois mythology. It was invaluable in treating thesick and foretold which of the braves should shun certain raids astheir deaths were shown by it to be probable (Oldbrechts, 1930, pp.547-552). Among the Ojibways white flint was called mik kwum mewow beek, or ice stone and as the name was also doubtless applied torock crystal, it parallels the Greek from which our word crystal isderived. Similarly certain Alaskan Eskimo believe rock crystals arethe centers of ice masses so solidly frozen that they become stone:they are, therefore, prized amulets (Nelson, 1899, p. 446). A Mandanmedicine man, among other wonderful performances vouched for bywhite witnesses, could roll a snowball in his hand "so that it at lengthbecomes hard, and is converted into a white stone, which when struckemits fire" (Maximilian, 1843; Thwaites, 1904-07, p. 342). Near thevillage of Lansingburgh, N. Y., is Diamond Rock, a mass of Quebecsandstone containing innumerable quartz crystals which glitter in thesunlight. According to Mohawk tradition, these are the joyful tearsof a devoted mother upon her reunion with a wandering son (Syl-vester, 1877, pp. 207-220).Sahagun (1880, p. 771) reports that the Aztecs had crystal minesand Clavigero (1807, p. 16) states that these come from the mountainson the Gulf coast between Veracruz and Coatzacualco River, thatis, those of Chinantla and the Province of Mixtecas.The present-day medicine men among the Yucatan Indians pretendthat they can see hidden things with the aid of rock crystal, and it issuccessfully used in the diagnosis of the ills of their patients (Mendez,1921, pp. 173-174). When Hans Stade was about to be eaten byhis eastern Brazilian captors, an old woman of the tribe shaved offhis eyebrows with a rock-crystal razor (1874, p. 63). The VenezuelanIndian lover must shape for his beloved, as a betrothal gift, a cylin-drical bead of rock crystal to be worn around her neck (Spence, 1878,vol. 1, p. 81). Spruce (1908) emphasizes the far-flung trade in rockcrystal along the Amazon. AGATEAgate adorned the central mountain where, accordiog to the Navahocreation myth, their tribe was created. The pebbles in the rattle ofthe Guiana medicine man are agate (Bancroft, 1769, p. 311). Antheop. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING ^BALL 33JASPERIn Bucks, Lehigh, and Berks Counties, Pa., there are some ninegroups of jasper quarries. A depth of at least 14 feet was attained.Fire was used in quarrying. A tree in the bottom of one pit shows thequarries must at least antedate 1680-90. At one place almost 40,000cubic yards were excavated (Mercer, 1894, pp. 80-92; Deisher, 1932,pp. 334-341). Jasper was also quarried in Chester and LancasterCounties, Pa. Flint Ridge, in Licking and Muskingum Counties,Ohio, is the site of aboriginal flint quarries, aflfording also jasper andchalcedony, which cover an area 2 miles square. In the cavities ofthe flint are quartz crystals up to 1 and 2 inches across. They varyfrom limpid to almost black. The pits are up to 80 feet in diameter.Fire and water were used to supplement the stone hammers (from 6ounces to 20 pounds in weight) in breaking up the rock (Wilson, 1898,pp. 868-871; Fowke, 1888-89, pp. 517-520).Sahagun (1880, p. 771) mentions Aztec jasper mines. Clavigero(1807, p. 16) states that jasper was quarried in the Mountains ofCalpolalpan, east of Mexico City. R. H. Schomburgk (1846, pp.28-29) states that jasper resembling verd antique is obtained by theArecunas Indians from Mount Roraima on the Caroni River and isnot only used but is traded to other tribes.CHALCEDONYJasper and chalcedony occur as nodules in the quartzite of theConverse County, Wyo., quartzite quarry and were a byproduct ofquarrying there (Dorsey, 1901, pp. 237-241).CHRYSOPRASENear the CaUfornia chrysoprase localities on Venice Hill, TulareCounty, are depressions which D. B. Sterrett (1909, pp. 753-754)seems inclined to beUeve are aboriginal pits.IRISAmong the Moimd Builders artifacts found at Mound City, RossCoimty, Ohio, were arrowheads of "transparent or hyaline quartzwhich from the brilliant play of colors upon their fractured surfacesare real gems" (Squier and Davis, 1847, p. 213).AGATIZED WOODAgatized wood was used by the Indians from Oregon and Wyomingsouthward to Yucatan, Mexico.The Petrified Forest, near Adamana, Ariz., was, to the Indians andparticularly to the Pueblos, a source of agatized wood, amethyst,smoky quartz, and other members of the quartz family. Agatized 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128wood was traded well out into the plains and southwest far intoMexico. Charles F. Lummis (1892, pp. 20-27; 1925, pp. 109-121)believes the Indians made special trips to gather chips from theshattered tree trunks. Agatized wood was used by the BasketMakers, but as neither they nor the Cliff Dwellers are known to havehad either amethyst or smoky quartz, intensive exploitation of thePetrified Forest perhaps did not long antedate the coming of theSpaniards. Among the Arizona Indians, it was called Shinarump.Agatized wood, chalcedony, and other quartz minerals were alsoobtained by the Pueblo peoples from a "petrified forest" 25 milessouth of Chambers, Ariz., on the Sante Fe Kailroad (Roberts, 1931,p. 5). The agatized wood used by the Wyoming Indians was pre-sumably of local origin, as sources are numerous in the West.Artifacts of silicified or agatized wood are found also in Florida,Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, and the upper Mississippi VaUey.More or less beautifully silicified fossils were also rather widely used(silicified coral, New York, southeastern States, upper MississippiValley and Pueblos ; shark's teeth, southeastern States ; Baculites, Kan-sas; shells. Mound Builders, Pueblos, and Mayas; and crinoid stems,Pueblos). On account of their forms they were in high repute ascharms. Distribution of JadeJadeite was commonly used by the Aztecs and other Mexican tribes,the Mayas, all Indians of Central America, the West Indians and thePeruvians ; it was also used less commonly by the Eskimo and BritishColumbia Indians, the Mound Builders, the Pueblos, and the peoplesof British Guiana, Ecuador, and Brazil (pi. 4). Nephrite was com-monly used and highly prized by the Eskimo and the Indians of BritishColumbia, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and Brazil; it was alsoknown to the Indians of Oregon and Washington, the Pueblos, theAztecs, Mayas, the ancient Costa Ricans, and the Indians of Mont-serrat Island, Cuba, and the Lesser Antilles, and of Argentina andChile. The single occurrence laiown to me among the PeruvianIndians is reported by Uhle in the lea VaUey. It was also probablyknown to the Haitian Indians (pi. 4). Jade was early used by theAmerican aborigines. A jadeite tablet found in Guatemala bears inMaya numerals the date equivalent to A. D. 60, while a Maya stat-uette from Veracruz has the date corresponding to 98 B. C, bythe Spinden correlation. The latter has been usually considerednephrite but more recently was determined to be jadeite (Washington,1922, pp. 2-12). The annals of the Cakchikels Indians of Guatemala,a Maya tribe, stated that jade was used as tribute in the second ofthe four Tulans from which the four clans came. The researches ofF. W. Clarke and G. P. Merrill (1888, vol. 2, 115-130) lead them to Anthbop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 35believe that all the Alaska jade is nephrite while that of the ancientMexicans and Mayas is largely jadeite although nephrite also occurs.Nadaillac and Moorehead report jade in Mound Builders' moundsand jadeite is reported by Putman from a mound of these people inMichigan. (Putnam, 1886, pp. 62-63; W. Moorehead, 1917, p. 20; deNadaillac, 1884, pp. 107-109.) This is most interesting, proving theextent of tribe by tribe barter, while suggesting, if we let our imagi-nation run riot, a more direct commercial connection with the Mexi-can civilization or, via Florida, with that of the West Indies. Jadeite,while in the possession of the northern Mexican Indians (Chihuahua),was exceedingly rare among the Pueblos although A. V. Kidder andS. J. Guernsey (1919, p. 148) report a jadeite pendant in a Cliff HouseRuin in northeastern Arizona. These authorities know of no otheroccurrence of jadeite in the Southwest, although it is also reported fromCasas Grandes in Chihuahua. Nephrite also was very rare amongthe Pueblos although a small round tablet from Cochise County,Ariz., made of "an impure variety of nephrite" has been found(Holmes, 1906, p. 108). Warren K. Moorehead (1910, vol. 2, pi. 51)states that a jade effigy of a fish was found in a Pueblo ruin near Mesa,Ariz. Julian H. Steward (1937, p. 72) found a nephrite scraper in acave on Promontory Point, Salt Lake, Utah. As much Southwesternturquoise reached Central Mexico and Toltec pottery occurs in theruins of Pueblo Bonito, it would appear natural that jade would havebeen obtained from the south, particularly as the Pueblo peopleswere passionately fond of green stones. The situation is perplexing.Did the Pueblos have a taboo against jade or was its export fromMexico northward prohibited by tribal decree? It reminds one ofthe rarity of amber among the Egyptians and early Mesopotamianpeoples. Strangely enough, the Pueblos depended largely on localsources for their precious stones.JADEITEJade (largely jadeite) was used early by the Mexican peoples.According to Toltec chronicles, Chimalman, the mother of the kingQuetzalcoatl Chalchiuitl (about A. D. 839), became pregnant fromswallowing a chdlchihuitl (jade) (1886, vol. 5, p. 257). In the adviceof a Toltec father to his son, the gods listened to the prayers of thewise men of old, "because they were of a pure heart, perfect andwithout blemish like Chalchihuitl" (Charnay, 1887, p. 179).Jade (chalchihuitl in part; the term also covers turquoise and othergreen and blue stones) was highly prized by the Aztecs, and FatherSahagun says they could only be worn by the nobles or ruling classes.To show that the Aztecs valued it highly, I need but to remind youthat when Montezuma and Cortes gambled, the native chieftain firstpaid his debts in gold but on the second night he promised the Spanish 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128marauder something much more precious; this, to Cortes' disgust,proved to be four small carved jade beads. Montezuma had valuedeach one at two loads of gold, although I do not remember that thesize of the load was specified. That it was relatively abundantamong them is shown by the fact that Dr. H. M. Saville in 1900-1901excavated the site of an ancient Aztec temple in Mexico City, andfound therein over 2,000 jadeite objects.It is not unusual for Aztec and Central American jadeite carvingsto retain on the reverse side a segment of the original pebble fromwhich it was cut. The jadeite was evidently of alluvial origin.Friar Bernardino de Sahagun says chalchihuitl was found in Mexico.Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, from a close study of the Aztec tribute rolls (1901,pp. 227-238) in which jadeite is listed as the tribute of certain towns,concluded that the material was obtained from a number of places insoutheastern Mexico, the country east of a north to south line drawnthrough Mexico City, Chiapas, and Guerrero being particularly likelysources. Almost a generation thereafter her predictions were verifiedby discoveries of jade in Zimapan (Davis, 1931, p. 182) and as pebblesin rivers in Oaxaca and Guerrero (Caso, 1932, p. 509).Jadeite was the most precious of Mayan possessions, and its owner-ship an insignia of wealth or power. A piece of jade was put in themouth of the dead, curiously analogous to the Chinese custom. TheMayas had jadeite in relatively large pieces as some pectoral plaquesof it are 6 inches square. In March 1937, the Carnegie Institutionreported that Dr. A. V. Kidder had found in a pyramid mound nearGuatemala City a water-worn boulder of jade 16 inches in diameterand weighing nearly 200 pounds. This beautiful light-green jade iscertainly one of the largest ever found in America. A highly polishedsphere of jade IKs inches in diameter, once used as a conjuring stone,was found at Chichen-Itza in 1928 (Morris, 1931, p. 210). Mayanjade, in part at least, was derived from stream gravels, for at Copan,Honduras, a human figure was engraved on one side of a pebble 8inches long, the reverse distinctly showing its pebble form (Gann,1926, p. 183). Guatemala and Costa Rica are likely sources inaddition to trade with Mexico. H. J. Spinden (1913, p. 145) reportsthat some of the jades found at Monte Alban, Mexico, appear to be ofMayan workmanship, and were doubtless obtained by barter withthe Mayan merchants. In later times, the Mayans were suppliedwith jadeite not only from Guatemala but also from Mexico. ThomasGann (1925, p. 274) states that jadeite artifacts were more commonin the early days of the Old Empire than in the later days of that eraor in those of the New Empire, suggesting, perhaps, the partial ex-haustion of a local alluvial source. The conclusion appears probableas in late Mayan times some of the artifacts are patently cut fromlarger ornaments of an earlier date. Anthkop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING ^BALL 37Jadeite was widely used in Costa Rica, although it is much lesscommon in the highland than in the Pacific coastal graves (Hartman,1901, p. 171). At Las Guacas, Nicoyan Peninsula, Costa Rica,jadeite occurs more abundantly than anywhere else in the Americancontinent, the finds being numbered by hundreds. Included inthem are partially worked pebbles and unworked blocks. TheNicoyans cut jade cleverly and had a considerable trade in it both tothe north and south. A stream source must be nearby (Hartman,1907, p. 85). NephriteLt. J. C. Cantwell in 1884 heard of nephrite on the Kobuk River,Alaska, but the natives through superstitious fear of the mountainrefused to guide him to the mine. Lt. George M. Stoney, however, in1886 found the aboriginal nephrite mine at Jade Mountains on thenorth side of Kobuk River (1900, pp. 56-57). His Indians refused tovisit the place for fear they might not return as "only the medicineman could visit it and then not until after a long fast" (Stoney, 1900,p. 56). Shungnak, the local Eskimo name for jade, is given to one ofthe tributaries of Kobuk River (Smith and Mertie, 1930, p. 345). Inaddition to jade in place, the pebbles of the rivers of the region weredoubtless collected by the Eskimo. The natives also collected neph-rite boulders occurring in the Eraser and Thompson Rivers, BritishColumbia, and on the high benches of the Eraser River (Camsell, 1912,p. 606), on the beaches of Puget Sound, and in southern Oregon.Nephrite boulders] also ^occur on the upper Lewes River, YukonTerritory, not far from the eastern boundary of Alaska (Dawson, 1887;1888, p. 186) and on the Rae River in the Coronation Gulf region(Jenness, 1925, p. 432) although we do not know that these sourceswere exploited by the Indians. Nephrite was used by all the Eskimoof Alaska, and they often made long journeys to procure it. By barterit had reached the Eskimo of the west coast of Hudson Bay and BaffinIsland as early as the "Thule stage of culture" (say A. D. 600-1600)(Mathiassen, 1927; 1927 a, pt. 2, p. 27). Nephrite artifacts are foundalso in the Eskimo ruins of Newfoundland (Jenness, 1932). In con-sequence, the finding of an axe supposed to be of jade at Balsam Lake,Ontario, is not surprising (Laidlaw, 1897, p. 85; 1897 a, vol. 19, p. 69).Indeed, jade was traded in aU along the northern Pacific coast; theBritish Columbian sources furnishing material for the coast from theStraits of Juan de Fuca to Bering Bay and Jade Mountain, from theAleutian Islands to the mouth of the Mackenzie River (Emmons, 1923).Of the various stone amulets, jade was the most valuable and amongthe Eskimo the stone had magical properies. A small bead was worthsix or seven foxskins. A small adz blade among the Tlingits was218558?40 i 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bcll. 128 worth two or three slaves and while a Tlingit was using it, his wiferefrained from frivoHty lest the blade break. The Tlingit name wastsu (green), a close approximation to the Chinese Yu. The BritishColumbian father handed a nephrite tool down to his son as a pricelessheirloom. Among the Salish Indians it was called Stoklait (greenstone).The material of the jade (nephrite) ornaments in the possession ofthe British Guiana Indians is said by the natives of San Carlos to comefrom the source of the Orinoco River and by the Indians of the missionsof the Caroni and of Angostura from the headwaters of the Rio Branco.The two localities are near one another (de Humboldt, 1814-29, vol.2, pp. 395-402, 462). Tubular beads and labrets of this material werean object of barter through much of Brazil and British Guiana. Suchare reported to have been used "as current money (Keymis, in Hak-luyt, 1904, vol. 10, p. 491). Sir Walter Raleigh (1595) reported thatthe tribes of the Amazons traded jade ornaments for gold and theEnglish exported them to England to cure kidney diseases as early as1604 (Pinkerton, 1812, vol. 12, p. 283).That the alluvial nephrite locality of Amargoza, Bahia, Brazil, wasworked by the Indians seems probable from the abundance of nephriteartifacts in that region.MINERALS AND ORNAMENTAL STONES MINED BYAMERICAN INDIANSACTINOLITEActinolite, or a rock largely composed of it, was a material for axesprized by the ancient Hopi and Zuni (Hough, 1903, p. 322). It wasalso used by the California natives.ChloromelaniteChloromelanite tools were particularly used by the Mayas of Gua-temala, and by the ancient people of the Valley of Mexico and theState of Guerrero (Hodge, 1922, vol. 3, p. 47). It is presumably oflocal origin. It was also used by the pre-Spanish Colombians andChileans. PectoliteFrom a pale greenish or bluish slightly translucent pectolite, theEskimo of Point Barrow make hammerheads. Both pectolite andjade are called Kaudlo and are said to come "from the East, a longway off" (Murdoch, 1892, p. 60; Clarke and Chatard, 1884, p. 20).The Alaskan natives traded pectolite with the natives of Siberia.It was also used by the British Columbian Indians. ANTHBOP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 39SerpentineSerpentine was used by practically all Indian tribes.StauroliteWhile the writer has not been able to definitely prove the report, it isprobable that the Indians of Virginia used the local stauroUte as anornament. Such a striking mineral, and one so locally abundantcould scarcely have escaped their notice.MagnesiteThe Porno Indians obtained magnesite at White Buttes, near CacheCreek, and at Sulphur Bank, Clear Lake, Calif. This was made intobeads and baked, in which process the color changes from white to anattractive buff or salmon color. As elsewhere stated, this served asmoney and was traded from the coast to the Sierra Nevadas (Ki"oeber,1925, p. 249; Loeb, 1926, p. 178). The magnesite of the PuebloIndians may also have been of California origin. It was also used bythe Indians of British Columbia.Alabaster and Stalactitic CalciteAlabaster was used by the Indians of Canada, the North AtlanticStates, Georgia, the Mississippi Valley, the Rocky Mountains, Cali-fornia, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil,Argentina, and Chile, and by the Pueblos, Aztecs, Mayas, andPeruvians.The Indians found that Wyandotte Cave, Crawford County, Ind.,contained two desirable products, a jaspery flint and stalactites ofsatin spar. They carried on mining a fuU mile within the cave, lightingtheir labor with flaming torches. From the lenses of flint protrudingfrom the limestone walls they hacked flint flakes, with granite hammers,and also cut from a giant stalactite some 1 ,000 cubic feet of glisteningalabaster. The imprints of their moccasins were stiU visible on thefloor of the cave 80 years ago. They also dug down from the surfacein one place until the cave formation was encountered and minedalabaster open cut. Deer antlers were used as picks in this work.(Fowke, 1922, pp. 108-109; Blatchley, 1897, pp. 156, 165-169; Mercer,1895, pp. 396^00.)The Aztecs quarried at Tecali, in Puebla, Mexico, what we nowcall Mexican onyx, and what they called tecali, probably derived fromteocali or "lord's mansion" (anon., 1891, p. 729). It was widely usedfor images and vases and as windows in their temples (Fortier andFicklen, 1907, p. 190). 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128GalenaThe brilliant luster of galena appealed to the Eskimo, the Indiansof British Columbia, Canada, Florida, the upper Mississippi Valley,Virginia, Mississippi, Utah, the Yavapai Indians of Arizona, and thePueblos. The Wisconsin-Iowa-Illinois lead district was known to theIndians before the white man's arrival and Nicolet (1634) and Radissonand Groseilliers (1658-59) were told of the deposits. Miami Indiansbrought to Perrot upon his arrival in the region in 1684 "lumps oflead" found, they said, in rock crevices (NeiU, 1858, p. 139; Carver,1778, pp. 47-48). While the writer agrees that smelting was taughtthe Indians by the French, he cannot agree with those who state thatmining was taught them by the French as galena is widely and abun-dantly present in the prehistoric mounds of the upper MississippiValley. When, in 1810, two St. Louisianians, Colonel Smith and Mr.Moorhead, purchased the Wisconsin-Iowa-IUinois lead fields fromAugustus Choutou, the Sauk and Foxes ran them off the property.Fearing the effect of this action on the American Government, thetribes at once sent delegates to Governor Howard and General Clarkeat St. Louis, who stated that "when the Great Spirit gave the landto the Red Men, their ancestors, he foresaw that the White Menwould come into the country and that the game would be destroyed;therefore, out of his great goodness he put lead into the ground thatthey, their wives and children might continue to exist" (Bradbury,1904, p. 253; Lanman, 1856, vol. 1, p. 25). This was doubtless theprincipal source of the galena so abundant in certain mounds of theMound Builders. There is also evidence that the Indians obtainedgalena from the outcrops of the southeast Missouri mines (Thwaites,1904-07, vol. 26, p. 95). Probably the Tri-State district was knownto the Indians for they informed Lieutenant Wilkinson "that thecountry to the northwest of the Osage village abounds with valuablelead mines" (Coues, 1895, vol. 2, p. 561). John S. Newberry (1892,p. 191) states that near Lexington, Ky., the Indians sank a trenchover 300 feet long and from 10 to 12 feet deep on a galena-barite vein.He adds that "trees growing in the trench show it to be at least 500years old." The Blue Bell Mine, Kootenai County, Idaho, is said tohave been discovered by the whites owing to the fact that the Indiansmade buUets by smelting its galena (Laut, 1918, p. 89). It is by nomeans certain, however, that this particular discovery by Indians isvery ancient. F. M. Endlich near Cook's Peak, N. Mex., in sinkinga shaft broke into an old stope in which were stone tools and noneof metal (Chapin, 1892, p. 30).Galena, fomid as pebbles on the sea beach of Coronation Gulf, isused by the local Eskimo to blacken skins (Stefdnsson, 1913, p. 443). ANTHBOP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 41HematiteHematite was used by Eskimo, the Indians of Canada, manytribes in the United States, the Aztecs, Mayas, the old Panamanians,and Peruvians, and the Indians of Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador,Brazil, and Argentina. Hematite was mined at Marquette, Mich.,and at Iron Mountain, St. Francois County, and at Leslie, FranldinCounty, Mo. At Leslie, white miners have opened up an open cutin iron ore, 150 feet long, 100 feet wide, and from 15 to 20 feet deep.Honeycombing the area mined and extending beneath its deepestpart are tortuous winzes, the work of Indians. Most of the openingsare narrow and sinuous but some permit of a man standing up inthem. Over 1,000 rude stone implements, all grooved and from 1 to5 pounds in weight, were found in and around the workings. Thematerial sought was soft hematite used as paint although solidhematite for implements and some flint were byproducts (Holmes,1904, pp. 723-726). The Hopi got hematite for ceremonial pigmentfrom Cataract Canyon, 110 miles west of the Hopi Reservation(Hough, 1902). The Peaux de Li^vre Indians got hematite nearFort Good Hope on the Mackenzie River. From its appearancethey called it Sa-is-anne or "bear's excrement" (Chambers, 1914,p. 284). AZURITE AND MALACHITEMalachite was used by the Indians of Arizona and New Mexico,by the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians and by the Indians of BritishColumbia, eastern Canada, Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia, and Argen-tina. Azurite was used by the Pueblos, Eskimo, the Mayas, and theIndians of Bolivia, eastern Canada, San Domingo, and Chile.According to Apache belief, a small bead of malachite attached toone's gun makes it shoot straight (Bourke, 1892, pp. 588-591).The Pueblo Indians had many sources of these minerals. Appar-ently a squad from Ofiate's expedition (1598) inspected a shaft three "estados" (about 16 feet) deep from which these minerals wereobtained (Bolton, 1916, p. 244) either in the Aquarius or HualpaiRanges. In Father Geronimo Zarate Salmeron's account of thesame expedition, the blue used as paint in the Zuni province and thegreen from X^mez, where "whole cargoes could be gathered," werealso presumably oxidized copper ores {in Bolton, 1916, p. 269). TheHopi got malachite for ceremonial pigment from Cataract Canyon,110 miles west of the Hopi Reservation (Hough, 1902). Coppercarbonates were obtained for pigments by the Pueblos in the elevatedregion west of Luna, New Mex. (Hough, 1907, p. 59). 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128SmithsoniteSmithsonite was ornamentally used by the ancient Peruvians andprobably by the Pueblos.Atacamite and BrochantiteBeads of both these copper minerals have been found in Chile, neartheir source, the Chuquicamata mine. Atacamite was also used bythe Peruvian and Argentina Indians, and brochantite by the BolivianIndians. ChrysocollaChrysocolla was popular among the old inhabitants of SouthAmerica, artifacts of it being found in Peru, Bolivia, Chile, andArgentina. It was obtained at Quebrade de Cobres, northwesternArgentina, by the Diaguites. Among their workings is a 45? inclinedshaft 30 meters deep (Beuchat, 1912, p. 715). It was also used byIndians of California and Arizona.PyritePyrite was rather widely used in both North and South America.It is not unusual for Maya pyrite mirrors and the firestones in Eskimograves and those of the Maine Red Paint People to be altered tolimonite, a possible scale of the rapidity of pyrite alteration.In Labrador, northern Canada, and Alaska, the Eskimo used pyriteto strike fire as did the Indians of northwest and northern Canada andNewfoundland. It may be mentioned that the Aleutians to obtainfire strike together two flints rubbed in sulfur, the spark falling on lintpowdered with sulfur which is obtained from the nearby volcanoes(Dall, 1870, p. 370). At Point Barrow, the Eskimo miners believethe pyrite, which occurs massive and as spherical concretions, to havefallen from the sky and hence it is called "firestone" (Ray, 1885, p. 46;Murdoch, 1892, p. 60 ; Hough, 1890, p. 574). Among the CumberlandBay Eskimo snapping a whip with a piece of pyrite at the tip drivesaway evil spritis (Boas, 1907, p. 138). These people believe that someseals break a breathing hole through the ice with a stone held underthe flipper. A hunter, if he kills such a seal, should, without lookingat the stone, throw it over his shoulder, which changes it into pyriteand thereafter insures good luck in sealing (Boas, 1907, p. 152). TheIglulilc Eskimo protect themselves from thunderstorms by laying outan amulet consisting of pyrite, a piece of white skin, and a smallkamik sole (Rasmussen, in Weyer, 1932, p. 182, footnote). TheHaneragmiut Eskimo procure pyrite for fire-making to the northwestof Coronation Bay and trade this to the Copper Eskimo (Stefdnsson,1919, pp. 74, p. 113). ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 43 It is common in the Mound Builder mounds of Ohio, that of theMuskingum Valley presumably coming from the adjoining hills wherepyrite abomids. In 1826 an English traveler, Ash, found in a moundwhat from its luster he believed a large lump of gold. His laborerscarefully covered up their work and secretly in a private room gaveit the fire test. Their "gold" turned "black, filled the place with asulfurous odor and then burst into 10,000 fragments" (Mitchener,1876, pp. 24-25).Pyrite was used extensively by Aztecs as inlays in their mosaics,as eyes for their statues, and, weU polished, as mirrors. Zelia Nuttall(1901 a, p. 83) believes that pyrite mirrors were used in the sun-cult,to concentrate the rays of the sun and so light the sacred fire at noonon the days of the vernal equinox and summer solstice. Crushedmarcasite was used as a face powder by certain Aztec priests (Ban-croft, 1886, vol. 3, p. 340).Don George Juan and Don de UUoa (traveled, 1734) refer toancient aboriginal mines of pyrite in Peru (Pinkerton, 1808-14, vol.14, pp. 545-546). Pulverized pyrite was among the votive offeringsto the gods.The natives of Tierra del Fuego who, hke the Eskimo, used ironpyrite for fire-maldng, obtained it from at least two mines known tous; one on the northern part of Tierra del Fuego Island and anothernear Mercury Sound, Clarence Island (Cooper, 1917, pp. 191-192).As its use to produce fire is noted as early as A. D. 1580, it was doubt-less a pre-European custom (Lothrop, 1928, p. 64). The Fuegiansprize it highly. Then neighbors, the Patagonians, not only used itfor making fire but weighted the globular hide bags at the end oftheir bolas with it. Presumably they obtained it from the Fuegiancountry (Fitzroy, 1839, vol. 1, p. 62).Cannel Coal, Jet, and LigniteCannel coal, hgnite, and jet were rather widely used by the NorthAmerican Indians including the Aztecs and Mayas as well as by theIndians of Montserrat Island and Ecuador. These were used mainlyas ornaments, although certain of the Pueblo people, the Assiniboinand other Northern Plains Indians, used it to a minor degree as fuel.The Indians of Blennerhasset Island, W. Va., used to a considerableextent for pendants cannel coal which they procured locally (Hodge,1922, p. 151).Cannel coal adorned the northland in the Navaho Creation Legend.Jet occurs in Colorado and lignite widely in the Southwest, and theiroutcrops furnished abundant material to the Pueblo peoples. Theymined Hgnite for fuel purposes 15 miles north of Holbrook, Ariz.,and at Kokopuyama, northeastern Arizona (Hough, 1903, pp. 334,335). 44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128MicaMica was used by the Eskimo and the Indians of British Columbia,eastern Canada, the United States east of the Mississippi and Cali-fornia, by the Pueblos and Aztecs, and the Indians of Panama (para-gonite), San Salvador, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Argentina.Mica (largely muscovite) was mined by pits at many points in theAppalachian uplift from Alabama north-northeast to the St. Lawrence.It was an article of trade west as far as the Mississippi and south asfar as Florida. Rock crystal and the more imusual pegmatiticminerals, often vividly colored, must have been occasional but prizedbyproducts. The Indians of North Carolina carried down some oftheir mica pits as far as surface weathering extended, that, is toground-water level. Some of the pits were from 40 to 50 feet wideand from 75 to 100 feet long and, though in part filled up, are still from15 to 20 feet deep. One North Carohna mica pit is 320 feet long andin places 30 feet deep (Smith, 1877, pp. 441-443). Old tunnels connect-ing pits from 50 to over 100 feet long are mentioned. They are from3 to 3K feet in height and much less in width. Large trees have grownwithin the pits. When the North Carolina mica boom was on in1868-69, such pits were of value in relocating mica mines and theIndians proved to have been good prospectors (Kerr, vol. 1, 1875,pp. 300-301; 1880, p. 457). Incidentally the mountaineers wereobsessed with the idea that the ancient pits were silver mines workedby De Soto's men (Foster, 1873, p. 370). D. B. Sterrett (1907, p. 401)found stone tools around some of the North Carohna mica mines andWm. B. PhiUips (1888, p. 662) states that the Indians used fire inbreaking the rock. The latter reports that large pine trees (18 inchesin diameter) have grown on the debris of the Alabama mica mines(Phillips, 1907, p. 671). Mica mines occur in 7 different counties inAlabama and at some 17 localities in North Carolina (Holmes, 1919,pp. 244-245). The old traveler Laudonniere (A. D. 1564) was shownby Indians large mica plates foimd in the Appalachians with "christal"and "slate stone." Ralph Lane (A. D. 1585-86) heard also of a "marvelous and strange mineral" occurring in large plates, whichwas mined to the west of Roanoke (Packard, 1893, pp. 162-163).In Amelia County, Va., there are aboriginal mica pits 12 feet deep(Fontaine, 1883, pp. 330-339). Fire was used to break the rock.Mica was commonly used by the Mound Builders, and J. Priest(1838, p. 179) mentions one piece, 3 feet long, IJ^ feet wide, and 1 finchesthick, a fair sized "book." From a single mound, as many as 250mica objects and as much as 20 bushels of mica have been reclaimed.It doubtless came from the Appalachian mines. "Synthetic" pearlswere made by the Mound Builders by wrapping a coat of mica aroundwooden beads (Davis, 1931, p. 136). Again, beads of clay werecovered with crushed mica (Lilly, 1937, p. 210). Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 45Among the Delaware Indians, mica laminae are placed in medicinebags and are powerful "rain medicine" as they are believed to bescales of the great mythological Horned Serpent. Merely place a few "scales" on a rock beside some stream and the black thunder cloudsgather and refresh the thirsty cornfields with rain (Harrington, 1913,p. 226).Fuchsite beads are reported from an ancient Guatemalan grave(Bauer, 1900, p. 291). LabradoriteLabradorite, which was introduced to the scientific world by Mo-ravian missionaries in 1770, was presumably procured by them fromthe Eskimo, who still bring fine specimens from the interior of Labra-dor (Packard, 1891, pp. 272-283). They know it as "the fire-rock"(Browne, 1909, p. 155). Captain Cartwright, who was in Labradorfrom 1770-86 (Cartwright, 1911, p. 347), mentions it being pickedup by the Eskimo. Eskimo chiefs used it ornamentally over 50 yearsago (Tuttle, 1885, p. 65).Anorthite was used in Panama.SUNSTONEDr. H. P. Wightman states that the Apache Indians collected sun-stone (variety andesine) from their reservation not far from Globe,Ariz. (Sterrett, 1916, p. 322).MoonstoneMoonstone was among the gems excavated at Ticoman, Mexico,in a grave of Toltec or pre-Toltec culture (Vaillant, 1930, pp. 610-616).AmazonstoneAmazonstone was used by the Aztecs, Mayas, and the Indians ofWisconsin, California, Trinidad, Venezuela, and Brazil.SlateThe Haidahs, skillful carvers in slate, obtained the raw productfrom a quarry on Queen Charlotte's Island.VarisciteMr. Don Maguire, according to Dr. G. F. Kunz, reports that inthe vicinity of the variscite locality near old Camp Floyd in CedarVaUey, Utah, artifacts and rock inscriptions are common. No oldworkings have as yet been found, however, but variscite was used bythe ancient Pueblo people of the region. 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128CalamineCalamine of predominant blue color, but in part gray and green, ispossessed by the Yaquis of Chihuahua, Mexico. They use it asvotive offerings, believing it has magical qualities (Sterrett, 1909,p. 812). FluorsparFluorspar was used as an ornamental stone by the Indians of Mis-souri, Illinois, Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, and California, thePueblos, Aztecs, and Peruvians, and the Bolivian Indians.The fluorite used by the Mound Builders was probably picked upfrom the outcrop as E. C. Clark? Imows of no aboriginal pits in theIllinois-Kentucky field. He states that most of the fluorite employedby the Mound Builders apparently came from the Illinois part of thefield. AmberAmber was commonly used by the Eskimo and the Indians of Alaskaand British Columbia, the Aztecs and Mayas, the Peruvians and theIndians of Santo Domingo and the Lesser Antilles and Colombia. Afossil gum was also used by the Brazilian Indians and a fossil resinclosely resembling amber has been found in Mound Builder moundsin Ross County, Ohio. Reported occurrences of amber artifacts inVirginia and Tennessee may or may not be authentic.The Esldmo of Point Barrow find from time to time amber on thebeach and use it rough as amulets and rarely cut it into beads. It iscalled auma, i. e., "a live coal," a descriptive figure of speech (Mur-doch, 1892, p. 61). Ernest de K. Leffingwell (1919, p. 179) saw thePoint Barrow natives "pick up a few pieces lof amberl a quarter ofan inch in diameter from the protected beaches between Harrisonand Smith Bays." The Eskimo also got amber for beads from thealluvium of the Yukon delta and from the Tertiary formations of theFox Islands (Holmes, 1907, p. 48). The Koniagas of Kodiak Islandprize labrets, ear ornaments, and pendants of amber which at times,particularly after earthquakes, is said to be thrown up upon the southside of the island. Broken beads and pieces of amber are placed onthe graves of the wealthy. It is also an important, though rare andcostly, article of commerce among them. (Cox, 1787, p. 212; Ban-croft, 1886, vol. 1, pp. 72-73; Dall, 1870, p. 403; Petroff, 1884, p. 138.)That amber was widely traded in among the Eskimo long ago is shownby the presence of beads and uncut lumps in Thule culture ruins(about A. D. 600-1600) at Naujan on the shore of Fox Channel.Amber beads said to be of Asian origin were found in an Aleutiangrave on Unalaska Island (Weyer, Jr., 1929, p. 234). < Personal communication. Anthrop.Pap.no. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 47Gerard Fowke (1894, p. 16) found in a grave in Rockbridge County,Va., a bead "resembling amber," which, he suggests, possibly may beof European origin. The occasional finding of amber on the adjacentVirginian coast appears to render such a conclusion unnecessary.W. M. Clark (1878, p, 275) reported amber beads in a Tennesseemound but as these were stolen before being placed in a museum, theobservation must be accepted with reservations.Amber and labrets of amber were among the tribute to be paidMontezuma by certain of the districts of Mexico, particularly the citieson the Atlantic coast and of Chiapas, a present-day locality. InAztec times it was an important article of commerce. Sahagun (1880,p. 771) reports that amber was obtained by the Aztecs from "minesin the mountainous country." Clavigero reports that it was used asan ornament mounted in gold.The amber of the north coast of Santo Domingo was gathered inpre-Columbian days. It was the first gem material recognized in theNew World by the whites, as Christopher Columbus, in his accountof his second voyage, says that the island contains "mines of copper,azure, and amber" (Kerr, 1811, vol. 3, p. 131).SoAPSTONE (Steatite)Soapstone was used by practically all the North and CentralAmerican peoples, by the Indians of Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colom-bia, Bolivia, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile, and by the Peruvians.The Cherokees of the Great Smokies, N. C, still make soapstonepipes, largely, however, for tourist consumption (Morley, 1913, p. 238)and Peter Kalm states that in 1748 soapstone pots were still usedamong the Delawares.Steatite was quarried in a large number of places in the Appalachianuplift from Newfoundland to Alabama, some 33 being known to thewriter. Other localities were Wyoming and Lac de la Pluie, southwestof Lake of Woods, Ontario (Mackenzie, 1902, vol. 1, p. xcii). Soap-stone was also obtained in the Jacumba region, San Diego County,Cahf. (Gifford, 1931, p. 29), and on Santa Catalina Island (Kroeber,1925, p. 629). Stone hammers, mauls, and picks are common at suchlocalities. A pecuhar feature of the quarrying is the fact that bowlswere in some instances largely shaped in place, then undercut, andonly then broken off from the solid rock by gradual pressure of thechisel around the base of the bowl (Schumacher, 1879, vol. 7, pp.117-121). At least the pots and other artifacts were usually roughlyhewn at the quarry although they may have been finished at thehome village. A. J. Pickett (1851, vol. 1, p. 177) states, from Indiantestimony now over 100 years old, that in Alabama the Indians "cutout the pieces with flint rocks fixed in wooden handles. After workingaround as deep as they desired, the piece was pryed out of the rock." 48 BUREAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128In Norway and Sweden in the Viking time, about 1,200 years ago,the Scandinavians cut pots from soapstone in place much as did theAmerican Indians of that or later times (Grieg, 1930; 1932, pp. 88-106).The Laplanders of northwestern Sweden ^ also cut their pots directlyfrom the rock outcrop.At Johnston, R. I., the largest pits are 10 feet long, 6 feet wide, andare now 5 feet deep although originally doubtless 15 feet deep (Den-ison, in Chase, 1885, pp. 900-901). The Narragansett Indians werefamous steatite artisans and traders, and their pipes made of localsteatite were in demand not only among the Mohawk but also by "ourEnglish Tobacconists for their rarity, strength, handsomenesse andcoolnesse" (Wood, 1634, p. 65).The Cumberland Sound Eskimo when breaking steatite from aquarry, "deposit a trifling present at the place, because otherwise thestone would become hard" (Boas, 1907, p. 138). The Eskimo on thewest coast of Hudson Bay and the Copper Eskimo believe thatsteatite should not be worked while the people are living on theice (Boas, 1907, p. 149; Jenness, 1922, p. 184). The former some-times use steatite as buUets when lead is scarce. It is mined byEskimo at the mouth of Tree River, which flows into CoronationGulf, 75 miles east of the Coppermine mouth. The CoppermineEskimo are dealers in soapstone lamps and pots, and at many of thesoapstone localities the main occupation of certain Eskimo is potmaking. Families from as far away as Cape Bexley visit the TreeRiver for the stone, being en route 1, 2, or more years and such tripsare the subject of local songs. It is also distributed by tribal barter.It is believed by Stefdnsson that this and localities east of it oncesupplied soapstone cooking utensils as far west as Siberia (Stefdnsson,1919, pp. 68, 112-113; 1914, p. 25). Stefdnsson (1919, p. 28) statesthat to make a pot takes all an Eskimo's spare time for a year andthat certain of the more skillful members of the tribe specialize inmaking such utensils. CatliniteCatlinite (Eyanskah in Sioux) (Neill, 1858, p. 515) occurs in theCoteau des Prairies, Minn,, on the Red Cedar branch of the Chip-pewa River, Wis, (Schoolcraft, 1853, p. 206; Strong et al,, 1882,vol. 4, pt. 5, p. 578; West, 1934, pp. 72-73, 330-331; De la Ronde,1876, pp. 348-349; Barrett, 1926; West, 1910, pp. 31-34; Brown,1914, vol, 13, pp. 75, 80-82), in Scioto County, Ohio (Shetrone,1930, p. 178), and in Arizona. The latter is probably the oldest of thelocalities, as catlinite artifacts occur in the Pueblo II culture stage ofUtah (A. D. 200-800). The next oldest of the locahties certainlyworked by the aborigines was the Ohio locality. Its trade area was ' Personal communication, Hans Lundberg. Antheop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BATJi 49much more restricted than that of the Minnesota catlinite, but it wasextensively used in Ohio and Kentucky and in some instances reachedeven Iowa and Wisconsin. The Minnesota and Wisconsin locaHties,while probably the youngest of the catlinite mines worked by theaborigines, are well over 300 years old. Sioux myths connectingcatlinite with the creation of man suggest a greater age, but myths ofthe long ago conceivably can grow in a day. Catlinite was also ob-tained from the glacial drifts in the upper Mississippi Valley (pi. 5).To the Coteau des Prairies, the surrounding tribes from hundreds ofmiles around made yearly mining pilgrimages to obtain materialfor their pipes. The Great Spirit, after miraculously forming thepipestone, had dedicated the ground as neutral property where warwas taboo, an admonition for a time respected. Even while en routeto the quarries, the Indians' bitterest enemies would not attack them.(For a poetical rendering of Indian catlinite myths, see Longfellow'sHiawatha.) According to the Sioux, catlinite attained its color bybeing stained by the blood of buffalo slain by the Great Spirit, whileto the Indians of the upper Missouri, it was the flesh of Indiansdrowned in a great flood (Armstrong, 1901, pp. 2-4, 11).L< N. NicoUet, who visited the quarry in the Coteau des Prairies in1838-39 (1843, pp. 15-17), adds that the Indians believe that whenthey visit the quarry they are always saluted bty lightning and thimderand that its discovery was due to a deep path worn down into thecatlinite bed by the buffalo, the path being still visible at the time ofNicollet's visit. Three days of purification preceded the Indians'visit to the quarry during which time he who was to do the quarryingmust be continent. The Abb4 Domenech (1860, vol. 2, p. 347) addsthat during this period the miners fasted. Provided the pit, whichthe Indian miner sinks, does not encounter catlinite of good quality,he is considered to have "impudently boasted of his purity. He iscompelled to retire: and another takes his place." A Sioux who visitedthe quarry about that time says that first there was a feast to thespirits of the place and then before quarrying a religious dance washeld (Dodge, 1877, p. xlvii). The Indians (Domenech, 1860, vol.2, p. 273) were loath to have white men visit the quarry as their pres-ence was a profanation which would draw down the wrath of heavenon the Indians. Before mining began the medicine men invoked andpropitiated the spirits of two glacial boulders nearby, symbolizing twosquaws, the guardian spirits of the place (Schoolcraft, 1851-57:Catlin, 1913, vol. 1, pp. 25-26; vol. 2, pp. 186-195, 228-234).A small creek at the foot of a quartzite ridge probably originallyexposed the thin bed (18 inches) of reddish fine-grained somewhatmetamorphosed clayey sediment (catlinite). At the base of the walland parallel to it is a prairie one-half mile wide. On it for a distanceof almost a mile are many pits from 20 to 40 feet wide and from 4 to 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 12810 feet deep sunk through the soil to procure the pipestone (pi. 5).The tools were roughly shaped hammers and sledges from the nearbyquartzite ledges, some of the hammers bemg grooved. Hieroglyphicsare common on the faces of the rock ledge and tradition says thateach Indian before venturing to quarry Catlinite inscribed his totemthereon (Mallery, 1893, p. 87). Remains of ancient camp sitesabound nearby and in them are found partially worked fragments ofpipestone, the material in part having been carved at the quarry,perhaps because with age this rock is said by some to become indurated.(Holmes, 1892, p. 277; 1919, pt. 1, pp. 109, 253-263; Nicollet, 1843, p.15; Winchell, 1884, pp. 541-542; Hayden, 1867, pp. 19-22; West, 1934,p. 329; Lynd, 1865.)Groseilliers and Radisson in A. D. 1658-60 were perhaps the firstwhites to see catlinite for they mention pipes of a red stone owned bythe Nation of Beef living west of Lake Superior. Father Marquette(Repplier, 1929, p. 151) smoked a pipe of peace of catlinite in 1673 andLe Seur in 1699-1700 mentions the Hinhoneton's "village of the redstone quarry" (Shea, 1861, p. 111). Father Charlevoix (1763) men-tions its source as among the "Ajouez (Iowa) beyond the Mississippi."Initial quarrying by Indians must have preceded the seventeenthcentury. Le Page du Pratz (1758, vol. 1, p. 326) states that whenM. de Bourgmont, in 1724, was en route to visit the Padoucas, hesaw a cliff on the banks of the Missouri, consisting of a "mass of redstone with white spots like porphyry" but soft, easily worked intopipes and fire-resistant; thjs lay between two valueless stones. "TheIndians of the country have contrived to strike off pieces thereof withtheir arrows and after they fall in the water plunge in for them."This strangely perverted account of the method of obtaining catliniteis similar to that by which Pliny states the Persians obtained turquoise.Jonathan Carver (1778, p. 99), who traveled in the upper Mississippiregion in 1766-68, shows on his map Couteau des Prairies as "Countryof Peace." Lewis and Clarke (1804-06) also speak of the Indiantribes meeting there in "friendship" to collect stones for pipes (Coues,1893, vol. 1, p. 80) but in 1837 when George Catlin visited it (1848,vol. 2, p. 166) the Sioux were in possession and did not permit theirenemies to procure pipestone. Indeed an old chief of the Sauk com-plained to Catlin that, while as a young man, he visited the place todig catlinite "now their pipes were old and few." "The Dakotanshave spiUed the blood of the red men on that place and the GreatSpirit is offended" (Catlin, 1848, vol. 2, p. 171). Thus, prior to about1810 the quarry was neutral ground, but after that date was in thepossession of the Sioux. About 60 years ago, Professor Crane reportedthat 300 Yankton Sioux took part in the annual pilgrimage to thequarry, and an Indian chief claimed 100 years ago he had seen 6,000Indians encamped at the quarry for 2 months (Barber, 1883, pp. Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 51745-765). The Yankton Sioux by article 8 of the treaty with theUnited States, dated April 19, 1858, have the right in perpetuity tomine catlinite within about a square mile surrounding the quarry(S. Dak. Hist. Coll., 1902, vol. 1, app., p. 449). While these peopleand their friends, the Flandreau Sioux, still visit ^ the locaUty, manyof the pipes and trinlvets sold since at least 1866 have been of whitemanufacture. Indeed, Indian traders had glass beads, imitatingcatlinite, by the end of the eighteenth century.The trade in catlinite was Nation-wide, extending from Canada tothe Gulf of Mexico and from the Atlantic to well within the RockyMountains Iowa Indians, according to Father Louis Andre(Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 60, p. 203), in 1676, had Minnesota cat-linite and the Iroquois and Algonquin peoples on the Atlantic coastby intertribal barter late in the seventeenth century. Peter Kalm,Professor of Economy, University of Abo, Finland, who traveled inNorth America from 1748 to 1751 (Pinlierton, 1808-14, vol. 13, p. 516;Kahn, 1772, vol. 2, p. 43) says the chiefs of the Indians of Pennsylvaniahad pipes ingeniously made of "very fine red pot-stone or a kind ofserpentine marble of the kind which Father Charlevoix says comes frombeyond the Mississippi." They were very scarce and were valued "asmuch as a piece of silver of the same size and sometimes they make itstiU dearer." Loskiel (1789, p. 66) says that the Delawares and Iro-quois got their pipes direct from Indians "who live near the MarbleRiver, on the western side of the Mississippi, where they extract itfrom a mountain." If so, these Indian merchants carried their wares1,000 miles from their homes. Among the Wisconsin Menomini, thejourney to the quarry in Minnesota being long, smaU blocks of cat-Unite were locally valued at $100. At Fort Union in 1852, Kurzpurchased a "charming" catlinite pipe from an Absaroka for $7,although among the Crows it would have been worth a packhorse(Kurz, 1937, p. 257). He adds that, though fashioned by the Sioux,they are articles of barter among aU the other tribes.The red pipestone found in the Ohio Mound Builders mounds wasdoubtless largely obtained from the Ohio pits (Shetrone, 1930, p. 178,and personal communication) but that from the mounds in LyonCounty, Iowa, presumably, as A. R. Fulton holds (1882, p. 89), camefrom the Minnesota quarry. The Ohio pipestone is of lighter colorthan that of the other localities, being pinkish or grayish.There are a number of catlinite quarries in Barron (at least fivequarries) and Chippewa Counties, Wis. The largest quarry, situatedon a hUl, is about 25 feet square and not over 3 feet deep. In places,the indurated shale was stoped back beneath the overlying quartzite.The Indians worked here at least as late as 1914. The catlinite isreddish brown in color and was used extensively by the Indians. De la > Personal communication, O. L. Chesley, postmaster, Pipestone, Minn. 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 188Ronde visited the locality over 100 years ago and states that the In-dians travel many miles to obtain the catlinite and that while therepeace reigns. He tells a dramatic story of a Sioux and a Chippewawho by chance met at the mine and peaceably procured their pipematerial but as soon as they were a respectable distance from thesacred spot fought a duel to the death.The Pueblos imitated catlinite in pottery, showing the esteem inwhich they held catlinite, some of which occurs in the ruins of Arizona.It doubtless came from the Jerome Junction, Arizona locality (Schra-der, Stone, and Sanford, 1917, p. 18).ObsidianObsidian was used throughout North and Central America, exceptin eastern Canada, New England, the North Atlantic (a single ob-sidian artifact has been found in Pennsylvania), and the southeasternStates (artifacts have been reported from Georgia and Alabama, how-ever) and it was used in South America by the Indians of Colombia,Ecuador, Bolivia, British Guiana, Peru, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil,and also by those of the Lesser Antilles. By trade it traveled vastdistances.Obsidian was quarried at Obsidian Cliff, Yellowstone National Park,and elsewhere in the|Yellowstone and Snake River Valleys as well as inUtah, New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada (Holmes, 1919, pp. 214-227).Apparently the Obsidian Cliff, Yellowstone National Park, was neutralground to Indians seeking arrowhead material (Alter, 1925, p. 381).From shallow shafts, drifts were driven (Brower, 1897, pp. 20-24).Shell heaps around San Francisco Bay, in the opinion of A. L. Kroeber(1925, pp. 927-930), show that obsidian was used from 3,000 to 3,500years ago. Unworked blocks are buried therein as if of great value.It is reported in Minnesota in deposits antedating the last glacialstate (Hagie, 1936).Obsidian was obtained by the aborigines in some 10 California local-ities either in place or as pebbles. The Pit River Indians made longtrips to Sugar Hill in the summer to procure obsidian pebbles (Kniffen,1928). The hiU was sacred and the Indians feared to offend its spirit.The Klamath Indians of southeastern Oregon believed that arrowsmade from obsidian obtained on a mountain west of Klamath Lakewere poisonous (Spier, 1930, p. 32; Rust, vol. 7, 1905, pp. 688-695).Herbert J. Spinden (1908, vol. 2) states the Nez Percy's name for theJohn Day River meant "obsidian river." The Mandan Indiansremelted glass and cast characteristic beads: if, as tradition holds, theylearned the art from the Snake Indians, their original raw materialmay have been obsidian from the Yellowstone National Park, ratherthan clay (Matthews, 1877, pp. 22-23). Anthrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 53Obsidian was abundantly used by the Mound Builders and theHopewell (Ohio) people had ceremonial knives 18 inches long andover 6 inches wide. Evidently blocks of obsidian were imported andthe material worked up in the Mound Builders' village. Shetrone(1930, p. 65) thinks that, as obsidian and grizzly bear teeth are foundtogether in the Hopewell culture mounds and not in quantity, atleast, to the west, the Hopewell men sent special expeditions to theYellowstone Park to obtain obsidian.The pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona had obsidian at hand atmany places. They not only quarried it but also apparently de-pended for their supply on the shattered outcrops. The Tewa In-dians of the upper Rio Grande Valley, N. Mex., believe that the flakingof the outcrop is due to lightning strildng it (Harrington, 1916, p. 59).Obsidian was doubtless used a very long time ago by the peoples ofthe Southwest, as Earl H. Morris (1919, p. 202) reports that the obsid-ian implements from ancient ruins in southwestern Colorado are soold that they have acquired a "dull gloss," or patina. That it waslong in use among certain of the Indians is also indicated by theAthabascan folk tale in which it was one of the four substances existingbefore the world was created (Goddard, 1827, p. 180).The Aztecs and their predecessors used obsidian extensively, fash-ioning from it spear and arrow points, knives, razors, and swords,mirrors, beautiful masks, and dainty ear ornaments. The Aztecscalled it iztli and because of its many uses it was surnamed teotetl(divine stone) (Bancroft, 1883, vol. 3, p. 238). So abundantly wasit used by the Aztecs that some of the refuse heaps around MexicoCity are black with its fragments (Holmes, 1900, p. 406). Obsidianmust have been long known to the Aztecs as one of their gods wasItzpopalotl (Obsidian Butterfly) (Verrill, 1929, p. 185). Further atCuichuilco near Mexico City, Dean Byron Cumrnings in 1916 founda structure which, in its relation to certain lava flows, he believed longantedated the Aztecs. Nearby, Mrs. ZeUa Nuttal found fragmentsof obsidian flakes "with a dull surface and a patina which unques-tionably indicate great antiquity" in an ancient river bed, 17 feetbeneath the lava bed (Mason, 1931, p. 30).Alexander de Humboldt rediscovered the old Aztec obsidian pits ofSierra de las Navajas some 10 miles east of Pachuca (1811, vol. 3,p. 122; 1815, vol. 1, p. 337). The aborigines, over hundreds of acres,according to W. H. Holmes (1900, vol. 2, pp. 405-416) in an areaIji miles long and in places one-half wide, sunk shallow pits andgophered out horizontally from them where the obsidian was of goodquality. The spall heaps nearby run into the hundreds of tons.W. H. Holmes, who says that the deepest pits are now 20 feet deepalthough once deeper, estimates that the workings are about as ex-218558?40 5 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TABLE 1 Central America:Costa Rica C.Nicaragua N.Panama P.San Salvador S.West Indies:Santo Domingo (Hispaniola)_ S.Montserrat M.Jamaica J.Puerto Rico P.Cuba C.Guadeloupe G.Trinidad T.Lesser Antilles L. A. Northern South America:British Guiana Br.Venezuela V.Colombia C.Ecuador E.Bolivia (in part Incan) B.Dutch Guiana D. G.Southern South America:Argentina A.Chile C.Paraguay P.Brazil B. Anthrop. Tap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 55tensive as the great flint quarries at Hot Springs, Ark., and FlintRidge, Ohio. Stone hammers, discoidal or globular in form, werefound near the pits. In part, at least, the material was worked locallybut it was also transported in the rough to distant markets. Lowen-stern (1843, pp. 244-245) describes these mines as trenches from 1 to 2meters wide and of varying depth. From the extent of the pits it isbelieved that mining began some i-enturies before the arrival of theSpaniards (Tylor, 1861). It was also quarried at Zacaultipan and 15miles south of Tulancingo, Hidalgo; at Teuchitlan, Ixtlan de losBuenos Aires, and Etzatlan, Jalisco; Pica de Orizabo, Veracruz; Zina-p^cuaro, Michoacan; and elsewhere in Mexico. At Teuchitldn someof the flakes are so very old that they are covered with a thick whitecrust (Breton, 1905, pp. 265-268).The Mayas got their obsidian doubtless in part, at least, from theextensive ancient quarries at La Joya, 18 miles east of GuatemalaCity. It also occurs at Fiscal (on the railroad from Guatemala toZacapa) and near Antiqua (Holmes, 1919). At Flores, Guatemala,the local "small change" consists of oblong pieces of obsidian, the val-ue depending on the size and shape of the piece (Boddam-Whetham,1877, p. 296).Don George Juan and Don de Ulloa (who travelled in Peru in 1734)refer to ancient aboriginal mines of obsidian in that country (Pinker-ton, vol. 14, pp. 545-546). The Ecuador Indians had an obsidianquarry at Guamani and a thriving commerce in it was carried on withthe coastal Indians. In their Quichua language it was known asaya-collqui, "silver of the dead," certainlj^ an apt poetic name.Other MineralsDiopside was used by the Indians of British Columbia and thePueblos, as was actinolite by the California Indians and the Pueblos.Scapolite was utilized by the Pueblos and the Peruvian Indians.Sillimanite was used by the Pueblos and the Brazilian Indians. Saus-surite was employed by the Indians of Ecuador. Chlorite wascommonly used in North America, only rarely in South America.Agalmatolite was made into artifacts by the Mayas and the Indiansof Ecuador, Colombia, and Chile. Apatite was known by the Pueblos.Barite was used by the Indians of Kentucky and by those of Georgia.Artifacts are common in the vicinity of Cartersville in the latterState, a district in which barite residuals are abundant. Celestitewas made use of by the Indians of New York. Gypsum was utilizedwidely by the Eskimo, the Indians of Eastern Canada and thenortheastern United States, those of the upper Mississippi Valley,northern plains, the Rocky Mountain States and California; also bythe Pueblos, the northern Mexicans, the Mayas, and the Indians ofCosta Rica, Cuba, Bahamas, Chile, and Argentina. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128LIST OF MINES OPERATED BY THE INDIANS (pis. 4, 5)Aga, Agalmatolite:Paccha, Ecuador.A, Agate:Southampton Island, Canada; AgateBay, Two Harbor, Minn.; SpedesValley, Wash, (also opal, etc.); Millers Island, Wash, (also opal,etc.); cataracts, Demarara R., British Guiana; Parima Mountains,Venezuela.Ag, Agatized wood:Petrified Forest, Adamana, Ariz, (also amethyst, smoky quartz, etc.) ; Petrified Forest, 25 miles south of Chambers, Ariz, (also chalcedony,etc.).Al, Alabaster:Wyandotte Cave, Crawford County, Ind.; Tecali, Puebla, Mexico.Am, Amber:Aliaska Peninsula; Aliaka Isle; Unalaska Island; Umnak Island,Yukon Delta, Alaska; Ookamak Island and south side KodiakIsland, Alaska; Point Barrow, Alaska; north coast, Santo Domingo;Chiapas, Mexico.At, Atacamite:Chuquicamata, Chile.Ba, Barite:Bartow County, Ga.B, Brochantite:Chuquicamata, Chile; Corocoro, Bolivia.Ca, Cannelcoal:Blennerhasset Island, W. Va.Ct., Catlinite:Pipestone, Minn.; Chippewa County, Wis.; Barron County, Wis., fivequarries; Scioto Countj', Ohio.C, Chalcedony:Warsaw, Coshocton County, Ohio (numerous quarries) ; RedondoBeach, Calif.; Ballast Point, 5 miles below Tampa, Fla.; WagonWheel Gap, Colo, (also jasper); Saugus Center, Mass.; 100 milesnorthwest of Pinto Basin, Calif.Ch, Chrysocolla:Quebrade de Cobres, northwestern Argentina.Cy, Chrysoprase:Tulare County, Calif, (possible) . E, Emerald:Coscuez, Chivor-Somondoco, and Muzo, Colombia.F, Fluorite:Southern Illinois.G, Galena:Golovin Bay, Alaska; Coronation Bay, Canada; Anse-a-la Mine,Quebec; Wisconsin-Iowa-Illinois lead district; southeastern Mis-souri; Cook's Peak, N. Mex.; near Lexington, Ky.Ga, Garnet:Picuries, Taos County, N. Mex.; Navaho Reservation, N. Mex.;northeast Arizona; north central Arizona; Jaco Lake, Chihuahua,Mexico; near Quito, Ecuador. ANTHROP. PAP. No. 13] INDIAN MINING BALL 57H, Hematite and red ochre:Mackenzie River at Fort Good Hope, Canada; Tulameen River,British Cohimbia; Xanana River, Alaska; LesHe, Frankhn County,Mo.; Iron Mountain, Mo.; Marquette, Mich.; 44? N., 111? W.,Ross Co., Ohio; Cataract Canyon, Ariz.; Red Canyon, Green River,Utah; Wellington, Calif.; Manzano Mountains, N. Mex.; 4 milessouthwest of Zuni, N. Mex.; Katahdin, Maine; Nodules, KanawhaValley, W. Va.; Kaimak, Argentina./, Iron pyrite:Point Barrow, Alaska; Rowsell Harbour, Labrador; northwest ofCoronation Bay, northern Canada; 92?30' W., 69?30' N.; VictoriaIsland; creek east of Coppermine River; near Wager Inlet andRepulse Bay; Bad Creek, 70? N., 117? W.; Mackenzie 10 milesbelow Fort Good Hope, alluvial; Whitemud River, Saskatchewan;north part Tierra del Fuego Island; Mercury Sound, ClarenceIsland./, Jasper:Saugus Center, Mass.; Chester Bucks, Lancaster, Lehigh, and BerksCounties, Pa.; Flint Ridge, Licking, and Muskingum Counties,Ohio (also chalcedony); Normanskill on Hudson River, N. Y.;Converse County, Wyo. (also chalcedony) ; Delaware River, MercerCounty, N. J. ; St. Tammany Parish, La. ; 40 miles south of Twenty-nine Palms, Calif.; 40 miles north of Pinto Basin, Calif.; Cal-pulalpam, Mexico; Mount Roraima, British Guiana.La, Labradorite:Labrador, near Paul's Island.L, Lignite:Fifteen miles north of Holbrook, Kokopuyama, and Tusayan, Ariz.Li, Limestone:For pipes, Ottawa River at Portage du Grand Calumet; Lake Winni-peg River to west of Pike River; Falls of Montmorenci near Quebec;Sitka, Alaska; Lynn Canal, Alaska; Nipigon Island, Lake Superior;Flint River, Ga.; St. Joseph's Island, Ontario.Mg, Magnesite:White Buttes, near Cache Creek, Calif.; Sulphur Bank, Clear Lake,Calif.; Kaolin, Nev.Ma, Malachite:Cataract Canyon, Ariz.; Azurite Mountains, N. Mex.Ma, Az, Malachite and azurite:Highland, west of Luna, New Mex.; Aquarius and Hualpal Ranges,Ariz.Mo, Moss agate:Between Fort Ellis and Yellowstone River, Mont.; vaUey north ofUinta Mountains and San Rafael Valley, Utah.M, Mica:Spruce Pine (two pits), Bandana (two pits, Mitchell County), Bakers-viUe, (Mitchell County), Yancey County, and Macon County(12 pits), N. C; Amelia County, Va.; Chilton County, JeffersonCountj^, Coosa County, Clay County, Randolph County, and Cle-burne County, Ala.N, Nephrite:Jade Mountain, north side of Kobuk River, Alaska; Fraser River andThompson River, British Columbia; Puget Sound; divide head-waters of Orinoco and Rio Branco Railroad, British Guiana. 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128O , Obsidian:Rocky Mountains, about 62?30' N.; Mount Anahim, 100 miles north-east Prince Rupert, British Columbia; Mountains of ThompsonRiver, British Columbia; Klamath Lake, Oreg.; John Day River,Oreg. ; Glass Butte, Lake County, Oreg.; Obsidian Cliff, Yellow-stone National Park; Promontory Point, Great Salt Lake, nearWiUard; Shingle Spring (Sierra Nevadas), Clear Lake, lower ClearLake, Head of Napa Valley, Upper Sonomo Valley, Cole Creek,Shasta County, Glass Mountain, Sugar HiU, Wheatland, Cortina,Mount Kilili (near Tuolumne), Mount Kanaktai (Sonoma County),and near Fillmore (Ventura County), Calif; near Pecos Church,headwaters Gila River, and Jemez Plateau, N. Mex. ; east of SilverPeak, Nev.; Robinson Crater and Mount Sitgreaves (latter detrital)in San Francisco Mountains, Ariz. ; Sierra de las Navajas, Zacaultipan,and south of Tulancingo (Hidalgo), Cerro Tepayo, Teuchitlan andIxtlan de los Buenos Aires and Etzatlan (Jalisco) ; Pica de Orizabo(Veracruz), and Zinapecuaro (Michoacan), Mexico; La Joya,Antiqua, and Fiscal, Guatemala; Patagonia (detrital 48?10' S.,72? W.); Guamani, Ecuador.O Olivine:Navaho Reservation, N. Mex.R, Rock crystal:Mackenzie River mouth, Canada; James River, 12 miles aboveRichmond, Va.; Hot Springs, Ark.; Little Falls, Morrison County,Minn.; west end Wichita Mountains, Okla. (also jasper); YakimaValley, Wash.; Armonk, Westchester County, N. Y. ; east end,Long Island, N. Y. ; Tiquie River, Colombia; near Guayaquil,Ecuador; Pikin Mountain, Brazil; Manhattan Island, N. Y. ; Compounce, Conn.; northern Oaxaca, Mexico.S, Selenite:Southern Nebraska; near Zuni, N. Mex.; southeast New Mexico.; nearSanta Fe, N. Mex.; 44?10' N., 104?18' W., S. Dak.; Gypsum Cave,near Las Vegas, Nev.; Kaolin, near St. Thomas, Nev.; MammothCave, Ky.Se, Serpentine:Two to two and one-half miles north of Phillipsburg, N. J.; Red Rock,Grant County, N. Mex.; streams near Jade Mountain, Alaska;Pipestone Lake, 54?30' N., 93?30' W.; Anderson Lake, BritishColumbia.SI, Slate:Skidegateon, Queen Charlotte Island, British Columbia; 5 milesup Mattawa River; Elk River, Canada.A, Soapstone:Ukasiksahk and Nachvok Fiord, (several localities), Labrador; BuckRiver, 95? W., 67? N.; Simikameen R., British Columbia; Pipe-stone Lake, Manitoba; Lac de la Pluie, Canada; Reindeer Lake,west shore 103? W., 57?30' N.; just west of Great Slave Lake;Utkusikaluk about 111? W., 67?40' N.; 68? 10' N., 114? W., onCoronation Bay; 112?30' W., 67?45' N.; Reindeer Island in GreatSlave Lake; Lake of Woods, Akkoolee, near Repulse Bay; 96? W.,66?30' N.; 90? W., south of Pelly Bay; Arctic Ocean, 60 miles eastof Mackenzie River; Cumberland Sound; mouth. Tree River;Fleur de Lis, Newfoundland; Johnson, Vt.; Westfield, NorthWilbraham, and Millbury, Mass.; Johnston and Providence, R. I.; Anthrop.Pap.no. 13] INDIAN MINING ^BALL 59 Bristol, Ncpaug, Portland, and Harwinton, Conn.; Christiana andBald Hill, Lancaster County, Pa.; four localities Patuxent Valley(Montgomery and Howard Counties), Olnej', and Clifton, Md.;Washington, D. C. ; below Little Falls, near Washington, D. C;Culpeper, Wayland Mill (Culpeper County, two localities). Orange(Madison County), Falls Church, 6 miles west of Lawrenceville(Brunswick County), Norwood, Amelia Court House (two localities,Amelia County), Caledonia (Goochland County), and Clifton(Fairfax County), Va.; Fawn Knob, Yancey County, N C. ; RoaneMountain, Tenn.; Coon Creek, Tallapoosa County, and JeffersonCounty, Ala.; Clam River, Burnett County, Wis.; Jacumba (SanDiego County) and Santa Catalina Island, Calif.; ColumbiaRiver above Kettle Falls, Wash.; Pipestone Creek, southwestMontana; bordering Buena Vista Hills, San Joaquin Valle}', Calif.;Tuolumne, Calif. ; 4 miles northeast of Lindsay, Calif.So, Sodalite:Cerro Sapo, Cochabamba Cordillera, Bolivia.Su, Sunstone:Reservation near Globe, Ariz.To, Tourmaline:Mesa Grande, San Diego County, Calif.1, Turquoise:Los Cerrillos, Burro Mountains, Hachita Mountains, Jarilla Moun-tains, and Paschal, N. 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However, the Delaware, Pequot, Shawnee, Algonkin, Micmac, Saulteaux,Sauk, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Miami, and Pottawatomi in the north spoke various Algonkian dialects; the Winne-bago and Tutelo spoke languages of the Siouan stock. I have introduced this note here because these tribesenter later into our discussion, and may be contusing to the nonanthropologist. Antheop. tap. no. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE FENTOX 85 Pierce, of the Cornplanter Band of Senecas, supplemented the datapreviously collected on waterhemlock and its uses, and one newsuicide case emerged. Moreover, I visited St. Regis Mohawk Res-ervation, where I worked with Noah La France and Peter Hopps;and at Caughnawaga Mohawk Reservation near Montreal, I foundKate Debeau (D'Ailleboust) (pi. 8, fig. 1) with whom Waugh hadworked in 1912. New cases gathered from the Mohawks parallel theSeneca cases, and Mohawk terms bridge the linguistic chasm betweenSeneca and Huron; therefore, the study is more properly called ** Iroquois Suicide." The Hurons of Lorette no longer speak theirown language so that they were unable to identify the Hm*on namesfor Cicuta that appear in the Jesuit Relations, nor did my informants,the daughters of Prudent Sioui of La Jeune Lorette, 9 miles fromQuebec, recognize waterhemlock when I pointed it out to them in thefield. It remains for future field work among the Oklahoma Wyan-dots to absolutely establish the Huron uses of the plant. At SixNations Reserve in Ontario, Simeon Gibson (pi. 8, fig. 2), addedcultural and dialectic parallels for the Cayuga and Onondaga Tribesbut he added no new cases. The ProblemThe problem, then, set for this study is to answer so far as is possiblefive rather elementary questions concerning Iroquois suicides. First,what are the attitudes toward suicide as a value, or how does pubhcopinion regard suicides and what is believed to be the destiny oftheir souls? Second, what is the comparative frequency of suicidesin the present reservation life and in the older Indian hfe? Third,what are the causes? Fourth, what are the methods? And fifth,to what extent are the current causes, forms, and attitudes culturalnorms that have been preserved dming 300 years of contact withEuropean cultures? Besides, there is the further theoretical con-sideration of the relative permanence of pattern as a cultural con-tinuant for custom. Linguistic Evidence ^The Seneca language lacks an abstract term for suicide. Whilethis is typical of Iroquoian languages which generally have fewabstract terms, it does show that the act was not frequent enoughto cause the progressive reduction of the descriptive verb to an abstractconcept. "She has killed herself" (wa'agodadi'yo'), [the third personsingular reflexive form of the verb "to kill" (-diyo'), recent past], isthe usual term for suicide among the Senecas. The third personsingular feminine (nonmasculine) form is often made to thus stand ? The orthography employed in this paper is explained in the Phonetic Note, p. 80.218558?40 7 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128for the individual or society. One who is contemplating suicide willemploy "I am about to kill myself" (egadadi^'yo'), the future form(Cornplanter). When a death occurs through suicide and someoneinquires how the person died, the informant simply replies, "she (some-one) killed herself" (wa'agodadi'"yo') (Evelyn Pierce).^The terms are similar in the other Iroquoian dialects.Traditional Methods and AttitudesSuicidewasknownbutinformants believe that it was rather infre-quently practiced in the old Seneca culture. It occurred often enough,however, for public opinion to be marshalled against it, and therecome down to the present day a well-defined method, a set of attitudesfrowning on its practice, and some excuses to condone the few casesthat occur. Thus, there is a traditional definition of the situationwhen the proper causes precipitate it. My informants recall a fewcases where individuals ate a poisonous herb, indicating waterhem-lock, Cicuta maculata L. (pi. 7, fig. 1), as the source of the fatal root,and they express a seemingly old repugnance toward suicide as a meansof departing this life.The old (Seneca) method of committing suicide is by eating the muskrat rootwhich we call o'nghs^'f . It is a white flowering plant with a tuberous root thatexudes a strong, pungent smell. It is eaten raw. It causes rupture of the internalorgans and bleeding at the mouth. [Cornplanter.] *There is an old belief that anyone who is contemplating suicide by takingmuskrat root need not necessarily know the plant, for he can easily find it. [Corn-planter.] The plant is said to call and show itself. You can go right up to it inthe dark. It has a strong smell. [Peter Doctor.] The old people say thatmuskrat root is like any other herbal medicine which you want. They believethat when you want it, it stands up there where it grows calling to you. That iswhy it is easy to find a medicine which you seek, especially this one with its strongodor. [Cornplanter.]The Senecas do not use waterhemlock as an internal medicine.Chauncey Johnny-John pointed to it growing by the spring behindhis house in Coldspring, Allegany Reservation, saying, "the root 8 Miss Evelyn Pierce, Assistant Guidance Officer, Office of Indian Affairs, went over the Seneca terminol-ogy vcith me at the time of writing (1939), and confirmed Cornplanter's statements. * This plant, which has similar names in the several Iroquoian dialects (see p. 113), was collected on severaloccasions independently by F. W. Waugh and myself, and it was identified by informants and competentbotanists (Prof. William P. Alexander and Dr. Robert B. Gordon, of the Allegany School of Natural His-tory, and E. C. Leonard, of the U. S. National Museum) as the "fatal root," waterhemlock, Cicuta maculataL,; and only once did an Iroquois confuse it with another plant, although some Senecas consider that hairyAngelica, Angelica viltosa (Walt.) BSP., is the female of the species, while others say Queen Anne's Lace,Daucus carota L. [introduced], is in the same family. The Indian descriptions of its form, structure, andproperties are fairly consistent with the facts established by modern research. (See Muenscher, 1939,pp. 170-173; Marsh and Clawson, 1914; Pammel, 1911, pt. 1, p. 49, pt. 2, pp. 652-650.) The root when cutexudes an aromatic oil of peculiar odor which contains a resinlike substance, cicutcxin, but the leaves andfruits may be edible at certain seasons without poisoning. Even a very small quantity of the root producesfatal poisoning?a piece of root the size of a walnut will kill a cow. The symptoms of poisoning in man are: "pain in the stomach, nausea, sometimes violent vomiting, diarrhoea, dilated pupDs, labored breathing,sometimes [bloody (Pammel)] frothing at the mouth, weak and rapid pulse, and violent convulsions. Iffree vomiting is promptly produced, the patient is likely to recover" (Muenscher, 1939, p. 173). Anthhop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SlUIOIDE?FElfTrON 87looks like a radish and is poison; it is not used for medicine.* Itwill kill you in ten minutes." When I showed the root to JosephineSnow, she said, "Women used to think it was poison, and my mothersaid the women used it to commit suicide." Her sister, a notedSeneca woman herbalist whose grandmother had taken the root, knewit. "It has a white flower. It is poison, and it does not mix withany other medicine. It is good for nothing [internally]." (SarahSnow.) Another Seneca woman from Cattaraugus said, "I am afraidof it. Mother always said it wag poison." (Josephine K. Jim-merson.) Other Seneca men seemed afraid of the plant (CharlesGordon and Harvey Jacobs, of Cornplanter Reservation), but theyall know it makes an effective poultice for dislocated joints. (Wind-sor Pierce, Cornplanter Reserve.) One informant remarked that itfrequents graveyards, and he knew of a ceremony which was performedat Cattaraugus on the fourth night of the new moon to ask its help forstrengthening some other remedy. A priest goes into the cemetery,clears the brush away, and builds a fire near the stalk. He offerstobacco and asks the plant to lend its strength to the medicine, buthe does not use the root.^ (Windsor Pierce.)Another Seneca informant remarked : That plant is poison. All the Indians?every nation in western New York andCanada [the Iroquois tribes]?know that that plant is poison. They all knowthat Indians have taken it to commit suicide.That root will take effect immediately. They die in 2 hours. I know of noantidote that wiU counteract it.^ A teaspoonful of the root wiU kiU a man. Ihave tasted it and spit it out, and it does not taste badly. There is nothinggood about the plant [and this informant does not even use it as a poultice].Those who eat it die in 2 hours. It must be a painful death. It twists the armsand ankles and turns the head back. Finally they die in a last wretching con-vulsion. They say it turns the eyes back. They turn in awful shape.He had never heard that the plant grows on its victim's grave. "There is no compulsion about the plant. Unless you want to take it,it will not make you." (Dwight Jimmerson.) Dwight scouted the ideaheard from other conservatives that the plant "grows inside the headof its victim until he takes it and then it comes up later from hisgrave." (Cornplanter, David Jack, and others.)The Cayugas of Six Nations Reserve in Ontario call waterhemlockonas'f' and the Onondagas there call it onase'e" (Simeon and ? Herbalists throughout the Six Nations know that, although waterhemlock root is a deadly internalpoison, the sma-shcd root makes a powerful drawing poultice for quickly reducing swollen joints, particularlyankles, and for relief in cases of rheumatism and arthritis, but they caution against leaving the poultice ontoo long lest it draw out all the fluid leaving a stiff joint. This use is recorded for the Cayugas, Onondagas,and Mohawks of Six Nations Re.serve, Ontario; the Mohawks of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, and Oka (TwoMountains Iroquois) in Quebec (Waugh, 1912, 1914; Fenton, 1939), the Scnecas of Cornplanter, Pennsyl-vania, and of Allegany, Cattaraugus, and Tonawanda reservations in New York (Fenton, 19.36, 1938, 1939);and by a savage at Missilimakinak around 1720 (Lafitau, 1724, vol. 2, p. 369). ? James Crow of Newtown, Cattaraugus Reserve, is reputed to know this ritual, but I have not had itfrom him directly. ' Ho was very much interested when I read him the account in Muenscher, 1939, p. 173, after he haddescribed the reaction so closely. 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Jemima Gibson) , but my informants were unable to analyze the terms.They know it is poison to take, but there have been no recent suicidesthere, and they only know that a woman on one of the Seneca reservesin New York (case 1) took it. Gibson thought it a wicked thing totake one's life because Handsome Lake had said that suicides aredeprived of a place in the hereafter; that it is as bad as murder.Nevertheless, Waugh's data of a generation ago say that these peoplebelieve waterhemlock compels the potential suicide to seek it, andthat contrary to the usual attitude of medicinal herbs that stand willingto respond to man's call for assistance in curing, this one is willing todestroy him.A preacher in the longhouse will say that it [the plant as symbolic of the sucidefixation] will grow in your head. By this is meant that it is willing to kill you . . . When eaten it will make a man crazy; he will die shortly. When theroot is chewed and swallowed [it is believed that] it becomes whole again withinthe stomach. [David Jack; Waugh, 1912, No.4, p. 13.]Furthermore, we find the belief among the Mohawks that not onlydoes the root of waterhemlock re-form within the stomach but that itsubsequently grows upon the victim's grave. The Mohawks of St.Regis, Caughnawaga, and Oka in the St. Lawrence Valley know water-hemlock as o-nas?f'ra (St. Regis and Oka) and on^hsarT (Caughna-waga), meaning "whitish feather" or ''white plumed"?a name givento the umbellate blossoms so characteristic of the plant (pi. 7, fig. 1).They all use the root as a poultice, and fear the danger of taking itinternally. Katie Debeau related to Waugh and me at intervals of27 years the tragic case of two little St. Regis children.A brother and sister followed their father who was plowing new land one springof the year. The plowshare turned up some roots which they picked up, washedand ate without knowing what they were. When the parents realized that thechildren had been poisoned, they tried every possible means to get them to throwup, but they failed and the children died from the effects. Later on, after theyhad been buried, the plant grew up on their graves.This was evidently one of those unfortunate spring accidents thatrecur infrequently wherever the plant grows. Katie recalled a secondtragedy which occurred at Caughnawaga; it points a moral to theIroquois habit of tasting roots to identify them when collecting medici-nal herbs. "A boy and his brother here were looking for medicinalherbs. They had been instructed to procure aMja* {Dentaria dyphyllaMichx.) [which has a peppery taste], and they ate the poisonous rootby mistake." (Kate Debeau.)The use of waterhemlock as a suicide poison has been recorded forall of the Six Nations, excepting the Oneidas, and including the Tusca-roras, the latest settlers in the North. ^ 8 Hewitt's manuscript, "31 remedies for disease," (Tuscarora ms. No. 435, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1888) lists, "14. For the commission of suicide it was customary to eat a piece of the root of Spotted Cowbane(o'nS-sen'-S') . . ., Cicuia maculata." Anthrop. PAr. NO. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE FENTON 89The Concept of Allotted LifeThe concept of the allotted life span and the view of natural deathas the departure on the long trail leading westward to the spirit worldmarshals Seneca public opinion against suicides. The conservativesstill believe that a man has an allotted number of days which theCreator sets for him to live. When his time comes, whether he beabroad hunting, at home in bed, or down sick he will go regardless ofmedicine, science, or the persuasion of his relatives. The followersof Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophetwho preached 15 years following1800, believe "the events of all our days are foreknown" (Parker,1913, p. 49), and they repeat in the funeral address the Creator'smessage to the prophet:When you, the beings of earth, lose one of your number you must bury yourgrief in their grave. Some will die today and some tomorrow for the number of ourdays is known in the sky-world. [Parker, 1913, pp. 57, lOS.]Some speakers make a special plea to the surviving relatives to taketheir minds off the deceased lest the fixation lead them to neglect theirdependants or destroy their own lives (Henry Redeye) . And our belief is that for anyone who will destroy his own life, his spirit wil*always be earth-bound (dedwadi). My father [Edward Cornplanter, speaker andritual holder in Newtown longhouse who recited the Code of Handsome Lake toArthur C. Parker] used to say that the spirit [of a suicide] will just wander aroundwhere the [waterhemlock] plants grow, and it will always be expecting anotherperson to follow its example. Indians [Senecas] believe it is a sin (gaiwane"akshe')to take one's own life, to shorten the span of days which the Great Spirit has givento each one of us; therefore as a punishment he shall not go on the path to thespirit-world, but shall always remain on earth among the plants which he took fordeath. [Cornplanter.]To guard against seeing one of these earth-bound spirits people droptheir curtains at dusk or pin up a white cloth or newspaper at thewindows. They warn the children not to look out, partly for disci-pline, and partly lest they see one of these hungry earth-bound soulspeering in after some food (John Jacobs).A maple leaf is the thickness of the partition between us and the dead. Aperson who has died of violence?witchcraft poisoning, suicide, and murder?remains earth-bound until judgement day. [Handsome Lake by Cornplanter.]These foreshortened souls are conceived as wandering about thescenes of their crimes, and they remind the living of their passage bymysteriously opening and closing doors.Occasionally the dead appear to the Hving during dreams to requestfood, or a song; the surviving clansmen should placate the ghost bysponsoring the great feast of Chanters for the Dead ('ohgr''we), be-cause the dreamer might become sick and follow the relative, or, itwould seem, there is danger that he might willfully take his life in avain effort to join the deceased in the land of the dead. 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128My informants believe that there are fewer suicides among theIndians than among the whites, and this it seems is because the causesare fewer, although they cite the sanctions imposed by belief in thedestiny of souls. We shall examine the possible extent of thesebeliefs into aboriginal culture when we have presented the cases, forit is likely that the bulk of them are aboriginal and antedate the com-ing of the Jesuits and Handsome Lake who borrowed Christian moral-ity and sanctions to bolster up a basically native religion (Wolf, 1919,pp. 59-65).My father always said that our mind, or will power is stronger than the whites',and, therefore, we overcome those trifles under which they break down. We lookupon life [death] with the prospect of an everlasting life beyond the grave, andwe have no desire to forbid ourselves the path to the spirit-world. [Cornplanter.]Holding these beliefs and values has not prevented one Seneca fromentertaining suicidal thoughts. According to his wife, he once threat-ened to kill her and then Idll himself, and, fortunately, in a drunkenshooting episode he was lucky enough not to hit his wife's brotherand bring himself to the position from which suicide might be theonly easy exit. On a previous occasion he told me that after hisregiment demobilized in 1918, he was considering jumping over thefalls of the Genesee River at Rochester when an officer accosted himand persuaded him to spend the night at the station house.The modern Iroquois commit suicide for two principal reasons thatappear in the following case studies. Women who have been mis-treated in love affairs or marriages in most instances revenge them-selves by taking poison and thereby bring critical public opinion onthe head of the abusive male consort. Men who think that theyhave committed some violent crime and have lost face put an end tothemselves to escape revenge or apprehension. Their suicides aremost apt to be violent. The first type of case is the one which theIroquois condone and most frequently, mention.The only cause of suicide with us [Senecas] would be a love affair or marriage(ganghgwa') [the same term is used for both], or a broken and unhappy marriage.[Cornplanter.]Child suicides, to escape restrictions or in revenge of punishment,and the few cases of suicide among the chronically ill are mentionedinfrequently.Iroquois suicides fall more surely into two fundamental types basedon a formal method of commission. Here the ethnologist is on saferground than when he is discussing causes and motives which cannotalways be established after the fact. Type A are the cases of rootpoisoning, and type B are violent cases. The cases bear out theIroquois who say that the type A cases are apt to be women followingbroken love affairs, whereas the type B cases are most apt to be menwho seek to escape the consequences of violent crimes or loss of status. ANTHBOP. PAP. NO. 1 4 ] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE?FENTON 91Besides, there is a group of miscellaneous cases. We present all ofthe modern cases and then the earlier cases from the literature, pro-ceeding upstream historically.PART 2: CASESModern CasesTYPE A cases: poisoningsCase 1.?Josepliine L., a full-blood Seneca woman of middle age.About 1902-3 there was living at Newtown on the CataraugusReservation a woman we shall call Josephine L. "She was one ofthose Seneca women of regal bearing whom I remember used to liveat Newtown" (Cornplanter, my younger informant, was a smallboy at this time). She was a fine looking woman, and she was prob-ably nearly a full-blooded Indian (Peter Doctor).^ Her husbandcame from Allegany (P. D.), he was a much younger man (C); andwhile he was visiting at Newtown, they went to living together inher house, and it seems that he had been living matrilocally withher at the time of her death. "He caused her a lot of worry. Hewas undecided about her, and he was teasing her," and my informantimplied that he had made her feel his interest in other women (C).Much of this is undoubtedly imputed Seneca behavior, but as suchit is interesting cultural data.As the result of a quarrel she went to the woods, unknown to the others, whereshe secured and ate the fatal root. She got home and died quickly after herarrival. They say she went into spasms?she had convulsions?and that wit-nesses heard noises in her vitals. She emitted blood from her mouth as if shehad burst internal blood vessels. [C]Jesse Cornplanter was in district school at the time, "and whenthey heard she had died school was dismissed. Many were takenwith the strangeness of her death and came to the funeral. Manywondered why she had reached a state where she could take her ownlife. It was discussed a great deal for many years."Undoubtedly, my informant gained his knowledge of the attitudestoward suicide current at this time from his father who was wellversed in Seneca traditions. It is also evident that the case of Jos-ephine L. made a strong impression on him, and that the Newtowncommunity was stirred by the event. The news soon spread toAllegany and Tonawanda. It was one of those rare occurrences thata community recalls as happening infrequently but for which therewas a well-defined pattern of behavior.There are other versions of tliis case, differing according to locality.My Cayuga informants had heard of the affair, but they were unfamil- ' Probably all recent Seneca generations have carried some white blood. I have no genealogies goingback over more than four generations which do not reveal a white ancestor. What Doctor means is thatnot knowing any white antecedent in her pedigree, she appeared to be all Indian. 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128iar with details. However, at Allegany thee ase is better known amongthe Senecas. Dwight Jimmerson of Bucktooth (West Salamanca), inPeter Doctor's generation, remembers the following story about asuicide at Newtown, Cattaraugus Reservation, about 1900, and hethinks it may concern the case of Josephine L.:At Cattaraugus Reservation in the Newtown longhouse community a youngman and woman got together as man and wife, and they were living that way.It came fourth of July and the man wanted to go to Buffalo where there was tobe a celebration, and his wife also wanted to go, but he did not want to have herwith him. He knew the time that the train would leave the nearby Lawtonsdepot, and they walked toward the depot, and she was still teasing to accompanyhim. Not willing to give in, he stalled along leading her as far away from thedepot as he calculated he could dash for the train, which only stops there brieflysince Lawtons is a small station. When he heard the train coming, he sprintedfor the depot. He made the train, but she could not run fast enough and wasleft standing breathless. She turned around and went into the woods and pro-cured and ate the root of waterhemlock. She barely reached home when shedied.Case 2: A supplement to case 1.?Louisa S., niece of Josephine L.William Gordon, who knew Cicuta by its Seneca name both as areducing poultice for sprains and as a suicide poison, gave the followingsupplementary information on the case above:Louisa S. [whom] we called Ska'*di' at Newtown [William's wife's nickname]took that medicine. It is poison. It grows on wet ground. She was marriedonce and she got mad and thought she kill herself. She was still [a] young womanwhen she took it.Now a year later and her aunt [mother's sister], Josephine L. [case 1] took it.Alfred L. is her brother and he is now living at Cattaraugus.This informant thinks that Josephine L. "went to the woods,"procured the poisonous root, and did not take it until she had returnedhome and entered her house. Both Cornplanter and Gordon agree onthe immediate cause of her suicide: "She must have been jealous ofanother woman.^' They said that this trait is apt to run in famUies.Josephine K. Jimmerson has heard her mother tell how the deceasedSka^'di' (ska-di'geQk) took waterhemlock, but she attributes the actto fear of blood revenge.Mother always said it [water-hemlock] was poison. Ska'-di' who took thatlived across from my mother at Newtown. They drink it, but I do not knowwhether they take it raw or boil it. I am afraid of it. There was another caseabout the same time. Her sister, Hattie, took it. Something was wrong.They had a big quarrel around the neighborhood during which they murderedsomeone. Then they killed themselves before they could be punished.Since this informant is both very deaf and quite feeble, I could notpress her for additional details which she did not seem willing tovolunteer.Case 3.?Abandoned Seneca mother takes waterhemlock, circa 1885.Josephine and Sarah Snow of Allegany relate how their mother'smother was abandoned by her husband (their mother's father). ANTHHOP. Pap. NO. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE FENTON 93Another woman took her husband away from her when then* motherwas a baby just walking at her side, and she became angry and atethe root. This happened along the Allegheny river, Sarah calculates,in 1853 because her mother was 20 when Sarah was born in 1871.Both women had the story from their mother who learned about itlater.She went after water and on her way she pulled that plant. She got the waterall right, and on her way back she ate the root which she had washed at thespring which was quite a distance from the house. On the long carry she startedpuking blood [here Sarali rolled her hands from her stomach upward to hermouth to illustrate vomiting], and she fell by the way. Some men who were work-ing in the garden nearby saw her fall and rushed over. In her body she washaving cramps and she soon began having convulsions. She was dead by thetime they reached her. She v/as buried from the longhouse. [Sarah.]She received a regular funeral and burial, and Sarah had never heardthat the plant grows out of the victim's grave. The attitude of bothwomen is that their grandmother had revenged herself of her husband'sadultery, and though not especially proud of the suicide in theirmaternal family, Josephine had originally volunteered the informa-tion to me one day at breakfast, and neither sister seemed loath todiscuss the affair.Case 3a.?Mary J., abandoned by her Seneca lover, circa 1889.Dwight Jimmerson gave me this case in the summer of 1939; itwas one that he remembered vividly as occurring in the Alleganycommunity during his youth.I knew these people well. George G. was older than I and he was going withMary J. Both were Allegany Senecas. Finally they had a falling out, and hewent home in the night telling her that he was leaving her for good, that he wouldnot return. The following morning she went out and dug up the root of o'n^"shf'f[Cicuta] and ate it and died.Apparently, Dwight's knowledge of how the poison affects itsvictims came to him from this case. (See p. 87.)Case 3b.?Neglected Mohawk wife takes Cicuta, Circa 1850.Katie Debeau of Caughnawaga, with whom I worked in 1939, re-called one case of suicide among the Mohawks that occurred withinher grandmother's time. This was presumably in the Catholicsettlement near St. Regis.In the family living neighbors to my grandmother the husband was not sup-porting his wife. She became discouraged and told my grandmother that sheintended to fix up a medicine to take, and only God knows whether it is a cureor a kill.That same evening the little girl of the family came running over to tell mygrandmother that her owti mother was very ill. So my grandmother, who wasa great herbalist, prepared herself with different kinds of roots from her stock andwent over to see her neighbor.When she arrived, she asked, "Where is the pain?" "All over my insides,"her neighbor replied. 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128She did not last but a very few minutes before she died. Whenever my grand-mother would lift the woman to give her some medicine or water to drink, shewould sigh and breathe a strange odor. Her ej'^es blinked and dilated rapidly,and she had difficulty swallowing. The odor she breathed was like liquor, andall around her mouth was black. She died a terrible death?she finallysuffocated.The next morning when my grandmother looked around the house, she dis-covered the remnants of the root and the stalk of o-nasa'^a [waterhemlock] thathad been cut away. She broke the root in twain and it gave off the same odorthat she had detected on the breath of her poisoned neighbor.Katie claims to know an effective emetic for cases of Cicuta poisoning.Take fresh cream and a pinch of baking soda and some sugar. Mix it and giveit to the patient. Then turn the patient on his stomach and roll him and massagethe stomach to mix the medicine in the stomach. They will throw up. If theythrow up they will recover.Witnesses said that Katie Lad cured a child who had accidentallytaken "Paris green" that his father had prepared in solution for bug-ging potatoes. This poison produces violent diarrhoea, she said, andultimately death follows. Katie used the above treatment and em-ployed a feather to induce vomiting.Case 4-?Ehjah Brooks who was saved from Cicuta poisoning.The following case is exceptional because it is the first of two moderncases of Seneca males attempting poisoning. Abbie Gordon (Ska'-di')recalled that Elijah Brooks, her father's brother, took Cicuta but hedid not die. Somebody discovered him and doctored him quickly,giving him a large dose of mashed boiled beans (as an emetic (?)),Abbie did not know the cause of the attempt, and she seemed un-willing to discuss it further. EUjah died somewhat later of naturalcauses. (This case should be read in connection with case 12 of myinformant and her daughter who wanted to die.)Case 4a.?Informants of the Cornplanter Band of Senecas in north-western Pennsylvania identified waterhemlock, wliich grows alongthe fiats near the Allegheny River, as the fatal root which they callo'n9"she'e, which they think means, "it looks like onion." (CharlesGordon, Harvey Jacobs, Ezra Jacobs, and Windsor Pierce.)Charles Gordon's mother used to relate how a Seneca outlander,i. e., a Seneca from up the river or from Cattaraugus who is not adescendant of Cornplanter, came there to stay. "He came here toget a wife, and someone else got her away from him. He poisonedhimself with this plant which you see here." ^?This case interested me because it shows that one Seneca male wasunable to endure the shame and ridicule that would follow losing amate to another suitor. I recall one young man of Allegany whobrought home a young Cayuga bride and soon lost her to a neighbor 10 At this particular sitting, my informants identified the suicide root from the illustration (fig. 54. ? Cicuta maculata) on p. 171 of Muenscher. The following day we collected a specimen, which was inde-pendently identified by another informant. ANTHROP. PAP. No. 14 ] IROQUOIS SUICIDE FENTON 95 whereupon even his own father remarked that his son had just rentedher for a while. However, in this case the youth soon acquired anotherwife from the same commimity, and his unsuccessful affair is no longermentioned.While writing this paper, two type A cases that occurred nearOnondaga were related to me by Earl Jones, a young Onondaga-Mohawk emploj^ed at the Smithsonian Institution. Similarly, bothcases are of young women who found the adjustment between reserva-tion culture and city life difficult, and both cases involve lovers.One young woman recovered. The other was anOneida girl living with an Onondaga man. They had been to the nearby city ofSyracuse, and returning to the reservation a little drunk they got into an argu-ment. This continued after they entered the house. She went to the cupboardand drank the contents of an ammonia bottle. Her "boy friend" said afterwardthat she habitually took medicine, that she had been drinking this night, andthat in the dark she had grabbed at a bottle, the wrong one. That was his alibi.Earl Jones has heard of a poison root that was anciently used atOnondaga for suicide. He recognized Cusick's 0-nah-san-a {Cicutamaculata L.y^ as probably o'ne'sa'"na', which is close to the formHewitt gives in Tuscarora (footnote 8, p. 88), but he does not knowthe plant. However, he suggested it should be a poisonous plantbecause the modern Onondaga apply the same term to poison ivy.Jones believes that Onondaga suicides were formerly less frequent,and they are certainly of less frequency than the cases he cited ofwhites who had married on the Reservation and among the neighbor-ing city dwellers. TYPE B cases: VIOLENT SUICIDESMale suicides among the modern Iroquois are apt to be violent.Thinking they have committed a violent crime, they seek a violentend as an escape. In three of the following cases a jealous husbandkilled his wife and then killed himself to avoid blood revenge or crimi-nal prosecution. One gains the impression from talking with in-formants that he killed himself out of self-pity. The basic informationin these cases came from Peter Doctor.Case 5.?Albert S., an unsuccessful-spouse suicide, 1925.Albert S. of Tonawanda Reservation, got very drunk and shot hiswife Phoebe early on the morning of December 7, 1925, and then shothimself in the head. Phoebe died the following night, but he livedto be tried for murder and sentenced to the Atlanta jail, where he diedMay 29, 1928.Although Phoebe is survived by three sisters and two brothers(1935), I acquired no information about the motives, other than thebare facts and that he was drunk, which seemed sufficient to myinformant. " See Beauchamp's notes appended to Pursh's Journal of 1807, p. 75. 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Case 6.?Hiram Redeye, an unhappy-marriage suicide, circa 1900.Perhaps the most famous suicide is the case of Hiram Redeye, ofColdspring on the Allegany Reservation, who hurled himself under apassing freight after beating out his unfaithful wife's brains with atrackmaul.^^Hiram Redeye, whom we nicknamed sw6' 'ng, father of Newman and brother ofAmos, lived at Coldspring around 1900. He was a great athlete, an especiallytalented runner and baseball player. He used to live with Phoebe Cooper, widowof Solon Jimmerson, of Jimmersontown [a settlement on the bank of the Alleghenybelow Salamanca]. After the death of her husband, she stayed with her brother,Hiram Cooper, at Coldspring. It was here that she met Hiram Redeye, and theywent to living together at Hiram's house.Hiram was abusive, he licked his woman, Phoebe, and he frequently threatenedher life. He had a jealous disposition.Another informant ventured that she was unfaithful, and, whateverthe fact, Hiram believed the rumor.Phoebe finally despaired and went back to her brother's, to the house of herclansman; and while she was living there Hiram went over repeatedly and beggedand coaxed her to come back to his house. However, she did not in the least wantto return, but her kinsman kept urging her to make up with her consort, sayingthat everything would probably be all right from now on. [Peter added paren-thetically, "the old folks [parents and relatives in upper generations] usually tryto patch up these broken affairs, just as they formerly selected mates for theirchildren and arranged the weddings with the opposite parents."] But Phoebewept and carried on because her folks insisted that she return with Hiram."Reluctantly, she packed her few clothes, her sewing, and a splint basket she wasworking on. In going she remarked, "If anything happens, it will be up to you[you will be responsible]," meaning that her relatives were responsible for herfate.They started out single file, Hiram going ahead. [It was customary for a manto walk in front of his wife.] She looked back again and again as they went alongthe path until finally, stopping to take one last longing look, she turned andfollowed.When they arrived at Hiram's house, he opened the door and they went inside.She set down her burdens. Hiram locked the door and seized a hammer, a smalltrack walker's maul with a short handle. Then he went after her. "You did notwant to come back," he said, and he accused her of having had illicit relationswith Jonas Titus. He was jealous of his neighbor, Jonas. She cried, "No," ? To appreciate the setting the reader must understand the fascination which the railroads hold for theNew York Indians. Wherever tracks cross the reserves, the maintenance crew is apt to be composed ofIndians. They take to this work with enthusiasm, although they may speak little English besides the rail-road jargon; and the central factor in the modern life of Coldspring is certainly the Erie Railroad complex:the dinner pail, overalls, caps, gloves, and the worn circle in the pants pocket indicating the presence orabsence of the snufl habit. To the rest of the community the trains have brought, with railroad watches, asense of time, and the tracks serve as a berrying ground, a highway up and down the river, and a sure butdangerous way home on foggy Saturday nights. It is impossible to tell what proportion of the frequentdeaths during 50 years to Indian trespassers have been accidents to homeward-bound travelers, deliberatemurders, or suicides." This narrative has the ring of truth. The facts and causes of marital rupture and the attempts of therelatives to mend it agree point for point with cases of brittle monogamy which I have observed since 1933on the Seneca Reservations. No sooner does the wife seek sanctuary in her clansman's house, because herhusband has beaten her or jealousy has induced a quarrel, than he is there the following morning teasing herto return. Unless one of the mates absconds "to play house" with another lover, a few days of isolationserve to draw the breach together until the next incident arises. ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE FENTON 97 saying that she had had nothing to do with Jonas, but he refused to believe her.He struck her on the head, and in his fury hit her again and again until her skullwas completely crushed. [A Coldspring informant states that he also cut herthroat with a butcher's knife.]Then he opened the door and set out on the run through Coldspring settlementtoward the 'nip and O' tracks [N. Y. P. & O. R. R., which has since become theEric]. A west-bound freight train was coming down the valley, and he made for it.The train beat him to the crossing, but he cast himself under the wheels. I remem-ber the details of this case because Phoebe Cooper was of my wife's relations. " [Peter Doctor.]Case 7.?Sam Parker, who hanged himself, circa 1875."Sam Parker of Tonawanda Reservation hung himself because hethought he had killed two people." Peter Doctor remembers theevent clearly as happening either in 1874 or 1875, as he was in districtschool on Sundown Road at the time.Sam Parker, Peter supposes, was a full-blood, and he was around50 years old but still active; he was still playing lacrosse and engagingin other equally violent exercise. He came of a remarkable family,being the son of Levi Parker, who was related to General Ely Parker,and his was the only suicide in that family known to my informant.Sam Parker stole a horse belonging to his sister, Clara Parker, and he sold itsomewhere oflf the reservation. His sister persisted in her search and finallytraced it. A man from Tuscarora stayed here at the time, and Sam's sister actedas his interpreter as they searched together from farm to farm among the whites.The Tuscarora finally located the horse, and the sheriff returned it to its originalowner because it was stolen property. The man who had purchased the horsedescribed the seller and thief as Sam Parker, her own brother.When Sam knew he had been discovered he went after his gun.The tragedy below happened before the West Shore Railroad wentthi'ough in 1882. Peter does not remember the sequence, but hethinks that the shooting at the sister came first, and then Sam wentafter the Tuscarora.The first shooting occurred toward the east end of the reserve at WilliamCharles' house. Clara Parker, the sister, lived there; she was the present WilliamCharles' aunt and Charlie Moses' mother. When Clara's mother and brothersaw Sam approaching carrying the revolver, they hid Clara in the bedroom.He entered, and not seeing her, suggested she might be hiding in the bedroom.They attempted to block the door, but he shot through the wooden panels.Clara [who Peter says had a bad temper anyway, and adds that she was probablyangry] screamed from within the bedroom, and Sam fled supposing that he hadkilled her.Next he went to the house where he knew the Tuscarora man was staying.This was at Seavor Blackchief's at the time when the old people were still living.(Seaver's mother's brother had migrated to Tuscarora [where he had married],and a while afterward he returned. Therefore the Tuscarora man was staying " I gathered from Peter Doctor that the couple made such a din that the close neighbors were attracted tohear the shouted accusations and denials and that they saw part of the struggle. Much of the tale seemsto have been reconstructed after the crime, and the years have not cramped Peter's skill as a narrator,although I have never had cause to doubt his veracity. 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 with them.) Sam went to the house inquiring for the Tuscarora who was up-stairs. As the Tuscarora emerged at the head of the stairs, Sam shot from wherehe was standing near the door. And again, tliinking that he had hit him, he fled.Sam's mother and sister and wife came running after him, but he went into thebrush to the south of the present railroad track near McRae Skj^e's place. Beforethey overtook him he had shinned up a leaning tree of nearly 2 feet in diameter.He was sitting on a limb with a rope tied around his neck and was busy tyingthe free end around the limb when the women came up. They told him he mustnot take his life, but he jumped anyway in full conviction that he had killed twopeople. He never hit either of them.We school children heard of the tragedy and the school teacher let us off to goover and see him.It is possible that the motive in Sam's suicide was shame at havingbeen caught in a theft rather than fear of revenge or prosecution.Case 8.?Jealous husband hangs himself after ambushing wifeand lover.Peter Doctor remembered one other case which occurred at Cat-taraugus Reservation about 1890. A jealous husband lay in ambushat the hill leading out of Gowanda. His wife must pass thatway returning home in her lover's wagon. He shot at her as the horsesslowly climbed the hill, and thinking that he had kdled his wife, hehung himself shortly afterward.Case 8a.?Sometime during the spring of 1939 while I was writingthis paper, one of the Sachem chiefs whom I had known during mystay at Tonawanda hanged himself in his attic, Ididnotlaiowhim verywell. During the tune of our acquaintance he was frequently drunkand he kept pretty much to himself. A rather fine speaker and anexceptional singer, he seldom appeared to discharge his duties at thelonghouse festivals, and he did not fraternize with the mutual aidsingers' society with whom I used to meet at Jesse Cornplanter's.He did belong to another group of singers, but they seldom made pub-lic appearances at the longhouse dances. He had attended CarlisleIndian School where he had run the 100 yards in 10 seconds, and hehad played considerable baseball after returning to the reservation.He lived in a little log cabin with a wife, who occasionally got herselfvery drunk, and they had several small children.A competent social worker, who knew him better than I did, hadseen him intoxicated several times, and each time he had a crying jag.He wept a good deal begging her not to take him home, untU she hadstraightened matters with this wife. The social worker had his con-fidence for he would regain control of his emotions when she agreedto intercede for him. It is perplexing just why he worried about hiswife's reactions since she was so given to drinking herself.It is reported that several times when he was drunk he had threatened to hanghimself. It probably got to be an old story, and no one took him seriously. Heused his own attic for the occasion. He had been working regularly at the Tona-wanda Community House [which was then being built by Indian labor under Anthrop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SIUIOTDE?FENTON 99WPA], until shortly before [his suicide]. He seemed to be in no difficulties pre-viously or [at the time of his demise]. [H. A. Wayne, correspondence, 1939.]He had an Indian funeral of the ionghouse variety and his clansmenheld the regular feast to thank the participants 10 days after.This is the only case that can be definitely attributed to a disor-ganized personality that developed out of the conditions that producedthe break down of a culture. His death may be attributed to theintroduction of liquor among the Senecas. In turn, the frustrationsthat young partly educated Indians experience in trying to adjustthemselves to a changing life are, I think, responsible for the excessivedrinking among them.Case 9.?Katherine K. who shot herself in revolt to parentaldiscipline, 1932.1^Katherine K., a Seneca Indian girl of about 15 years, shot herselfwith a .45 caliber automatic pistol in 1932. Katherine was in thefirst year of high school, a>nd her degree of Indian blood is uncertain,but her family is an old one on the Cattaraugus Reservation.The cause seems to have been discontent with parental discipline.Her mother objected to Katherine's running around like other Indiangirls of her age, who with the break down of the old maternal disciplinerun about at will. On the occasion of the tragedy the family hadgone to a lacrosse game in Buffalo, and they had left Katherine hometo take care of six small cliildren. (Perhaps I should explain thatthe indoor lacrosse games at Broadway auditorium attract largeaudiences from the reservations to the city whither the Senecas flockto see their young men bruise one another and to visit with relativesand friends. The young people have a chance to meet each otherand to escape in the slums of the city the scrutiny of their neighborsat home. The consequences are sometimes d^isastrous from the view-point of conscientious parents, of which there are still a few among theIndians.) Thus the parents had indulged themselves in a pleasurethey denied their daughter. The next morning a neighbor discoveredfootprints in the snow leading to a lonel}^ shanty^ where he discoveredher body. MISCELLANEOUS MODERN TYPESCase 10.?A Tuscarora Maid of the Mists, circa 1890.About 1890, a Tuscarora girl cast herself into the rapids aboveNiagara Falls because her parents refused to sanction her love affair.Clearly this type of suicide parallels the "Maid of the Mists" episodein Seneca folklore. ^^ " Information on this case also was obtained from Miss Helen A. Wayne, Supervisor of Indian Welfare,New York State Department of Social Welfare, Buffalo. ?? The Seneca girl, who has become impregnated by a snake, is so ashamed that she stands a canoe throughthe Niagara rapids above the Falls, but as she goes over the brink she is saved by Hinon, the thunderer,who lives in the cave of the Winds beneath the Falls. Later he delivers her of serpents, and finally shereturns home. (See Hinon Saves a Woman from Suicide, in Curtin and Hewitt, 1918, pp. 228-220.) I haveanother ver.sion of the same tale from Cornplanter. 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Thi3 Tuscarora girl was Ike Patterson's daughter, and she was probably 12years old the last time I saw her when her father brought her to a Baptist con-vention here at Tonawanda. She would be nearly 60 were she living today[1935]. She promised to be a pretty girl. [Peter Doctor.]It is diflBcult to tell her degree of Indian blood because the Tus-caroras have incorporated so many white prisoners during theirwanderings and there have been so many intermarriages with whitesoldiers from Fort Niagara that none of them are full-blood Indians.The girl grew up and met a white man at Niagara Falls, and she fell in love withhim. The old Indian people, both her parents and her father in particular,resented the union and thej' broke it up. The girl decided that if she could nothave the white man she would have no one. She went to Niagara Falls andwaded into the rapids above the falls. [Peter Doctor.]Case 11.?Dennison M.'s two unsuccessful threats.Dennison M. is a Seneca male of 33 years (1935), nearly a full-blood(%),who lives when at home with his aged mother in the longhousedistrict of Tonawanda Reservation. He is the greatest wanderer ofthree vagrant brothers, and when at home he shares a workshop inthe barn with his half brother Cephas. He spends long hours by him-self carving, and fashioning archery tackle. Frequently, he destroyswhat he makes, feeling, perhaps with the true sense of an artist, thatthe creation is no longer to his liking. (I asked him why he destroyedhis crafts, and he replied that he was sick of them.) He seldom goesout when at home, and I have never seen him with the other reser-vation youths at the dances and singing society meetings. Neverthe-less, he is a famous dancer and showman, however reticent he may beabout performing at home. On one of his excursions he bought abicycle in Atlantic City and rode it all the way to Florida and theGulf coast, making his living en route by staging a dancing and fancy-roping act on street corners. His misanthropic temperament emergesat home where, his brother says, he sometimes hides upstairs andrefuses to come down when visitors call, in which situation they tellthe visitor they do not know Dennison's whereabouts. At othertimes the family come down in the morning to find Dennison suddenlyhome from a trip, and a few days later he is off again before dawnwithout saying farewell. He is apt to turn up unexpectedly in distantplaces; in California to pose for some sculptor, at the Art StudentsLeague in New York, or at a cabaret in some other city, but all of hisjobs end on pay day in a prolonged inebriation.When Dennison gets drunk, according to Cephas, he frequentlymentions killing himself. One night, when Cephas was fed up withhis odd brother's repetition of this old theme of killing himself, hehanded him a rifle, saying, "Why don't you do it and have it overwith?" Dennison accepted the rifle and went outside. He has notmentioned suicide to Cephas since. ANTHEOP. PAP. NO. 14] IROQUOIS SfUIOIDE?FENTON 101Another time he was arrested in Niagara Falls when he was drunk.One of the Park Police patrolmen saw him staggering in the directionof the Falls and set after him. Dennison walked away through thepark toward the Falls. The officer told him to halt, and asked himwhere he was going, and Dennison replied that he was going to kiUhimself. Naturally, the patrolman, thinking the lad was about tojump over the falls, arrested him.Case 12.?A mother and daughter who wanted to die, 1935.This case should be considered in connection with case 4 becauseit involves the same maternal family. It would appear that there isalmost a strain of potential suicide in this family. Abbie Brooksremarked to the nurse that she did not want to live?"I want to die;I do not want to get well"?when the nurse urged her to seek medicaltreatment for a large goiter, but, of course, since Abbie is hostile towhite medicine, her reply may carry that bias. Last winter Abbie'sdaughter Lucy died of a number of complicated disorders resultingfrom an abortion and virulent tuberculosis. During the time whenLucy might have been removed to the hospital with fair chances forrecovery, she consistently refused to go, saying that she did not wantto get well. She felt that she had been deserted by her lover. Thechild was unwanted. Her parents took the typical Seneca attitudeof refusing to assume the responsibility for sending her. They leftit with their daughter. I secured this information from a trustedneighbor whom I sent in to talk with the girl about going to thehospital, and this explanation was currently given about the long-house settlement. Her death temporarily cast a shadow over a num-ber of suspects reputed to be the fathers of the unwanted child. Hercase is no longer mentioned but it is not forgotten. ^^Early CasesEarly travelers and missionaries to the Iroquoian Tribes recordedcases of suicide that fell under their observation which are markedlysimilar to the modern cases above. The early cases group themselvesby method of commission into cases of suicide by taking poisonousroots (type A) and violent deaths by stabbing, shooting, and stran-gling (type B); and here too we find the love, revenge, and escapemotives as operating causes. It appears then that here are the his-torical antecedents for the modern suicide patterns, and with thisin mind, let us see how far back we can trace the methods and motives,proceeding upstream historically. ?' There have been recent cases of suicides following long illnesses. About 15 years ago, Jerry Pierce, ofIrving on the Cattaraugus Reservation, following a long Ulness hanged himself (E. Pierce). My informanthad a theory that hanging goes with melancholia and violent suicides with choleric temperament. 218558?40 8 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128EARLY CASES OF ROOT POISONING: TYPE ASpeaking of Cicuta in his Medical Flora, Rafinesque (1828, vol. 1,p. 110) remarks of the Indians generally, though his observationswere probably among the Delaware but may also include Iroquois,"The Indians when tired of life, are said to poison themselves with theroots of this plant [Cicuta] and the Purple Angelica, Ax. atropurpurea."Case IS.?Two murderers forego self-shooting, but one finally takesCicuta: Senecus of Genessee valley, 1817,Mary Jemison, the white woman of the Genesee, relates graphicallyhow her quarrelsome son John, a prominent herbalist, following apremonition of death, was murdered in 1817 by Jack and Doctor,two Squawky Hill Indians, with whom he drank too freely, Johnhad previously murdered his two brothers, and his violent passingmade all the more deep his mother's loss. She relates that afterseveral weeks of lying in the woods. Doctor and Jack, hoping tocompound their crime, sent the customary wampum to Mary, butshe returned it, advising them to leave the country lest they bekilled [by her clansmen]. Roundly condemned by Tallchief, a spokes-man for their own relatives, to wander the woods forever persecutedby their victim's ghost and their own delusions, forbidden entree tothe spirit-world, and laiowing that if they returned home they wouldbe at the mercy of their victim's relatives, they were abandoned toconsult their own feelings as to whether they preferred prolongedexile or giving themselves up.As soon as they were alone, Jack said to Doctor, "I had rather die here, thanleave my country and friends ! Put the muzzle of j^our rifle into my mouth, andI will put the muzzle of mine into yours, and at a given signal we wiU dischargethem, and rid ourselves at once of all the troubles under which we now labor,and satisfy the claims which justice holds against us."Doctor heard the proposition, and after a moment's pause, made the followingreply:?"I am as sensible as you can be of the unhappy situation in which wehave placed ourselves. We are bad Indians. We have forfeited our lives, andmust expect in some way to atone for our crime: but, because we are bad andmiserable, shall we make ourselves worse? If we were now innocent, and in acalm reflecting moment should kill ourselves, that act would make us bad, anddeprive us of our share of the good hunting in the land where our fathers havegone! What would Little Beard [a Chief who died in 1806] say to us on ourarrival at his cabin? He would say, 'Bad Indians! Cowards! You were afraidto wait until we wanted your help! Go (Jogo) [djagg'] to where snakes will liein your path; where the panthers will starve you, by devouring the venison; andwhere you will be naked and suffer with the cold! Jogo, (go,) none but the braveand good Indians live here!' I cannot think of performing an act that will add tomy wretchedness. It is hard enough for me to suffer here, and have good huntinghereafter?worse to lose the whole."Upon this, Jack withdrew his proposal. They went on about 2 miles, and thenturned about and came home. Guilty and uneasy, they lurked about SquawkyHill near a fortnight, and then went to Cattaraugus, and were gone 6 weeks.When they came back, Jack's wife earnestly requested him to remove his family ANTHBOP. Pap. NO. 14 1 IROQUOIS SUIOIDE FENTON 103 to Tonnewonta; but he remonstrated against her project, and utterly declinedgoing. His wife and family, however, tired of the tumult by which they weresurrounded, packed up their effects in spite of what he could say, and went off.Jack deliberated a short time upon the proper course for himself to pursue, andfinally, rather than leave his old home, he ate a large quantity of muskrat root,and died in 10 or 12 hours. '^ His family being immediately notified of his death,returned to attend the burial, and is yet living at Squawky Hill.Nothing was ever done with Doctor, who continued to live quietly at SquawkyHill till sometime in the year 1819, when he died of Consumtion [sic]." [MaryJemison.]Cicuta was also in current use at Onondaga, according to Pursh thebotanist, who visited Onondaga Castle in the summer of 1807 duringhis botanical excursion tluough New York. He observed the plantgrowing there, and it is evident that several suicides had occurredwithin the memory of his informant. On July 18, in company withCaptain Webster, Pursh set out to learn the names of some herbs inOnondaga which Webster claimed to know and promised to impart toMm.Pursh observes,Cicuta maculata grows in great abundance throughout Onondaga: the Indiansuse it to poison themselves, when they have an inclination in going out of thisworld: it is a most powerful poison, as Capt. Webster tells me, who has seen thecase on some Indians which had eaten the root, & was lost without being able toget anything as a remedy against it; it occasions Lockjaw & the patient is soondone. Elder bark or a Muskrat skin chopped fine, with the hair on is reckoned aremedy if soon applyed to. 20In several cases emetics seem to have been successful. Here thereis a sympathetic association between the muskrat who likes the rootand the use of its hide and hair in an emetic, as if to transfer thepoison to the muskrat.Mayajpple poisonings.?^The sources for the last three-quarters ofthe eighteenth century are disappointing where we expect them tobe rich. Two able botanists, J. Bartram in 1743 and P. Kalm in 1748and 1750, visited the Iroquois country, and neither mentions poison-ous roots in use among the Indians (Bartram, 1895; Kalm, 1937);both neglect to mention the common mayapple, Podophyllum peltatumL., which grows widely from Virginia to Lake Ontario, and onlyKalm recorded a variety of waterhemlock {Cicuta ramis bulbiferus)growing in the low-lying country west of Lake Champlain, but hedoes not connect the plant with the Indians. Curiously enough,however, the Moravian missionaries, Heckewelder and Zeisberger, 18 When I read this account to Henry Redeye of Allegany, he said this is the plant they call o'nq"s'{",which proved to be Cicuta maculata L. He also considered Seaver's inclusion of djageq, meaning "take cour-age!", a mistake; that go'g?'* was probably what Mary said.i? Seaver, 1932 edit., pp. 127-132; quotation, pp. 132-134. ?? Pursh, 1860 (Beauchamp, ed., 1923, pp. 42-43).Beauchamp notes (p. 66), . . . "the deadly Cicuta maculata, found then throughout Onondaga andstill [19201 frequent on the Reservation. We yet hear of fatal results from chewing or eating the root. It isfrequently mentioned in Seneca stories and distinguished as 'the root'." Beauchamp offers a list of Onon-daga plant names from Albert Cusick (p. 75), "Muskrat Root or Water Hemlock.?O-naft-san-a [o'ne'sd''na']." 104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 cite some interesting mayapple suicides among the neighboringDelaware, but it is possible that these are Iroquois cases, for bothmen are writing general histories. Zeisberger traveled among theOnondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca Tribes, and there were Senecas livingadjacent to the Moravian mission in Ohio where Heckewelder minis-tered following 1770. If these are Delaware cases, that tribe sharedthe Iroquois suicide complex, and they are pertinent to this paper.Wild citrons {Podophyllum peltatum L.) or May Apples, grow on a stalk notover a foot high. The Indians enjoy eating the fruit, which has a sour butpleasant taste. The roots are a powerful poison which, who eats, dies in a fewhours' time unless promptly given an emetic. [Zeisberger, 1910, p. 47.]Zeisberger continues later ? In the use of poisonous roots the Indians are well versed, and there are manymelancholy examples where they have by their use destroyed themselves or others.If a case of poisoning is taken in time, the effect of the poisonous root may beprevented by inducing vomiting. In case assistance is rendered too late, deathfollows, as a rule, in a few hours. There are poisonous roots that operate by slowdegrees, in some cases illness may last a year or longer. [Zeisberger, 1910, p. 56.]Case 14(1.?There is a generalized case by Zeisberger, in connectionwith marital infidelity, and he probably refers to the same eventsas Hecliewelder.Not every Indian, however, is indifferent to the light behavior of his wife.Many a one takes her unfaithfulness so to heart that in the height of his despairhe swallows a poisonous root, which generally causes death in two hours, unlessan antidote be administered in good time; this is often done, the Indians knowingthat the properties of certain herbs counteract each other and being able to judgefrom the effects, what poison has been taken. Women, also, have been knownto destroy themselves on account of a husband's unfaithfulness. [Zeisberger,1910, p. 83.] ? It is evident from this account that more than one poison was inuse and that the practice was not confined to either sex.Heckewelder is a little more specific, and all of his cases are menwho took Podophyllum.Suicide is not considered by the Indians either as an act of heroism or ofcowardice, nor is it with them a subject of praise or blame. They view thisdesperate act as the consequence of mental derangement, and the person whodestroys himself is to them an object of pity. Such cases do not frequently occur.Between the years 1771 and 1780, four Indians of my acquaintance took the rootof the may-apple, which is commonly used on such occasions, in order to poisonthemselves, in which they aU succeeded, except one. [See case 14b below.]Two of them were young men, who had been disappointed in love, the girls onwhom they had fixed their choice, and to whom they were engaged, havingchanged their minds and married other lovers . . . The two others were marriedmen.Heckewelder goes on to cite the cases of the two married men. '1 The same account appears almost verbatim in Loskiel, 1794, p. 58. Anthbop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 105One . . . was a person of excellent character, respected and esteemed by all whoknew him. He had a wife of whom he was very fond and two children, andthey lived very happily together . . . half a mile from . . . where I resided. Heoften came to visit me, and he was of a most amiable disposition, I was pleasedwith his visits, and always gave him a hearty welcome. When I thought he wastoo long about coming, I went . . . to . . . his dwelling. Here I always found thefamily cheerful, sociable, and happy, until some time before the fatal catastrophehappened, when I observed that my friend's countenance bore the marks of deepmelancholy . . . His wife had received the visits of another man; he foresawthat he would soon be obliged to separate from her, and he shuddered when hethought that he must also part from his two . . . children; . . . for it is thecustom . . . when a divorce takes place . . ., the children remain with theirmother, until they are of proper age to chose for themselves. One hope . . .remained. The sugar-making season was at hand, and they were shortly to re-move to their sugar-camp, where he flattered himself his wife would not be fol-lowed by the disturber . . ., whose residence was about ten miles from thence.But this hope was of short duration. They had hardly been a fortnight in theirnew habitation, when, as he returned . . . from a morning's hunt, he found theunwelcome visitor . . ., in close conversation with his faithless wife. This . . .was more than he could bear; without saying a . . . word, he took ... a largecake of his sugar, and . . . came to my house, . . . eight miles from his tempo-rary residence. It was ... a Sunday, . . . [10 a. m.], that he entered . . .with sorrow strongly ... on his . . . countenance. As he came in he presentedme with his cake of sugar, saying, "My friend! you have many a time servedme with a good pipe of tobacco, and I have not yet done anything to please you.Take this as a reward for your goodness, . . . from me as your friend." He saidno more, but giving me with both bis hands a warm farewell squeeze, he . . .returned to the camp. At about two o'clock in the afternoon, a runner fromthence passing through the town to notify his death to the village two miles farther,informed us of the shocking event. He had immediately on his return, remained ashort time in the house, indulging in the last caress to his . . . children; then retir-ing to some distance, had eaten the fatal root, and before relief could be admin-istered by some persons who had observed him staggering from the other side ofthe river, he was on the point of expiring, and all succours were vain. [Hecke-welder, 1819, pp. 258-259.]14b.?Heckewelder's second case isalso that of a married man, but he had no children. He lived happily with hiswife, until one day that she fell into a passion and made use to him of such abusivelanguage as he could not endure. Too highminded to quarrel with a woman, heresolved to punish her by putting an end to his existence. Fortunately, he wasseen in the first stages of his fits, and was brought into a house, where a strongemetic diluted in luke-warm water, . . . was forcibly poured down his throat.([He] . . . had poisoned himself with the root of the May Apple (Podophyllumpeltatum). It [the emetic] consisted of a piece of raccoon skin burned with thehair on and finely powdered, pounded dry beans and gunpowder. These threeingredients were mixed with water and poured down the patient's throat. Thisbrought on a severe vomiting, the poisonous root was entirely discharged and theman cured. 22 [Heckewelder, 1819, pp. 225-226.] He recovered after some time,but never was again the strong healthy man he had been before; his wife, however,took warning from this desperate act, and behaved better. [Ibid., p. 260.] ?' It is Interesting to note that Abbie Gordon said they gave an emetic of boiled beans to her uncle ElijahBrooks, case 4, when he took CkvJta. Pursh describes a similar emetic among the Onondaga. 106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Case 15.?An Iroquois woman eats mayapple root to follow herdeceased husband : Onondagas (?) at Fort Frontenac, 1684.The Iroquois also did not entirely rely upon the poisonous water-hemlock. Zeisberger's remarks suggest that the Delaware used otherroots besides mayapple, and for a time the Iroquois, according toLahontan and others, were using mayapple. This especially baffles mebecause Seneca informants, save one, scout the idea that mayappleis poisonous. They regularly stew the roots for a physic, and all thedata which Waugh and I have collected point to waterhemlock as thesuicide root. Nevertheless, regardless of failing tradition, Lahontandescribes a plant like mayapple, without giving its Onondaga orHuron name, and the Baron was markedly impressed by the constancyof the Iroquois woman who took this root to follow her decreasedhusband.The Citrons of North-ylmerzca are so call'd, only because their form resemblesthat of our Citron, Instead of a Rind, they have only a single skin. They growupon a Plant that rises three Foot high, and do's not bear more than three or fourat a time. This Fruit is as wholsom [sic] as its Root is dangerous; for the one isvery Healthy, and the juice of the other is a mortal subtile Poyson. While Istay'd at Fort Frontenac, in the year 1684, I saw an Iroquese Woman take downthis fatal Potion, with a design to follow her deceased Husband; after she hadtook leaves of her Friends, and sung the Death Song, with the formalities thatare usual among these blind Wretches. ^^ The Poison quickly worked the desir'deffect; for this widdow, who in Europe would be justly look'd upon as a model ofConstancy and Fidelity, had no sooner swallowed the murdering Juice, than shefell into two or three shivering Fits, and so expir'd. [Lahontan, 1703, vol. 1, pp.250-251.]Lahontan gives us the impression that among the Hurons (?) it wasthe regular sequence for spouse to follow spouse by suicide within afew months after the death of the first, and particularly when thesurvivor had dreamed more than once of the deceased mate. It isagainst just such contingencies that the society of Chanters for theDead (hono'hgi'we*) attempt to placate the restless soul, and free themind of the survivor.When the Husband of a Wife comes to dye, the Widowhood does not lastabove six Months; and if in that space of time the Widow or Widower dreams oftheir deceas'd Bedfellow, they Poyson themselves in cold Blood with all the con-tentment imaginable; and at the same time sing a sort of tune that one maysafely say proceeds from the Heart. But if the surviving Party dreams butonce of the Deceased, they say, that the Spirit of Dreams was not sure that thedead Person was uneasie [sic] in the Country of Souls, for asmuch as he onlypass'd by without returning, and for that reason they think that they are notobhg'd to go keep him Company. [Lahontan, 1703, vol. 2, pp. 41-42.]CicuTA Poisonings, 1720-1672Cicuta was taken as well during tliis same period, which Lahontandescribes, but, unfortunately, none of the relations say that both 2? The Personal chant (Sdq-.w^') was sung to return thanks in religious festivals, to boast at war feastsand during torture, and as a finale at death. ANTHROP. Pap. NO. 14 1 IROQUOIS SUIOIDE FENTON 107 waterhemlock and mayapple were in use at the same time, or theygive a native term without describing the plant, or the reverse, orneither. We can compare their accounts and attempt to equate thenative terms with modern survivals in the same or related languages,which has profited little, because of linguistic drift or change ofterminology.The accounts of specific Cicuta poisonings go back to 1672 for theOnondagas, and presumably the other Iroquois, and likely some ofthe earlier ambiguous accounts are of suicides by this root. Themotives continue to be chagrin and revenge over reprimands or mis-treatment.Case 16.?A spiteful girl takes Cicuta: Lafitau, Iroquois, 1710-20.Lafitau, of whom Parkman (1885, p. liv) has said, ''None of the oldwriters are so satisfactory," paints the Iroquois, to whom he ministeredfor a decade following 1710, as a thin-skinned lot, who as childrenhad been left to develop bad habits on the pretext that they had notyet attained the age of reason, whose most serious punishment wasto have water tlirown in the face, and who were never struck. Andamong them it was not extraordinary to see them poison themselveswith Cicuta over a moderately severe scolding, and thereby makeaway with themselves.Les sauvages en general sont d'ailleurs si sensibles, que pour un reproche unpeu trop amer, il n'est pas extraordinaire de les voir s'empoisonner avec la cigue, &se d^faire eux-memes. [Lafitau, 1724, vol. 1, p. 603.]In another place, when writing of the unequal status of souls inthe hereafter according to their manner of death, he cites a specificcase which occurred in the experience of a brother missionary. Hespeaks of a young Iroquois (?) girl who wept bitterly over her sister,who was dying from a quantity of Cicuta which she had taken in ahuff and to ensure her death refused any antidote, because neitherbonds of blood or friendship could touch her, and because she knewthat her sister's suicide would eternally separate them in the land ofsouls.Ce pais des Ames a aussi ses differens stages, & tous n'y sent pas 6galementbien. C'est ce que conclut un de nos Missionaires, de ce qu'il entendit dire hjeune Sauvagesse. Cette fiUe voyant sa soeur mourante, par la quantity de cigue[Cicuta] qu'elle avoit prise dans un dipit, & d6terinin6e k ne faire aucun remedepour se guarantir de la mort, pleuroit k chaudes larmes, & s'eforgoit de la toucherpar liens du sang, & de I'amitid qui les unissoit ensemble. EUc lui disoit sanscesse: e'en est done fait, tu veux que nous ne nous retrouvions jamais plus, &que nous ne nous revoyions jamais ? Le Missionaire frapp(? de ces paroles, lui endemanda la raison. II me semble, dit-il, que vous avez un pais des Ames, oilvous devez tous vous r^iinir k vos Ancdtres; pourquoi done et-ce que tu pariesainsi k ta soeur ? II est vrai, reprit-elle, que nous allons tous au pals des Ames;mes les mdchans, & ceux en particulier, qui se sont d^truits eux-m^mes par unamort violente, y portant la peine de leur crime; Us y sont separ^s des autres, & 108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 n'ont point de communication avec eux: c'est-la le sujet de mes peines. [Lafitau,vol. 1, p. 404.]Case 17.?Girls scolded by mothers eat Cicuta: Onondaga, circa1690.Bacqueville de la Potherie, whose visit to the Iroquois, 1689-1701,preceded Lafitau's, describes the same methods of rearing children,and the danger that scolding might produce child suicides. Onondagadaughters who have been scolded by their mothers eat Cicuta to poisonthemselves, while youths kill themselves with gun or knife.Les Filles d'Onnontaquez qui ont 6t6 reprises par leurs Meres, mangent de laCigue pour s'empoisonner, les enfans se tuent avec leur fusil ou avec leur cotiteau.[La Potherie, 1753, vol. 3, p. 16.]Case 18.?Annoyed young woman takes poison: Seneca, 1672.A generation earlier, the Jesuit Raffeix reported an isolated casefrom the Seneca mission."A young woman had poisoned herself, in consequence of seriousannoyance that she had experienced." ^* The context conveys theimpression that she was annoyed by unwelcome male agressors.Case 19.?Abandoned wife takes hemlock juice: Onondaga, 1672.About the same year Lamberville writes in the Relation of 1672-73of an Onondaga woman who took hemlock juice (waterhemlock) overthe loss of her husband to a rival. Neither Lamberville's emeticbrings up the poison, nor his persuasions convince her that she hassinned, and she dies asserting that the guilt is on her faithless husband.Another took some Hemlock juice, because she could not bear to see herselfabandoned by her husband, who married her rival. I am summoned in thecapacity of a physician who has already succeeded in counteracting the effects ofthat poison. I make her take orvietan [a popular antidote of the period], andshortly afterward some theriac,?on condition that no one else shall give Her anyother medicine, lest it should take away the strength of mine. But hardly haveI left the Dwelling than a woman makes Her swallow more than a pint of Coloredwater. I ask the attendant whether she thought that it was good medicine; shesays that she knew nothing about it, but that, as she had been requested to give amedicine, she prepared one as she was able . . . [The Iroquois have notforsaken this ancient duplicity in medicine, and no modern practicioner on thereservations knows at what point his perscriptions may be upset by an overdoseof herbal medicine.] ... I give an emetic . . . The poison has alreadypenetrated into the intestines. [Here a shaman intervened and the Fathermade the mother understand that her daughter had sinned, which she agreed.]Meanwhile, the sick woman is frothing at the mouth; she utters loud cries andis seized with dreadful convulsions. ... "I have not sinned," she says, "he who has abandoned me is The one who is Guilty." ^s [Lamberville inThwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 57, pp. 165-169.]? Dablon, 1672-74 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 58, p. 239).? William Penn mentions a simDar case among the Delaware without naming the herb. He writes in aletter dated 1683, that they (the Delaware) are great concealers of resentment, how "a King's [Chief's]daughter thinking herself slighted by her husband in suffering another woman to lie down between them,rose up, went out, plucked a root out of the ground, and ate it, upon which she immediately died;" herhusband later made an offering to her relatives for atonement and liberty to marry again (Penn, 1683, p. 210). Anthkop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE?FENTON 109Case 20.?More suicides of children and married women: Iroquois,1656.From the Relation of 1656-57, we have the earUest cases from theIroquois proper, perhaps the source for Lafitau's interest in the sensi-tiveness of children, their horror of restraint, their predilection forrevenge, and suicides by eating poisonous plants, of which he specifiesCicuta. Dablon wTites of the Iroquois, while referring to the Onondaganation whom he knew best,There is nothing for which these people have a greater horror than restraint.The very children cannot endure it, and live as they please in the houses of theirparents, without fear of reprimand or of chastisement. Not that they are notpunished sometimes by having their lips and their tongues rubbed with a verybitter root [probably one of the Hellebores]; but this is seldom done for fear thatvexation might lead the children to cause their own death by eating certainnoxious plants, which they know to be poisonous. These are most often used bythe married women, to revenge themselves of the ill treatment of their husbandsby thus leaving them the reproacli of their death. [Dablon in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 43, p. 271.]Huron Cases of Poisoning, Prior to 1650Prior to 1650, the Relations concern the missions to the Huronsamong whom there are several parallel cases of suicides by eatingpoisonous roots. These cases may be the prototypes of the suicidepatterns we have been discussing, which were probably also currentamong the Iroquois of the period. However, there is the possi-bility that the Hurons may have introduced the custom among theSenecas who incorporated part of them following 1648. Naturallythe plant identifications are confused or lacking in this early periodbecause the observers were confronted with the double problem oflearning an Indian language and a New World flora.Case 21.?Youth mysteriously poisons himself: Hurons, 1640.Neither Chaumonot nor Lalement was able to discover the reasonwhy a young Huron poisoned himself, as they say, with aconite, andit is equally baffling why he chose their cabin as his death spot unlesshe hoped that he might gain some special advantage in the hereafterthrough the magic of salvation. The poison is probably not aconite,which was introduced and naturalized in the northeast somewhatlater; ^^ and there is no record for native species as far north as On-tario (Gray, 1908, p. 407). Furthermore, the symptoms more nearlyresemble those attending Cicuta poisoning (Muenscher, 1939, p. 173).Some days ago [March 21, 1640], a young man from Saint Frangois Xavier[west side of the Wye River, near Wyebridge, Ontario] entered our cabin earlyin the morning; he came with a firm step, and singing like those who go to war '? Aconite {Aconitum napellus L.) was introduced from Europe to the northeast (Muenscher, 1939, pp.77-79). "None of this genus is weedy in Eastern North America" (Pammel, 1910-11, pt. 2, p. 449). 110 BUHEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128[Personal Chant (a'dg* Wf')].^^ ... he was already tormented by the violenceof the posion when he entered our cabin.^* Hardly is he seated when his heartfails him [Aconite and Hellebore act on the heart]; he falls to the gound and can-not rise again. We suppose that he is either acting the lunatic, or that he is one;we try to put him out; he gently begs us to wait [Lalement]. Having there suc-cumbed, he flings himself to the ground, foaming, with all the signs of approachingdeath [Chaumonot]. His eyes roll in his head, the foam comes to his mouth;we know not what these symptoms mean. We ask him his name, where he is fromand who are his relatives, that one may go and fetch them: to that he answers,but "Alas!" he added, "I shall be dead before they come; only give them that,"he said, drawing from his tobacco pouch a piece of root [Lalement]. Beingquestioned ... his only answer was to present the remainder of the rootthat he had eaten,?bidding to show it to his parents after his death . . .[Chaumonot]. We are ignorant of his meaning: nevertheless, one of our Fathersleaves in haste to go and fetch his relatives; hardly had he crossed half the widthof the lake, on which the ice was still quite firm, when he met here and theresome Savages who were fishing. He said to one who was nearest, that such ayoung man from the next village was very sick in our house, and at the same timehands him the piece of root. This man puts it to his lips [a common Iroquoismethod of identifying roots], and without making other answer to the Father,exclaims to his comrads: "Such a one is dead,?he has eaten aconite [sic]; let usgo and get his body." They leave their fishing there, they run in haste;but . . . Father . . . tries to anticipate them, . . . [to] baptize . . . [the]man . . . [if] possible, ... he had eaten posion . . . the sickman hadtold us that poison was causing his death; . . . We were completing the act ofhis salvation, when these barbarians arrived in a crowd, and put him on a hurdle[toboggan ?] to draw him over the ice of the lake, and convey him to his house;but alas ! he soon began to vomit blood, and suddenly died by the way. It alllasted not an hour. This happened on the 21st of March [1640], day of St.Benoist. [Lalement.]Lalement questions whether they could have hit upon a more suit-able name. One wonders whether his coming to their house was aprotest against Christianity, or whether he believed that baptismmight gain him some special advantage in the land of souls.There remain three earlier cases of root poisonings among theHurons. LeMercier, writing in LeJeune's Relation of 1637,^^ reportsthat two young men in 1637 (case 22) and 1636 (case 23) poisonedthemselves by eating a root, spelled variously Ondachienroa (1636)and Andachienrra (1637); and Br^beuf refers to a poisoning in 1635,the earliest recorded case of suicide in the Relations,^" without speci-fying the plant.Case 22.?Young man poisons himself at Ossassane: Huron, April15, 1637.On the 15th, we learned that a j^oung man had poisoned himself at Ossassani;and in reference to this some Savages told us that one of the principal reasonswhy thej'^ showed so much indulgence towards their children, was that when thechildren saw themselves treated by their parents with some severity, they usuallyresorted to extreme measures and hanged themselves, or ate of a certain rootthat they call Andachienrra, which is a very quick poison. [LeMercier, 1637.] " Lalement, 1640 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 19, pp. 171-175).? Chaumonot to ... P. Nappi, 1640 (Thwaites, 1896-1001, vol. 18, pp. 27-29). '? LeMercier, 1637 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 14, p. 37 and vol. 13, p. 27).30 Br6beuf, 1635 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121). ANTHEOP. PAP. NO. 11 1 IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 111Case ^5.?Chiefling sends daughter after the root: Hurons ofIhonatiria, 1636.Writing in the same Relation (LeJeune's Relation of 1637), Le-Mercier describes the death of Saronhes, Louis de Sainte-Foi, theprincipal native convert of the Huron town Ihonatiria, who had beenmarkedly unfaithful to them by gambling on an island near Kebec.We did not see anything of him, and the first news we heard was that he wassick, and almost at the same time we learned of his death . . . some persons toldus that he had not died a natural death, but the grief that he had felt for theloss of his son had so plunged him into despair that he himself had shortened hisdays. This is the way they say it occurred: One day, when he found himselfalone in his cabin with one of his little daughters, he sent her to get a certainroot that they call Ondachienroa, which is a quick poison. This child went forit very innocently, supposing that her father wanted to make some medicine, ashe had shown some slight indisposition. She brought him some, but not enoughto suit him, and she returned for it the second time. He ate his fill of it; a highfever attacked him, and carried him off in a little while. But his relatives donot admit that he died in this way. [LeMercier, in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol.13, p. 27.]It is apparent that the good Father was a bit piqued because ofthe unchristian manner of his death.Case 24-?Wife taken away (death?), young man poisons liimself:Hurons, 1635.Brebeuf implies that there was no distinction made in the hereafterbetween the souls of suicides and the ordinary dead, and cites theevidence that no distinction is made at burial, and that no punishmentawaits the wicked in the hereafter. Referring to their myths, hesays, , . . they make no mention either of punishment or reward, in the placeto which the souls go after death. And so they do not make any distinctionbetween the good and the bad, the virtuous and the vicious; and they honorequally the interment of both, even as we have seen in the case of a young man whohad poisoned himself from the grief he felt because his wife had been taken awayfrom him. 2' The Identity of the PoisonIt is my conviction, after an analysis of the sources and thelinguistic terms, that the suicide root referred to in these cases iswaterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L., rather than mayapple. Podo-phyllum peltatum L. Let us first consider the evidence from thesources. Heretofore, the root has been accepted as mayapple onthe following grounds. In case 23 to which LeMercier was not aneyewitness, there is the implication that the root might have beenbrewed into a medicine which was taken internally. Mayapple is apowerful physic, as we shall see; but this evidence has not been pre-sented by others. Thwaites, the editor of the Jesuit Relations " Brebeuf in LeJeune's Relation, 1635 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121). Italics mine. 112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Unix. 128(1896-1901, vol. 13, p. 270), in a note on LeMercier's account of1636 (case 23), connects Ondachienroa with mayapple on the basisof Sagard's Voyage to the Hurons (p. 268), and Laverdiere's footnoteto Champlain's clear description of mayapple in 1615.^^ Laverdiere(and Biggar) cites Brunet, the Quebec botanist of the nineteenthcentury, as authority for saying,The fruit of this plant (Podophyllum peltatum L.) which one calls "citronier,"in the country, is good to eat; but the root is a violent poison which the savagesmade use of sometimes when they could not outlive their sorrow. [Trans.] ^^However, Champlain does not give the Huron name of the plant,and he does not connect it with suicide. Sagard (1865, vol. 1, p. 187)writes of Indian medicine and health in his Voyage (written, 1632)and in his Histoke written m 1636 (1866, vol. 3, pp. 603-607), refer-ring to several roots. The first, Oscar, has properties of bloodroot orsassafras, but phonetically, *oska- resembles Seneca, 'oska'-'a, orhellebore, Veratrum viride Ait. The third, which he calls Ooxrat,*o-ksra', has all the smarting properties of, and probably is, thehellebore, and his comparison of the root to a "peeled chestnut"{chastaigne pellee), or a "cabbage stalk" (naveau), fits the dried rootof hellebore, which is still popular among the Iroquois as a snuff forcatarrh. Wrong (1939, p. 195) suggests sarsaparilla, Aralia nudicaulis,for Oscar, and Indian turnip, Arisaema triphyllum, for Ooxrat, but heagrees with me that ondachiera is waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L.This is Sagard's second plant which he warns is very poisonous, andhe warns that on no account should one eat any root which one doesnot know. He teUs of the fright they experienced one day over ayoung Frenchman who had pulled it up in the woods. [Mayappledoes grow in the shaded woods about villages.] He became seriouslyill, and he was fortunately cured by an emetic composed of some treebark that a Huron gave him. But Sagard does not describe the citron-like fruit of mayapple, nor does he say this root was used for suicides.A letter dated 1709, which C. M. Barbeau kindly excerpted for mefrom the Archives of the Seminary of Quebec (Archives du seminairede Quebec, Fonds Casgrain. "Lettres sur I'Amerique septentrionale"ou "Relations/ Par Lettres de/ I'Amerique septentrionale," Premierelettre datee de 1709) reads, "Les hurons . . . s'empoisonment avecracine de Cigiie ou de citronnier. . . . [The Hurons . . . poisonthemselves with the root of waterhemlock or of mayapple. . . .]. Thesources, then, give both mayapple and waterhemlock.The linguistic evidence favors waterhemlock. The modern Huron-Wyandot term for mayapple, uja'-rawi', "fruit in between," or "sourfruit on" (Barbeau), bears no resemblance to Ondachiera; uja''rawi'M Champlain, 1615 (Laverdiere ed., 1870, vol. 4, p. 31; and Biggar ed., 1929, vol. 3, pp. 50-51)." Cited by Laverdiere, 1870, vol. 4, p. 31, from TAbbfi O. Brunet, Catalogue des Plantes Canadiennesdans I'herbier de I'Univ. Laval, livr. 1, p. 15, Quebec, 1865. This catalog is not available in the library ofthe U. S. Dept of Agriculture or the Library of Congi-ess. Antheop.Pap.no. 14] lEOQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 113 is rather related to Seneca, o'gwa'-'a, "round fruit on it" [hence,modern "orange"], Cayuga, o'gwa'-'; Onondaga, u'gwa'a', "berrieson" (Waugh); and the other modem term, "shade maker" [hence,modern "imibrella"] is also unrelated to ondachiera: Seneca, ade'-Qnoshe', "it makes shade," Cayuga, ij'tnosada'hkwa'; modern Onon-daga, ona'hutsde' (Waugh), and Onondaga of 1650-1710, onehaensta(*onQ:'hwensta'), "citron" (Shea, 1860, p. 33); Mohawk, onijhyste'-u'dera (Waugh), but even this last form hardly suggests ondachiera.All of these tribes know the cathartic property of the root, and preparefrom it a physic by boiling, or roasting and then boiling, which likelyreduces the percentage of podophyllin. Elijah David, a TonawandaSeneca, advised Waugh to cut out the portion of the root where therootlets branch as this contains the poison, and to use the rest of theroot taken in spring before the plant flowers (Waugh, 1912, vol. 7,pp. 44-55). Some Senecas fear and dislike the plant (Fenton), otherinformants warn against overdoses of the powerful physic (Waughand Fenton), and one foolhardy Cayuga recommended eating the rootsraw (Waugh) ; and it is certain the mayapple has not been fashionablein recent suicide cases.Huron, Ondachiera (Sagard, 1632), Ondachienroa, Andachienrra(LeMercier, 1637), rather resemble the modern terms for Cicuta inthe various dialects: Mohawk, *0NAS4'RA from Caughnawaga,o'nahser, or o'na'sglr (Waugh), and St. Kegis-Mohawk, onahsg'-ra, "feather-white" (Fenton); Onondaga of New York, o'ne's?,''na',Onondagas of Six Nations, Ontario, onash^''^-' (Fenton); and Tus-carora, o'-na-sen'-a' (Hewitt) are derived from the old Onondaga,honachinra [*0NAS]5'*R-A-'], cigiie, Cicuta maculata L. (French-Onondaga dictionary. Shea, 1860, p. 33). However, Cayuga, u*na*-sQ,g,' (Waugh), onashf'"' (Fenton) and modem Seneca, o'no"sh^-'^or o'no'hshf'f, "odorous fleshy tuber," or "looks like onion"(Fenton), are more differentiated from the other dialects. The closeresemblance between the seventeenth-century spelling of the Onon-daga term, honachinra, for Cicuta, and the spelling of the Huron word,ondachiera, taken together with the modern Mohawk, onasa'-ra,chnches the matter because the resemblance is also clear between theseventeenth-century term, *onahwensta', and the modem Onondagaterm, ondhutsde', for mayapple. In the same way that Onondaga*0NAS]5*RA' has become 0'ne's9.'*na', we would expect earlyHuron *ONDASI^-RA', made up of *ONDAS- (or *ONAS-) mean-ing "plume" or "feather," plus *-S;^RA', meaning "whitish," as inthe Mohawk, to become *0 NA ?]5*I^A' in modern Huron. This willhave to await verification among the Wyandots of Oklahoma becausethe Hurons of Lorette, P. Q., no longer speak their language. 114 BUREAU OF AMEEilCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128VIOLENT SUICIDES BY STABBING, SHOOTING, AND STRANGLING: TYPE BFrom the seventeenth century also there are a series of suicides thatresemble the type B modern cases where the escape motive in violentdeath predominates. Stabbing, shooting, and strangling appear tobe as old as poisoning with the Iroquois, who resorted to the formermethods under duress of torture and imprisonment pending certaintorture, and less frequently under the unhurried circumstances of loveaffairs and chagrin following gambling losses, which usually led topoisoning.Case 25.?One Iroquois prisoner stabs himself to avoid torture,but his companion braves the fire: Quebec, 1692.Following a year of severe raids on the French settlements in theSt. Lawrence valley, Governor Frontenac ordered burned two prisonersof the Five Nations, who had been taken early in the year when theirparty was defeated beyond Montreal; he hoped that their torturewould serve as an example to ward off future Iroquois raiders onQuebec towns. Frontenac refused the pleas of his lady and theJesuits who hastened to prepare the prisoners for death with Baptism.However, the haughty Iroquois dismissed the good Fathers, andprepared in their own way by singing the Death Song.^* The onewho stabs himself to escape certain torture is roundly condemned byhis comrade as a "Coward, a Scandal to the Five Nations" (Golden)while he fulfills the role of the brave Iroquois warrior and faces deathby torture unflinchingly.Some charitable Person having thrown a Knife to them in Prison, he who hadthe least Courage of the two, thrust it into his Breast, and died of the Woundimmediately. Some j'oung Hurons of Lorette, aged between fourteen and fifteenyears, came to seize the other, and carry him away to the Diamant Cape, wherenotice was given to prepare a great pile of Wood. He ran to Death with a greaterunconcernedness, than Socrates would have done, if he had been in his case.During the time of Execution he sung continually; "That he was a Warriour,brave and undaunted; that the most cruel kind of Death could not shock hisCourage, that no Torments could extort from him any Cries, that his Companionwas a Coward for having killed himself through the fear of Torment; and lastly,that if he was burnt, he had this Comfort, that he had treated many Frenchand Hurons after the same manner." [Lahontan, 1703, vol. 1, p. 178.]Case 26.?Unsuccessful attempts of Miami captive to swallow stonesand hang himself: Onondaga, 1682.This case is of interest only because it occurred at Onondaga and itillustrates the way traits spread from the Central Algonkians to theIroquois. Here we have a Miami captive bound for certain tortureat Onondaga who twice attempted to swallow stones during thejourney, and thereby rob his captors of the honor of bringing him in 3* Lahontan, letter dated Oct. 25, 1692 (1703 vol. 1, pp. 177-179.) It appears that Golden (1902, vol. 1,p. 171) copied Lahontan. ANTHBOP. PAr. No. 14 1 IROQUOIS SUICIDE FENTON 115 alive, a device which might readily occur to some Onondaga in futuresimilar circumstances.When the warriors perceived [his fright on approaching Onondaga village],fearing that the apprehension of death might lead him to swallow some stones,?asHe had already twice done,?in order to kill himself, and that they would nothave the honor of bringing him in alive. They promptly made him march in theirmidst, always singing his Doleful air, his face being painted red.^^That same night, seated high in an Onondaga house, he attemptedto draw himself down on the rope that bound him by the neck to ahouse post, but the rope broke.Case 27.?Two mistreated old men: Onondaga, 1682.Two old men were potential suicides this same year at Onondaga,LamberviUe reports, because they were mistreated by their cabinmates. One old cliief mourned the loss of his wife, and the other hadserved too long as a butt for the village drimkards. The first hangedhimself, and the other was found dead.Case 27a.?An old man hangs himself to join his deceased spouse.An old Captain vv'ho still retained his rank among the leading men of theVillage . . . God had, 2 years before taken away . . . his wife; Father Bruyas . . , had baptized her. [Persecuted by slaves of other nations adopted in placeof deceased sisters who lived in the same cabin] He took the resolution to rejoinher as soon as possible; He frequently went to visit her grave, two leagues fromhere [at the site of the old village]. Two years . ? . [he considered] causing hisown death, that he might the sooner go to heaven to see his own wife again. Hehad a swollen Cheek, which they persuaded him was the effect of the pretendedsorceries of certain half sorcerers or jugglers of the country. [Some Iroquois stillIjelieve that sorcerers can project disease objects into the body causing inflamedswellings.] This, Added to the bad treatment that the women of his cabin madehim endure, induced him to put an end to his troubles by death. He asked me,on one occasion, whether Christians who were tired of life were not permitted tostrangle themselves, so that they might the sooner go to the land of the blessedsouls. [This may have been an Onondaga tabu against spouse suicides which hehoped to escape in the new Christianity.] I [attempted to turn] him from sodetestable a purpose, but He always thought that he could abandon life, whichhe looked upon as something of which He could dispose; and on the very nextnight He hanged himself, at the same Spot where he usually slept. The womenwho had been the cause of his vexation were Awakened by some noise that hemade, and Immediately hastened to the miserable man; but it was too late, for,after they had untied the rope, He expired in Their hands. The Whole villagewas horrified at this act. [LamberviUe in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 62, pp.61-65.]Case 27b.?Another old man found dead.A poor blind Old man, nearly a hundred years old, who had formerly been bap-tized by Father Bruyas, . . . repelled by his relatives, and continually exposedto the fury of the drunkards,? Weary of his misery, and knowing not whereto take refuge ... or procure food, was found dead. There are various opinionsregarding him. [It was not clear whether his case was a suicide.] [LamberviUein Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 63, p. 65.] ?? LamberviUe, letter dated August 25, 1682 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 62, pp. 85-87, 91). 116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Case 28.?Convert remembers Jesuit teaching and throws awayknife: Huron, 1659.Lalement tells of a third Huron who had miraculously escaped theflames at Onondaga. A friendly Huron, who had been previouslyadopted there, slipped a knife to his tribesman on the way to thevillage. Lalement takes particular deUght in reporting this unusualcase of fidelity to his teachings on the part of his pupil who prayedduring the torture instead of singing the customary Death Song.^^At sight of Onondaga ... I resolved to cut my throat in order to escape by asudden death?and one, that was very gentle, in my opinion?the thousanddeaths that I had before my eyes. I had the knife in my hand, and was alreadyto deal the blow, when I recalled what the Fathers had told me in times past ? that we are not the masters of our lives, that it is for God alone to lengthen orcurtail our days, and that I could not employ this violence without committinga great sin. After this thought, which from the first made me waver a little inmy resolve, I offered myself to god, ... to free myself from temptation, whichwas a very strong one, I cast my knife far away from me, and bravely took upmy march toward all the people awaiting me. [Lalement in Thwaites, 1896-1901,vol. 46, p. 41.]Case 29.?Onondaga hostage cuts his throat when Mohawks over-take and massacre a Huron peace delegation: Huron country, 1648.Paul Raguenau writes from the Huron country in 1648 that anOnondaga ambassador, who had remained a hostage in the Huronvillage, killed himself when the Hurons learned that a party ofMohawks overtook and killed the Huron ambassadors returning froma good will mission to Onondaga. Hewitt (1928, p. 457) holds thatthis individual held the title of Skanawati, fire keeper of the federalcouncil. ?At the beginning of the month of April, Scandaouati, the OnnontaeronnonAmbassador who had remained here as a hostage, disappeared, and our Huronsthought he had escaped; but after some days his Corpse was found in the middleof the wood, not far from the Village where he had resided. The poor man hadkilled himself by cutting his throat with a knife, after having prepared a sort ofbed of fir-branches, on which be was found stretched out. [Raguenau inThwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 33, p. 125.]It is difficult to decide whether his motive was shame of the greatdishonor the Mohawk alHes had done the League, or fear of thealmost certain revenge torture which his Huron bonders would seek,or whether the motive was vanity, as Wisse (1933, p. 172) suggests.Case SO.?Onondaga captive dives into Huron kettle to avoidtortm-e: Huron coimtry, 1647,Early the previous year (1647), the Hurons had repulsed theOnondaga invaders, who were not always individually capable oftaking the tortures which they sadistically practised on their enemies.The Hurons overtook and defeated an invading Onondaga war s? Lalement, Relation of 1G59-60 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 46, pp. 37-39). Antheop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE?FENTON 117party, killing the leader and taking prisoners who, excepting Annen-raes, they burned. . . . one of those who was destined to the flames, seized with a horror of thecruelties that awaited him cast himself headlong into a great kettle of boihngwater, to shorten his tortures with his life, [Raguenau, 1648 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 33; p. 117).]Unless Kaguenau refers to a trade kettle, the feat gives us a gageof the enormity of this Huron cooking pot.Case SI.?Three Algonkin women escape Iroquois torture and killthemselves, 1647^2.These cases are taken together because they occurred under similarconditions to three women taken from the Algonldn Tribe to Onondagafor torture or adoption ; they stand in marked contrast to to the usualIroquois women's suicides by poisoning.a. The first woman failed twice to hang herself, and finally madeher way to Quebec where she describes her awful experience (1646)to Father Lalement. She escaped from torture in an [Onondaga]Iroquois village and fled to the woods. Hiding daily at the wood'sedge in constant fear of apprehension, she soon despaired of stealingenough com for a 2 months' journey to Quebec, and decided to killherself rather than be tortured.Having said her prayer, she fastens her belt to a tree, up which she climbs; shemakes at the other end a running knot, which she slips about her neck, and throwsherself down. The weight of her body broke the cord without doing her greatinjury; she mends it, tries it, and then climbs up again; but God willed that itshould break for the second time. She, much astonished, begins to say . . .perhaps God does not wish me to die."h. Another woman, more hostile to the faith, succeeded; althoughadvised by other women of the band not to carry out her evil intention, . . . she heeded not this counsel. Laying hands on her child, she murderedit, and threw it at the feet of the Hiroquois; then, having slipped her head into ahalter, she pulled with one hand to strangle herself, and with the other she cuther throat with a knife. [Lalement in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol 30, pp. 275-277.] c. A third Algonkin mother tried to drown herself after her childwas burned. She was one of three Algonldn mothers taken in anevening raid in the fall of 1641 when the Iroquois wiped out a wholesettlement above Montreal. A woman who subsequently escapedrelated to Father Buteux, whose account Vimont includes in theRelation of 1642 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 22, p. 257, et passim),these harrowing events. The next morning the Iroquois roastedthe crying children and boiled them in a kettle and ate them beforetheir imploring mothers."When the dismal band reached the great falls of the chaudiere ? this is a river which falls into the River of the three meadows, above ?' Lalement, Relation of 1647 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 30, pp. 263-265).218558?40 9 118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll.128Montreal" (Vimont)?this captive woman cast herself into an un-frozen section of the rapids, preferring to perish in the water ratherthan die by fire; but the Iroquois, running up to a spot where therapids cast her up, succeeded in snatching and beheading and thenscalping her before she managed to drown.Case 32.?Young woman urged to marry attemps hanging: Algon-kin, 1640.We include another non-Iroquois case because it illustrates howAlgonkin women employed hanging to escape male aggression whereIroquois women poisoned themselves. (See case 18.) Paul LeJeunewrites of an Algonkin girl who tried to hang herself at Siliery nearQuebec, 1640,A young woman, finding herself urged to marry a man whom she did not love,became so enraged, without showing any outward indications of it, that she triedto hang herself. People ran to her at once; they found her half dead; they cutthe noose, and carried her, entirely unconscious to her cabin. A Christian . . .informed us . . . We asked her if she was not afraid of being damned. "I wasnot thinking of that . . . but only of freeing myself from the annoyance of thatman." ^sCase 83.?Iroquois prisoner attempts strangling to escape torture:Hurons, 1639.Some Iroquois warriors also resorted to strangling to escapemartyrdom; certainly, the following case shows that one attemptedsuicide as a welcome alternative to the idealized pattern of death byfire.Lalement writes from the Huron country in LeJeune's Kelation of1639 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 17, p. 99) how on January 2, 1639,they almost lost the soul of an Iroquois prisoner who tried to chokehimself on his last and fatal night 24 hours after they baptized him.They finally got him to accuse himself and ask pardon. ''Havingdone this, he was granted absolution; and 2 hours later he was boilingin a kettle."Case 34.?Chief's son loses at gambling and hangs himself: Hurons,1639.The Jesuits considered gambling a disruptive force in Huronsociety, and they describe both the Huron and Iroquois as greatlyaddicted to the evil pleasure which produced a harvest of assaultsand murders, depending, probably, upon how individuals took theirlosses. Br^beuf writes to his superior at Quebec how the loss of thefamily wampum drove one melancholy lad to hang himself ratherthan face his relatives.On the fourteenth of April [1636], the son of Chief Aenons, after having lostat the game of straws a Beaver robe and a collar of four hundred Porcelain beads,had such a fear of meeting his relatives that, not daring to enter the cabin, hebecame desperate, and hanged himself to a tree. He had a very melancholyM LeJeune, Relation of 1640 (Thwaites, 1S96-1901, vol 18, pp. 163-165). Antheop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS STJIOIDE?FENTON 119disposition. The first of the winter he was on the point of putting an end to him-self, but a little girl caught him in the act. When asked what had led him to thiswicked resolution, [he said] "I do not know . . . but someone within meseems always to be saying, 'Hang thyself, hang thyself.' " Gambling neverleads to anything good; in fact, the savages themselves remark that it is almostthe sole cause of assaults and murders.^'Case 35.?The sick beg mercy death, 1636.Suicides were rather frequent among the Hurons during the recur-rent epidemics of smallpox which struck the Huron towns from1635-37 (Parkman, 1885, p. 87). In the Relation of 1636 (LeJeune inThwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 9, p. 117), we read that they "beg to bekilled when very sick," and in 1640, a Huron man sick with smallpoxhad himself stabbed twice and then swallowed an awl (Thwaites,1896-1901, vol. 19, p. 171; vol. 18, p. 28).EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TABLEColumn:Case: Italic numerals in parentheses indicate frequencies known; withasterisk*, estimated frequencies; alone, data not included in cases.Source: F, my own field notes; JR, Jesuit Relations.Tribe: S, Seneca; M, Mohawk; Oa, Onondaga; Oe, Oneida; T, Tuscarora;D, Delaware; I, Iroquois; H, Huron; Mi, Miami; Mi/Oa, Miami atOnondaga; A, Algonkin.Sex: M, male; F, female.Age: ma, middle-age; yw, young woman; y, youth; m, adult man; ch, child;g, girl; ym, 3'^oung man; om, old man.Blood: fb, fuUblood; mb, mixblood; fractions, degree of Indian blood whereknown.X marks the incidence of the trait; in combination under certain columns ithas the following specific meanings:Revenge and mistreatment: xp, revenge directed at parents; xd, revenge ofaged on descendants; xd followed by arable numeral, incidence.Sickness: xa, cause was old age.Lover's leap: rr, railroad; mm. Maid of the Mist.Reaction: st, a known strong reaction.Under the general heading of Methods, xf indicates attempt at suicideand failure; xfx, first attempt at suicide followed by success. 3? Brfebeuf, in LeJeune's Relation of 1636 (Thwaites. 1896-1901, vol. 10, p. 81)j 120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 Anthbop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOTDE?FENTON 121Itolll'lll^lmltolliiijiil 122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128PART 3: ANALYSIS, DISTRIBUTIONS, AND CONCLUSIONSWe have now presented the information extant concerning theknown cases of Iroquois suicide, and we have also presented earhercases from the other related Hm'on-Iroquois Tribes, and a few Dela-ware and Algonkin incidents that seemed pertinent to our problem.The task now remains to answer the questions we posed as the problemfor this study. Fortunately, two other scholars have reviewed theevidence from the sources on the Eastern Woodlands, removing muchof the onus from our task: Wisse has considered the data from thearea as a unit in a survey of the Americas by culture-areas, part of hisscholarly world survey of Suicide and Fear of Death among PrimitivePeoples (Wisse, 1933, pp. 159-185); and Dr. Flannery has assembledthe principal references to suicide by taking a poisonous root in herindispensable Analysis of Coastal Algonquian Culture (1939, pp.132-133, 181), coming to the conclusion from its lunited distributionthat the custom was probably original with the Iroquois.We shall postpone discussing attitudes toward suicide until afterwe have summarized our data on frequency, causes, and methods ofcommission. There are between 39 and 50 Icnown Huron-Iroquoiscases spread over a period of 300 years, dating from 1635-1935. Ascompared with the maximum of 20 instances in 16 cases going backto 1850 that I was able to recover during field work, the greater num-ber of cases, 22, come from the middle years of the seventeenth cen-tury at the height of the Huron versus Iroquois war, when there weresome 20,000 Hurons and 15,000 Iroquois (Hewitt, 1912); and thereare enough cases sprinkled through the 1700's to bridge the interven-ing century, conveying the impression of continuity of custom. Ourrecords show an average of a case every 9 years for the whole period:One every 4 to 5 years since 1855 among the 3,000 New York Senecas,but we have also recorded attempts and failures ; it is likely that manymore than seven escaped the notice of eighteenth century observers,although Heckewelder reports four cases in 10 years (1771-80) for theDelaware, which Wisse (1933, p. 160) regards as a considerable fre-quency; and we find one every 3 years for the seventeenth century,about equally divided between the Hurons and Iroquois. There hasbeen no marked increase in frequency during the last decade; in fact,the highest frequency seems to have occurred between 1635 and 1650when the 20,000 Hurons were feelmg the impact of European civil-ization through the epidemics of smallpox carried by the Frenchtraders and the Christian teaching Jesuits, and the torture and perse-cution of the Iroquois who had received rum and guns from theAlbany Dutch. This interpretation, if correct, would seem to bearout the theory of modern sociologists who derive from the conditionsleading to mass suicides their concept of social disorganization. As Antheop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 123the recorded cases represent only a fraction of actual incidence, wecannot judge the actual frequency per 1,000 per year; we have onlya clue to relative frequency from period to period.Lacking a summary of Iroquois frequency, Wisse (1933, p. 161)assumes that the cases were relatively frequent on the grounds that thegreat variety of causes, discussed below, is proportional to frequency ? as contrasted with but one Winnebago case?and he places the Iro-quois, Hurons, and Delaware in column B (second rank) of his fourfoldestimate of relative frequencies among primitive peoples, with theOnondagas in column C (Wisse, 1933, pp. 465, 467). Of greater sig-nificance, perhaps, would be a future study of the conditions leading tomurder, rape, and incest, and the periodic changes in frequency of thesecounterpart crimes for which suicide might provide the escape.Breaking the data down by tribes, among the Huron-Iroquois noone tribe has a monopoly of cases. For the periods for which there aredata, they usually concern one tribe, and the frequencies by tribes fromperiod to period are similar, excepting the modem Senecas who re-ceived intensive investigation, although we suspect that there weremany more unrecorded cases among the Hurons about 1648 when theFive Iroquois nations combined to wipe them out. There are 7 plusHuron, 8 Onondaga, 4 generaHzed Iroquois, 1 Mohawk, and 16Seneca cases.Quantitatively, the Huron-Iroquois cases, excluding the four cases ofDelaware men and four cases of Algonkin women, show no significantgroup differences between the sexes ; whereas among the Algonldn andSaulteaux women's cases predominate; only men are reported from theOttawa, and the other eastern woodland groups do not seem to bedifferentiated along sex lines (Wisse, 1933, pp. 188-182).We do find interesting group differences between horizontal agegrades. There are more than four references to children, whom observ-ors categorize plurally without enumerating individual cases, but it ismy impression that they were fewer than adult cases. There are 5 inci-dents of youths (male and female) and 10 of young men and women,14 of men and women, and 10 of middle age, and 2 of old men. Thetoll feU heaviest on the younger men and middle-aged women; theformer were liable to be warriors, gamblers, and drunkards, while thelatter were liable to desertion and mistreatment, significantly enoughabout the time that they approached climacteric. Therefore, thesefemale suicides might be interpreted as protests against recognizingthe transition from the adult to old-age status when their lovers havegiven social recognition to their physiological passage.^"Our data do not point to any significant relation between full-bloodedness and suicide rate. Rather, suicide rate does not appear *o This interpretation springs from reading Professor Linton's stimulating discussion of Status and Role inbis The Study of Man. (See Linton, 1936, p. 119.) 124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128to increase with dilution, although mixed-bloodedness and cultureconflict paralleled each other in the recent Seneca cases. However,we have no accurate measure, including genealogies for the recentgenerations of Senecas, of the extent of intermarriage; but it islikely that prior to 1700 we are dealing with full-bloods. The JesuitRelations would be apt to teU us if any of the subjects were children ofFrench fathers. Nevertheless, the question of degree of blood can bea factor preventing full participation in tribal society and, therefore,lead to suicide, as in case 10 of the Tuscarora girl whose parents pre-vented her marrying a white man, and it is easy to conceive howattitudes toward the children of such a union would not be favorable ; but, unfortunately, I have no case of a mix-blood suicide growing outof tribal persecution.Iroquois smcides as failures in adaptation may be classified accord-ingly as they fulfill response, avoidance, or recognition-seekingmotives.^^ The love-motive, a response mechanism, figures in casesgoing back to 1635 either as jealousy, revenge of mistreatment, loveof the dead, or escape from enforced marriage. Sometimes, severalmotives combine in a single case: Jealousy is combined with revengeof mistreatment in the type A cases of poisoning; women becomejealous of a husband's new mistress and seek revenge through poison-ing, as in cases 1, 2, 3, 3a, and 3b among the modern Senecas, andMohawks, and cases 19 (1672) and 20 (1656) among the Onondagas.The same motive lies behind the suicides of four Delaware men (case14) mentioned by Heckewelder, and one woman mentioned by Penn,1680. Jealousy occurs 6 times, and spouse revenge 12 times, being themost frequent type of motive in our records. This is fundamentallyan old pattern going as far back as there are records for women'ssuicides. However, we have no such cases among Huron women,but the love-motive arising out of jealousy and anxiety over betrayedlove operates in women's suicides among the Central AlgonkianOjibwa, Sauk, and Ottawa (Wisse, p. 168).Wisse suggests that the superior position of Iroquois women is afactor in the infrequency of love-motive suicides arising out of anger,jealousy, and anxiety. Actually, there are more cases than he sus-pected, and my informants have emphasized jealousy and anxietyas the love-motives behind suicides in revenge of mistreatment. TheSeneca concept of romantic tragedy views suicide as the final instru-ment to which an Iroquois woman may resort to bring public opinionupon her errant lover. Thus suicide might be considered the counter-weight opposing desertion in the patterned equilibrium of marriage, ? Wisse has grouped the causes of these suicides as: Desire to escape physical su?feriiig, insult or Injury,unfaithfulness of loved-ones, and out of love of another; but my own thinking has been largely influenced byW.I.Thomas' concept of the "Four Wishes" (new experience, response, recognition, and security) that liesbehind his recent treatment of data from early societies in Primitive Behavior, (1937, see especially p. 358),and his earlier essay. The Configiu-ations of Personality (1928, pp. 145-148). Antheop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON" 125focusing an adverse public opinion charged with potential bloodrevenge, society's unconscious device for administering justice, onthe guilty husband.The motive of revenge for mistreatment extends beyond love affairsto response situations between generations. As early as 1637 amongthe Hurons (case 22), there are child suicides revenging punishmentor parental mistreatment. Children are seldom punished today, andwe find the historical explanation of the customary parental attitudein the seventeenth century fear that they might kill themselves bytaking a poisonous herb, usually Cicuta, or, less often, shoot or hangthemselves. Then, the indulgent attitude of Iroquois parents towardtheir children, whom they seldom punish and then only to throw waterin their faces, is the reciprocal of children's potential revenge seekingin the patterned relationship between the end-point statuses of parentand child. Wisse explains child suicides as due partly to fits of angergrowing out of personality variables determined before birth. Hewould, I gather, attribute them to congenital factors (predispositions)plus culturally determined values such as revenge seeking, the resultof an attitude of sensitivity to personal injury, a prime Iroquois valuefrom early days forward according to Dablon, Lafitau, and my ownfield experience. (Wisse, 1933, pp. 171-172; Dablon, 1676, in Thwaites,1896-1901, vol. 60, p. 287; and Lafitau, 1724, vol. 1, p. 603.)That children might grow up to mistreat their parents is anotherstock excuse the Senecas give for not disciplining their children.While it is suggestive that the number of cases where Iroquois adultshave maltreated their aged parents is great enough to warrant investi-gation, we have only two suicides of old Onondaga men in revenge ofabuse at the hands of their descendants (case 27, Onondaga, 1682). Inone of these cases, the secondary cause was his love for his deceasedwife. Here we have the converse of the patterned relationship betweenparent and child explained above because here the relative statuseshave been advanced a generation and the mistreatment reversed.Suicide becomes an escape for the lower and upper generations fromthe abuse of the middle generation.The Iroquois love their dead. Whether we read the Jesuit accountsdescribing the care which the Hurons lavished on their dead ancestors'bones before burying them in huge ossuaries at the Dead Feast, orobserve the behavior of modern Senecas during the long wakes pre-ceding burials, or listen to the funeral orator warn the mourners tobury their sorrows in the grave, or hear out the monotonous songsof the Chanters for the Dead, a ceremonial prophylaxis to removethoughts of the dead from the minds of the living, we discover back-ground materials lending symbolic meaning to early suicides followingthe death of a near relative. Our four cases come from the seven-teenth century. Commencing with the earliest case in the Jesuit 126 BUHEAU OF AMEHrCAIi^ ETHNODOGY [Bull. 128Relations (case 24, Huron, 1635), a Huron kills himself over thedeath[?] of his wife, and the case of the melanchony young chief whotook Cicuta over the death of his son (case 23), they end in 1684 withLahontan's eulogy on the amazing constancy of Huron-Iroquoisspouses (case 15). For some of them love of the dead may havebeen a principal cause, but whether they really thought they couldfollow the dead to the spirit world is irrelevant to the actual deedwhich was more likely motivated by a fixation on the dead, bolsteredby the Iroquois belief in the compulsive power of the dead overthe living. This is seen in a number of modern suicides wheremurder arising through jealousy suggests the sequence of self-destruc-tion (cases: 5, 6, 7, 8, and 13). Perhaps the Iroquois feel the com-pulsion which the dead exercise over the living less than they did inthe seventeenth century when Lahontan observed the unequivocalcase of an Iroquois who killed herself to follow her husband (case 15) ; but Lahontan explains that this spouse sequence was not obligatoryunless the soul manifested its uneasiness in the spirit land by causingthe survivor to dream twice within 6 months, in which case thesurvivor sang the Death Song and went cheerfully. At the presenttime, the Society of the Chanters for the dead still operates to freethe survivor's mind of any compulsion to follow the dead. Spousesuicides were a voluntary pattern condoned during the seventeenthcentury and successfully circumvented in the twentieth; and ourrecords are incomplete for the eighteenth and nineteenth. Also weare unable to know how many men simply went to war and got them-selves killed following the death of a near relative. ^^Suicides out of love for the dead are reported also from the Algon-kin (case 31, b and c), Ojibwa, Ottawa, Pottawatomi, and Saul-teaux (Wisse, 1933, pp. 166-167).Suicides to escape enforced marriage are uncommon with theIroquois, although they are reported from the Algonkin tribe (case 32)and possibly the Seneca (case 18, 1672). Among the Iroquois, themothers arranged the marriages, divorce was easy, and remarriageregular. Probably, as Wisse suggests (1933, p. 170), the lack ofsuch cases reflects the more favorable position of the Iroquois woman.Enforced marriages are certainly not consonant with a strong clanfeeling which would resist aggression of outside males, and betweenclans the mothers attempt to build permanent bonds through effect-ing workable marriages. However, we have the one Tuscaroracase where the family induced a suicide by preventing a desiredmarriage with an outlander, a white man (case 10). However,suicides to escape marriage were found among the Ojibwa (Catlin,1841, vol. 2, p. 143) and Delaware (Schoolcraft, 1851-57, vol. 5, <2 1 am indebted to Dr. Julian H. Steward for this observation. Anthhop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SiUIOIDE FENTON 127 p. 683) ; and the seemingly Algonkin lover's leap parallels the Maidof the Mist as a typical trait.Avoidances, the second general class of causes or motives, embrac-ing desires to escape martyrdom, punishment, or revenge, and suicidesof the sick, raise a paradox. In the Eastern Woodlands, as on thePlains and in the Southeast, the regular pattern was for brave warriorsto seek glory or death in warfare. This meant that regularly normalmen died by torture without fear of death. Yet, the dishonor thatattached to being taken captive and the love of freedom and dislikeof restraint, that we have seen characterized Iroquois child rearing,led warriors, says Lahontan (1703, vol. 2, pp. 79-80), to kill them-selves rather than be taken captive. For this reason, Wisse (1933,p. 161) holds that suicide to escape torture was a secondary motive.Yet some Iroquois individuals did not conform to the norms set forthem by their culture and committed suicides to avoid painful deaths.Thus we have an alternative pattern for escaping the traditionaldefinition of the situation?the ideal pattern. We have three cases ofIroquois men who killed themselves from fear of martyrdom: TheIroquois facing torture among the Hurons who attempted to choke him-self (case 33, 1639), the Iroquois who dove into the Huron kettle ofboiling water, 1647 (case 30), and the cowardly Iroquois who stabbedhimself at Quebec, 1692 (case 25). All of these come from the1600's; there are probably other later cases. We see a similarmotive in the Miami who attempted to swallow stones (case 26)and later choke himself, the Algonkin women who drowned or at-tempted to hang themselves lest they be burnt (case 31), and thePequots who in despair rushed into their burning houses to avoidcapture (DeForest, 1851, p. 133). This type of suicide appearsamong Iroquois, Algonkians, and Sioux.The recent type B suicides to escape the consequences of violentmurders, either punishment or blood revenge, are the modern variantsof the old seventeenth century pattern of avoiding martyrdom bysuicide. Cases 6, 7, 8, and 13 all follow the desire to escape revenge,avoid capture, or efface loss of status.Suicides of the sick parallel the former cases as efforts to avoid orforeshorten a painful death. Here come the many cases from theyears of the Huron smallpox epidemics: The sick Huron who hadhimself stabbed twice, and then swallowed an awl (case 35); and re-lated to these are the suicides of the aged (case 27). This type ofsuicide seems more common among the Algonkin, Ojibwa, Saulteaux,and Pottawatomi who lived closer to the border of starvation.Suicides registering a feeling of lost status or recognition that in-volves the motives of shame and vanity, or a feeling of status or recog-nition never attained, as in the few cases of chronic misanthropes, arenot many among the Iroquois. One might interpret the love-motive 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 suicides of women who have lost husbands as an expression of loststatus, as in the case of the Seneca lover who lost his bride (case 4a) . Shame is a motive in the case of the horse thief (case 7) ; the murdererof Mary Jemison's son (case 13) ; and in two early cases, the Onondagaambassador (case 29), 1648, and the melancholy Huron who gambledaway the family wampum (case 34) . Vanity appears also in the lattercases. Melancholia induced by drunkenness operated in the recentcase 8a of the Seneca sachem. Gamblers committed suicide in Con-necticut (DeForest, pp. 16, 17), and melancholy seems to have beena cause with the Algonkin, while shame was a motive with the Ojibwa,Ottawa, and Delaware (Wisse, 1933, pp. 172-174). This type ofsuicide is hardly typical of the Iroquois, at least in the light of thepresent evidence.Wisse (1933, pp. 174-175) has summarized the motives with someoverlapping and has given their distribution by tribes. Taking hisdata together with ours, the following tribes furnish one or moreillustrations of suicides recognizing lost status?wounded pride,injured honor, jealousy, and vanity (Wisse holds that loss of self-esteem leads to revenge suicides) : Micmac, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Sauk,Delaware, Huron, and Iroquois (Mohawk, Onondaga, and Seneca),and Tutelo (Byrd). Avoidances of physical suffering?for reasonsof age, sickness, fear of martyrdom or gruesome death, mauling, andhunger?occur among Algonkin, Miami, Pottawatomi, Ojibwa,Saulteaux, Shawnee, Pequots, Huron, and Iroquois (Onondaga andSeneca). Suicides in response to imfaithfulness of love mates (andhere Wisse includes love of freedom and enforced marriages as sharingcommon nobility of feeling) , are distributed among Algonkin, Ottawa,Ojibwa, Sauk, Winnebago, Delaware, Shawnee (Voegelin), Ontario [?1,Huron, and Iroquois (Mohawk, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora).These distributions are too widespread to be diagnostic for our pur-poses. However, Wisse groups Saulteaux, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Huron,and Iroquois cases together in a fourth category because these neigh-boring tribes share suicides growing out of love for another. I wouldinterpret this as a northern Great Lakes area type motive since twoof our four Huron-Iroquois cases are from the seventeenth centuryHurons, and we have only one definite Iroquois case, and the customseems to have gone out of vogue 50 years after the Huron dispersal.It is consistently Iroquoian only inasmuch as it fits their emphasisthat the love motive is the only legitimate reason for suicide. Themore typically Iroquoian love suicides are those of women who poisonthemselves to revenge imfaithfulness, a pattern that is continuouslydistributed over a limited area south from the Iroquois proper amongIroquois (Mohawk, Oneida [?], Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, andTuscarora), Delaware, and Shawnee [?] (Voegelin). Antheop. Pap. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 129Our cases are about equally divided between poisoning (type A)and violent methods (type B). Our data show 24 instances of poison-ing: 10 men and 14 women. We are in doubt what poison 5 used,although 3 of these took herbs; 14, plus-or-minus 2, took Cicuia,which seems to have been the favorite with Iroquois women and afew men after 1672; and it was taken by Huron men as early as 1636,with the likelihood of contemporary use among the Iroquois; and 5took mayapple, but 4 of these were Delaware men. Poisoning offered14 to 10 odds for women over men, and odds were probably greaterbecause women mentioned plurally are counted once. Byrd reportsa Tutelo woman who ate trumpet plant root to protest a hanging(Byrd, 1929, pp. 310-312). Wisse and I are in agreement that poison-ing was the most common method among the Huron, Iroquois, andDelaware. The difference in the Iroquois cases is that predominatelywomen killed themselves in this way, and there are relatively fewreferences to men. Lahontan suggests that surviving male spousestook poison, as did Mary Jemison's son's murderer (case 13).Hanging or strangling is the next favorite method. Our dataindicate 12 attempts and 5 failures, of which 3 are cases of Algonkinwomen (cases 31 a, b, and 32). The four recent Seneca hangings aremales, two of whom avoided the consequences of violent crimes (cases7 and 8); whereas a Miami attempted strangling at Onondaga, 1682(case 26), and an Onondaga hanged himself to end old age (case 27)causing a stir that points to the rarity of these cases ; and we have oneisolated Huron case following gambling (case 34). Hanging was afavorite method with the Algonkin tribe and among the Micmacs ofthe Gaspe (Le Clercq, 1910, p. 247), along with drowning which wassimilarly uncommon among the Huron and Iroquois: The singleOnondaga who plunged into a Huron kettle is hardly typical (case 30).However, thi-ee Onondagas and two Hurons facing torture attemptedstabbing, one failing, and one Algonkin woman succeeded prior to 1690.After 1690 there are five attempts at shooting, including three failures.In the modern period, knife suicides gave way to gun suicides; perhapsthe change was facilitated by the improvement of shorter firearms.These cases are more common later on the Plains. We have only onelover's leap, the Maid of the Mists (case 10), and one male who casthimself under a train (case 6). "Suicide in any form [is] unknown among the far Northern Algon-quians" (Flannery, 1939, p. 132).If we look to the Southeast for the sources of Iroquois poisonings,we find only Byrd's report of the lone Tutelo King's daughter who atethe root of trumpet plant to protest a hanging and because she fearedshe might be mistreated as the last of her nation (Byrd, 1929, pp.310-312). Olbrechts reports suicides as rare but not unknownamong the Cherokee who, like their linguistic Iroquoian cousins, find 130 BUHEAU OF AMERICAIT ETHlfOLOGY' [Bdll. 128illness or incurable love troubles principal causes. A suicide causesa tremendous commotion, but there are no especial beliefs connectedwith the fate of the ghost. Olbrechts (1932, p. 144) could find only-three cases, all men. Two shot themselves, and one strangled himselfwith a rope, while he was told that Cherokee women chewed andswallowed the roots of Cicuta maculata L. for 4 days consecutively toput an end to their conceptive abilities. I can well imagine, if there isanything to our Iroquois cases, that they might, as they allege, "be-come sterile forever" (Olbrechts, 1932, p. 117). Among the Alabamasuicides were deprived of burial and thrown into the river; a suicidewas considered a coward.*^ Suicides were relatively uncommonamong the Chickasaw, according to Cushman, and the rifle was thefavorite instrument of death (Swanton, 1928 b, p. 232). The onlything that approaches our northern cases of root poisoning is thecustom of lovelorn women drinkhig "bitter" cassava water in Guiana,and the reports that the natives committed suicide on a wholesalescale at the time of the Spanish conquest (Roth, 1924, p. 560).Eating wild parsnip root, a species of Cicuta, was an accepted modeof committing suicide as far afield to the west as among the Atsugewi,Achomawa, and Surprise Valley Paiute of northeastern California(VoegeUn, 1937, p. 456).There is one other possible relationship with the southeasterncustom of murder by administering poison which may have workedits way north to Virginia in the 1600's from the country of the Siouanpeoples. The Chitimacha killed enemies by poisoning springs, as didthe Indians of Virginia and Carolina, where it was not uncommon fora chief to make way with the heir to his position, if the latter did notplease him, by administering a poisonous plant (Swanton, 1928 a,p. 697). However, there are no reports that individuals poisonedthemselves, nor have I discovered instances of Iroquois poisoningtheir enemies.We are left, then, with the conclusion that suicide by taking apoisonous root is an Iroquois culture trait that we have not succeededin deriving from any other ethnic group outside of the area in whichthe Huron-Iroquois Tribes were living in the seventeenth century.Let us turn to the first question concerning traditional attitudestoward suicide as a value. Modern Senecas consider it a deplorableact and convey the impression that formerly there were fewer cases,but they recall cases of women who poisoned themselves and men whosought violent deaths after murdering someone. Everyone reproachesthe murderers but they condone those unsuccessful lovers who suc-cumb to the compulsive attraction of taking waterhemlock. Therich lore surrounding this plant alone attests its long use ; considering " Swanton, 1928, p. 397, citing Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 49-50. Antheop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE?FENTON 131 cases going back to 1635, its use must be aboriginal. Nevertheless,we have information that suicides sometimes created strong publicreaction. When women kill themselves society reacts hostilely bygossiping about the shameful behavior of the deserting lover and takesno action (case 1). While it may react strongly to suicide,s of murder-ers and thieves, it is comfortably relieved because it need not takeaction (cases 5, 6, and 13), and the ultimate suicide merely deepens theinitial tragedy. Since Iroquois society values ties of consanguinityabove conjugal links, grief attending spiteful child suicides wasespecially bitter (Lafitau, case 14); and likewise, when housematesand community drunks persecuted two old men to death in the sameyear (1682), Onondaga village expressed its horror to the relativesand the adopted cabin mates (case 27). One other warrior condemnedhis fellow's suicide as cowardice for not fulfilling the ideal patternof stoically enduring martyrdom.The individual himself manifested varying attitudes toward suicide.He might know all the traditional attitudes against the act, evenhaving heard that it would exclude him from the land of souls, andyet perform the act in the traditional manner when circumstancedemanded. Therefore, we cannot take too seriously the theory of asociety whose tradition furnishes nicely patterned means for violatingits values. Nevertheless, we may inquire whether the belief thatsouls of suicides are excluded from the land of the dead is aboriginal.Handsome Lake's followers believe the creator has alloted the dayseach shall live and that suicide will render their souls earth-bound.On the surface one might suspect that this is the mark of early Jesuitteaching, but while I do not deny Christian influence, I think thatvery likely part of the belief antedates missionary teaching. Corn-planter's version of Handsome Lake's Code devotes half its length toadmonishing the people about values that were commonly disregardedin daily life during the prophet's time, 1735-1815, and the balance ofthe message describes his journey to the sky-world, a traditional typeof visionary experience, during which he witnesses rewards reminiscentof the Book of Revelation, which his Philadelphia educated nephewsread to him. But the code offers us negative evidence on suicide.The prophet inveighs against behavior that might furnish suicidemotives?man deserts wife, man's jealousy of children, wife's motherslanders daughter's husband, wife beating, gossip wife was unfaithfulduring husband's hunt, polygamy, child pimishment, drink, discredit-ing own child's legitimacy, and unkindness to aged?but he does nottreat of suicide directly (Parker, 1913, pp. 30-35). In the later sec-tions, he preaches the concept of allotted life, but does not describesuicides as being punished in the House of Torment (Parker, 1913,pp. 49, 57, 68-73, 107-109). Nevertheless, Edward Cornplanter,Parker's informant, told his son, my informant, that souls of suicides 132 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOL'OGTi [Bull. 128 remain earth-bound, and probably he sometimes included this warningwhen reciting the code. Mary Jemison narrates that Senecas livingalong the Genesee in 1817 believed that suicides deprived their soulsof good hunting in the land of the dead and excluded themselves fromentering cabins where the good and brave warriors dwell. Yet learn-ing this doctrine did not prevent a murderer from ultimately takingCicuta (case 13). The Delawares a generation earlier had no especialprejudices in the matter (case 14). Lafitau, with a century of Jesuitexperience behind him, cites suicides that occurred despite the beliefthat they received differential treatment in afterlife according tomanner of death, that souls of suicides were separated from the othersouls and had no communication with them (case 16). This beliefextends back to the early seventeenth century and can hardly bereconciled with the contemporary belief that surviving spouses couldfollow their love mates to the land of souls when summoned repeatedlythrough dreams. However, ethnology no longer tries to resolve allthe conflicts in its data because ethnologists have demonstrated thatsocieties often furnish mutually contradictory patterns for the indi-vidual to follow. Our own notions concerning the destiny of soulsare almost as contradictory as those held by the seventeenth centuryIroquois (Wolf, 1919, p. 44). We might expect more variationconcerning knowledge of the supernatural than about elements moreclosely connected with the daily life of the people.Charlevoix, contemporary of Lafitau, recorded the belief that soulsof those who meet violent deaths have no commerce with the rest,that survivors burn or bury the bodies immediately and never laythem in the common burying ground, and allow them no share in theFeast of the Dead (Charlevoix, 1761, vol. 1, p. 192). Bressani'sHuron Relation of 1653 was probably Charlevoix's source, for Bressaniclaims to have more than once seen those who die a violent deathburned or buried immediately, and that not even those who freezeto death are removed for subsequent ossuary burial at ? the feast of the dead,?they believing without reason that the souls of thoseunhappy ones who died miserably either in war, etc. [which probably includessuicides and tortures], have no communication in the other life with the othersouls. **Br^beuf, relating in 1636 what the Huron opinion is regarding thenature of the soul here and hereafter, corrects his statement of theprevious year.^^ His 1635 information based on mythology made nomention of punishment or reward in the afterlife, and he concludedthat they made no ethical judgments; and they made no distinctionsin burying suicides as they had observed in the case of a young manwho had poisoned himself to follow his recently deceased wife, a pat- " Bressani, 1653 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 39, p. 31).? Br?beu/, 1635, 1636 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121; vol. 10, p. 145) (case 24). ANTHa IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 133tern the Huron condoned in Lahontan's time (1692). But his laterreport describes souls migrating to a large village toward the settingsun, except souls of small children and weak-limbed aged who remain,unable to make the journey, about old villages to harmlessly bangcabin doors; and each nation has its particular village from which theyexclude aliens.The souls of those who died in war form a band by themselves; the others fearthem, and do not permit them entry into their Village, any more than to thesouls of those who have killed themselves. [Br^beuf in Thwaites, 1896-1901,vol. 10, p. 145.]This leaves the souls of suicides without a destination, having novillage of their own, a belief that persisted to Mary Jemison's time(1817) and until recently among the Senecas. Therefore, they mustremain earth-bound. The Hurons were still living their aboriginallife despite t.he intermittent efforts of KecoUects after 1615 andthe sustained efforts of the Jesuits, 1626-50, following Brebeuf'sadvent among them ; and their beliefs about the destiny of souls hadbeen little affected by Christian teaching. The Hurons held twoconflicting patterns of thought regarding souls of suicides?that spousewould follow spouse to the spirit world when summoned throughdreams, whioh Huron culture valued above all other portents, andthat souls of suicides remained earth-bound, excluded from towns ofwarriors and ordinary dead in the land of souls. ^?Catholic doctrine supplemented native beliefs, and the Jesuitssowed the doctrine of sin where natives lacked any especial beliefsabout the fate of their souls following suicide. Further, baptism forremission of sins saved the souls of those who, having sinned, confessedand repented. This must have given some comfort to those whodesperately poisoned themselves and had misgivings about the fateof their souls (case 21). The fathers used every opportunity to instructthe natives. When a Huron woman felt compassion for a Senecawhom they were torturing (1636) and asked LeMercier if there couldbe harm in his committing suicide ? The Father instructed them fully upon this point, and showed them that Godalone was the master of our lives, and it was for him only to dispose of them; thatthose who poisoned themselves or made away with themselves by violence com-mitted a grievous sin; and that Saouandanoncoua . . . would lose the fruit ofhis baptism, and would never go to Heaven, if he hastened by a single momentthe hour of his death.^'' " Hewitt came to a similar conclusion (1895, p. 1), but his published statement Is ambiguous and misledWisse (1933, p. 177), while his original manuscript (Misc. Notes relative to the state of the Soul after death,etc., Ms. No. 3638, Bur. Amer. Ethnol.) indicates that Brfibeuf and Lafitau, whom I have cited, and Sagardand LeJeune were his sources. Following Brfibeuf, he states, the war dead as well as suicides "have sepa-rate villages, not being allowed to visit the others, since these fear them"; but in compacting Brfebeuf, hemisquotes him." LeMercier, 1637, in Thwaites, 1898-1901, vol. 13, p. 59.218558?40 10 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN: ETHNOLOGY [BntL. 128This teaching, coming later the same year that Br^beuf wrote,probably consolidated the older Huron belief. It may also date theintroduction of the concept that God is the master of lives, a functionthe Hurons had already ascribed to their cosmological heroes (Hewitt,1912) which readily attached itself to existing Huron belief, for in1659 a Huron about to cut his throat recalled the Catholic teachingthat man does not control his life and threw away the knife (case 28).By 1677, Cholenec reports how various Mohawks, Onondagas, andHurons near Montreal have learned in the church to overcome cul-tural hypersensitivity that formerly led to revenge seeldng or suicide(Cholenec in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 60, pp. 287-289). Jesuitinfluence supplied religious sanctions to suicides where they werelacking among the Algonkin, as among the Delaware; it clarifiedHuron-Iroquois thinking by buttressing the ideas of differential statusin heaven and the Creator as the controller of life by teaching thatGod is the master of lives. This may have led to the concept ofallotted life and suicide as a sinful act. At any rate, by 1700 spousesuicides had ceased and the frequency of other suicides was lessening.Conclusions.?An ambivalent Huron-Iroquois attitude towardsuicide as a value crystalized into open hostility under Christianteaching. A definite concept of allotted life and exclusion from theland of the dead resulted. The latter belief was aboriginal. Publicopinion condemned as cowardice male suicides to avoid physicalsuffering, such as torture, but condoned cases of women who weremistreated by lovers. The greatest frequency came during theperiod immediately following white contact when conditions wereripe for social disorganization. We have not found a higher rate ofmixblood suicides over fullbloods, nor any appreciable increase inrecent years. The principal motive with women was revenge of mis-treatment by husbands who deserted them at middle age; childrenresented restraint, and men sought to avoid physical suffering, eithermartyrdom or blood revenge; some cases involve loss of status.Poisoning was the favorite Huron-Iroquois method, and Cicuta hasremained the suicide root during 300 years, with mayapple runninga close second; women prefer poisoning and men are more apt to seekviolent ends, such as strangling and stabbing, which gave way to shoot-ing after firearms were introduced. Finally, the remarkable fact inIroquois suicides is not the change that has followed the impact ofEuropean cultures but the stability of fundamental suicide patternsthroughout the entire period of contact. The same motives, the samemethods, and similar beliefs concerning the fate of souls prevail.Danger of capture and torture ceases with the wars, and blood revengeis giving way to white law enforcement on the reservation: The onusis shifted but throughout avoidance remains the dominating motive. Anthbop.Pap.no. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE?FENTON 135Cases in revenge of mistreatment continue to arise in love-responsesituations, child suicides are now infrequent, and spouse suicides dis-appeared by 1700. Pattern then serves as a cultural continuant forcustom, antecedents have already defined the situation for the indi-vidual, and once a fundamental pattern becomes established it tendsto persist despite substitutions within its framework. The uncon-scious nature of pattern and the illogical character of cultures are shownby the fact that social systems may offer the individual patterns asguides for his conduct that lead to the fulfillment of mutually oppositevalues. BIBLIOGRAPHYBartram, John.1895. 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Ethnol.,1925-26, pp. 453-819.Jannet, Samuel McPherson.1852. Life of William Penn. Philadelphia.Jesuit Relations. See Thwaites, Reuben Gold.Kalm, Peter.1937. Travels in North America. 2 vols. Adolph P. Benson, ed. NewYork.Lafitau, J. F.1724. Moeurs des Sauvages Am^riquains. 2 vols. Paris.Lahontan, Armand Louis de Lom d'Arce, Baron de1703. New voyages to North America. 2 vols. London.La Potherie, M. de Bacqueville de.1753. Histoire de I'Amerique Septentrionale. Paris.Le Clercq, F. Christien.1910. New relation of Gaspesia William F. Ganong, ed. Champlain Soc,Toronto.Linton, Ralph.1936. The study of man. New York.LosKiEL, George Henry.1794. History of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Indians ofNorth America. C. I. Latrobe, trans. London.Marsh, C. D., Clawson, A. B., and Marsh, H.1914. Cicuta, or water hemlock. U. S. Dept. Agric. Bull. 69.Muenscher, Walter Conrad.1939. Poisonous plants of the United States. New York.Olbrechts, Frans M., and Moonet, James.1932. 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Histoire du Canada et Voyages. 4 vols. Tross ed. Paris.1939. The long journey to the country of the Hurons. George M. Wrong,ed. Champlain Soc. Toronto.Schoolcraft, Henry R,1851-1857. Information respecting the history, condition, and prospectsof the Indian tribes of the United States. 6 vols. Philadelphia.Seaver, James Everett.1932. A narrative of the life of Mary Jamison, the white woman of theGenesee. Amer. Scenic and Hist. Preservation Soc. New York.Shea, John Gilmary.1860. A French-Onondaga dictionary, from a manuscript of the seventeenthcentury. Shea Lib. Amer. Linguistics, vol. 1, New York.SwANTON, John R.1928. Social organization and social usages of the Indians of the Creek Con-federacy. 42nd Ann, Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1924-25, pp. 23-472.1928 a. Aboriginal culture of the Southeast. 42nd Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.Ethnol., 1924-25, pp. 677-726.1928 b. Social and religious beliefs and usages of the Chickasaw Indians.44th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1926-27, pp. 169-274.Thomas, W. 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CO - C5 2 s e d rt OCO ?JJ c u? 2 > u OE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 128 Anthropological Papers, No; 15Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies:Ninety Years After Lewis Henry MorganBy WILLIAM N. FENTON 139 PHONETIC NOTEThe orthography employed in this paper is the same as that used in An Outlineof Seneca Ceremonies at Coldspring Longhouse (Fenton, 1936). It reducesSeneca transcription to a minimum of characters required by the economy of thelanguage. The vowels: a (of English /oi/ier) ; a (of English hat) ; e (of EngUsh met) ;e (of French ete) ; i (of French fini) ; and o (of English mote) may later be reducedto four: a, e, i, and o. They occur frequently in diphthongs and less frequently intriphthongs. Nasalization is denoted by a hook beneath the vowel: Vowellength by a raised period after the vowel. A raised comma indicates the glottalstop. The character I is c (of English shoe) ; affricatives vary between dzand dj (of English adze and judge) depending on the speaker; s and t are ordi-narily somewhat aspirated; heavily aspirated s and t are followed by h (e. g.,sh ajad th); h everywhere indicates aspiration; and T indicates a terminal whis-pered t which is articulated after a glottal stop in a few words.140 CONTENTS FaceMethod 143The longhouse 144The calendric cycle 144Periodic cures and renewals 145The Tonawanda pattern 146Morgan's account, circa 1846 147Conclusion 151Appendix A. L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parker (letter) 151Appendix B. E. S. Parker to L. H. Morgan (letter) 153Appendix C. The Tonawanda ceremonial cycle 158ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES9. Tonawanda longhouse: 1, The longhouse and cook house. 2, Indianyouths reshingle the longhouse under National Youth Adminis-tration, 1937 16610. Faithkeepers prepare the Community Feast in honor of the "ThreeSisters" at the Planting, or Seed, Festival in May 16611. The men assist the women by pounding corn 16612. Our Uncles, "the Bigheads," go through the houses announcing theMidwinter Festival 16613. 1, The False-face Beggar Dancers visit a house on second night ofMidwinter Festival. 2, 3, Charlie ChapUn and the Devil capture theimagination of children 16614. Groups and individuals stage impromptu dance contests 16615. Facsimile of first page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parkerwritten at Rochester, January 29, 1850 16616. Facsimile of last page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parkerwritten at Rochester, January 29, 1850, showing signature 16617. Facsimile of first page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morgan writtenat EUicottville, February 12, 1850 16618. Facsimile of last page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morganwritten at EUicottville, February 12, 1850, showing signature 166141 TONAWANDA LONGHOUSE CEREMONIES: NINETY YEARSAFTER LEWIS HENRY MORGAN ' By William N. FentonMETHODDuring 30 months, February 1935 to September 1937, I was inalmost daily contact with the Tonawanda Band of Senecas. Althoughoccupied with official duties, I nevertheless witnessed the entirecycle of ceremonies that Handsome Lake's followers have perpetuatedat Tonawanda longhouse. At odd moments older Indians explainedthe present form and content of the rituals; they indicated uniquefeatures of the Tonawanda cycle; and they suggested possible changesin the last 100 years.I have followed the method which Dr. Frank G. Speck devisedfor recording the Cayuga yearly ceremonial calendar at Sourspringslonghouse, which proved convenient for recording rituals at Cold-spring longhouse, classifying my field notes, and presenting a summaryof results (Fenton, 1936).^ This approach reveals that although thesame dances are shared by neighboring longhouse groups, patterningof the ceremonies differs from group to group ; and that each longhouserepeats its ritual pattern several times during the yearly cycle. Theyearly cycle is outlined, indicating the time, duration, and purposeof each festival; and the composition of ceremonies is listed day byday. Analysis of prayers reveals an Iroquois Pantheon of threeorders: Spirit-forces on the earth, a midpantheon of appointed spiritsabove the earth, and an upper pantheon of forces controlling theuniverse. Prayers and thanksgiving songs, addressed to the unseenspirit world, commence on the earth and run the whole fixed gamut ? This paper was delivered in part, as "The Pattern of Seneca Ceremonies at Tonawanda Longhouse,"before section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science on June 16, 1936, at the Uni-versity of Rochester. The present draught was read December 27, 1936, at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association at Washington, D. C.The data presented here were collected during field trips spread over several years. The study beganin 1934 with grants-in-aid of research from the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University, and itcontinued from 1935 until mid-1937 while I acted as Community Worker for the United States Indian FieldService in the New York area. Thanks are due Prof. Edward Sapir of the former institution and JohnCollier, Commissioner of Indian Aflairs, for their sustained interest in my Iroquois researches. My greatestdebt is to my Seneca friends: Jesse Cornplanter, Cephas Hill, Rev. Peter Doctor, Chief Henan Scroggand the ''Salt Creek Singers," a mutual-aid fraternity at Tonawanda, who in accepting me for member-ship anchored my labors to the rock of tradition. ? Dr. Speck's monograph is still unpublished. 143 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 of stations upward to the Creator. Specific rites fall into three groupsaccording to their function of bringing man into rapport with par-ticular spirit-forces. There is a group of worship rites addressed tothe Creator, others to the spirits of cultivated plants; a group ofmedicine-society rites concern man's relation to specific earth-boundtutelaries, frequently animals; and some societies restrict participationin their ceremonies to members only. The remaining rites fall underthe general rubric of social dances which lack any direct religiouspurpose.Work at Tonawanda has been a projection of a program to obtaincomparable data for all Iroquois ceremonial groups, trusting that thefacts may ultimately lend themselves to historical interpretation.The approach recognizes an intense feeling of localism, which inform-ants voice in their replies to data obtained at other longhouses.Therefore, with Lewis Henry Morgan (1901, vol. 1, 175 ff.) as my illus-trious predecessor among the grandfathers of my oldest Tonawandainformants, I commenced work ill-prepared to discover vestiges of aneven richer ceremonial life after 90 years of supposed deculturation.^THE LONGHOUSEThe present Tonawanda longhouse, situated "down below" near thenorthwest end of the reservation, was built in 1876.* It is near thesite of an older, log longhouse which stUl can be distinguished by anelliptical indentation near the present road where the feet of manydancers, emerging at intermissions to cool off and gossip, wore a pathabout the sunken foundation. South toward Indian Falls, anotherlog longhouse stood on Sand Hill where the road emerges on a plateau.About 1870, the Faithkeepers tore it down in anticipation of erectinga new building of matched lumber, but, at that time, most of theirmembership passed over to the Christian party. No one now livingremembers a third ceremonial longhouse which formerly stood in themiddle of the original Tonawanda settlement of bark houses on thesouth bank of Tonawanda Creek near the canal feeder. As might beexpected, where the longhouses were, at most, an hour's walk apart, theyearly round of ceremonies is said to have been identical.THE CALENDRIC CYCLEThe Tonawanda Senecas observe seven religious festivals of thanks-giving. The yearly cycle commences at midwinter on the fifth dayof the new moon called ni-sgo'wakne when the Pleiades are on themeridian at dusk. This moon, when the game commences to rut,anciently marked the end of hunting and winter removal and witnessedthe return to sedentary village life. ? For ceremonies at Newtown longhouse, Cattaraugus Eeservatlon, see Parker, 1913. < Charles Blackchief, well over 80 years old, remembered that the lumber for the present building costabout $500, which the Faithkeepers raised by conscription of annuity moneys among the longhouse party;they have twice reshingled It. ANTHROP. FAP. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES FENTON 145Seven days are devoted to renewing rituals of shamanistic medicinesocieties as revealed in old dreams, celebrating new dreams, andreturning thanks to the Creator for life and sustenance, and prayingfor an early spring. A lineal descendant of the shamanistic orgy,called the Feast of Fools by the Jesuits among the Hurons, the con-cepts of confession and renewal dominate the festival. Pubhc con-fession of sin precedes the festival; and dreams are revealed andmust be celebrated lest someone take sick and delay the coming ofspring. Renewal implies "new fire," the repetition of every knownceremony and dance; it underHes the White Dog sacrifice, and es-pecially the rites associated with the planting, germination, pro-gressive growth, and harvest of cultivated plants^ Thanks-to-the-maple, or the Sap Dance, follows when the sap is collected from grovespreempted by individual families. The Planting Festival, or SeedDance, occurs early in May to soak and bless the seed before returningit to the earth. The Berry Festival, or Strawberry Dance, returnsthanks for the first fruits ripening on earth. The Green Bean Fes-tival, or String-bean Dance, celebrates the ripening of the first culti-vated crop in August. The Green Corn Festival repeats the latterdays of the Midwinter Festival, returning thanks that the crops havematured; and the Harvest Festival, or Bread Dance, late in the faUafter harvesting and storing the crops for winter, completes the cyclebefore going i^to the woods on the fall hunt.The Tonawanda people formerly held a sun-shooting ceremony todislodge from the sun a frog which they believed masked the orb andretarded the approach of spring. And then, in time of drought, thethunder ceremony, which Morgan describes, is still resorted to forrain. A priest bums tobacco imploring the Thunderers to waterthe crops and men dance the War Dance (wasa'se). During therecent dry summer (July 10, 1936), the ceremony failed to bring im-mediate rain, because, according to the faithful, "Too many peopleare wicked now!" Periodic Cures and RenewalsAside from their frequent public appearance during the MidwinterFestival, the False-face Company occasionally appears in early springand late fall to drive pestilences from the settlement. The LittleWater Medicine Society meets on the fifth night of the Berry Moon ? Wissler (1917) has indicated a northern provenience for the medicine-bundle type of shamanistic societiesallegedly derived from earth-bound animals, and he has suggested that the idea of renewal dominates cyclicalrituals which appear to have spread with agriculture as gifts of the spirits in heaven. Possibly the IroquoisMidwinter Festival, and it is a strange palimpsest of ceremony, represents the result of the impact of anagricultural people upon a northern hunting environment. The Iroquois have both charm-bundle societiesand those in which membership is indicated by dreams or hysterical possession, northern concepts, besidesa regular cycle of first-fruits ceremonies closely integrated with the cultivation of maize, a pecuUarly southernidea. Ceremonial buffoonery is widespread. Confession to avoid supernatural disaster occurs among theEskimo and northern Athabaskans (Lowie, 1915, pp. 233-234). The idea of sin with fear of supernaturaldisaster has a greater distribution (Michelson, 1930, pp. 55-S6). 146 BUKEAU or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128(June), the fifth night of the Harvest Moon (October), and sometimesat midwinter when the medicine bmidle has been used after the fallmeeting to renew the strength of the medicine. They sing fourperiods of songs recounting the origin of the society and the cure ofthe good hunter by animals whom he has befriended, but the Tona-wanda lodge sings a fifth group at their fall meeting. Chanters forthe dead usually convene one night in March at the longhouse torest the souls of the departed. Other medicine societies hold privatemeetings throughout the winter, but rarely in summer.*'THE TONAWANDA PATTERNA combination of four dances, recurring together five times duringthe annual cycle of festivals, distinguishes Tonawanda celebrationsfrom versions employed among the Seneca at Coldspring and New-town, and among the Onondaga near Syracuse. Five agriculturalfestivals repeat the same succession of dances?Women's Dance,Feather Dance, Trotting (or Standing Quiver) Dance, Hand-in-handDance, and Women's Dance?with the traditional songs to the plantspirits. This ceremonial pattern, except for particular speechesbelonging to each festival, prescribes the procedure for the Planting,String-bean, last night of the Green Corn, Harvest, and the seventhnight of the Midwinter Festival. The Maple and Strawberry Fes-tivals include two somewhat different patterns. Otherwise, on agiven day of a longhouse festival, the arrangement of the ceremoniesfollows the general ceremonial pattern observed at all Seneca long-houses, which I have described in another paper (Fenton, 1936, p. 14;Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 185).The scope of this paper permits only a schematic summary of this 1night in the cycle of ceremonies. After preliminary meetings, a collec-tion of food and money precedes communal cooking and the festivalat the longhouse. Dances to the triad of agricultural patronesses?thespirits of the corn, beans, and squash: three sisters?should commenceat dusk, because "the com grows at night" and the ceremonies arebelieved to assist its growth. An appointed speaker explains thesignificance of the meeting, returns thanks to all the spirit-forces fromthe earth to the Creator, particularly the growing plants and theThunderers who water them, and announces the names of the singersand dancers. Four dances follow. The women dance first. TheFeather Dance to the Creator follows. The Trotting, or StandingQuiver Dance harks back to centuries of war parties dancing abouttheir stacked arms when breaking camp. Hand-in-hand Dance sym-bolizes the bean and squash vines reaching out tendrils to grasp thegrowing corn. The Tonawanda people call these the Four Rituals ? Form and content of the series and the function of specific rites is presented in outline as an appendix. ANTHBOP. Pap. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 147because they are invariably performed at these five festivals. However,the other Seneca refer to the Feather Dance, Thanksgiving Dance,Personal Chant, and the Bowl Game when they mention the Fom-Ceremonies. Lastly, the women dance about the food kettles to theaccompaniment of the traditional songs of the three sisters?corn,beans, and squash?dramatizing the sisterhood of women and culti-vated plants. The speaker returns thanks to the participants, invokesa blessing on the people, and announces the next festival. An equitabledistribution of the feast ends the meeting, and each family takes homeits share of food provided for the communal cook house. Managementof the festival rests with two women, one from each moiety, and theychoose a chief as their speaker.Peculiar to Tonawanda is the performance of the Feather Dance andThanksgiving Dance on the third and fifth days of the MidwinterFestival and the first day of the Green Corn, and the coincidence of theBowl Game, Women's Dance, and Personal Chant on the fourth andsixth days of the Midwinter Festival and the second day of the GreenCorn Festival (Fenton, 1936, p. 21; Morgan, 1901, vol. l,pp. 196, 213).Since daily arrangement of major rituals disagrees with Morgan'sstatement of 1850, we must consider the possibility of change.MORGAN'S ACCOUNT, CIRCA 1846Lewis Henry Morgan left us a somewhat complete account of theceremonies current at Tonawanda in the middle of the last century, butattributed them to all of the Iroquois. While his description of theMidwinter Festival is full and rich, including difficult ritual prayers,which Ely Parker had ably translated, and there is an occasional bril-liant description of a social dance, like the Trotting Dance (Morgan,1901, pp. 271-273), which could only have been done from notes takenon the spot, his work is, nevertheless, unbalanced by failure to mentionother significant details. He mentions turtle rattles accompanyingthe Thanksgiving Dance, instead of the water drum and horn rattle(Morgan, vol. 1, pp. 192, 273). He says nothing of the almost nightlywinter meetings of medicine societies. He does not complete theprograms of minor festivals after the Maple Dance to demonstrate theiressential similarity (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 185). His failure tomake any reference to a Green Bean Festival arouses one to wonderhow much he really saw, to what extent he depended on Parker, howlong he was in the field, and where he did his work. His extraordinaryinterpreter and collaborator, Ely S. Parker, lived beyond the ford inTonawanda Creek from Sand Hill longhouse, the probable locus of therituals he describes. Parker had access to Handsome Lake's successor,Jimmy Johnson (Soshe'owa*', "Great-burden-strap"), whose workingknowledge of the rituals extended back beyond the advent of theprophet's teaching in 1800. Nevertheless, in mulling over the 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 material which Parker furnished him for describing the religious systemof the Iroquois, Morgan is frequently guilty of repeating Parker'sfailure "to describe Indian life in terms of itself," a method on whichMorgan later insisted. Since Morgan was at his best when describingphenomena which he had observed and later investigated, and sincesome of his observations were so penetrating that no less an authoritythan Lowie (1933, p. 206; 1936, pp. 169-170) has dubbed him a superbobserver, it is especially interesting to learn which rituals Morganactually witnessed. Morgan's manuscript journals and field notes,in the Rush Rhees Library at the University of Rochester, disclosethat all of his expeditions to the Seneca fell in the late fall and winter,by far the best season for field work among the Iroquois. Occupiedwith farming and hunting during the spring, summer, and fall, theIndians feel *'free to talk while the earth sleeps." Nevertheless, hemissed an opportunity to observe the periodic succession of first-fruitsceremonies, commencing with the Maple; he missed the migration offish in Tonawanda Creek, planting, berrying, agriculture, the GreenBean Festival, if there were one, and summer harvest. He seems tohave visited only Tonawanda and Buffalo Creek Reservations, appa-rently not going to Allegheny, and I find no entries of visits to Nichol-son Parker, Ely's brother, at Cattaraugus. His first field trips werepurposely made to gather information for embellishing the rituals ofhis "New Confederacy," an idea which the Indians at first greetedwith mixed feelings ; and it was only later, when he commenced makingcollections for the New York State Cabinet, that his interests becameprimarily scientific. His intense interest in rank, adoption, and placenames gradually made room for the manufacture of moccasins andthe finer detail of ceremonies (Gilchrist, 1936).^ ' Morgan commenced his study of the Iroquois in 1841 (vol. 1, No. 13). He discussed the Iroquois withE. S. Parker on September 27, 1845 (vol. 1, No. 19); and on October 1, 2, and 3, he and George Ripley ofRochester attended a Six Nations Council on Tonawanda Reservation (vol. 1, Nos. 12, 15). Jimmy John-son, successor to Handsome Lake, recited the prophet's message on October 12 and 13, and Ely Parker sentMorgan an English Synopsis (vol. 1, No. 16), reprinted in A. C. Parker (1919, pp. 252-268). December 16,Morgan was at Onondaga (vol. 1, No. 6). The first of the year 1846 in Rochester, Morgan awaited reportsfrom Ely Parker while the Tonawanda chiefs deliberated for 2 days the possible benefits Morgan's "NewConfederacy" might achieve in their dispute with the Ogden Land Company (vol. 1, No. 3). Field notesfor January 27, 1846 (vol. 1, No. 5), were made while a guest of William Parker, Ely's father, duringthe Midwinter Festival at Tonawanda (vol. 1, No. 5, pp. 69-73). After a short excursion to BufialoCreek, he returned on February 6 and observed the White Dog hanging outside the Council house on SandHiU (vol. 1, No. 5, p. 92; 1901, vol. l,p. 202). An archelogical reconnaissance in the Genesee valley intervenedbefore his return to Tonawanda again on March 3, 1846 (vol. 1, No. 7, p. 138).In April and May, In fulfillment of the purposes of the "New Confederacy," Morgan carried a memorialto Washington to procure relief against the treaties of 1838 and 1842 at Buffalo Creek, when the Senecas com-promised the Tonawanda Reservation (vol. 1, No. 8; Rep. Special Comm., 1889, p. 29).The following fall, Morgan and two fellow members of the "New Confederacy" left Rochester, October 27,to attend the Harvest Festival at Tonawanda the following day; and in appreciation of the services of the"new society," they were adopted into various clans on Oct. 31, 1846. They remained in the field a week andreturned to Rochester, November 7 (vol. 2, No. 1; vol. 1, Nos. 9, 10). As late as 1901, Charles T. Portervividly recalled their visit, but gives the year as probably 1847 (Morgan, 1901, vol. 2, pp. 157-161).Except for an excellent description of the War Dance (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 250 ft.), which Morgansays in a footnote occurred at a Mourning Council at Tonawanda in October 1846 (ibid., pp. 251-252), al-though I am inclined to think he meant the previous year, and a reference to a speech by Abraham LaFort Antheop. Pap. No. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 149Morgan was also a prolific letter writer. A letter from L. H.Morgan to Ely [S. Parker] (see Appendix A), which turned up onTonawanda Reservation in February 1936, discloses that Morganwas writing an article on the religious system of the Iroquois duringthe winter of 1850. Finding his notes inadequate, he asks Ely tosend him a description of "The Six Festivals of the Year," which heenumerates as Maple, Planting, Strawberry, Green Corn, Harvest,and New Year's, lamenting that he has only attended two of thesix?the Harvest Festival and Midwinter, or New Year's, Festival.The letter sheds hght on several problems. The six festivalswhich Morgan enumerates in his letter are the same six which hedescribes in the League (1901) and which are still celebrated somewhatdifferently at Newtown and Coldspring longhouses. With a singleexception, the Green Bean Festival, Morgan's enumeration and de-scription is that of the present Tonawanda cycle. His journals andletter say nothing about a Bean Festival. There is the possibilitywhich Simeon Skye first suggested to me in 1934, that"The Tonawanda band have borrowed the Bean Festival, sinceMorgan's day, from the New York Onondaga, who share it withtheir Canadian tribesmen." * However, Tonawanda's oldest in-habitants?Charles Blackchief, well over eighty, and Peter Doctor,in his seventies?remember the performance of the Bean Festival asa well-integrated ritual from their earliest childhood. The processof culture change implies inevitably a progressive loss of older forms;this would mean a slougliing off of festivals, a process that Morganhad already noted in the abandonment of a Whortleberry Festival;and since the Bean Festival repeats the ceremonial pattern of Tona-wanda longhouse, which recurs at the five festivals of the year asso-ciated with agriculture when returning thanks to the Creator for thegermination, progressive growth and fruition of cultivated plants,(Onondaga) as of 1847 (ibid., p. 222), the next field data are Speeches delivered at a council of the Iroquoisheld at Tonawanda, October 4, 5, 6, and 7, 1848, for the purpose of raising life sachems (Gilchrist, vol. 1, No. 1;Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 222). These speeches together with a transcription of Johnson's recitation of theHandsome Lake Region, translated by Ely S. Parker, form the bulk of Book 2, Chapter 3, of the League(1901, vol. 1, p. 223 fl.). This seems to be the council for which Morgan, as we shall see presently, requesteda report in his letter of January 29, 1850.In May 1849, Morgan visited Onondaga (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 2) and Oneida Castle (vol. 2, No. 3),recording the Sachem names for the confederate councillors.On November 30, 1849, he was once more a guest of William Parker's Tonawanda home while studyingmaterial culture and collecting for the State Museum (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 4); and December 7, 1849(ibid., vol. 2, No. 5), was Morgan's last field trip to Tonawanda prior to his letter of January 29, 1850, to Ely.However, later in 1850, Morgan made two field trips: On October 28 to Grand River, Ontario (Gilchrist,1936, vol. 2, No. 6), and another, December 26, to Tonawanda (ibid, vol. 2, No. 7), collecting for the StateMuseum, and prior to his publication of the League in 1851.Following the appearance of his famous work on the Iroquois, Morgan did not return to Tonawanda until1858, and then for 6 days, November 6-11, to obtain degrees of relationship (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 11).The last entry of possible Tonawanda source material is a record in 1865 of a Conversation with E. S. Sha-wano, an Ojibwa, and N. Parker, Ely's brother from Cattaraugus (ibid., vol. 6, No. 4).8 Fenton, 1936, p. 6; Beauchamp, 1891, p. 42; 1922, p. 189 (where Beauchamp notes Morgan's omission);Goldenweiser, 1913, p. 471.218558?40 11 150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 I am inclined to believe that the Bean Festival is an old Senecaobservance at Tonawanda rather than an idea which someone broughtback from Onondaga and promoted within the old Tonawanda pattern.Confession, which used to precede all festivals, and the possibilitythat the wampum strings which were hung about the White Dog'sneck when it was burned on the fifth day of the New Year mightbe the confession strings, worried Morgan. In writing the League,he decided that the White Dog was not the scapegoat for the sins ofthe community- He was not quite sure that the festivals constitutea fixed recurring cycle, antedating the teaching of Handsome Lake.The nature of the Thunderers and the concept of a good and an evilspirit bothered Morgan. He asks about witches and the doctrineof supernatural personages; and liis queries concerning the number,titles, and manner of election of longhouse ritual managers, whom hecalls Keepers of the Faith, indicate a firm grasp of Seneca socialstructure.Since the answers to Morgan's letter are incorporated in the firsttwo chapters of book 2 of the League, the enigma of the Bean Festivalrenders Ely's letter doubly interesting.^ First, Parker's letter revealsthe degree to which Morgan depended on his Indian collaborator.Certain characteristic styles of expression in the League are notentirely Morgan's, and they appear to have crept into Morgan'swriting from Ely's letters. Ely, also, at times, reflects the flowerystyle of his tutor: the informant bears the mark of the ethnologist.Secondly, Morgan's letter reached Ely at Ellicottville, 67 miles awayfrom his Tonawanda people, where he was living among the whitesas an Engineer for the Holland Land Co, Ely found the festivalsdifficult to recollect when considered apart from their natural setting.They are at best group phenomena closely integrated with villagelife and agriculture, celebrated by friends and relatives who sharea common faith and a definite social organization which more or lessprescribes the role of the individual. Lacking immediate nexus ofkin and locality, Ely followed Morgan's questions. Whether ornot in 1850 his people considered a Thanksgiving Festival for thegreen beans a definite station in the yearly cycle of ceremonies, asmy oldest informants now insist, Ely omitted any reference to itand so has Morgan. Certainly, Morgan's regret of attending buttwo festivals, my failure to discover in his journals evidence that heever visited Tonawanda in summer, Ely's silence, and the memoryof two old men have vitiated historical reconstruction on the basisof the six festivals which Morgan enumerated, and which, from presentdistribution and the testimony of Old Silverheels at Cattaraugus ? Morgan methodically bound his correspondence and field notes into 8 journal volumes, containing 80separate memoranda, which passed at his death to the University of Rochester. I am deeply indebted toDonald B. Gilchrist, Librarian of the University, who kindly helped me identify Ely's reply in the firstjournal volume, and then cooperated in providing a photostatic copy (Gilchrist, 1936, pp. 385-390). Anthrop.Pap.no. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 151before 1890 (Caswell, 1892, p. 215), I had believed were old Senecafestivals, asserting that the Bean Festival had diffused to Tonawandasince 1850.Morgan appends a list of 32 dances in his League, classifyingthem as mixed, women's, and men's dances. Of these, 3 are sacredrites addressed to the Creator; 2 war dances are now associated withthe Sim and the Thunderers, respectively, in rain-making ceremonies;4 social dances are associated with 5 festivals devoted to pro-pitiating food spirits; 11 of the song series belong to medicine societieswhose rites are restricted to members only; and the rest are socialdances. A few dances are now becoming obsolete.CONCLUSIONThe yearly cycle of ceremonies at Tonawanda longhouse fall intothe general framework or pattern of all Iroquois longhouse ritualswhich Dr. Frank G. Speck discovered among the Cayuga. Sevenfestivals survive. The celebration of five festivals with the samesuccession of dances, the inclusion of a Bean Festival, and the sequenceof the Four Great Ceremonies at the New Year and Green CornFestivals constitute the ceremonial pattern which is pecuharly Tona-wanda. Lewis Henry Morgan has left us the best published accountof the Tonawanda longhouse festivals; but his limited opportunity forobservation prevented his grasping the importance of the medicinesocieties, and it caused liim to omit one of the festivals ; and he had todepend on his correspondent, Ely S. Parker, who was somewhatprone to compare Indian customs with those in the Bible. Andlastly, Morgan realized and discussed the essential sameness of thefestivals, describing how particular speeches are repeated from time totime, and perhaps he anticipated the pattern concept, but he attri-buted his treatment of the Tonawanda cycle to all of the Iroquois.APPENDIX AL. H. Morgan to E. S. ParkerRochester, January 29, 1850.Dr. Ely: I wish to trouble you now for a favor which will require a little ofyour time and patience. I am now writing an article upon the Religious Systemof the Iroquois and find on many points my information is not sufficiently minute.I wish you would sit down as soon as you receive this and give me a descriptionof the proceedings at the 6 festivals of the year. 1. The Maple Dance. Whenwas it instituted? How many days does it last? What is done? give me a descrip-tion. 2. Planting Worship. When was this instituted? How many days does itlast. Is it before or after planting. What does the feast consist of.?Describethe mode of proceeding and what the leading motive is. 3. Strawberry Feast.[See pi. 15.] Does this come before or after Planting.?What does the feast consistof. If of Strawberries how are they prepared.?What is done at this festival andhow long does it generally last, describe it. 4. Green Corn Worship. How long 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128does it last. Is the feast of Succotash.?Do you always have a religious discourseat these councils, or does it all consist of dances and short speeches which precedethem. Neither of these four celebrations have I ever attended, and as I must describeeach one minutely. I must look to j^ou for a general and full explanation ofthem all. 5. Harvest Corn Worship This I have attended. Is that prayer yougave us giving thanks to the sun. & moon. & thunder & trees & birds used at thisfeast, or is it confined exclusively to the New Years. Give me the general ideaof this festival. 6 & last the New Years. This I undersiand pretty well from whatI have seen & the explanations I have had from you and others.^" StiU there are somethings about it I do not comprehend. Does Each person go near the Dog andnaake a confession of his sins in silence? How is it about the String of Wampum.It is always put about the neck of the dog. I understand Each one talks hisindividual sins into this "string." after which it is hung around the dogs neck& burned with him?Explain this whole proces minutely and you will obligeme greatly. The Spirit of the dog ascends to the Great Spirit and carrys theprayers of the people. Is that the idea of sacrificing the dog? What time inthe 5th day is the dog burned, at Sunrise or towards noon. Is he takendown from the pole over night or does he hang on the pole from the 1st to the5th day. I wish you would describe the proceedings of this day methodically.I have the prayer but none of the other speeches. If you can remember them,or any part of them I wish you would write them down for me as fuU as you canin their order. I have been anxious for years to get this ceremony written down.I have tried this (?) repeatedly but without success. How are dreams workedoff by confession?Are the same round of ceremonies, and the same speeches anddances used year after year in these 6 festivals.Let me ask you also if these six festivals were not instituted long before Hand-some Lake began to preach. These I suppose are a part of the old system.Under the old System also the Great Spirit is not regarded as the Creator of theworld. This idea appears to have been introduced by Handsome Lake. Theidea of future punishments also I take to be a part of the New System, and nopart of the old. How do you understand it?Under the old System & new theIroquois believed in the Great Spirit, the Evil Spirit (Send me the name of theEvil Spirit) & He is the spirit of thunder. What other Spirits or Gods did theybelieve in. Give me the Indian names and office of each. I find in my notesthat He-no consisted of four persons. Tell me the Indian name and office ofeach of this also (?) I suppose one of them must be the Chief God of thunderand the others assistants.The doctrine of Witches & supernatural personages. Will you explain itbriefly?Do the Indians pretend that man ever saw the Great SpiritOne other thing I wish explained and that is the Committee or Prompters orManagers as you call them who are appointed on each reservation (?) to takecharge of the dances the festivals. & religious discourses. How many are thereat Tonawanda, or about how many. Do they hold their office for life? Arethey appointed by the whole people or by the Tribe or by the Chiefs or by theWomen. Explain the manner of their appointment, the term of their office theirduties. & their numbers. I wish to understand this part of the system. Whatis the name in Seneca of the whole Committee as a Body & what the name ofeach one, includes a single committeman ? Now if you can write me about two sheets of Cap paper at least in answeringall these questions as I wish them answered, and I shall esteem it a new favorif you will take your earliest leasure. [sic] and give me full answers to all theseinquiries and such other explanations and discriptions [sic] as you may think 10 Italics added.?W. N. F. Anthrop. PAP. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 153 suitable.?When you have finished your answer I wish you would then read overthis letter again & see if any questions are passed over in your answer.If it would not be asking too much of you at one time I would like exceedinglyto have your Report of the Council which we have had so long in view.?I needit now to use.I will send you in a few days my Report to the Legislature on the Indianfabrics which I collected at Tonawanda for the Indian Collection. It is not yetprinted " ? Did you see the notice of the introduction by Mr. Burroughs of Orleans ofmy Bill for Support and Education of a limited number of Indian youths at theState Normal School (?) I wrote a memorial to the Regents of the University onthe subject of opening this school to our Indian youth, and asked for an appro-priation to organise (?) and support a small class (?) at the Normal School.The Governor read my memorial, and recommended it in his message. I wentto Albany Jany 1. and before I left. I got a resolution passed by the ExecutiveCommittee of the Normal School approving the plan. We also got (?) up abill appropriating $1000 a year for two years, giving each student $100. a year& 3 cents a miles for mileage?This you see will support ten scholars. TheGovernor approves of the bill & I think it will pass. But we cannot tell of courseas yet. Nic. Newt- and Caroline ^^ will go down I think if the law passes. Itwill take effect May 1. You must find a few at Allegany and Cattaraugus totry the experiment.Marsh the Resident Engineer said he thought he could give you a situationin his office in the Spring, if you wished to commence again as you did at Mt.Morris.i^ You would have a fair chance to work your way up. If it would beany inducement to you let me know and I will keep watch for you, & I thinkyou can obtain the situation if j^ou wished it. [p. 17.] L. H. MORGAM >*APPENDIX BE. S. Parker to L. H. MorganEllicottville, Feb. 12, 1850Dear Sir: Upon much reflection, and having carefully read your letter, I amfree to confess that I consider myself totally unable to answer your several inter-rogations satisfactorily [sic] either to you or to myself. I have at many differenttimes written to you upon the subjects concerning which you now ask furtherinformation. I do not now recollect what I have said respecting them, and inmy present answer I may say many contradictory things. And I will further, atthe outset, tell you that I do not profess any great knowledge upon the severalsubjects and questions you have sent me to answer. [PI. 17.]MAPLE THANKSGIVING I will answer your letter in the order you have put your questions. First thenthe Maple Dance. I cannot teU you when it was instituted, and I will say now in " Morgan, 1852, pp. 67-117. An abbreviation of this article appeared in Stryker's American Registerand Magazine, vol. 4, July 1850, Trenton, N. J. (Gilchrist, 1923).12 Nicholson Henry Parker, Newton Parker, and Caroline Parker, Mount Pleasant, brothers and sisterof Ely S. Parker, were among the first Indians educated at the New York State Normal School. ?3 Morgan here refers to Ely's early experience as a land engineer about Mount Morris in the Geneseevalley. Later, after Ely learned he could not be admitted to the bar, this adventure led to his studying atRensalaer Polytechnic Institute and to a post superintending the improvement of the western end of theErie Canal (Parker, 1919, pp. 77, 79, 91). ?? This signature appears in the right-hand margin of the last paragraph of the letter. (See pi. 16.) 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 regard to all the dances that I cannot tell when any of them were instituted.They are all among the ancient customs of the Iroquois, and are all, besides manyother feasts which are now discontinued, spoken off [sic] by all the early writers,both French and English?The Maple Dance continues only one day. This is athanksgiving festival to the Honor of the Great Spirit, that he has caused thegood tree to again produce its sweets for the comfort of man. There are a varietyof ceremonies & dances at this time, but the principal one is the grand religious& or thanksgiving Dance. This dance you know is always in honor & praise ofthe Great Spirit.i^ PLANTING FESTIVAL (SEED DANCE)2?'* The Planting worship continues only one day, I believe?It is held at themost convenient season, but must & is always at or about planting time. Thereis no peculiarity in the feast, it consists of course of what they can get.?Theleading object of this festival is twofold; first to return to the Great Spirit thanksfor the return of the planting season, and second, that his blessing might restupon the seed they should (?) & had sown to give them a plentiful crop andan abundant harvest ? STRAWBERRY FESTIVAL 3!''^ The Strawberry Feast, comes off of course when the strawberrys [sic] getripe, which I believe is in June sometime, and would of course bring it afterplanting season or cornplanting time?They have all they can get to furnishthis feast, but strawberries form the principal ingredient of the materials, and isprepared by being jammed and then sweetened with Maple Sugar,!^ so that whenit is prepared it looks like jelly, & of this each partake more or less as they havethe opportunity. Sometimes water is put in, if the mixture is too thick, which isalso taken either in a ladle or dipper. It is when taking this that many (?)make a thanksgiving prayer & talk to the Great Spirit?They return himthanks that he has again permitted them to taste of the first fruits of theEarth.?They pray him to spare their lives to another similar season. Thewhole proceedings is nothing more than a thanksgiving festival. The grandreligious dance forms the principal drama in the feast.'^GREEN CORN FESTIVAL 4*-'* Green Corn Worship.?This generally lasts 3 days. The time is spent infeasting and dancing. It is opened by a religious discourse from the Grand HighPriest or one of his Deputys.?They have a number of dances during the time,but the principal ones are the Grand Religious & Thanksgiving dance.?I saythat this opened by a religious discourse, of course, you are not to understandthat I mean a discourse like Johnsons annual,'* but a statement of the invariablecustom from time immemorial to celebrate this event with religious ceremonies,& says that it is a duty incumbent upon the people to recognize this custom &institution of the Great Spirit, who had ever required men to return thanks tohim for every return & expression of his goodness?The speaker enjoins upon thepeople to examine themselves & see that they harbor no ill will to anyone, thusto come up to the festival with pure thoughts and right minds? . '? The Thanksgiving Dance (gane'o'o) is not included in the program of the present Maple Festivalat Tonawanda. ?? Now, about 5 pounds of granulated white or brown sugar is used to sweeten the "berry juice."" Here again, I think Ely's memory has failed; perhaps he means Feather Dance. '8 Ely refers here to Jimmy Johnson (Soshe'owa?', "Great-burden-strap"), the first priest of the Hand-some Lake Revelation, who was preaching at Tonawanda when Morgan visited it (Morgan, 1901, vol.1. pp. 223fl). Anthbop.Pap.no. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 155HARVEST THANKSGIVING FESTIVAL (BREAD DANCE) S**" The Harvest Corn Worship.?This in its principal features is the same as theGreen Corn Feast with the adoption of that speech I gave you.'^ Thanksto the sun, moon, stars, the Thunderers etc., when thej^ dance the Go-na-o-ohdance.20 The Grand Religious, Thanksgiving & Thunder dances are performedat this time.?This is intended only & purely as a thanksgiving festival, for theabundant harvest reaped, and the constant return of the great blessings bestowedby the Great Spirit.NEW YEAR OR MIDWINTER FESTIVAL6 & last the New Years Festival? 1st in regard to the confessions of the people ? All the confessing of sins is done publicly before the Festival commences. Thiscustom is adhered to now & has been for a long time, and is required & enjoinedby our religion that all may come to the Festival free from sin?These confessionsare made also before the commencement of the green corn & Harvest festivals.At the New Years festival, I am not aware that any person approaches the dogto confess his or her sins, though I admit that many confess in silence but notnear the dog intentionally. I am not aware also, though I am conscious of theopinion you entertain respecting it, that this string of wampun into which theconfessions are put, is the same that is put around the dogs neck. I hardly believeit is. And whether it is or not, it will make no difference as to the object andresult. Now with us the white wampum is an emblem of peace & purity.?Thedog is the only & most faithful companion (the) Indian has in the hunters state.The Indians therefore consider the trusty character of the dog. & they sacrificehim as a messenger and present to the Great Spirit, & they put the wampumabout his neck to show to the Great Spirit his character and intentions. Myphraseology in the last sentence may be wrong. By his character, I mean, thathe is only a thanksgiving offering. It does not appear, nor is it pretended, that itis a type of anything, as to the ancient Offerings and Sacrifices we read of in theOld Testament?The wampum, always put about its neck, indicate to the GreatSpirit the continued adlierance [sic] of the Nation to the primitive faith.?Thedog is strangled upon the morning of the first day, when the wampum is putabout his neck, not by any particular person, but by someone, while others putupon him ribbons and paints, & for every favor and gift so bestowed, the giverexpects a blessing. It is then, when so prepared, hung upon a pole, which is alsodecorated with paints and ribbons. It there hangs day & night until it is takendown to be burnt; and it is burnt early in the morning, just as the day dawnbegins to appear in the east.?At this time, & during the time the dog is burning aspeech is made by the High Priest or one of his Deputies. The altar is only a fewsticks of wood. When the Dog is thrown in, the priest throws into the fire aquantity of tobacco, at the same time giving three whoops to call the attention ofthe Great Spirit. He then commences his speech. Great Spirit, Maker of us all.Listen now to what we shall say (3 whoops). Lend a kind ear to the thanks ofthy people?.They thank thee that thy blessings have been so plentifullybestowed upon them during the past year. (3 whoops) Great Spirit, Our words " Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 192. '" (gane'o'g). During this dance a speaker from each moiety or a single speaker interrupts the singers tointone prayers of thanksgiving to the Creator, hence Morgan called it Thanksgiving Dance. Prior toHandsome Lake, during the period of the Cherokee and the Catawba wars and earlier, it afforded an oppor-tunity for warriors to brag of the number of scalps taken on various expeditions; but the prophet advocatedsubstituting thanksgiving prayers for war records which after cessation of the wars only incited domesticfeuds [Henan Scrogg]. 156 BTJKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 continue to flow towards thee?Preserve us from all dangers. Preserve our agedmen. Preserve our Mothers. Preserve our warriors. Preserve our children.Give us wisdom. (3 whoops) we burn here tobacco; may its smoke arise to thee.We have also offered another sacrifice. May its spirit arise to thee & be accept-able. (3 whoops) The wampum we send as our pledge of sincerity? (3 whoops)Great Spirit, Remember us. Great Spirit, Maker of us all, we have done ? This is about the substance of the speech made upon the occasion?tenor of itis the same among the Iroquois so far as I have heard. I am unable to give youa minute description of each days performance, having never taken any notes,^^and can only relate from memory. The original custom of this festival was toburn two dogs. You know the clans among the Indians are divided into twoclasses, each styling the other "Cousins," and it was the custom & still is among theOnondagas for each Class to provide and burn a dog. They meet in separatebuildings & when they are burnt the two classes meet when the dogs are carriedout together and burnt together .22As to dreams, I know not whether they are confessed. During the New Yearsfestival there is a great deal of dreaming & guessing of dreams. The ceremonyis simply this. A person apparently dejected advances into the room & sayswill some one guess my dream. Each person guesses, & when anyone guessesthe person responds & feels much pleased. A present is then made to the Dream-er, & in this way presents accumulate, out of which a dance is got up from thepresents. As to the many speeches that are made at this festival, I cannot sendthem to you. My memory is not powerful enough to recollect them, so manyand diversified are they in their nature?This part of your answer will thereforremain unanswered.I send you in this connection a thanksgiving speech published by Baron Le [sic]Hontan in his work.^^ I have frequently heard the same sentiments and 1therefore have doubt but that it was used by the ancients. That portion howeverrelating to enemies & huntsmen (?) are now omitted?"Great Spirit, Master ofour lives, Great Spirit Master of all things visible and invisible. Great SpiritMaster of the spirits whether good or evil?Command the good spirits to favorthy children. Command the Evil spirits to keep at a distance from them.O Great Spirit keep up the strength and courage of our warriors, that they maybe able to stem the fury of our enemies. Preserve the old persons, whose bodiesare not quite wasted that they may give counsel to the young. Preserve OurChildren. Enlarge their number. Deliver them from Evil spirits to the endthat they may prove our support and comfort. Preserve our parents and ourbeasts, if thou meanest that we should die of hunger. Take care of our villages,and guard our huntsmen in their hunting adventures. Deliver us from all fatalsurprises when thou ceasest to vouchsafe us the light of the sun, which speaksthy grandeur and power. Acquaint us by the spirit of dreams, with that thypleasure requires of us or prohibits us to do. When it pleases to put a periodto our lives, send us to the great country of souls, where we may meet withthose of our fathers, our mothers, our wives, our children, and our relatives, O,Great Spirit, Great Spirit, hear the voice of the nation. Give ear to all thychildren and remember them at all times." 21 1 have employed italics here, as in the preceding letter, for emphasis.?W. N. F.22 The Seneca and Onondaga clans are grouped into two phratries or moieties that perform reciprocal andcomplimentary ceremonial functions.23 Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 192, says in a footnote, "For similar address in use among the Ottawas, see LaHontan's North Am., Lond. Ed. 1735, V. ii, p. 34." ANTHEOP. PAP. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES FENTON 157THE OLD RELIGIONNone of the 6 festivals were instituted by Handsome Lake, but he dedicatedthe Grand Religious and Thanksgiving dances particularly & peculiarly to theworship of the Great Spirit.-*You say that under the old system the Great Spirit is not regarded as the makerof the world. This is very true and it is further true that the new system intro-duced by Handsome Lake does not make him the creator of the world. It onlyconfirms the ancient system of theology respecting him.?That He is the Makerof man and aU the animals, which man can make useful to him in any way, Alsothat He blessed & sanctified some of the fruits of trees to the palate of man ? They hold further that the Evil Spirit made all poisonous animals and putpoison into some herbs and fruits of trees?The entire system consists simply inthis that the Great Spirit made all that is good and beautiful, and the Evil Spiriteverything that is poisonous and deformed.?Further that the Great Spirit isnow the ruler of all things. He wills everything to be done that is good for man.I do not understand that the idea of future punishments & rewards was unknownto the old sj'stem. It is said to have been/was one of its principal features.What is called the new system is only a systematic collection of their ancientnotions on these subjects, and was intended only to refresh the memories of allupon their respective duties to one another as members of one great family & oftheir obligations to their Creator.?This I gather from the sayings of HandsomeLake himself, from the sayings of old men, who were taught before HandsomeLake preached, and from all the early writers upon Iroquois customs religion &c,who are all agreed.The Seneca name for Evil Spirit is 1st Ha-ne-go-ate,-geh, meaning Evil mind-ed.?2. Ha,-nis-ha-o, noh?His satanic majesty. Ha, nis-na-o-noh, geh, Hell orthe place of Evil Spirits? . THUNDERERS I cannot give you the information you require respecting the 4 spirits ofThunder. I am not aware that they have separate names. Still they may have.The oldest spirit is chief, & they are not Gods, but deputies of the Great Spirit torule & dispense rain, & destroy Evil Spirits. The youngest of them is said tohave been the offspring of a girl who lived at Cayuga above Niagara Falls, & whoat one time was lost for the term of one year, during which time she was inter-married with one of the thunderers. Their offspring was a boy, who being at onetime ill treated refused to remain longer with his earthly relatives & so translatedhimself to the clouds & became a juvenile Thunderer?The relation the thundererssustain to the Indian race & the designating title for them is Grand Parents. ? The Iroquois do not pretend to have any other God than the Great Spirit.But there are many spirits, who are considered only as messengers & assistants.WITCHESThe Indian notion of witches is very vague?But they are all agreed that such athing as a witch exists, and they believe that the witch is human, either male orfemale & may be either young or old. By some means or other, yet unknown to " Here, Ely refers to Grand Religious, really Qieat Feather ('osto'we'go'wa''), and the so-called Thanks-giving Dance, literally skin drum head (gane'o'Q). Handsome Lake revised them, but they are old enoughto be included in the cosmologic legends (Hewitt, 1928, p. 559 fi.)For a treatment of the New Religion of Handsome Lake, see Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 217-248; Parker,1913; Spier, 193B. 158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128me & everybody else except witches, and hence their indefinite notions on witch-craft, a person becomes endowed with the power of doing evil, of destroying livesat their will and pleasure, by means of unseen poison?It is said that there is aregular and ancient organization of these demons, & that they have a regularinitiation and fee. The fee is the life of the nearest & dearest relative or friend ofthe candidate, and the deed of poisoning to be executed by the candidate upon theeve of admittance. This may or may not be all true, but such is the belief. Awitch, it is said, can transform themselves into kind of an animal and assumetheir shapes & as soon as thought regain again the human shape. They candwindle down to a mere fox, or assume the huge dimensions of the black Bear, orthey can take unto themselves wings and go to distant lands. Now whether thisbe so or not is altogether immaterial for our purposes, it is sufficient for us thatthese are their notions & beliefs.?They believe it is an organization of the Evilminded one for there is no good in them, & therefore it was a capital crime foranyone to be convicted of being a witch, and any person is justifiable in killing awitch whenever they are found on their nightly demoniac excursions.I am not aware that the Senecas have any belief in any supernatural per-sonages. ? Neither has it ever been pretended that anyone ever saw the Great Spirit.FAITHKEEPERSYour last inquiry respecting, Committees, Managers, & Prompters, I am whollyunable to answer. All I know is that they are elective & hold during the timethey adhere to the faith.-?Their number is not definite or limited. Women canand must hold these offices as well as men.?They are called Ho.nun-de-unt.Literally the Keepers of the word or faith, because to them are entrusted the timesof appointing extraordinary festivals & religious exercises; & upon the regularfestivals they have all the responsibility upon them. ? Now Lewis I have done. This will probably be unsatisfactory, but it is thebest I can do for you.?I have made out to deceive myself and write more than Iexpected.?But I send you the whole as it is.?The report I cannot send. It isvery long & full & I have no time to copy it, & notwithstanding my promise, I donot feel disposed to copy it for anyone at present.?^sI am &c Yours E. S. Pabkkr??APPENDIX CThe Tonawanda Ceremonial CycleA. time, DURATION, AND PURPOSE OF THE PERIODIC FESTIVALS I, Midwinter, or New Year Festival: Dream Feast (Jesuits).gana"ya'sQ', derangement.hodina"ya's, they are deranged (P. Dr.).^^gaiwanQsgwa"go'wa", difficult proposition, riddle (P. Dr.); thedifficult ritual (HS). s? Morgan has asked Ely for a copy of his report of the council, and the particular council is not clear fromeither letter; but Morgan's journals contain complete speeches delivered at a council at Tonawanda inOctober 1848, which Morgan received from Ely S. Parker in 1850 (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 1-46).This appears in the League (vol. 1, p. 223 ff.)." This sheet is signed "Ely S. Parker" in the right-hand margin. (See pi. 18.)? Initials stand for various informants: P. Dr., Peter Doctor, Tonawanda; HS, Hanover Spring, Tona-wanda; NYSM, New York State Museum ms. by Nicholson Parker, circa 1850; Ch. B., Charles Blackchief,Tonawanda; HRE, Henry Red-Eye, Coldspring; and JJ, John Jimmerson, Coldspring. Anthrop. Pap. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES FENTON 159 yosha'se', new year (P. Dr.).gana'yusta', (NYSM).Time.?Five days after the new moon of nisgowakneh (late January-February) .Duration.?Seven days.Purpose.?Renew ceremonial associations revealed in dreams, renew olddreams, reveal new dreams; return thanks to all spirit-forces.Feature.?Medicine Societies' celebrations (Feast of Fools) ; White DogSacrifice.II. Maple Festival, or Sap Dance; thanks to the Maple.gahada otoddinonio', tree thanking (NYSM).wainontchiiskot, sap boiling (NYSM). ^'ngtcisgo'', sap boiling (Ch. B.).otadingnyg'' ne' wa'hda', thanks to the Maple(Morgan, HRE, JJ).Time.?At Maple harvest (March 30, 1935).Duration.?One evening.Purpose.?Thanks to the Maple, the harbinger of spring.II a. Sun Shooting Ceremony: Thanks to the Sun.degdi'ngnyo'' ga'hgwa*', they thank the Sun (Ch. B.).Time.?Occasionally in early spring (now obsolete).Duration.?One day.Purpose.?Dislodge frog that is retarding warm weather by engulfingthe Sun; implore Sun to grow warm.Feature.?Shooting at Sun; Feather Dance in honor of Sun.III. Planting Festival, or Seed Dance: Soaking of the Seeds.waing'no^ gwa'so'', they-the-seeds-soak (Ch. B.).waano'nagwa sho't (NYSM).ayent wa ta (Morgan, 1901, p. 186).Time.?When the dogwood is in bloom, early in May (15, 1935).Duration.?One evening.Purpose.?Ask the Creator to bless seeds going into the earth (Morgan);appeal to Our-Life-Sustainers, the three sisters?corn, beans, squash;appeal to Thunderers to water the growing plants.Feature.?Morgan says (1901, p. 187) that tobacco burning invocationused in later days, but anciently only at three principal festivals:Green Corn, Harvest, New Year.III a. Corn Sprouting Rite (?). "Towiissas, an annual thanksgiving ceremonyled by the women, in honor of the corn, beans, and squashes" (NYSM,list of annual festivals (Seneca)). This ceremony, now part of the GreenCorn Festival, was apparently performed periodically during the yearby the women to stimulate their cultivated plants. It was probablyassociated with first and second hoeings, celebrated again at Green Corn,and finally at fall harvest. It is sometimes performed at midwinter.IV. Berry Festival, or Strawberry Dance: Dipping the berries,hanunda' yo (Morgan).waingda'^yo- they-berries-dip (in water) (Ch. B.).wanondagaet (NYSM).Time.?When strawberries ripen in June; fifth day of berry moon(oya'ikneh) . Duration.?One morning.Purpose.-?First-fruits thanksgiving; first fruit to ripen on the earth(Morgan).Feature.?Communion with berry juice. 160 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128IV a. Whortleberry Festival (Morgan, 1:190).Time.?Ripening of huckleberries, not annual (now obsolete).Duration.?One day (?) . Pur-pose.?Return thanks for first fruits of the shrubs.IV h. Thunder Ceremony, or Rain Dance (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 188).Time.?^In case of drought (July 10, 1936).Duration.?One evening.Purpose.?To invoke the Creator to send the Thunderers to water thewilted crops.Feature.?Tobacco invocation and War Dance (Sioux Type) to theThunderers (Morgan); confession of sins which withheld rain, Thanks-giving Dance and Personal Chant.V. Green Bean Festival, or String Bean Dance: Boiling string beans.^* 1 j^fgow^"seo' (P. Dr.).wainodeti ,,v ., ,r^, t> s^ Igow^ so (Ch. B.).waanodetgowuhseoh (NYSM, in notes by E. S. Parker and N.Parker) . Time.?When string beans ripen (July 30, 1934; August 6, 1935).Purpose.?Return thanks to Life-sustainers and make crops grow.Duration.?One evening.VI. Green Corn Festival, or Ingathering of Food. , jkwe's (P. Dr.) they-food-coUect.honondej^^^.j^ (Ch. B.)honodekweet (NYSM).AH-DAKE'-WX-O, a feast (Morgan).Time.?When the corn is in the milk (late August-September) . Duration.?Four days, anciently (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 196); threedays (1847), (Morgan); two mornings and one evening (1935, 1936).Purpose.?Thanks to Creator and Life-supporters that the crops havematured.VII. Harvest Festival, or Bread Dance: Boiling bread.wainQta'hgo", the3'-bread-boil (Ch. B. and P. Dr.).Do-yo-nun-neo-qua-na Deoha'ko, thanks to Our Supporters(Morgan, 1901, vol. 1; p. 197).wanontekweet (NYSM).Time.?Late fall after gathering and storing crops for winter.Duration.?^Four days (Morgan); one evening (1935).Piirpose.?Return thanks to the Creator, his appointed ones, and Life-sustainers for a bountiful harvest.Feature.?Council of Faith-keepers decides to hold the MidwinterFestival following their return from fall hunt.B. PERIODIC MEDICINE SOCIETY CURES AND RENEWALS I. False-face Society Visits.Time.?Early spring and late fall; also at midwinter.Duration.?One day.Purpose.?Drive sickness and disease from the settlements. 28 Lacking at Coldspring and Newtown, but present at Onondaga and the Canadian longhouses; it ismentioned in notes by E. S. Parker and Nicholson Parker ia the files of the New York State Museum atAlbany. ANTHROP. Pap. NO. 15] TONAWANTDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 161 II. Little Water Medicine Company Meetings.Time.? (1) Spring meeting, when berry moon is 5 days old (June);(2) autumn meeting, when moon of ge'gkneh is 5 days old (in themiddle of October) (October 19, 1936); (3) midwinter meeting, whenthe Medicine has been used since the fall meeting.Duration.?Throughout one night.Purpose.?Renew strength of the Little Water Medicine; rearrange thesacred bundles.Feature.?Fifth group of songs sung at fall meeting.III. Chanters for the Dead, 'Ohgi'we.Time.?Winter, about March (not regular?E. S. P. in NYSM).Duration.?One night until midnight or all night.Purpose.?Rest the souls of the departed, or the living who havedreamed of them.Feature.?Carry-out-the-kettle; a clockwise dance. C. COMPOSITION OF THE CEREMONIES I. Midwinter Ceremony.a. Preliminary Councils of Faithkeepers.(1) Senior longhouse officers meet and appoint first meeting of Faith-keepers who meet at the same fireplace (Julia Peters', January12, 1936) each year, to commence advancing the "head" (feastfund). Appoint collectors from each phratry.(2) Hear report of collectors. Appoint day to commence Five Pre-liminary Longhouse Councils to meet 2 days apart until fifthday of the new moon, when the Festival begins. (January 14,1936).(3) Council of Faith-keepers and Commoners convenes at housenearer longhouse (Wm. Gordon's, January 16, 1936). Appointday for Faithkeepers to sit in council opposite the Chiefs andpresent the "head" to the Chiefs.(4) Chiefs meet Faith-keepers at house nearest longhouse (SadieGeorge's, January 19, 1936). Sit spatially divided oppositeeach other. Faithkeeper presents "Head" to Chiefs. Chiefaccepts. Chiefs instruct Faith-keepers, "Cut your firewood"(for the festival). Meet 2 days hence at noon at longhouse.b. Chiefs call Preliminary Longhouse Councils to determine the "Uncles" ? Heralds for the Festival.^^(1) Longhouse council when sun on meridian (January 21, 1936).Sachems ask: "Who has an old dream? Who has a new dream?Who has a white dog?" If no one replies, appoint 2 days later.(2) Question put before the Sachems (January 23, 1936).(3) Two days later, question put to Subchiefs.(4) Two days later, question put to Faith-keepers and the Commonpeople (warriors) . If no one volunteers, then they appoint twoheralds. Other appointments for festival.Preliminary night.?(January 28, 1936). Night watch of the Uncles.Gunshots at midnight, two shots at 3 a. m., three shots at dawn, thenone, two, and three again.First day.?The Uncles, "the Bigheads," circuit houses announcing theFestival at 9 a. m., noon, and at dusk (January 29, 1936). " There were but four meetings in 1936; informants hinted that there were sometimes five. 162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOL'OGY [Boll. 128Second day.?Stirring Ashes rite, Dawn Song (January 30, 1936). The Wayis open for the False Faces. Medicine Society rites; dream renewalscommence.T\iird day.?Faith-keepers stir ashes; Dawn Song. Feather Dance.Thanksgiving Dance; "go around town" through the houses traversedby Uncles.Fourth day.?Morning; Dawn Song (February 1, 1936). Bowl Game.Women's Dance for the Life-Supporters; make the circuit of houses.Last day of dream derangement and fulfillment; and on into the night.Fifth day.?Big day at tlie longhouse (February 2, 1936). Morning:White Dog Sacrifice and Tobacco Offering; Personal Chant; FeatherDance; Thanksgiving Dance (gane'o'o) ends at noon.Sixth day?Peach Stone game at the longhouse (February 3, 1936).Pt. 2. Large rite of Personal Chant, terminates at noon.Seventh day.?Nothing during the day. Dance for Life-supporters(dJQhe'hgQ) at night at the longhouse: (1) Women's Dance; (2) FeatherDance; (3) Standing Quiver (Trotting) Dance; (4) Hand-in-hand Dance;(5) Traditional Women's Dance for the food-spirits, "Our-life-support-ers."Final dance for the False Faces and the Husk Faces on the Sunday nightfollowing the Festival at the longhouse (February 28, 1936). Thanksgiving(da'hg) and floor managers from each moiety: (1) Standing-quiver Dance;(2) Hand-in hand Dance; False Face rite for E. Hill, passage of HuskFaces; (3) Corn Dance; (4) Shaking-a-jug Dance; (5) Sharpening-a-stick Dance, feints at door by False Faces (incomplete).II. Maple Thanksgiving. General Thanksgiving. Tobacco burning invocation tothe Maple. Bowl game between the sexes. Social dances: (1) PidgeonDance; (2) Quiver Dance; (3) Hand-in-hand Dance; (4) Women's Dance;(5) Fish Dance; (6) Coon Dance; (7) Shaking-a-bush Dance, or NakedDance; (8) Duck Dance. (Note that the Feather Dance is absent.)III. Planting Festival. (Same as last night of Midwinter Festival.)IV. Strawberry Festival.Time.?One morning until noon.Purpose.?Thanksgiving.Feaiwre.?Feather Dance in costume. (Intermission during which fourwomen who have been appointed pass berry juice. Individual partak-ing and thanksgiving.) Feather Dance in costume (second part) ; distri-bution of Feast.V. Green Bean Festival. (Same as seventh night of Midwinter and Planting.)VI. Green Corn Festival. Ostensibly similar to last 3 days of the MidwinterFestival, omitting the sacrifice of the White Dog.Duration:?Two to three days depending on whether the bowl game isfinished.VII. Thanksgiving or Harvest Festival. (Same as seventh night of Midwinter.) Anthrop. Pap. No. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 163D. SPECIFIC RITES AND DANCES ARRANGED IN GROUPSACCORDING TO FUNCTIONGroup I. Longhouse Celebrations.A. Rituals addressed to the Creator.1. Four Longhouse Rituals. MoTgan's liauo(1) Great Feather Dance. 1. * m. & f.(2) Thanksgiving Dance (gane'o'g). 2. *(3) Bowl game.(4) Personal Chant Cadg' w?')-2. Confession.3. Ashes Stirring Rite.4. Tobacco invocation over burning White Dog.B. Rituals addressed to the mid-Pantheon and indirectly to the Creator.1. gano'iowi '2. Thunder Rite (adg'^w^') and War-dance (wasa''se).3. Sun Rite (occasionally War Dance, wasa''se' eni"die').C. Rituals addressed to earth-bound spirits.1. At Tonawanda, the following "Four Ceremonies" are addressed to "the-sisters-our-life-sustainers"?the spirits of the corn, beans,and squashes, the tutelaries of agriculture:(1) Feather Dance. 1. m. & f.(2) ga'da'sot, Standing-Quiver, or Trotting Dance. 4. m. & f.(3) Hand-in-hand Dance, symbolic of bean vines climb-ing corn. 3. m. & f.(4) Traditional Women's Dance, the dance of the threesisters 16. f.The appeal of these rites extends through B to A.Group II. Medicine Society Rites, restricted to members, and addressed tospirit-forces on earth or above it.1. Bear Dance. 24. m. (& f. now)2. Buffalo Dance. 23. m. (& f . now)3. Eagle Dance. 27. m.4. False-face. 30. m. (& somerites f.)5. Husk Faces. 31. m.6. The Little Water Medicine Company andyei'do's.7. Otter.8. Changing Ribs and Quavering. 17 &9. Dark Dance and Charm Holders.10. Chanters for the Dead.11. Carry out the Kettle.12. Four-nights ceremony (from Cayuga-Tute-lo) is celebrated by several families.w The numbers at the right of the page indicate the place in Morgan's list of dances;rites; "m. & f." for men and women participants. 19.21.15.7. 164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 ANTHEOF. Pap. No. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES?FENTON 165Hewitt, J. N. B.1928. Iroquois cosmology: Second part. 43rd Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.,1925-26, pp. 449-819.LowiE, Robert H.1915. Ceremonialism in North America. In Anthropology in North America,pp. 229-258. New York.1933. Queries. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 35, No. 2, pp. 288-296.1936. Lewis H. Morgan in historical perspective. In Essays in anthropologypresented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 169-181, Berkeley, Calif.MiCHELSON, TrTJMAN1930. Contributions to Fox ethnology?II. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 95.Morgan, Lewis H.Ms. L. H. Morgan to Ely [S. Parker]. Letter, Rush Rhees Lib., dated atRochester, Jan. 29, 1850.Ms. Manuscript journals and record of Indian letters. See Gilchrist, RushRhees Lib., 6 vols.1852. Report on the fabrics, inventions, implements, and utensils of theIroquois. Rep. N. Y. State Mus., pt. 5, for 1851, pp. 67-117.Albany.1901. League of the Ho-d^-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Edited by Herbert M.Lloyd. New York.Parker, Arthur C.1913. The code of Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophet. Bull. N. Y. StateMus., No. 163. Albany.1919. The life of General Ely S. Parker. Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ., vol. 23.Parker, Ely S.Ms. Letter from Ely S. Parker to Lewis H. Morgan, Ellicottville, Feb. 12,1850, describing various Indian ceremonies. See Gilchrist, Morganjournals, vol. 1, No. 21, pp. 385-390, 8 in. X 12>^ in.Report of Special Committee to Investigate the Indian Problem of theState of New York.1889. Albany.Speck, Frank G.Ms. The Cayuga yearly ceremonial cycle, or ceremonial year.Spier, Leslie.1935. The Prophet Dance of the Northwest and its derivatives: the sourceof the Ghost Dance. Gen. Ser. Anthrop., No. 1, Menasha, Wis.Stern, Bernhard J.1928. Lewis Henry Morgan: American ethnologist. Social Forces, vol. 6No. 3, pp. 344-357, March.1931. Lewis Henry Morgan: Social evolutionist. Chicago.WissLER, Clark1917. Comparative study of Pawnee and Blackfoot rituals. Proc. 19th Int.Congr. Amer., Washington, December 1915, pp. 335-339. 218558?40 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 9 1. The longhouse and cookhouse. 2. Indian youths reshingle the longhouse under Xatiuiial ^Uuih Admimsirati'jn.TONAWANDA LONGHOUSE. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 11 The Men assist the Women by Pounding Corn. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 13 1 . The False-face Beggar Dancers Visit a house on Second Night of Mid-winter Festival.2, 3. Charlie Chaplin and the Devil Capture the Imagination of theChildren. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 14 Groups and Individuals stage Impromptu Dance Contests. X ny/hAyr ^..-^ ?D z<(5q: ^ >J^^ ^.^^ ' ^ .s '^ 1( J i . M ^ 5 i ^\J^^ a \ N?:?^?^4^ v^ '> > *JN 4 ^ ?^ -4?Nv5 l< JSin.,:H^-^-^V^?*< = H^>*-J^,v< >f>>^ X5C V *J V *x ? \ ^ z< .C3UJKir ^^ JtJJh SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin No. 128 Anthropological Papers, No. 16The Quichua-Speaking Indiansof the Province of Imbabura (Ecuador)and Their Anthropometric Relations With the LivingPopulations of the Andean AreaBy JOHN GILLIN 167 CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 171Present mode of life 172Some aspects of the prehistory of the Province of Imbabura 175Results of anthropological work 183Comparison of results of anthropological work in Province of Imbabura withapposite series from outside the area 187Conclusions 192Appendix. Tables of anthropometric measurements and physical obser-vations 193Bibliography 227ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES19. 1, General view of the village of Angachagua. 2, Houses and fields atAngachagua 22820. 1, House at Angachagua. 2, Quichua Indian woman spinning wool,Angachagua 22821. 1, Native Quichua Indians of Angachagua showing typical costume.2, Household utensils: pottery vessels 22822-28. Indians of Otovalo group 22829. Indian of Agato, near Otovalo 228TEXT FIGURES1. Angachagua house plan 1732. Angachagua roof frame 174169 THE QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS OF THE PROVINCE OFIMBABURA (ECUADOR) AND THEIR ANTHROPOMETRICRELATIONS WITH THE LIVING POPULATIONS OF THEANDEAN REGION By John GillinINTRODUCTIONThe writer and his wife visited the Province of Imbabura in Novem-ber 1934, on behalf of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University.A superficial survey of the culture was made, but the primary objectof this visit was to obtain a series of anthropometric measurementsand physical observations for the Indians of this region, which repre-sents the last conquest of the Incas toward the north.Measuring and observing were done at Otavalo, near the southernlimit of the Province; San Roqu^, lying on the western slope ofMount Imbabura about 7 miles northeast of Otavalo; Agato, a com-munity of free Indians about 6 miles south of Otavalo situated on thesaddle which separates the basin of Otavalo from that of Lago deSan Pablo ; and Angachagua, a community of free Indians living in aclosed valley at the foot of the Eastern Cordillera about 15 milessoutheast of the city of Ibarra. The Indians of the first three locali-ties?Otavalo, SanRoque, andAgato?consider themselves more or lessrelated and, consequently, in the discussion of their anthropometrywill be treated as one group in distinction to those of Angachagua.According to available information, both verbal and published, theselocalities have been least subject to acculturation and least exposed topossible admixture with other stocks (Garces, 1932; Saenz, 1933,pp. 30 ff.). All individuals who admitted Negro or white ancestorsor relatives, or for whom such were suggested by our informants, wereeliminated from our series after measurement. Only seven suchdoubtful subjects appeared. Furthermore, adult males only wereselected, cripples and other deformed persons being eliminated. Suchdeformities included two acromegalic giants. Otherwise no selectionwas practised.A total of 134 individuals was measured and observed, including108 from Otavalo and associated locaUties, and 26 from Angachagua.The writer is indebted in the following quarters and hereby wishes,even if inadequately, to express his gratitude to Prof. E. A. Hooton171 172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 of Harvard University, who advised and counselled him in all phasesof this work and who placed the facilities of the Harvard Anthropo-metric Laboratory at his disposal; the Peabody Museum of HarvardUniversity, which financed the expedition, and Mr. Donald Scott,Director; the Government of Ecuador and particularly Dr. LouisAlfonso Merlo, formerly Governor of the Province of Imbabura, whoextended the expedition many favors which facilitated its efforts; Mr.Matthew W. Stirling, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology,who has undertaken the supervision of the publication of this paperby the Bureau over which he presides; and the writer's wife whocontributed not only her presence but also her energy as recorderand assistant.It is now proposed (1) to tell something of the present mode of hfeof the Indians; (2) to review pertinent facts from the prehistory of theregion in an effort to estabhsh the antecedents of the population underdiscussion; (3) to present and analyze the results of the anthropologicalwork; (4) to compare these results with apposite series from outsidethe area; and (5) to present such conclusions as may result from thefacts. PRESENT MODE OF LIFEEach community of Indians in the district is an ethnic group whichpossesses certain details of culture distinguishing it from other villages.For instance, the form of the large saucer-shaped felt hats worn byboth men and women is a common feature of village identification(Garces, 1932; Saenz, 1933, pp. 30 ff.). Except for such minor dis-tinctions, however, the culture of the region is essentially of onepattern.The Indians are divided into two categories as regards social andeconomic position in the eyes of the law: (1) Those who own theplots of ground which they work and who are called "free" Indians;(2) those who hve as tenant farmers on the lands of an hacienda,obtaining the use of a plot of ground in exchange for a specifiednumber of days' work each week on the lands of the patr6n. Themodes of hfe of these two types are not essentially dissimUiar exceptthat the free Indians tend to be much more independent in theirpohtical and economic activities.Maize, barley, wheat, quinoa, potatoes, lentils, and beans are theprincipal vegetable crops, although many others are occasionallygrown. The fields are cultivated by hand with wooden spades andsometimes with iron hoes. Mutton, guinea pigs, and, occasionally,wild rabbits contribute to the meat diet. Practically all of the fields,which are seldom larger than an acre, are irrigated with water whichis brought from the mountain streams in ditches constructed by thecommunity as a whole. Domestic animals consist of sheep, goats, Anthrop. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 173guinea pigs (which are usually kept in the houses), dogs, chickens, and,more rarely, asses and horses.The latter are not plentiful among the Indians and are generallyused for carrying loads rather than persons. The majority of personsdepend upon the strength of their own backs for the transportation ofgoods.The houses are built of wattle covered with mud, giving an externalappearance of adobe construction and have gabled or four-sidedpitched roofs mth ridge poles. They are thatched with pdramo -i.ji.i.a?is Figure 1.?Angachagua house plan.A, Wood storeroom; B, open porch; C, wooden bed covered with mat of twilled leaves; D, loft for storage;E, rack for storing bags of wool and baskets.grass. Each house is, as a rule, occupied by one family. Thedwellings are usually grouped into communities, but they are notsituated closely together because each is surrounded by its fields.Associated with the house is usually a kitchen, built on somewhat thesame plan, while two or three houses share a large free-standing ovenmade of clay. In the center of each community is a plaza where issituated the church and the office of the alcade (appointed by thegovernment and usually a Uterate Indian), and from this center thehouses of the community spread out over the cultivated lands to aradius of a mile or two. Beyond the cultivated lands, on the slopesof the nearby mountains, are the community grazing grounds.Figure 1 is a diagram indicating the plan of a typical house and 174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 128the uses to which the various parts are put. Figure 2 shows theconstruction of the roof frame. A group of four or five houses usuallyshares a watering hole and laundering place at one of the neighboringstreams. In plates 19 to 21 are shown views of the houses and theirfurnishings. Physical types of the Indians of the Otovalo groupand of Agato are shown in plates 22 to 29.Clothes are woven at home from home-spun and home-wovenwool and cotton. The costume of both men and women includes thelarge, platter-shaped felt hats which are made by specialists. Womenwear blouses embroidered with colors, full colored skirts, bright sashes,and woolen shawls, as well as brass and silver rings and many strings INTERIORBRACeR/\FTERS ? STR/NG?R Figure 2.?Angachagua roof frame. of gold or brass beads around the neck. Men wear loin cloths,shirts, pantaloons reaching to the calf, and ponchos. The clothingof both sexes is highly colorful and minor details of pattern differaccording to the locality. Green dyes are made by mixing quilloand alpapoca plant juices. Most of the other colors are bought atthe weekly markets, which move on a circuit and form the mostimportant institution for the exchange of goods.All the people are nominally Catholics, although many survivalsof ancient superstition remain. The aboriginal social organizationseems to be submerged almost entirely.The language is a dialect of Quichua which is said to differ somewhatfrom that of Quito. In fact, the Angachagua dialect is in somerespects different from that of Otavalo. The Quichua of the regioncontains a good many more or less modified Spanish words, but few Anthrop. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS'?GILLIN 175Indians are able to speak Spanish as such at all, and it is very unusualto find one who can speak it either fluently or grammatically.As Jij6n says (1920, p. 103), the people are living in much thesame condition as they probably were at the arrival of the Spaniards,except for the introduction of iron, certain domestic animals andtheir products, the Catholic religion, and European political control.Of these it seems that the latter has had the most profound influence,because the political and economic life has been much more seriouslydisrupted than the material culture.SOME ASPECTS OF THE PREHISTORY OF THE PROVINCEOF IMBABURABefore considering the anthropometric work it seems necessary toconsider what is known concerning the history and prehistory of theregion, since, to a certain extent, the significance of our findingsdepends upon the proper identification of the people we are studying.The people speak Quichua?are they predominately of Incaicor Peruvian blood; or, if not, what elements may have gone intotheir physical make-up? To shed some light on this question asurvey of the literature has been made and the evidence will besummarized under the following heads: (1) Historical-traditional,(2) archeological, (3) linguistic. The physical evidence will bedeferred to the fourth section after presenting the results of our ownanthropometric investigation.The present Province of Imbabura had been conquered by theInca Huayna Capac some 70 years previous to the arrival of theSpaniards (Reyes, 1934, p. 26) and the traditions of the previoussovereigns were extant in the time of the clu-oniclers who followed theEuropean invaders. Before the coming of the Incas, therefore,this region, according to Velasco (1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 4 ff.), wasoccupied by the tribe of the Caras. They lived in the interandinevalley in what is now the major part of the Province of Imbabura.Their territory was bounded on the north by the Rio Chota, whichseparated them from the Tucano-speaking Pastos. On the westbeyond the cordillera, lived the Barbacoas, and east of the regionon the Amazonian side of the mountains, were the Cofanes and theQuijos. The Cara had extended their dominion over the Canarisprobably south of Riobamba (Velasco, 1841-44, vol. 2, p. 6), althoughRivet regards 0'31" south as the southern limit of their effectualdistribution, because of the absence of place names with the Caraending, -jpi, beyond this parallel. We are told that the tola burialmounds, associated with the Cara culture, are not found south of theRio GuaUabamba (Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, vol. 6, p. 15),and Cieza de Le6n (1853, p. 392) reports that south of this river a 176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128different language was spoken in the villages of Panzaleo and Ma-chachi. There is thus some disagreement as to how far south theCara occupation extended, but all reports point to the fact that theydid occupy the Province of Imbabura.In 1582 the villages inhabited by Indians in the region of Otavalowere enumerated by the local Spanish administrator who gave theIndian population of his district, which is roughly the southern two-thirds of the present Province of Imbabura, as 11,252 souls (Ponce deLeon, 1881-97, vol. 3, p. 111).According to Velasco (1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 2-9), the Caras wereinvaders who arrived in Manabi on the Pacific coast of Ecuador onlarge rafts, coming from the west. They first occupied the regionbetween the Bay of Charapoto and the Cape of San Francisco, andfounded a village, or town, named Caraques. They later migratedalong the coast toward the north, because increase of population anddissatisfaction with the tropical climate demanded territorial expan-sion. They discovered the mouth of the Rio Esmeraldas and an easyway into the interior by ascending the river.About A, D. 980 the Caras found themselves far up the Rio Blanco,a tributary of the Esmeraldas, on the slopes of Mount Pichincha(Means, 1931, p. 147). After establishing themselves in the Otavaloregion, they moved south under the leadership of the Scyri (meaningchief, or king) and conquered the so-called Kingdom of Quitu, whichwas apparently a loose confederation of rather low-cultm^ed tribes orgroups established very anciently in the region surrounding the presentcity of Quito.The earliest conquests of the Caras, according to Velasco, lay northof Quito and included Cayambe, Otavalo, and Tusa (modern SanGabriel). The seventh Scyri extended the conquests south of Quito,conquering the present Province of Latacunga with little difficulty.Attempts to subdue the warlike tribe of Puruha, whose capital wasRiobamba, were unsuccessful and finally a friendly alliance wasmade with this power. The eleventh Scyri, however, managed toarrange a marriage between his only child, a daughter named Toa,and the heir of the Puruha line, named Duchicela. Thus the Carascame into possession of the Puruha territory by marriage about theyear 1300, continuing a peaceful expansion by making alliances withthe Caiiar and other tribes farther to the south in order to resist theexpanding power of the Incas. The Cara period came to an end about1450 when the Inca Tupac Yupanqui began his successful campaignsagainst the southern allies of the Scyri.This account of Velasco has been accepted by Means (1931, p. 125),Gonzalez Suarez (1890-1903, vol. 1, chap. 1), and Verneau and Rivet(1912 and 1922, vol, 6, pp. 14-21), among others. The authenticityof the chronicler has been attacked principally by Jijon y Caamano. anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS^?GILLIN 177Although there seems to be good reason to doubt some of the detailsof Velasco's account of the Cara movements and political organiza-tion, there are, on the other hand, valid linguistic and archeologicalgrounds for believing that the plateaux of Imbabura were populatedby a people from the coast several hundred years before the Incainvasion.The culture of the Caras, mostly on the authority of Velasco, maybe summarized briefly as follows: Clothing consisted of a large clothdraped over the shoulders and held with a sash around the waist.The weaving of cotton and wool, as well as the tanning of hides, waswell IvnowTi. Houses were small and round, of wattle covered withmud, and with roofs thatched with paramo grass on wooden frames.Principal foods consisted of maize, beans, potatoes, camotes, rabbits,quina, and a plant called huacamullu. The tribes in the valleys ofQuilca and Pimampiro cultivated coca, which they traded to neigh-boring groups at a profit which gave them a higher standard of livingthan the others.Cultivation of the fields was performed with a sort of wooden dig-ging stick. Llamas were raised, but the meat was eaten by chiefsonly. Ai'ms consisted of the javelin which was used with a throwingstick, lance, and sling. Stones were used for axes and clubs. Thepeople were very warlike, and in order to secure their victories, con-structed fortresses in conquered provinces in the form of quadrangularterraplanes of three or four stages, with palisades in which werelocated structures housing the store of arms. Near the forts werevillages where the ofiicers and chiefs of the Province lived. Theyused a war drum of cylindrical shape made from a single hollowedpiece of wood and provided with ears at each end for suspension. Inburying the dead, they first stretched the body on the ground at somedistance from the house and surrounded it with the jewels and armsof the deceased. Then they raised around it a wall of rough stones,the nearest relatives having the privilege of placing the fii'st stones.These structures are known as tolas.The king's graves were provided with a circular stone chamber withpyramidal stone roof and a door opening toward the east, which wasopened only for the interment of a new corpse. The bodies of thekings were "embalmed," clothed in the royal insignia, and placed ina sitting position around the wall of the chamber.The Caras are said to have worshipped the sun and the moon, andto have venerated the two heroes Pacha and Eacha. The temple ofthe sun was on the Panecillo, an artificial (?) hill to the south of Quito.The temple was quadrangular in form, constructed of well-cut stone,with a pyramidal roof and a door facing the east. Inside was only animage of the sun in gold. On each side of the door were two columnswhich served as gnomons for observation of the solstices, and around 178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128the building was a circle of 12 columns, indicating the position of theirshadows at the beginning of each month. Offerings to the sun con-sisted mostly of perfumes, resins, fruits, and animals. The templesof the moon were situated on a hill at the opposite end of the city tothe north. It was of circular form with round windows, and in thecenter a silver image of the moon. Above the moon hung a pieceof blue cotton cloth representing the sky in which were fixed silverstars. The first day of each lunar month was consecrated to thisdivinity.The foregoing is Velasco's account of the Cara religion, but othersources mention such customs as the worship of pumas and largesnakes, which we may assume represented the more primitive aspectof Cara religion.^Vemeau and Rivet say "the sun cult seems to be of Peruvian origin asCieza de Le6n declares it to be in the case of the tribes of Chillo andAlangasi (near Quito). Before the coming of the Incas the Carasadored the sky, the high and snowy mountains, where they went underthe conduct of their priests to carry sacrifices and offerings when theywished to obtain divine favors. The indigenes of Pimampiro andChapi had wooden and stone representations of their gods to whichthey offered white maize, chicha, and coca" (Vemeau and Rivet, 1912and 1922, vol. 6, p. 19).The political organization, according to Velasco, was a centralizedaristocratic monarchy consisting of three classes?the Scyris or kingsthe nobles, and the commoners. The power of the kings, as well asthat of the nobles, was inherited by sons to the exclusion of daughters,and in default of sons the title passed to the son of the ruler's sister"The new king did not take power until recognized by an assembly ofthe nobles who, if they considered him unworthy, appointed one oftheir number to take his place. This assembly, together with theking, decided all questions of general interest and particularly thoserelating to war. Each social class had its special insignia. All thosecapable of bearing arms wore a feather crown with a single row offeathers. Nobles' crowns had two rows of feathers. The king worethe latter type, decorated with a large emerald suspended in the centerof the forehead. Real and personal property were both inherited.The Scyri had only one wife, but many concubines, a privilegewhich was allowed the nobles. Polygamy was prohibited for thecommon people but divorce was easy and frequent.The Caras were known to be very good lapidaries, especiallyskillful in cutting emeralds.Although they had no writing, they possessed a form of annotationof events and accounts which consisted of placing in compartments of ' For summaries of Cara culture, see Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, vol. 6, pp. 20 fl.. Means, 1931, pp.145-155, Gonz&lez Suarez, 1890-1903, vol. 1, pp. 86 flf.; for original source, see Velasco, 1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 393 S. Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 179 wood, clay, or stone little pieces of stone of different colors and forms.These records were kept in the temples.So much for a rapid sketch of the Cara cultm-e at the time ofthe Spanish conquest, as reported by Velasco. Many features sug-gesting Peruvian influence on a substratum of independent culturewill be at once recognized. From our point of view it is importantto remember this Peruvian influence because it may indicate thepossibility of the infusion of Peruvian blood as well. Other evidencealso speaks for such admixture.The resistance offered by the Cara tribes to the Inca conquestin the present Province of Imbabura was very fierce, and they suc-ceeded in holding their own against the Peruvian armies for at least17 years. In this struggle the people of Cayambe, Pifo, Otavalo,Cochasqui, and Caranqui were especially active, and they were onlydefeated in the end by a stratagem which resulted, as Cieza de Leontells us (1853, pp. 255-260), in the slaughter of all the able-bodiedmen at Yaguarcocha (Quichua: Lake of Blood), some 5 miles northof the present town of Ibarra. The survivors were called Huam-bracunas, meaning "children." If this account is true, a large partof the Cara blood of the Province was wiped out about 1467.After the massacre, Huayna Capac is said to have repeopled theProvince with mitimaes sent from Peru (Cieza de Le6n, 1853, p. 258).Unfortunately, we do not know from precisely which part of Peruthese colonists came, but Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922, vol. 6,p. 21) on the authority of a reference the writer has not been able tocheck, mention that the village of Zambiza, situated across a mountainspur some 10 miles to the northeast of Quito, was entirely peopledby Indians sent from the boundary between Peru and Bolivia.A review of the historical material, therefore, tells us of at leastthree physical strains which may be involved in the present popula-tion of Imbabura: (1) The first inhabitants of which we knowanything, called Quitus by Velasco, the people who were inhabitingthe plateau at the time of the Cara invasion; (2) the Caras, comingfrom the coast and probably possessing blood foreign to the territoryof Ecuador, if the tradition of their arrival from overseas on raftsis to be taken seriously; (3) Peruvians of uncertain physical type,who came in as soldiers and colonists at the time of the Inca conquest.Let us see what light the other lines of evidence may tlirow on theproblem.Jij6n (1920, pp. 103-105) summarizes the succession of cultures inImbabura as follows: (1) Painted-vase period, which is earliest,characterized by painted vases of one or two colors on a clear ground ; ^(2) well-grave period, in which bodies are buried in lateral gallery at ? The author says that they are possibly associated with burials in wells under tolas, although this seemsdoubtful on the evidence which he presents. 180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 28the base of a well 2 to 4 meters deep; (3) Tola period, which theauthor and others have proved to precede the Inca period (Verneauand Rivet, 1912 and 1922, p. 125; von Buchwald, 1909, p. 156); (4)the Inca period, which in Imbabura was neither ? very durable nor very intense. In those places like Caraqui in which the Incafounded stable cities the people were made vassals. In other parts of the terri-tory the Inca influence was confined to numerous intrenched camps and theleaving of vases, while aboriginal life went on side by side with the Peruvian.[Jij6n, 1920, p. 105.]In another work, Jijon (1930) has given a general chronology for thepleateau part of Ecuador, based principally on the stratified site ofSan Sabastian near the town of Guano in the Province of Cotopaxi.The succession of cultures, beginning with the oldest, is as follows:(1) Proto-Panzaleo I, wavy, comb-made figures incised on pottery,??200 B. C; (2) Proto-Panzaleo II, large decorative motifs on pot-tery in negative painting, 200 B. C.-O; (3) Tuncahuan, pottery decora-tion consisting of negative and over-painting, A. D. 0-750; (4) Guano,pottery showing influence of Tiahuanaco, A. D. 755-850; (5) Elenpata,very styHzed, small motifs of textile aspect in negative technique,common to Manta style of same date, A. D. 850-1300; (6) Huavalac,applied faces with bent noses, engraved figures, and remains of nega-tive painting of the preceeding period, A. D. 1300-1450; (7) Puruha-incaico and Inca, 1450-1532.The significance of tliis for us, lies m Jijon's views concerning theforeign afiiliations of these cultures, which he supports with a thoroughstudy of comparative material. According to him, a primitive popu-lation, like that of the Fuegians or the ancient fishermen of Africa,was succeeded by another which was represented by the diffusion ofan archaic culture element somewhat Hke that of the Valley of Mexico,and here represented by Proto-Panzaleo I. This archaic culture wasfollowed by new cultural waves connected with the southern advanceof the Chorotegas before 100 B. C. and represented in Ecuador byProto-Panzaleo II. This culture was, in turn, followed by yet anotherwave of Chorotegan influence (Tuncahuan) which was aheady in-fluenced by the art of the old Maya Empire. The latter wave ofculture was met by and blended with a wave of Tiahuanaco influencefrom Peru, represented by Jij6n's Guano. Jij6n claims that Proto-Panzaleo II and the Guano types have been found in the Province ofImbabura, thereby indicating early intrusions of culture, and possiblyof peoples, first from the Chorotegan area and, secondly, fromBolivia and Peru.Without repudiating the existence and direction of foreign influ-ences. Means has criticized Jij6n's succession of cultures as failing ? to show the existence of any vivid and deep-reaching contrast between the varioustypes. It is quite possible to lump all his types together and say they represent Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 181 merely a culture which, beginning as a low archaic culture (an integral part ofthat so widespread in Central and South America), graduall}' worked its way upthrough the various grades of the archaic stage luitil it attained a stage which,though preserving traces of archism (in modelled human faces particularly), was,nevertheless, on a par with Tianhuanco II art in its later years and, like it, waspossessed of a metallurgic art. Throughout all this long and gradual upwardclimb, influences were received far more constantly from the north, i. e., fromColombia and Central America, than they were from the south. Nevertheless,there are clear evidences of influences of an aesthetic sort derived from TlahuanacoIT art toward the end of its career. [Means, 1931, pp. 158-159].In going through the Uterature, the writer has been able to find noevidence that an extensive migration accompanied the Tiahuanacocultural influences from the south, and, since the latter occur withsome scarcity in Imbabura, we may conclude for the time being thatlittle infusion of Peruvian or Bolivian blood took place prior to theInca invasion. There is more to be said, however, for both culturaland physical connection with tlie north.Gonzalez Suarez was of the belief that the Caribs exercised a strongearly influence in Imbabura, basing his belief on finds of occasionalurn burials, which he apparently considered to be a Carib trait.Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922, vol, G, p. 127), however, con-sider these interandiane urn burials to be diffusions from the coast,where such finds have been recovered as far south as central Peru.It is also claimed, on what seems to be rather insufficient evidence todate, that certain names, such as Imbabura, Cayambe, and Cotopaxi,are of Carib origin. One should not say, however, that there hasbeen no Amazonian influence on the Plateau.Ulile (1922, pp. 205 ff.; 1932) has summarized the archeologicalevidence and has made out a good case for the presence of strongCentral American influence both on the coast and in the highlands,including Imbabura. This view is, the writer believes, accepted bymost students of the subject (Means, 1921; Jij6n, 1930, etc.), althoughDr. Samuel Lothrop says that recent finds of Ecuadoran materialin Nicaragua show that the cultural movement was not all in onedirection.Let us now return to Velasco's story of the Cara invasion of Imba-bura via the Rio Esmeraldas and see what archeological evidenceexists in support of it.Jij6n has summarized three facts which indicate, at least, that thepre-Inca inhabitants of Imbabura must have come from a forestedregion with a climate different from that of Imbabura, presumably atropical forest region, since the nearest temperate forest is some 1 ,500miles away in Chile (Jij6n, 1920, pp. 117-120). These tlu-ee indica-tions are as follows, according to Jij6n:1. According to early accounts, the fort erected by the Caranquisfor the defense of Yaguarcocha was made of wooden palisades218558?40 13 182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETPINOLOGY [Bnu:.. 128indicating an origin in a country where trees were plentiful. Exceptat Yaguarcocha there is no other locality in Imbabura where it ispossible to obtain trees for this purpose.2. The Caranquis used rafts on Yaguarcocha and the Lago de SanPablo, the only two lakes of any size in the region. These lakes,however, contain no fish and are too small to necessitate buildingrafts to cross them rather than walking around.3. The house construction, depending on much use of wood is moreappropriate to forested regions than to Imbabura.The closest tropical forests are those of the Amazon valley andthose of the Ecuadoran coast. Since the cultural elements in questionare more like those of the latter region than the former, Jij6n assumesthat their presence among the Caras indicates a migration from thecoast.In addition to these facts, we may mention that the countingdevices mentioned by Velasco have actually been found in strataimmediately preceding the Inca (Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922,pi. 15; Means, 1931, p. 168) and tolas are found in Manta and Esmer-aldas which resemble those in Imbabura and also those described byVelasco. Further finds by Saville on the coast have been assignedto the Caras. There is, then, a strong presumption in favor of Velas-co's account of an actual invasion from the coast. Furthermore, aswe have said, there is good reason to believe that these people whocame from the coast originally hailed from Central America. (SeeGillin, 1936, p. 549, for short bibliography of coastal archeologicalfinds attributed to the Caras.)The language of the Caras is completely extinct except for 10 placenames and their meanings. Say Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922,vol 6, p. 20) : insuflScient as they are, their study has permitted the recognition in two of thesenames of a root belonging without doubt to the language of the Barbacoa Indianswho lived on the western slope of the cordillera and who themselves belonged toa Chibcha stock. There is every reason to believe that the language spoken bythe ancient inhabitants of the region v/as a Barbacoan (i. e., Chibchan) dialect.Beuchat and Rivet have established the fact that the three languagesformerly known as Barbacoa, Paniquita, and Coconuco of the Ecua-doran and Colombian coasts all belong to the Chibchan stock. Italso seems probable that the Chibcha languages were at some timespoken as far north as the frontier between Nicaragua and CostaRica.This summary of background material has been made by way ofuncovering clues regarding the antecedents of the present inhabitantsof Imbabura. On the basis of this material we may say that theImbabura population may be composed of the following strains: Anthrop. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 183(1) A very ancient aboriginal element; (2) a coastal element whichpossibly came to the Eiicadoran coast from Central America or atleast from the north ; (3) possibly some Amazonian elements, althoughthe linguistic, archeological and historical evidence is largely silentwith respect to them; (4) a Peruvian factor which might have beenintroduced as a result of the Inca conquest; and (5) possibly somewhite admixtiu-e acquired since the Spanish conquest, althoughrecords of such miscegenation are lacking. We shall now considerthe physical characteristics of the Indians actually studied. Itshould be understood, of course, that our use of the word "strain"here signifies only population elements derived from external geo-graphical regions and does not necessarily imply major "racial"distinctions. RESULTS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL WORKIn table 1 are given the statistical results of the measurements of allthe Imbabura Indians studied. Attention may be called to a few ofthe more important features of the group as a whole. The meanstature of 156.48 centimeters places the group within the range of the "short" portion of the human species (Martin, 1928, vol. 1, p. 246).With a mean cephalic index of 80.04, these Indians are on the averagemesocephahc. The hypsicephalic mean length-height index of 72.44and the acrocephalic breadth-height index of 90.26 indicate that thetypical head is quite high relative to either the length or the breadth.The typical face is of medium length relative to its breadth as shownby the mesoprosopic mean total facial index of 84, while the upperface is relatively somewhat broader with a euryene mean upperfacial index of 47.54. The nose is of medium width compared withits height as indicated by the mesorrhine mean nasal index of 72.34.^The shoulders (biacromial width) are 23.12 percent of the stature.The average chest is 78.58 percent as deep as it is wide. The relativesitting height is 52.6 percent. The forehead is narrow in comparisonwith the head, the fronto-parietal index being 70.12, but the headitself is very nearly as broad as the face, as shown by the mean cephalo-facial index of 96.71.All the bodily and cephalic measurements fall within the small ormedium ranges of the human species, with the exception of the headheight, which is fairly large.*In table 2 are the results of the morphological observations of thegroup as a whole. 3 For indicia! categories here mentioned, see Martin, 1928, vol. 1, pp. 199-202. * Measuring technique followed the system taught by Prof. E . A . Ilooton, of Harvard University. Headheight was taken with anthropometer from tragion on left side; chest measurements were taken withanthropometer at height of nipples on the normally deflated chest from in front and from left side; skin colorwas determined by comparison with the Von Luschan porcelain color chart: eye and hair color were judgedwithout reference to a chart. Calculations were performed by machine in the Harvard AnthropometricLaboratory by Mrs. Sarah Cotton. All measuring was done by the writer, recording by Helen N. Qillin. 184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Skin color is overwhelmingly red brown, with less than 14 percentof the cases distributed among other shades of brown (brunet, swarthy,light brown). Seven-tenths of the cases show no vascularity, withabout 30 percent showing small or pronounced vascularity. The sameproportions hold for freckles. About 69 percent of the subjects havea few moles and 25 percent have many, while only 5 percent are free ofmoles. The hair form is more curly than might be expected a prioriin an Indian group, with only 19 percent showing straight hair, while56 percent have light waves, and 25 percent deep waves. Hairtexture is predominantly fine and medium, with only one case of coarsehair recorded.The largest proportion of heads have a medium amount of hair,but 27 percent show a more than medium quantity. Less than 7percent of baldness of any degree is recorded. The Imbabura menhave scanty beards, 89 percent being recorded as "small" or "verysmall," while only 11 percent have beards of medium heaviness.Body hair is also small in quantity, with only 6 percent having even amedium amount.One-tenth of the subjects showed gray hair on the head, while 17percent showed grayness of some degree in the beard. Ninety-fourpercent of all head hair is black, with 5 percent dark brown, while98 percent of all beards are black. Three-fifths of the eyes are black,with practically all the rest recorded as dark brown. Clear irises leadwith 57 percent, followed by the rayed, zoned, and spotted types inorder of diminishing frequency. Thus the pigmentation of thesemen is predominantly brunet, with only a small incidence of lighterfactors which might indicate mixture with whites.In regard to eyefolds, a greater tendency toward the external andmedian types is found than toward the internal eyefolds, although alltypes are fairly well distributed. Thus 16 percent of the subjectsshow no indication of external eyefold, 11 percent show no indicationof median eyefold, but 21 percent are devoid of the internal type.Sixty-six percent, however, show some degree of eye obliquity. Abouttwo-thirds of the eye openings are small, with one-third medium insize.The eyebrows tend to be small or medium in thickness, while nearlytwo-thirds of them meet over the nose, although the greater part ofthis concurrency is small. The greater part of brow ridges is smalland less than 7 percent are medium in size. The forehead height ispredominantly small or medium, with a slightly larger percentagefalling in the latter category. The slope of the forehead is mediumin slightly more than half the cases, but the two-fifths of nearlystraight foreheads (as indicated by a "small" slope) is large enoughto be remarked. Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 185A nasion depression is always present and in 16 percent it ismarked. A nasal root of some height is typical, with seven-tenthsshowing a medium height and one-quarter of the subjects showing anasal root of some height. Three-fourths of the nasal roots aremedium in breadth, while the remainder are about equally dividedbetween narrower and wider types. The lower border of the nasalseptum in profile tends toward convexity, with three-fifths of thesubjects in this category and the other two-fifths showing concave orstraight septa.The nasal bridge is well elevated in the great majority of the cases,being of medium height in 69 percent and of more than medium heightin 28 percent. The nose is not aquiline, however, for the bridge tendstoward broadness with 97 percent showing double or triple-plusbreadths. The largest proportion of noses are straight in profile (40percent), while 23 percent are convex, and the concave and concavo-convex types are about equally divided with a little more than 17percent each. Ninety percent of the tips show either medium orpronounced thickness, although the former type is twice as frequentas the latter. The up-tilted and down-tilted nasal tips occur in aboutequal proportions and only 15 percent of the nasal wings are com-pressed in some degree, with 66 percent medium and 19 percentflaring. The relatively high frequency of transverse nostrils (41percent) indicates that there is no perfect correlation between shapeof nostril and flare of wings in this group.The integumental lips tend toward thickness (45 percent), while themedium type with 37 percent is about twice as frequent as the thintype with 19 percent. The membranous lips are for the most part ofmedium thickness but there are more full lower membranous lips thanupper ones. Eversion is generally small and medium.About 95 percent show some midfacial prognathism, although it ismostly small in size. Alveolar prognathism is more pronounced.The chin is prominent in roughly two-thirds of the cases and small inone-third. The bilateral type of chin is twice as frequent as themedian type.Only about 11 percent of the men show partial eruption of theteeth. The majority bite edge-to-edge, with the overbite typeaccounting for roughly 40 percent and the underbite occurring in lessthan 4 percent of the cases. Only about two-fifths of the men haveall their teeth, 31 percent have lost between 1 and 4 teeth, 11 percenthave lost between 5 and 8 teeth, 7 percent have lost 9 to 16 teeth, andnearly 10 percent have lost more than 17 teeth. The largest propor-tion show heavy wear and less than one-fifth of the teeth show littleor no wear. Only about IK percent of the men had no caries in theirteeth and almost 30 percent had 17 or more cavities. Shortening 186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 occurs in only a little over one-third of the cases, but crowding ispresent in about 86 percent.The helix of the ear is of medium size in exactly half the cases, butthe well rolled helix is about 10 percent more frequent than the slightlyrolled type. The antihelix is medium in slightly more than half thecases, but here the small type is twice as frequent as the pronouncedtype. Darwin's point occurs in some form in 36 percent of thesubjects. The attached ear lobe is most frequent (45 percent), whilethe soldered type occurs slightly oftener than the free type. Less than10 percent of the ears are of markedly large size, while the majorityare of medium size. Seventy-three percent show httle protrusion.Temporal fullness tends to be medium (79 percent), while the inci-dence of submedium fullness (15.38 percent) is about thi'ee times asgreat as that of the pronounced type (5.38 percent).The author regards the recorded incidence of occipital and lambdoidshapes as somewhat unreliable, due to the difficulty of taking preciseobservations on subjects who wear their hair braided in the back asthese do. However, little evidence of marked cranial deformationwas found.The subjects are for the most part of medium or lateral body build,only 11 percent conforming to the linear type.The whole group has been divided into two subgroups, which weshall term the Otavalo group and the Angachagua group respectively.The Otavalo group includes, as previously stated, Indians measuredat Otavalo, San Roque, and Agato. The Angachagua group is geo-graphically more isolated than the Otavalo group and is also regardedby the Indians themselves and whites in the country as being ofdifferent physical aspect. The two groups have been comparedstatistically to see if this assumption is true from the anthropometricpoint of view. In table 3 are presented the statistical results of themeasurements taken on the Otavalo group ; in table 4 will be found thetabulation of the morphological observations on the same group. Intable 5 are the results of the anthropometric measurements at Anga-chagua and in table 6 the listing of the morphological observationsfor the same group.In comparing the two groups we find slight differences in variability,indicating that the Otavalo group is a bit less homogeneous than theAngachagua group, as would normally be expected because of itsgreater size. The average coefficient of variation for measurementsof the Otavalo group is 5.37 as compared with 4.91 for the Angachaguagroup, while the average coefficient of variation for the indices is 5.57for the Otavalo group as compared to 5.17 for the Angachagua group.(Coefficients of variation will be found in tables 3 and 5.) ANTHROP. PAP. No. 16] QUIOHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 187When we compare the differences between the groups as expressedby the " XP.E."^ (table 7), we find them of such a degi-ec and charac-ter as to make it impossible for us to consider the two groups as sam-ples of the same universe. An arbitrary measure of difference fre-quently used is 3XP.E., because, on the basis of the normal frequencycurve, 95.70 percent of the differences between any two randomsamples of the same universe will fall below 3XP.E, In comparingthe Angachagua and Otavalo samples (table 7), however, only 66.67percent of the differences, both in measurements and indices, fallwithin 3XP.E. Actually, 69.23 percent of the measurements and64.29 percent of the indices show XP.E.'s of under 3. In other words,the number of insignificant differences is only about two-thirds asgreat as it should be were we to consider the two groups as membersof the same population physically.Angachagua exceeds Otavalo significantly in head height and sitting-height, whereas Otavalo significantly exceeds Angachagua in headbreadth and nose breadth. In indicial characters, Angachaguasignificantly exceeds Otavalo in relative shoulder breadth, length-height index of the head, and breadth-height index of the head, whileOtavalo significantly exceeds in cephalo-facial and nasal indices.Thus these two groups, in accordance with popular belief previouslymentioned, are actually different on the basis of the present samples.The Angachagua group typically has an absolutely and relativelyhigher head, an absolutely and relatively narrower nose, narrowershoulders relative to stature, an absolutely narrower head, and a facebroader in relation to the breadth of the head.COMPARISON OF RESULTS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL WORK IN PROV-INCE OF IMBABURA WITH APPOSITE SERIES FROM OUTSIDE THEAREAIn an effort to throw some light on the afiinitics of the ImbaburaIndians we have collected a number of series of measurements madeupon Indians who on the basis of historical, archeological, and lin-guistic evidence may possibly have sprung from stocks representedin the ancestry of the Imbabura. In these series are included all themeasurements on Quichua Indians which are known to the author,namely, those reported by Chervin and Rouma from Bolivia and thosereported by Ferris from Peru.In tabulating the foreign series for comparison, males only havebeen selected and only those traits have been utilized in which thetechnique of the several investigators appears to have been identicalwith that of the present study. Since in only one case?Steggerda'sseries of Mayas?has the statistical treatment accorded these various . v,-r> T, difference between two mciins ? , ,, . , ,? n?^?. , ^ ^?' XP. E.? pr^t,^bie error of the diflereDCO - ^'^^'^^^^ ?"?^ ?f the d.fIerence=VP. E.^>+P. E.^a. 188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128groups been suflBcient to permit direct comparisons of any validity,putative probable errors and putative XP.E.'s have been calculatedfor these comparative series.The reader who is sophisticated in the interpretation of statisticswill realize at once how tentative must be any conclusions drawn fromthe available anthropometric material of the Andean area. Anthropo-metric series are in most cases too small to be of high validity statisti-cally. The factors which may have influenced investigators in selectingindividuals for samples are not wholly clear in all cases. The numberof traits measured by comparable methods varies from sample tosample. It will be clear, therefore, that the material as we havepresented it is suggestive rather than conclusive. A service can beperformed for future investigators, however, by drawing together thematerial available at the present time and giving it the statisticaltreatment which will make for ready comparison with new data as itis collected. In this sense it is hoped that the present paper may serveas a starting point for extensive anthropometric investigations whichwill finally provide us with a clear picture of the physical attributes ofthe Andean populations.A few cautions should be mentioned. We have compared all seriesfrom this area by means of difi'erences and probable errors. This wasdone in order to provide the most refined check available regardingthe significance of the arithmetic means involved. It should beremembered, however, that good judgment and common sense arealso part of the statistical method. Thus, until vastly more materialis available the reader should not be too quick to form the conclusionthat several different "races" are represented in the Andean area.No two of the series when compared with Otavalo and Angachagua, orwhen compared with each other, are statistically parts of the samepopulation universe. Yet we must remember that the samples are inall cases relatively small, in some cases very small. Further samplingmay show the apparent differences to be less important than theyappear to be at present. In the second place, the number of com-parable means provided by other investigators is in some cases verysmall. Thus Chervin provides only seven measurements and sixindices which are comparable. A single significant difference betweenone of these means and that of another series will produce a percentageof significant differences between the two arrays sufficient to make itappear that the two populations involved are highly different. Yet,if a larger array of means were available for comparison, it is con-ceivable that the degree of difference would appear much less imposing.In short, the percentages of significant differences between means insmall arrays and those in much larger arrays must not be consideredof equal importance until more data is available. Third, it is neverabsolutely clear, unless the investigators have been able to compare ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 189their methods of measurement in person, that the techniques are com-parable. Particularly is this true in the present case where few of theinvestigators, who have provided us with comparative material, havedescribed their techniques fully. A very slight error in locatingnasion, say, would be sufficient to produce significant differences.Finally, it must be repeated that, with the exception of Steggerda'sMaya series, all comparative series used here were published either inthe form of raw data or were given that elementary mathematicaltreatment which consists of drawing up simple arithmetic means. Insome quarters such simple treatment of anthropometric data at pub-hcation is praised for its "simplicity" and "common sense," but thefact is that it provides no check on the validity of the sample andgreatly hinders the process of comparison with other samples. Thislack of comparable statistical technique has meant that we have hadto compare the series through putative probable errors, which we nowproceed to do.The putative probable error for statistically untreated series isobtained by the following formula:0.6745 standard deviation of own series^N of comparative seriesThe use of this formula, of course, involves the assumption of the samevariability in the comparative series as in our own series and, therefore,cannot be regarded as being as precise as the regular method. How-ever, with this putative probable error the XP. E. may be calculatedfor comparison. As a test of this method the XP. E. was calculatedby both the regular and the putative methods in a comparison betweenthe whole Imbabura series and Steggerda's series of Maya Indians.(The data for the latter are presented in table 35.) As shown intable 36, the average XP. E. calculated by the regular method issomewhat larger (by 1.16 points) than that calculated by the putativemethod. In comparing the two series, the percentage of insignificantdifferences (as indicated by XP. E. under 3) is the same in the com-parison of measurements, but 20 percent of the indices are not sig-nificantly different under the regular method, whereas 40 percent ofthe indices are not significantly dift'erent under the putative method.(See table 41, ranks 2 and 3.) In order to allow for possible errors ofvariability, which the use of the jjutative method implies, it has beendecided to use 4XP. E. instead of 3XP. E. as a test of grouplikeness in comparisons involving those groups with which theputative method must be used. In other words, we assume that 4XP. E. under the putative method marks the limit of insignificantdifferences, whereas 3XP. E. is the limit of insignificant dift'erenceunder the regular method. 190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128Since it has been shown that the Otavalo and Angachagua groupsare apparently not parts of the same physical group, the writer hascompared the Otavalo group alone with each of the foreign series.In addition, however, because most of the comparative series are madeup of measurements covering several localities within their respectivegeneral areas and, therefore, may possibly be somewhat heterogeneous,he has compared the whole Imbabura group (Angachagua andOtavalo groups combined, table 1) with each of the foreign series.If space had permitted, it would also have been logical to compare theAngachagua group alone with the several foreign groups, but since itis composed of only 26 individuals this procedure was omitted.The data given by the several authors used in this comparison areto be found in tables 8 to 35 inclusive. The differences and XP. E.'sinvolved in comparisons with the whole Imbabura group will be foundin tables 9, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 29, 30, 31, and 36. The dif-ferences and X P. E.'s. concerned in the comparisons with the Otavalogroup are tabulated in tables 11, 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 27, 32, 33, 34,and 37.No attempt at a trait-by-trait comparison will be made here,although in the indicated tables the statistical results of the comparisonof each trait may be found. We shall content ourselves here with themeasure of racial similarity indicated by the proportion of traits inthe foreign groups which are not statistically differentiated from theImbabura. In table 38 the percentages of comparable traits (XP. E.of under 4) of the total Imbabura group and the 12 foreign groups havebeen tabulated. Separate percentages have been calculated formeasurements and indices. On this basis the comparative groupsmay be ranked as follows in the order of their diminishing likeness tothe Imbabura group as a whole for absolute measurements: (1)Ferris Macliiganga (63.64 percent); (2) Chervin Quichua, ChervinAymara, Farabee Macliiyenga, and Steggerda Maya (all 50 per-cent); (3) Barrett Cayapa (44.44 percent); (4) Ferris Quichua, series2 (36.36 percent); (5) Farabee Piro (35.71 percent); (6) FarabeeSipibo (28.57 percent); (7) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (20 percent); (8)Rouma Aymara and Rouma Quichua (both 18.18 percent). The per-centages in parentheses in this ranldng indicate in each case thepercentage of insignificant differences shown by the series whencompared with the whole Imbabura group.When ranked on the basis of indices, the order is as follows: (1)Rouma Aymara (71.42 percent); (2) Chervin Quichua, Ferris Qui-chua, series 2, Ferris Machiganga, Farabee Machiyenga, FarabeeSipibo (all 50 percent); (3) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (42.86 percent);(4) Steggerda Maya (40 percent); (5) Farabee Piro (33.33 percent);(6) Rouma Quichua (28.57 percent); (7) Chervin Aymara (25 per-cent); (8) Barrett Cayapa (no insignificant differences). Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 191 If the measurements and indices are thrown together and percent-ages of likeness calculated, as in table 39, the order of diminishinglikeness is as follows: (1) Ferris Machiganga (58.82 percent); (2)Chervin Quichua and Farabee Machiyenga (50 percent) ; (3) SteggerdaMaya (47.37 percent); (4) Ferris Quichua, series 2 (41,18 percent); (5)Chervin Aymara (40 percent); (6) Rouma Ayinara (38.89 percent);(7) Farabee Sipibo and Farabee Pu'o (35 percent); (8) Barrett Cayapa(30.77 percent); (9) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (29.41 percent); (10)Rouma Quichua (22.22 percent).The group which consistently shows the greatest affinity for theImbabura total group is the Machiganga or Machiyenga, a jungle tribeon the upper Rio Huallaga in Peru. Of the four Quichua groupsthat of Chervin from Bolivia shows consistently the greatest similarityto the Imbabura Quichuas, but this comparison is based on a smallernumber of traits than is the case with the other Quichua groups. Onthe whole the Aymara groups show more similarity than do theQuichua groups. None of these foreign groups is a sample of thesame statistical universe as the Imbabura group.In table 40 will be found the percentages of like traits in the com-parison of the Otavalo group alone with the foreign groups. Rankingof measured traits in order of diminishing likeness to Otavalo fol-lows: (1) Chervin Quichua and Chervin Aymara (67 percent); (2)Ferris Machiganga (64 percent); (3) Farabee Machiyenga (50 per-cent); (4) Farabee Sipibo and Steggerda Maya (43 percent): (5)Farabee Piro (33 percent) and Barrett Cayapa (33 percent); (6)Ferris Quichua, series 2 (27 percent); (7) Ferris Quichua, series 1,and Rouma Aymara (20 percent); (8) Rouma Quichua (18 percent).Ranking on the basis of insignificant differences in indicial traitsfollows: (1) Rouma Aymara (83 percent); (2) Ferris Quichua, series2, and Farabee Sipibo (67 percent); (3) Chervin Quichua, FerrisMachiganga, and Farabee Machiyenga (50 percent); (4) SteggerdaMaya and Farabee Piro (40 percent); (5) Ferris Quichua, series 1, (33percent); (6) Chervin Aymara (25 percent); (7) Rouma Quichua (17percent); (8) Barrett Cayapa (no insignificant differences). Whenboth measurements and indices are lumped together and like traitscalculated on this basis, the order of diminishing lilceness to Otavalois as follows: (1) Chervin Quichua (60 percent); (2) Ferris Machiganga(59 percent) ; (3) Chervin Aymara, Farabee Machiyenga and FarabeeSipibo (50 percent) ; (4) Rouma Aymara (44 percent) ; (5) SteggerdaMaya (42 percent) ; (6) Ferris Quichua, series 2 (41 percent) ; (7) Fara-bee Piro (35 percent); (8) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (25 percent); (9)Barrett Cayapa (23 percent); (10) Rouma Quichua (18 percent).Of the comparative groups, Chervin's Quichua and Ferris' Machi-ganga are most fike the Otavalo group, in the sense that they havethe highest porportion of traits like Otavalo. If we consider, not 192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128percentages, but the absolute number of similar traits, an examinationof the comparative tables will show that the Macluganga, Machi-yenga, and Sipibo lead the field in this respect, each with 10 traitssimilar to Otavalo. Of the Quichua-speaking groups, Ferris' Peruvianseries 2 leads with 7 traits similar to Otavalo, followed by Chervin'sQuichuas from Bolivia. CONCLUSIONSIf we bear in mind the inadequacy of the comparative materialand the possible weaknesses of the method used here, we may drawsome tentative conclusions which may be helpful for future research:1. The Otavalo and Angachagua populations do not show enoughsimilarities of a significant kind to be considered, on the basis of thepresent samples, parts of the same statistical universe. Larger sam-ples might, of course, alter this picture.2. Neither the whole Imbabura group nor the Otavalo section of itshows enough traits in common with any of the other groups used forcomparison to be considered, in the light of the present data, samplesof the same physical type.3. We have compared the Imbabura samples with, series from anumber of foreign areas wliich, in the light of cultural evidence, mightconceivably have contributed at some time to the make-up of thepresent Imbabura population. The foreign groups showing thegreatest affinities for the Otavalo population are now living in theAmazon drainage'?the Machiganga, Machiyenga, and the Sipibo.Since these peoples live close to the mountains and there is some reasonto believe that they may have had access to the liighlands and viceversa, it is conceivable that the Otavalo and the Machiganga-Machi-yenga, in particular, represent marginal peoples of an earher physicalstrain of the Inca area, modified or pushed back in later Inca times byother elements from the Peruvian liighlands. Our facts no more thanhint at this, but it is at least interesting to note the relatively smalland inconsistent similarity between Otavalo and the Quichua-spealdnggroups.4. The four comparative Quichua groups plus the Imbabura groupsshow so many differences of statistical significance when comparedwith each other that we have no basis for beheving in a "Quichua" oran "Inca" physical type among living inhabitants of the Inca areawhich might represent a universal correlation with the Quichualanguage. This will not be surprising to those who are famifiar withthe methods whereby the Quichua language was spread by conquest.5. The differences between the Otavalo group and the Chibcha-speaking Cayapa, living on the tributaries of the Esmeraldas andpossibly to be regarded as descendants of the ancient Cara, are sogreat as to indicate, at least, that the Cara blood has completelydisappeared either from the Cayapa or the Otavalo. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKTNG INDIANS GILLIN 193 6. Very few similarities exist between Otavalo and the Maya groupused for comparison.To sum up, the present study has indicated a considerable hetero-geneity of physical type among living populations of the Andeanhighlands and contiguous areas, with the Quichua-speaking popula-tion of the Province of Imbabura showing the greatest affinities withcertain tribes of the upper Amazon drainage. Further research on afairly large scale will be required to answer the questions thus raised.APPENDIXTables of Anthropometric Measurements and PhysicalObservationsTable 1. ? Anthropometric measurements and indices of male Indians from theProvince of Imbabura, Ecuador, iyicluding all measurements taken from Otavalo,Agato, San Roque, and Angachagua ^ Trait Range 194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Table 2. ? Total Imhabura group: Morphological observations Observations ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 195Table 2. ? Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations 196 BUBEIAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 2. ? Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations Chin, type:Median. - BilateraLTotal-Teeth, eruption:CompletePartialTotal - Teeth, bite:UnderEdge to edgeSmall, overPronounced, over- Total.Teeth, loss:NoneVery small, 1-4...Small, 5-8Medium, 9-16Pronounced, 17+.TotalTeeth, wear:Absent, smallMediumPronouncedand very pro-nounced Total.Teeth, caries:AbsentVery small, 1-4...Small, 5-8Medium, 9-16Pronounced, 17+.TotalTeeth, shortening*AbsentSmallMediumPronounced...Total.Teeth, crowding:AbsentMeaiumPronounced..Total. IndividualsNumber Percent 133 11715 131 134 130 33.0866.92 11.36 3.8256. 4931.308.40 41.0431.3411.196.729.70 19.7031.82 48. 48 1.5432.3119. 2317.6929.23 62.1222.7313.641.52 14.5068.7016.79 Observations Anthrop. Pap. No. 161 QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 197Table 2. ? Total Imbaburu group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations Nasal profile:ConcaveStraightConvexConcavo-conve.\TotalNasal tip, thickness:SmallMediumPronoimcedVery pronounced ._Totil.Nasal tip, inclination:Up, mediumUp, small...Down, smallDown, mediumTotalNasal tip, winps:CompressedMedium _ . . FlaringTotal Nostrils, visible front:Absent _,.Small, mediumPronounced _ _Total. Nostrils, visible lateral:AbsentPresentTotal Nn.'strils, shape:ThinMediumRound Total.. Nostrils, axes:ParallelOblique, small..Oblique, mediumTransverseTotal. :>185.58?40 14 IndividualsNumber Percent 134 134 8.9fi61.9428.36 .75 .3.7347.0141.048.21 17117 134 134 14.9266.4218.66 42.5455. 971.49 12.6987.31 31. 3462.695.97 .758.9649.2541.04 Observations Lips; integumental:Small..MediumPronounced Total. Lips; membranous, upper:Small.MediumPronounced Total. Lips: membranous, lower:SmallMediumPronouncedVery pronouncedTotal. Lips, eversion:SmallMediumPronounced . Total Lips, seam:AbsentSmallMediumPronounced.TotalMid'acial prognathism:AbsentSmall...MediumPronouncedTotal. Ear, lobe:Soldered..Attached.Free.Total.Ear, size:SmallMediumPronounced.Total IndividualsNumber Percent 254960 134 134 134 134 198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Table 2, ? Total Imbabura ANTHROP. Pap. No. IGI QUICIiUA-SPEAKlKG INDIANS GILLIN 199Table 4. ? Otavalo group: Morphological observations Observations 200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Table 4. ? Otavalo group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations Anthkop. Pap. No. 161 QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 201Table 4. ? Otavalo group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations 202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdlu 128Table 4. ? Otavalo group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations ANTHROP. Pap. Xo. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 203Table 4. ? Otavalo group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations 204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 6. ? Angachagua group: Morphological observations ANTHHOP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 205Table 6. ? Angachagua group: Morphological observalions?Continued Observations 206 BUREAU OF AMEHIGAN ETHNOLOiGY IBdll. 128Table 6. ? Angachagua group: Morphological observations?Continued Observations ANTHi-.oP. Pap. No. 10] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 207Table 6. ? Angachagua group: Morphological observations?Continued 208 BUR/EAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128Table 7. ? Differences of Angachagua over Otavalo indices and measurements,with values in terms of X P- E.^ Trait Measurements:Stature.BiaeromialSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomatic-BigonialTotal face height.Upper face heightNose heightNose breadth Differ-ence ANTHRor. Pat. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 209Table 9. ? Differences of male Indians of the Province of Imbabura {including allmeasurements from Otavalo, Agato, San RoquS, and Angackagua) and maleQuichua Indians measured in Bolivia by Chervin, calculated by means of theputative method ^ Trait Measurements:StatureSitting height.Head lengthHead breadth ?Head heightBizygomatic---Indices:Cephalic indexLength-height index..Breadth-height index.Relative sitting height Difference ' -1.S2 -LM+2. 65+.76 -.18 -f4.80 -1.96 -.56+3.26+.60 P. E. ?0. 57?.33?.65?.46?.71?.51?.32?.37?.51?.17 XP. E. 2.674.614.081.65 .259.410.121.516.393.53 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E. =50; percentage of indices below 4XP. E. =50. ' Differences calculated from actual values; cf. table 1.Table 10. Differences between male Indians of the Province of Imbabura (includingall measurements from Otavalo, San Roqui, Angachagua) and male Aymara Indiansmeasured in Bolivia by Chervin,^ calculated by means of the putative method ^ Trait Measurements:StatureSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead height...BizygomaticIndices:Cephalic indexLength-height index..Breadth-height index.Relative sitting height Difleronces -0.52 -4.52+1.65 -2.24+3.82+.80 -1.96+3.44+ 1.2G -1.40 P. E. ?0.49?.28?.55?.40?.61?.44?.28?.33?.44?.14 XP. E. 1.0616.143.005.606.201.827.0010.422.8610.00 ' Differences calculated from actual values; cf. table 1. ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=50: percentage of indices below 4VP. E.=25. 210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 11.?Differences between the Otavalo group and male Quichuas of Boliviameasured by Chervin, calculated by means of the putative method ' Trait Difference P. E. XP K, Measurements:StatureSitting heightHead length. _Head breadthHead height.BizygomaticIndices:Cephalic indexLength-height index..Breadth-height index.Relative sitting height -1.97 -1. 82+2.38+.55 -1.46+4.90 -1.96 -1.07+2. 57+.56 ?0.60?.35?.67?.52?.75?.54?.33?.44?.65?.18 3.285.203.551.061.959.075.942.434.673.11 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=67; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=50.Table 12. ? Differences between the Otavalo group and male Aymaras of Boliviameasured by Chervin, calculated by means of the putative method ' Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticIndices:Cephalic indexLength-breadth index - Breadth-height index..Relative sitting height -0.97 -4.82+1.38 -2. 45+2.54 .90 -1.96+2.93+.57 -1.44 ?0. 52?.30?.58?.45?.66?.46?.2S?.36?.48?.15 1.8716.072.385.443.851.967.008.141.19 ? Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=67; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=2S. ANTHROP. Pap. Xo. IGJ QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 211Table 13.?Comparison of means for measurements and indices of ImbaburaIndians with those of Quichua and Aymara Indians measured in Bolivia by Rouma,in millimelers in round numbers ' Trait ImbaburaQuichua(column A,No. 134) BoliviaQuichua(column B,No. 245) BoliviaAymara(column C,No. 52) Measurements:Stature -BiacromiaL?Chest breadthChest depthSitting height---Head lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontal- --.BizygomaticBigonialTotal face heightUpper face heightNose heightNose breadthIndices:Relative shoulder breadth.Thoracic indexCephalic indexLength-height index.Breadth-height indexFronto-parietal indexCephalo -facial indexZygo-frontal indexFronto-gonial indexZygo-gonial index...Facial indexUpper face indexNasal indexRelative sitting height 1,564363 82518514813410114310712052.638.123.1280.0472.4490.2670.12 75.16 72.3452.60 1,601365 852181148126109141104W48.635.322.781.569.584.9 73.7 73.253.2 1,599362 850180148129111140103 50.435.522.781.771.787.9 73.7 71.253.1 ? Rouma, G., 1933. The Quichua series is composed of 10 groups of men measured in the followinglocalities: Tarabuco, Chaqui, Puna, Vacas, Colomi, Punata, Novillero, Potolo, Anfaya, and Caraza, in theDepartments of Chuquisaca, Cochabamba, and Potosi. The Aymara series is composed of 2 groups of malesmeasured in Canaviri and Pillapi of the Department of La Paz. ' Measured from hair line, not comparable. 212 BUHEAU OF AMF.RrCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Table 14. ? Differences between the whole Imbabura group and Quichua Indiansmeasured in Bolivia by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculatedby the putative method ^ Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureBiacromialSitting hieightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBigonialNose heightNose breadthBizygomaticIndices:Relative shoulder breadthCephalic index..Length-height indexBreadth-height indexZygo-gonial indexRelative sitting heightNasal index -3.+. -2.+3. +7. -7.+3.+3.+2.+1. +. -1.+2.+5.+1. ?0.41?.15?.24?.47?.30?.52?.33?.52?.29?.26?.36?.09?.24?.27?.37?.40?.12?.57 8.831.0011.337.77 .8015.0423.215.8813.7210.965.004.676.0810.8914.493.655.001.51 ' Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E. = 18 percent; percentage of indices under 4XP. E. = 29percent.Table 15. ? Differences beliveen the whole Imbabura group and Aymara Indiansmeasured in Bolivia by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculatedby the putative method ? Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureBiacromialSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomaticBigonialNose heightNose breadth...Indices:Relative shoulder breadthCephalic indexLength-height indexBreadth-height indexZygo-gonial indexNasal indexRelative sitting height -3.42 -f.15 -2.52+4.65 -.24 -f4.82 -9.66+2.80+4.06+2.18+2.65 +.42 -1.66+.74+2.36+1.46+1.14 -.50 ?0. 62?.22?.36?.71?.52?.76?.51?.55?.80?.44?.44?.13?.36?.41?.56?.71?.86?.18 5.52 .687.006.55 .466.3418.945.095.074.956.023.234.611.804.212.061.332.78 ' Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E. = 18; percentage of indices under 4xP. E.=71. Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 213Table 16. ? Differences between the Otavalo group and Quichua Indians of Boliviameasured by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by theputative method Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureBiacromialSitting heightHead iengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomaticBigoniai-Nose height.Nose breadthIndices:Cephalic indexLengtQ-height index. .Breadth-height index.Zygo-gonial indexNasal indexRelative sitting height -3.98 -.27 -3.02+3.38 -.45+f). 54 -5. 30+ 1.90+3.14+4.14+3. 27 -1.46+2.43+4.67+1.46 -.18 -.04 ?0.44?.16?.26?.49?.39?.57?.35?.40?. 57?.31?.28?.24?.31?.41?.36?.61?.13 9.051.0911.626. 90I. 1511.4715.144.75 ,5.5113. 3511.686.087.8411.394.06 .294.02 ' Percentage of measurements under 4X P. E. = 18; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=17.Table 17. Differences between Otavalo group and Aymara Indians of Boliviameasured by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by theputative method ' Trait Measurements:StatureBiacromialSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomaticNose height ?Nose breadthIndices:Cephalic indexLength-height index. . Breadth-height index.Zygo-gonial indexNasal indexRelative sitting height Difference -1.87+.03 -2.82+4.38 -.45+3.54 -7.30+4.14+2.34+3.07 -1.60+.23+1.67+1.40+1.82 -.54 P. E. ?0. 65?.23?.37?.72?.57?.81?.50?.84?.45?.41?.35?.45?.58?.52?.89?.19 XP. E. 5.95 .137.626.08 .794.3714.004.935.207.494.74 .512.882.812.042 84 ' Perot^ntage of measurements below 4X P. E.=20: percentage of indices below 4XP. W.=83.33. 2185.'J8?40- 214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 18. ? Comparison of means for measurements and indices of Imbahura Indianswith those of Quichua and Machiganga Indians of Peru studied by Ferris inmillimeters in round numbers ' Trait ImbaburaQuichua(columnA,No. 134) PeruvianQuichua(columnB,No. 124) PeruvianQuichua(columnO,No. 85) PeruvianMachi-ganga(columnD,No. 18) Measurements:Stature -BiacromialChest breadth--Chest depthSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomaticBigonialTotal face heightUpper face heightNose heightNose breadth --Indices:Relative shoulder breadth.Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic indexLength-height indexBreadth-height indexFronto-parietal indexCephalo-facial indexZygo-gonial indexFacial indexUpper facial indexNasal index ,5653632772178251851481341011431071206852.638.123.1252.6078.5880.0472.4490.2670.1296.7175.1684.0047.5472.34 1,584381 836185148146 14110411665 24.051.879.968.6 73.682.945.9 1.584304224830190150134 141 >135 52.5473.8379.4670.46 ? 96. 35 1,559275218781181145128141 >125 50.0979.3880.3870.9 > 88. 4485.37 1 The data in column B are from H. B. Ferris (1921), and comprise the pure Quichuas only, measuredby Dr. L. T. Nelson, from the localities mentioned in pp. 62-63 of Ferris' work. The data in column Care from Ferris (1916), and refer to Indians measured by Dr. D. E. Ford in the Provinces of UrubambaandConvencion of the Department of Cuzco. They comprise supposedly pure Quichuas, although the authorstates that there is a possibility of 8 percent admixture vrith Spanish whites. Data in column D are fromFerris (1921), and refer to Indians measured by Dr. Ford in the San Miguel Valley. ? Probably glabella-menton height. Anthrop. Paf. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 215Table 19. ? Differences between whole Imbahura group and Quichua series 1 reportedfrom Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putativemethod ' ^ Trait Measurements:StatureBlacromlalSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticBigonialTotal face heightUpper face heightIndices:Relative shoulder breadthRelative sitting heightCephalic indexLength-height indexZygo-gonial indexFacial indexUpper facial index Difference -1.92 -1.65 -1.12 -.36 -.24 -12.18+1.80+3.06+4.10+2. 75 +.80+.14+3.84+1.66+1.10+1.64 P. E. ?0.47?.17?.28?.54?.40?.69?.42?.61?.50?.39?.10?.14?.27?.32?.60?.39?.28 XP. E. 4.099.714.00 .65 .6020.644.295.028.207.058.805.71 .6212.003.322.825.86 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP- E. ' See table 18, column B. = 20; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=43.Table 20. Differences between whole Imbabura group and Quichua Indiansseries 2 reported from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calcu-lated by putative method ' ^ Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureChest breadthChest depthSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose height...Nose breadthIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic indexLength-height index..Facial Index.Nasal index -1.92 -2.71 -.66 -.62 -6. 35 -2.24 -.18+1.80 -14.90 -4.42 -1.85 +.06+4,75+.58+1.98 -12.35+2.36 ?0.53?.16?.14?.31?.60?.44?.65?.47?.55?.37?.33?.16?.50?.30?.35?.44?.73 3.6216.944.711.688.925.09 .283.8327.0911.955.61 .379.501.935.6628.073.23 1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=36; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=50. ? See table 18, column C. 216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY fBDLL. 128Table 21. ? Differences between whole Imbabura group and Machiganga Indiansreported from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated byputative method ' ^ Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureChest breadthChest depthSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomatlcTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic index.Cephalic index...Length-height index. . Facial indexNasal index +0. 58+ .19 - .06+4.38+3.65+2.76+5.82+1.80 -4.90+2.58 -3.85 +2. 51 - .80 - .34+1.54 -4.44 -13.03 ?0.96? .29? .26? .56?1.09? .80?1.16? .85?1.00? .66? .60? .28? .92? .55? .62? .80?1.26 0.60 .86 .237.823.353.455.022.124.903.916.428.96 .87 .622.485.5510.34 ? Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=63; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=50. > See table 18, column D.Table 22. Differences between male Otavalo and Quichua Indians of Perureported by Ferris {column B, table 18), series 1, with value in terms of probableerror calculated by putative method ^ Trait Measurements:StatureBiacromialSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomatic...BigonialTotal face heightUpper face heightIndices:Relative shoulder breadthRelative sitting heightZygo-gonial indexCephalic indexLength-height indexFacial index Difference -2.37 -1.87 -1.42 - .62 - .45 -13.461.903.144.253.05 - .92 - .761.66 .143.331.30 P. E. ?0.50? .18? .30? .56? .44? .65? .45? .66? .52? .41 XP. E. 4.7410.394.731.111.0220.714.224.768.177.447.676.074.05 .509.253.25 1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=20; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.= 33. ANTHROP. Pap. Xo. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 217Table 23. ? Differences between Otavalo group and Quichua Indians, series 2,reported from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculatedby putative method ' Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:Stature.Chest breadthChest depthSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadth...Indices:Length-height index. . Eelative sitting heightCephalic indexFacial indexNasal indexThoracic index -2.37 -2.95 -.84 - .82 -5. r,2 -2.45 -1.46+1.90 -14.75 -4.26 -1.43 +1.47 -.02+.58 -12.16+3.04+4.71 ?0.55?.16?.13?.33?.62?.48?.70?.50?.57?.37?.35?.39?.16?.30?.44?.76?.30 4.3118.446.402.489.005.102.093.8025.8811.514.093.79 .121.9327.044.001.93 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=27; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=67.Table 24. Differences between Otavalo group and Machiganga of Peru reportedby Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method ' Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureChest breadthChest depthSitting heightHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic indexFacial indexNasal indexLength-height index. +0.13 -.05 -.24+4.08+3.38+2.25+4.52+1.90 -4.75+2.74 -3.43 +2.47 -.84 -.34 -4.24 -12.35+1.03 ?0.97?.27?.25?.57?1.09?.85?1.19?.87?1.00?.68?.02?.2S?.92?.54?.75?1.35?.65 0.13 .19 .907. 103.103. 003.802.184.754.035.538.82 .91 .635. 659.151.58 ' Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=64; percentage of indiee.s under 4XP. E.=50. 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128Table 25. ? Comparison of means of measurements and indices of male ImbaburaIndians and Cayapas Indians measured by Barrett, in millimeters ^ Trait Anthrop. Pap. Xo. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 219Table 27, ? Differences between male Otavalo and male Cayapas of Ecuadoreancoast measured by Barrett, with value in terms of probable error, calculated byputative method ^ Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureSitting heightBiacromialHead lengthHead breadthBizygomaticFace heightNose height?Nose breadthIndices:Relative sitting heightFacial index.Nasal indexCephalic index +0.72 -1.50 -3.69+6.02 -l.:59+3.01+9.04+6.06+2.15 -1.32+4.61 -5.44 -3.54 ?0.73?.44?.26?.82?.65?.66?.76?.52?.46?.21?.57?1.01?.40 0.993.4114.197.372.144.5611.8911.654.676.298.095.398.85 1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=33; percentage of Indices below 4XP. E.=0.Table 28. Comparison of means for whole Imbabura group with those of Piro,Machiyenga, and Sipibo of eastern Peru reported by Farabee ^ Trait Imbabura'(columnA, seriesNo. 134) Piro(columnB, seriesNo. 23) Mache-yenga(columnC, seriesNo. 19) Sipibo(columnD, seriesNo. 14) Measurements:Stature -Sitting heightBiacromialChest breadthChest depthHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthMinimum frontalBigonialIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic indexLength-height index...Breadth-height index..Facial index...Nasal index 1,564824363277217185148134143120533810110752.6078.5880.0472.4490.2084.0072.34 1,613866379283237194150134145118484112112753.7783.8777.4389.7181.4586.59 1,610832406293234184146134145112504012111951.1080.20 92.5077.5080.10 1,586797381292235182156135147122484112412850.9778.6885.6986.8282.8884.63 I Farabee, 1922, pp. 168-179. > Round numbers. 220 BUKEAU OF AMEKJICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 29. ? Differences between total Imbabura group and Piro Indians reported byFarabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method i Trait Difference P. E XP. E. Measurements:StatureSitting heightBiacromialChest breadthChest depthHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthMinimum frontalBigonialIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic indexBreadth-height index.Facial index..Nasal index -4.82 Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 221Table 31. ? Differences between whole Imbabura group and Pano Sipibo Indiansreported by Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putativemethod ' Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:StatureSitting heightBiacromialChest breadthChest depthHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose height.Nose breadthMinimum frontalBigonialIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracicCephalic.Breadth-heightFacialNasal -2.122.78 -1.75 -1.51 -1.762.65 -8.24 -1.18 -4.20 -1.904.58 -2.85 -22. 60 -20. 941.63 -5.653.441.12 -12.29 ?1.07?.61?.37?.33?.29?1.21?.89?1.29?.95?1.11?.75?.66?.87?1.37?.32?1.02?.60?.93?.89?1.48 1.984.564.734.586.072.199.26 .914.421.716.114.3226.0515. 285.099.423.701.268.30 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E. = 29; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=50.Table 32. Differences between Otavalo group and Arawak Piro measured in easternPeru by Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putativemethod ' Trait Difference P. E. XP. E. Measurements:Stature...Sitting heightBiacromial. -Chest breadthChest depthHead lengthHead breadthBizygomaticTotal face height.Nose heightNose breadthHead heightB igonialNasalIndices:Minimum frontal indexRelative sitting height..Thoracic indexCephalic indexBreadth-height index. . . Facial index . -5.27 -4.42 -1.67 -.85 -2.14 -9.62 -2.45 -2.10+2.25 -f4.74 -2.43 -1.46 -19. 86 -13.57 -17.30 -1.21 -5.33 -f2. 61 -.14+2.75 ?0.87?.51?.32?.24?.22?.98?.77?.78?.91?.66?.58+ 1.07?1.14?1.21?.09?.25?.82?.44?.78?.69 0.068.675.223.549.739.823.182.692.477.184.191.3617.4211.2125.104.896.505.93 .063.99 1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=36; percentage of indices below 4XP. E. = 33. 222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 33. ? Differences^ between Otavalo males and Arawak Machiyenga malesmeasured by Farabee in eastern Peru with value in terms of probable error, calcu-lated by putative method ^ Trait Measurements:StatureSitting heightBiacromial--Chest breadthChest depthHead lengthHead breadthHead height...BizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthMinimum frontalBigonialIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexCephalic index.Breadth-height index.Facial indexNasal index Difference -4.97 -1.02 -4.37 -1.85 -1.84+0.38+1.55 -1.46 -2.10+8. 25+2.74 -1.43 -17.30 -11.86 +1.46 -1.66+1.05 -2.93+6.70 -7. OS P. E. d=0.94?.56?.35?.28?.22?1.06?.84?1.16?.85?.97?.71?.61?.73?1.23?.27?.89?.53?.83?.73?1.31 XP. E. 5.281.8212.486.608.36 .351.851.262.478.603.862.3423.709.645.421.871.983.539.185.40 ? Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=50; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=50.Table 34. ? Differences between Otavalo and Pano Sipibo measured in Peru byFarabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method i Trait Measurements:StatureSitting heightBiacromial..Chest breadthChest depth..Head lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthBigonialMinimum frontalIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic index.Cephalic indexBreadth height index.Facial indexNasal index Difference -2.57+2.48 -1.87 -1.75 -1.94+3.38 -8.45 -2.46 -4.10 -1.75+4.74 -2.43 -20. 86 -20. 30 +1.59 -.04 -5.56+2.65+1.32 -11.61 P. E. ?1.08?.64?.39?.30?.28?1.22?.95?1.32?.97?1.12?.79?.78?1.41?.84?.32?1.02?.60?.95?.84?1.50 XP. E. 2.383.874.795.836.931.958.891.864.231.566.003.1114.4824.194.97 .00 .942.891.577.74 ' Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=43; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=67. Anthrop.Pap.no. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS?GILLIN 223Table 35. ? Measurements and indices reported by Steggerda on Maya Indiansof Yucatan > Trait Mean S. D. XP. E. Measurements:StatureSitting heightChest breadthChest depthBiacromialHead lengthHead breadthHead heightBizygomaticMinimum frontalBigonialNose heightNose breadthFace heightIndices:Relative sitting heightThoracic indexRelative shoulder breadthCephalic indexNasal indexFacial index 1C5. 11?.4083. 67?. 2828. 05?. 1320. 5S?. 1230. 01?. 14180. 41 ?.41163. 71?. 36117. S0?. 37142. 98?. 48110. 86?. 44106. 08?. 5355. 78?. 3038. 22?. 24118. 48dz. 6453.02?.ll(?)24. 28?. 0885. 01 ?.2268. 50?. 5782. 46?. 37 5. 25?. 292. 96?. 201.39?.091.22?.081.51?. 106. 33?. 294. 64?. 253. 91?. 265. 14?. 354. 58?. 315. 54?. 373. 14?. 212. 51?. 176. 58?. 45 1. 14?.08?0. S0?. 062. 80?. 165. 95?. 403. 90?. 26 3. 38?. 183. 54?. 244.96?.336. 94?. 403, 97?. 272.95?. 183. 02?. 173. 33?. 223. 59? 244. 13?. 285. 22?. 355. 63?. 386. 57?. 445. 64?. 38 2. 15?. 15(')3. 29?. 223. 29?. 188. 28?. 574. 73?. 32 ? Steggerda, 1932. ' Not comparable.Table 36. Differences between whole Imbabura group and Maya group reportedby Steggerda, with values in terms of probable error, calculated by regular and byputative methods Trait Measurements:StatureSitting height.Chest breadth...Chest depthBiacromialHead lengthHead breadthHead height...Minimum frontalBizygomaticBigonialTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthIndices:Relative shoulder breadth.Relative sitting heightCephalic index... _.Facial indexNasal indexAverage - Regular method Dif-ference 1.37 -1.19 -.361.196.343.24 -5.9516.32 -9.52 -.181.001.64 -3.20 -.07 -1.16 -.42 -4.971.543.84 P. E. ?0.52?.33?.16?.15?.18?.55?.46?.57?.52?.57?.68?.73?.37?.32?.11?.15?.29?.46?.73 XP. E. 2.633.612.007.9335.225.8912.9328.6318.31 .321.472.258.65 .2210.552.8017.143.356.268.90 Putative method Dif-ference 1.37 -1.19 -.361.196.343.24 -5. 9516.32 -9.52 -.181.001.64 -3.20 -.07 -LI'S -.42 -4.971.543.84 P. E. ?0. 55?.36?.19?.17?.22?.60?.45?.77?.51?.56?.81?.66?.44?.39?.14?.19?.31?.53?.87 XP. E. 2.493.311.897.0028.226.3113.2221.1918.67 .321.232.487.27 .188.292.2116.032.914.417.74 224 BUEIEIAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Table 37. ? Differences between Otavalo males and male Mayas measured by Sleggerdain Yucatan ' Trait Measurements:StatureSitting heightChest breadth...Chest depthBiacromialHead lengthHead breadthHead heightMinimum frontalBizygomaticBigonialTotal face heightNose heightNose breadthIndices:Relative shoulder breadthRelative sitting heightCephalic indexFacial indexNasal index Regular method Anthbop. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 225Table 39.?Distribution of differences as expressed by X P. E., calculated byputative method, between total Imbabura group and respective apposite series. 226 BUUEAU OF AMERrCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Table 40.?Percentage of insignificant differences between Otavalo group and variousforeign groups as shown by X P. E. under If. in round numbers Group 1. Expected difleronces in random sample of sameuniverse2. Otavalo compared with Chervin Quichuas (table11)3. Otavalo compared with Rouma Quichuas (table16).4. Otavalo compared with Ferris Quichuas table(22)5. Otavalo compared with Ferris Quichuas (table23) -6. Otavalo compared with Chervin Aymaras (table12)7. Otavalo compared with Rouma Aymaras (table17)?-8. Otavalo compared with Barrett Cayapas (table27)0. Otavalo compared with Ferris Machiganga (table24)10. Otavalo compared with Farabee Machiyenga(table 33)11. Otavalo compared with Farabee Sipibo (table34)12. Otavalo compared with Farabee Piro (table32)13. Maya (table 37) Percentage under 4 X P. E.MeasurementsRank Percent 99.38671820 276720336150433643 IndicesRank Percent 99.38 50 1733672583 5050673340 Measurementsand indices Rank Percent Table 41. ? Percentages of insignificant differences between Otavalo, whole Imbaburagroup, and Maya, as shown by X P. E. under 3 ANTHROP. PAP. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS GILLIN 227BIBLIOGRAPHYBarrett, S. A.1925. The Cayapa Indians of Ecuador. 2 vols. New York.Chervin, a.1907-08. Anthropologie Bolivienne. 3 vols. Paris.CiEZA DE Le6n, Pedro de1853. Cr6nica del Perd. Madrid.Farabee, William Curtis1922. Indian tribes of eastern Peru. Pap. Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol.and Ethnol., vol. 10, pp. 168-179.Ferris, H. B.1916. The Indians of Cuzco and Apurimac. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc,vol. 3, pp. 59-148.1921. Anthropological studies on the Quichua and Machiganga Indians.New Haven.Garces, Victor Gabriel1932. Condiciones pslquico-sociales del indio en la Provincia de Imbabura.An. Univ. Central Quito, vol. 48, pp. 125-184; vol. 49, pp. 159-174.GiLLiN, John1936. Quichua-speaking Indians of Northern Ecuador. Amer. Anthrop.,vol. 38, pp. 548-553.GonzXles Suabbz, Federico1890-1903. Historia general de la Repdblica del Ecuador. 7 vols, and atlas.Quito.JiJoN Y Caamano, Jacinto1920. Nueva contribuci6n al conocimiento de los aborigines de la Provinciade Imbabura. Bol. Soc. Ecuatoriana de Estudios Hist. Amer., vol.4, pp. 1-120.1930. Una gran marea cultural en el nord-oest de Sud America. Journ.Soc. Am4r. Paris, vol. 22, pp. 107-197.Martin, Rudolph1928. Lehrbuch der Anthropologie in Systematischer Darstellung. 3 vols.Jena.Means, Philip Ainsworth1931. Ancient civilizations of the Andes. New York.Ponce de Le6n, Sancho Pas1881-97. Relaci6n y descripci6n de los pueblos del partido de Otavalo, 1582.Relaciones Geogrdficas de Indias, 4 vols. Madrid.Retes, Oscar Efrbn1934. Brevfsima Historia del Ecuador. Quito.ROUMA, G.1913. Les indiennes quichouas et aymaras des hautes plateaux de la Bolivie.Bull, et M6m. Soc. Anthrop. Bruxelles, vol. 32, pp. 281-391.1933. Quichouas et Aymaras, 6tude des populations autochtones des AndesBoliviennes, extrait du Bull. Soc. Roy. Beige Anthrop. et Prehist.,Bruxelles.Saenz, Moises1933. Sobre el Indio Ecuatoriano y su Incorporaci6n al Medio Nacional.Publ. Sec. Educaci6n Publ. Mexico,Steggerda, Morris1932. Anthropometry of adult Maya Indians. Carnegie Inst. Washington,Publ. 434. 228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Uhle, Max.1922. Influencias mayas en el alto Ecuador. Bol. Acad. Nac. Hist., vol. 4,pp. 205 flF. Qaito.1932. Las antiguas civilizaciones de Manta. Bol. Acad. Nac. Hist., vol.12. Quito.Velasco, Juan De1841-44. Historia del Reino de Quito. 3 vols. Quito.Verneau, R., and Rivet, P.1912, 1922. Ethnographie ancienne de I'Equateur. Arc M6ridien Equi-torial Amer. du Sud, vols. 6. Paris.Von Buchwald, Otto1909. Ecuatorianische Grabhiigel. Globus, vol. 96, pp. 154-157. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 19 1. General View of the Village of Angachagua. 2. Houses and Fields at Angachagua. Note Four-Sided RoofConstruction. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 20 1. House at Angachagua. 2. Quichua Indian Woman spinning Wool, Angachagua. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 21 1. Native Quichua Indians of Angachagua, Showing Typical Costume. 2. Household UtensilS; Pottery Vessels SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin 128 Anthropological Papers, No. 17Art Processes in Birchbark of the RiverDesert Algonquin, a Circumboreal TraitBy FRANK G. SPECK 229 218558?10 16 CONTENTS PAGEIntroductiou 233Types of birchbark containers 236Types of designs on Algonquin birchbark containers 243The conscious elements of Algonquin design motivation 268Chronology of design 270Bibliography 274ILLUSTRATIONSPLATESBirchbark containers, sap bucket, and round pail (River Desert Band)_ 274Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 274Birchbark sap pails and dishes (River Desert Band) 274Birchbark trunk (River Desert Band) and baskets (Mattawa Band).. 274Decorated birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band, Algonquin) 274Algonquin birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 27436. Algonquin birchbark box with scene of beaver gnawing vegetation(River Desert Band) 27437. Algonquin birchbark containers for household articles with floralfigures in sgraffito designing and with sewed-on cut-out patterndecoration (River Desert Band) 27438. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) 27439. Birchbark envelope container for bear bait (River Desert Algonquin,P. Q.) and birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration(River Desert Band) 27440. Birchbark cut-out pattern markers for decorating bark containers,representing undefined varieties of flowers and leaves (River DesertBand) 27441. Camp of Algonquin birchbark worker and basket maker (MadenineCesar) (River Desert Band, P. Q.) 27442. Mackusi-'k-we, "Beaver Meadow Woman" (Mrs. M. Buckshot), withdecorated birchbark baby carrier for infant up to 1 month of age.. 274TEXT FIGURES3. Algonquin methods of sewing birchbark with stitches of spruce root infastening the sides of containers. A basting tack 2374. Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin) 2385. Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorativeborders derived from them 2446. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers 2457. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band) . 2468. Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers 2479. Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a-e) and animalfigures from decorated objects (/-i) (River Desert Band) 252231 232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128PAGE10. Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (RiverDesert Band) 25311. Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band) 25412. Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands). 25513. Symmetrical band floral designs from birchbark containers (RiverDesert Band) 25614. Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band) 25715. Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers andbaskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs (River DesertBand) 25816. Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming and RiverDesert Bands) 25917. Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a-e), and birchbark cut-out patterns for decoration of containers (/-j) (River Desert Band) _ 26018. Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band) 26119. Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Band) 26320. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representingflowers (River Desert Band) 26421. Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers(River Desert Band) 26422. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, and designstaken from decorated objects (River Desert Band) 26523. Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (Mattawa Band). 26624. Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band) 26625. Assortment of plant-design elements from sides and covers of birch-bark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealisticrepresentations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band) 267 ART PROCESSES IN BIRCHBARK OF THE RIVER DESERTALGONQUIN, A CIRCUMBOREAL TRAITBy Frank G. SpeckINTRODUCTIONKnowledge of the area over which birchbark basketry is used anddecorated in northeastern America has now been extended to includea wide area in the Province of Quebec, from the Ottawa River north-ward to the St. Maurice, Lake Barrier, and Grand Lake Victoria.Tliis is the territory inhabited by various bands forming the quondamAlgonquin Nation, now widely dispersed throughout the Canadianforest region of the upper Ottawa from the River du Lievre on theeast, taking in the Gatineau, Coulonge, and Dumoine Rivers, west toLake Timiskaming and the frontier between Quebec and Ontario.A series of specimens of birchbark work from five bands of this his-torically famous group are to be found in the collections of a number ofmuseums (as listed below), and seem sufficient to justify reproductionand discussion of the designs they offer as representing the work of theAlgonquin proper. The specimens, numbering over 130, forming theoriginal basis of this study, with locations and other pertinent data,*are as follows: a. River Desert Band:The National Museum of Canada (NMC),^ 37 specimens, collected(1915-18) by E. Sapir and F. G. Speck.The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation (MAI), 41 speci-mens, collected (1926-29) by F. G. Speck.The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania (UPM), 7 speci-mens, collected (1929) by F. Johnson.The National Museum of Denmark (NMD), 6+ specimens, collected(1928) by F. G. Speck.The Denver Art Museum (DAM), 15 specimens, collected (1937) by F. G.Speck. ' A return to the River Desert Band in July 1937, made possible through a grant (No. 342) from the FacultyResearch Fund, University of Pennsylvania, provided occasion for amplification of the manuscript in thefield with the cooperation of informants as a final, and at the same time fortunate, step in its preparation.Opportunity was also afiforded by this renewal of contact to examine 45 additional specimens of birchbarkwork of the band and to include discussion of their characteristics in the text. The investigation herepresented is accordingly based upon study of 175 specimens of Algonquin birchbark containers. ' I desire to acknowledge the courtesy of Dr. Diamond Jenness, Director of Anthropology of the NationalMuseum of Canada, in providing the opportunity to have the specimens of Algonquin decorated birchbarkcontainers photographed and studied, in 1928, when they were lent to the University of Pennsylvania forthe purpose. 233 234 BUREAU OF AMEErtCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 b. River du Lievre Band:The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 5 specimens,coUected (1928) by V. M. PetruUo.c. Golden Lake Band:The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 11 specimensicollected (1928) by F. Johnson.d. Mattawa Band:The National Museum of Canada (NMC), 3 specimens, collected (1915)by F. G. Speck.e. Timiskaming Band:The National Museum of Canada, 21 specimens, collected (1915) by F. G.Speck.A more precise delineation of the territorial boundaries of thesebands will be found in my recent report, covering the River Desertgroup (Speck, 1929) and in a study of 1915 dealing with the Timiskam-ing and River Dumoine Bands (Speck, 1915). During this period offield work the specimens and etymological notes forming the basis ofthe following report were obtained.For the designs and bark work of the River du Lievre band theillustrations and information given in an article by V. M. Petrullo(1929) have been used.It is important to note before examining in detail the character ofbark work and designs of the Algonquin that a close resemblanceexists between the manufactures and decorations of this division andthose of the Montagnais of Lake St. John (Speck, 1937), and that amarked differentiation is to be observed between the wares of thesetwo when compared with those of the Tetes de Boule which intervenebetween the two, and those of the Barriere Indians, next neighbors onthe north. In the case of the Tetes de Boule, we have the publishedresults of the field work of D. S. Davidson (1928), whose collectionsfrom this tribe show almost no etched or scraped ornamentations onthe sides of containers. A collection of bark objects from the Bar-riere Indians, made for the Museum of the American Indian by F.Johnson (1930, pp. 34-35), also shows the same lack of wall decora-tions on baskets. Aside from recognition of the efforts of those whoby collecting actual material in the field have increased the portfoUoof native art from which such studies as this are built, I am mindfulof advantages derived from consultation in the preparation of thetext with Dr. F. H. Douglas, Denver Art Museum ; Dr. L. C. Eiseley,University of Kansas; and Dr. C. E. Schaeffer, University of Penn-sylvania.There has evidently been a factor at work in the St, LawrenceValley and watershed affecting the art motives of the Algonquin andthe Lake St. John Indians in a similar way; that is, toward profusion.And, in addition to this, the predominance of band-floral and leaffigures to the exclusion of human and animal forms has become char- ANTHnop. Pap. No. 171 ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK SPECK 235 acteristic of both peoples. This is brought out in the illustrations ofspecimens now to be shown.The scope of the following report is not limited to aspects of Algon-quin art of the past. The forces active now in the historical develop-ment of decoration here may represent a continuity of systems em-ployed in at least protohistoric times in the region occupied, notnecessarily derived from association with Em^opeans. The assertionof European origin of the nongeometrical art forms of the northeasternWoodland tribes has frequently been made without adequate proof bywriters dealing with the area. Despite evident influence of modernconditions which will continue to affect the growth or the decline ofnative crafts, certain principles of decoration will be manifest in thework of different tribal groups which bear witness to individual arttraditions possessed by them. What their age may be it will only bepossible to surmise in most respects. The decoration of useful articlesfor the pure satisfaction of such performance to their makers is evi-dently an ancient cultural trait of the Woodland peoples. The con-tinuation and even increase of these products for trade within or with-out the group, in other words, for gain, is also to be inferred as a nativecharacteristic of every age of tribal Ufe in the region. Even a laxform of professionaUsm may be marked for past as well as presentphases of hfe, for there have been and are the more expert canoemakers, bowmaker? and the art creators whose manufactures are indemand, and who command admiration among members of their band.At the present time there may be observed in various families of theRiver Desert Algonquin objects preserved for their value and some ofthem LQ use which have come from the hands of some half dozen experi-enced bark v/orkers; the creations of Mackusi'kwe (Mrs. MicheleBuckshot) (pi. 42), Madenine Cesar (Mrs. Clement) (pi. 41) in parti-cular, and some of the women of the MacDougal, Ottawa, and WhiteDuck famihes. Thus there is traffic among the Indians themselvesfor the neatly made and decorated handicraft of their own experts.Commercialism has, to be sure, influenced the art industries of theband, as it has elsewhere among Indians of the historic period ingeneral, increasing the demand and producing a spirit of competition,for which the object is gain. We may not, however, say that contactwith Europeans has empirically created the art of the people. Theimpulse to decorate articles of use and to create fancy articles ofminor utility, as well as to excel in their manufacture, should becredited distinctly to a native phase of culture. In their conversionfrom old to newer currents of progress through dealings with theencroaching civilized world, the Algonquin artists have grafted theirtradition upon the latter and expanded it. The line to be drawnbetween antiques in native culture and those utensils customarily 236 BuiiEAU or American ethnology [bdll. 128 used which have on their part acquired acculturational features, is inreality a hazy and ethnologically insignificant one on the horizon ofnative culture history. The accompanying paper is, then, intendedto form a contribution to our knowledge of living art phases of apeople rather than a reconstruction of their art as a cultural possessionof the past. The River Desert Band is numerically on the increase(469 in 1923, 552 in 1937). With a revival of interest in folk art which,wliile not conspicuously imminent now, might take place under thestimulus of educational guidance, forces could swing into action topromote the decorative arts to a still further development. It needcause little surprise to find that pulsations of interest in the calling ofart as a possibility for revenue have induced designers here to introducecut-out pattern figures mto their repertoire which seem strange toIndian traditions, such as the representation of a ribbon bowknot, agoblet, and even (1937) a representation of the Queen's (literally, "chief-woman's") coronation crown. This product was a spontaneouscreation of Madenine Clement celebrating the occasion of the royalcoronation in London in that year, an event which created some stireven among the distant Indian subjects of the Canadian backwoods.In the eyes of the historian who is interested in acculturation it alsoattests the vitality of an art in the process of acquiring the characterof memorial documentation.TYPES OF BIRCHBARK CONTAINERSThe five major types of bark containers and receptacles made andused by the Algonquin include the following, as they appear in theplates : 1. Wi'gwe'mat*, "birchbark receptacle" (pis. 30, a, h, c; 31, a;33, h-f; 34, a-e). A container of varying capacity, from 6 to 24inches in length, with walls generally less in height than the length,and tapering in toward the top (construction pattern, fig. 4, a).The outside of the rim is reinforced with a maple hoop, bound onwith spruce or basswood wrapping. It frequently has a fitted lidattached by a skin thong to prevent its loss. This container servesthe purpose of sewing box, trunk, and general receptacle, as its nameimplies, for women's effects and men's tools and work materials.Food is also occasionally kept in it. The majority of these baskets,as they are termed locally, show decorative motives on their sides andlids. In the bush life the wi'gwe'mat* is an indispensable article ofequipment although it is being replaced by the tin canister and paste-board carton among the Indians who dwell near the precincts ofcivilization. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim.2. Kik'^bana'gan, 'Vessel" (pis. 30, d, e, J; 31, h-e). Similar inconstruction to the preceding type (pattern fig. 4, a), except that thesides are higher, a bale or carrying handle of basswood is provided Anthrop.Pap.no. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?^SPEOK 237and the cover is lacking. The seams are coated with pitch made ofspruce gum to make the vessel watertight.^ This is the carrying pail,of service in the transportation of maple sap in the sugar-makingseason, and of water to and from the spring. It is still used at alltimes except where it has become obsolete through the invasion ofthe commercial tin pail. Decorations on the sides are frequentlyseen. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim.3. P'ski'tana'gan, "folded double" (pi. 32, a, 6, c, d). A seamless Figure 3.?Algonquin methods of sewing birch bark with stitches of spruce rootin fastening the sides of containers. A basting tack. a, b, Spruce root stitching; c, penis bone of black bear used in perforating bark for sewing with spruce roots(MAI, 16/4196). (For institutions indicated by initials see list on page 1. Catalog numbers are givenwhen possible.)bottomed, troughlike vessel constructed on the plan of pattern c,figure 4. The folded ends are sewn with spruce roots or the bass-wood inner bark (wi'gub'). This container, according to traditionover a wide region of the northern hunting area, is the original native ' other types of containers ("bottles") were made and employed as watertight receptacles. A bear'sstomach, turned inside out, was used for bear's oil, whisky, etc. Similarly a loon's gullet or deer's stomachwas blown up and stretched, and turned for use as a container. These vessels were fastened with a twistof basswood fiber at the neck. The ear of a moose or deer was split and dried for use as a match container. 238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 cooking vessel. Having no seams it is naturally watertight. Whenplaced over hot coals it wiU resist the action of heat, if thoroughlywet beforehand, sufficiently long to allow water or soup to boil. Thisoperation has been witnessed by myself and others. In recent timesthe folded bark vessels have retreated from their position of formerFOtO WS/DJF rOlO /NS/DB ^Figure 4.?Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin). a, Pattern for bark pail and container for berries and women's work materials (MAI, 16/4901); 6, patternfor dish (MAI, 16/4900); c, pattern for seamless pail or boiler (MAI, 16/4902); d, pattern for rolled-upmatch box.importance to become sap troughs or receptacles for other liquidsabout the camp or farm. The grain of the bark is parallel to the rim.4. At'oba'gan, "pail" (pi. 32, e). A variation of the seamless vesselin which the ends are not folded over but merely bent together andcaught with a fastening of the usual materials, spruce root or bass-wood fiber. It is used in the same manner as the preceding type, Antheop.Pap.no. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 239 usually for sap. Both of these containers (pi. 32, c, d) are of lesspermanent construction than the first two, and are not always pro-vided with hoops to strengthen their rims. Nor are they so fre-quently decorated. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim.5. Wigwasana'gan, "birchbark dish," (pi. 32,/). Constructed fromthe pattern (fig. 4, 6), this dish is of wide distribution in the birchbarkcultiu'e area. It serves the purpose of an eating dish or bowl amongthe more remote hunters who are as yet not so generously providedwith utensils obtained from the traders. The dish or food tray hasa hoop and is occasionally decorated.6. Figure 4, d, shows the pattern for making the cylindrical matchbox, by which the bark strip is rolled to form a tube and the narrowend tucked into a slit which holds and conceals it. These boxes aremade of a size to fit the matches used and are not decorated. Theyare made similarly, according to our present knowledge, eastwardtlirough the territory of the Montagnais-Naskapi.7. Pski'ton^'ge, "folded." This equally simple type of constructionis to be listed separately although in native terminology the samedesignation is given it as type 3. A rectangular sheet of bark isfolded double, the two lateral edges sewn with a whip stitching ofspruce root (or basswood inner bark) to form a simple envelope (pi.39, a). A section of the top of the bark (or flap) is left so that itmight be turned down over the open end. To keep it from curling,strips of cedar wood are fastened inside the folder as stiffeners. Avariation in construction is to place the cedar strips outside the folderand bind them so tightly that nothing can enter the orifice. Thesereceptacles serve the purpose of preserving dried, or even fresh meat,from insects and also for the storing of clothing. Frequently such a "meat bag" (wi*y?,s owac) is made of green elm or cedar bark, inwhich to store foods like dried beaver tail (amikwazo awac, "beavertail folded holder") and dried fish (nam^teg) for a period as long as ayear. The larger sizes serve as folded trunks in which to store furclothing during the summer. When packed in one of these envelopeswith quantities of cedar boughs, the furs are safe from insects. Thefolder is also used for the simple purpose of holding bait suspendedtemptingly in a bear trap, as a specimen from Mrs. Buckshot demon-strates (the scraped-away representation appearing on the front ofthis bait holder (pi. 39, a) is that of the pitcherplant, Sarracenapurpurea, a symbol of the trap that nature grows in the plant realmto ensnare insects).The simiHtude of these bark folders to the parfleches of the Plainsarea is a feature of comparative ethnology not to be overlooked. Itlies in their constructional simpHcity and in their adaptation to thesame economic purposes; namely, the preservation of dried meat andthe storage of clothing. Spier has pointed out the characteristic 240 BIPEEAU OF AMERECAN ETHNOLOCY [Bull. 128details of decoration which appear on the surfaces of the parfiechesand their evident antiquity in Plains culture, and I have added someremarks along related lines in the study of birchbark techniques ofthe Montagnais (cf. Speck, 1937), showing that a similarity existsostensibly between the primitive use of bark, or "tree skin" andanimal skin, both serving in the raw state as materials of construction,*and also have drawn attention to the techniques of their ornamenta-tion in the Woodlands and on the Plains/It has been noted in describing the constructional types of Algon-quin containers that the principle followed here is to cut and sew thebark so that the grain of the bark forming the longer side (usually thedecorated wall) runs 'perpendicular to the rim, The same principleis followed by artisans in birchbark among all the tribal bands fromhere eastward through the territory of the Montagnais and theWabanaki divisions. And westward the observation holds true forOjibwa and Saulteaux bark baskets, judging from available specimens.Western Cree and Athabaskan series, however, predominantly showthe bark cut and patterned so that the grain runs parallel with therim. I regard this as a feature of considerable significance in thedistribution of types.Wliile the forms of bark containers in the various Algonquin bandsare also strikingly like those of the Lake St. John Montagnais, itis to be noted that the Algonquin manufacture and use the ash-splint baskets woven in the simple under-and-over twill as frequently * The textual quality of wet, green birch or elm bark (par icorceau) closely resembles that of green rawhideiparfteche), a fact not without interest in the consideration of resemblances between Woodland bark con-tainers and Plains rawhide receptacles, as discussed in the next paragraph.The Canadian French term above has passed over into the vernacular of eastern Canada in the form ofeorceau (cSso), while in the English-speaking area the common term is macock, derived from Algonkian (cf.definition by A. F. Chamberlain, Handbook of the American Indians, 1911, pt. 1, p. 824). ? As the most recent contribution to literature on incised parfleche decoration I quote from Frederick H.Douglas (1938, p. 25):"The origin of the type and its historical relation to the painted parfleche are not known. The designstyles of the two types appear to be identical. The oldest information known to me about painted parfiechesis that given by the picture of one figured in the report of Maximilian's 1833-34 expedition. The designand technic are like those of later times. As noted by Wissler, Sioux tradition states that the incising ofparfieches came before painting. "There are tv/o theories as to the origin of the technic. One suggests that it may be an adaptation of thescraped method of decorating birchbark utensils, and the second ascribes it to the influence of Spanishmethods of decorating leather horse furnishings. "In support of the first it may be said that the Eastern Sioux certainly used birchbark; and that muchbirchbark was decorated by scraping. But the present center of incised parfieches is far from that of scrapedbark. Dr. Verne Ray tells me that birchbark articles from near the incised parfleche area, as it is knownfrom existing specimens, are not scraped or incised. The Crow crupper and sword case mentioned aboveare the evidence for the suggested Spanish origin of the practice. The Indian undoubtedly used Spanishhorse furniture as a model for his own. Spanish leather was decorated by tooling, cutting and stamping,according to Arthur Woodward. The suggestion is that the Indian endeavored to imitate the eflects createdby these technics by means familiar to him, cutting and scraping. If he achieved eflects pleasing to himon horse furniture, it seems as though the same methods might very well have been applied to other leather-work."In another paper Dr. Douglas lists 53 tribes which used parfieches. "Of ^hese the scanty availableevidence ascribes incised parfleches to but five, Yakima, Sanpoil, Warm Springs, Crow and Nez Percfi."[Douglas, (1936).] ANiHROP. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIROHBARK?SPECK 241 as they do the bark wares.^ The distribution of splint basketry,however, ends with the boundaries of the Algonquin proper goingnorthward. It is not to be found among the Tetes de Boule, theBarri^re Indians, or the Montagnais-Naskapi/ Evidently the artof splint basketiy has been creeping northward since the contacts ofAlgonquin bands with the Iroquois have begun. The reason forthis assumption in regard to the origin of basketwork among moresouthern tribes may be found in pure ethnological theory, for thesplint basket types of the Algonquin and the Iroquois are indistin-guishable. The Algonquin, being thrown into association, evencohabitation, with the Iroquois subsequent to the establishment ofthe missions on the St. Lawrence two centuries ago, have undoubtedlydeveloped the craft in common with the Iroquois.^ I have madereference to tliis idea in two previous papers (Speck, 1920, p. 67;1927, pp. 242-246).It will be observed from the illustrations of Algonquin bark waresthat the forms correspond to those of the Montagnais throughout,except that the ovoid forms of the latter are absent among the Algon-quin,? and the cylindrical are infrequent.As for other particulars, we observe the wider base and narrowermouth, and the hoop of wood with spruce-root wrappings, which wrap-pings are never colored to produce the decorative effect that onefinds on Tetes de Boule and Mistassini bark containers. Severaldivergences, in the form of basswood material sometimes employedfor the wrappings, and the habit of more frequently applying pitchto the seams, mark off the work of the Algonquin from that of theMontagnais. The latter peculiarities appear more frequently as theborder of the Ojibwa habitat is approached. The impression ob-tained from observing a series of Algonquin containers is that ofconstructional similarity with those of the Ojibwa, not only in theuse of pitch for covering the seams but in the use of basswood barkfor the binding material of the rims and occasionally for the seamstitching, and the use of hazelwood for the hoops. These peculiaritiesnever appear in Montagnais bark containers. It will, however, beonly when larger series of Ojibwa bark baskets shall have been col-lected, and especially those showing surface decorations which areas yet rare or absent altogether, that the diffusion of influence canbe traced in this direction. The study made by Miss Densmore(1928, 1929) of birchbark forms and decoration in bitten patterns ? This simplest form of basket production ranges eastward to the Wabanaki as the sole technique there. ' The few specimens of ash-splint basketry collected at Lake St. John have in every case been traced tothe hands of St. Francis Abenaki women who have migrated northward since about 1860 to join the Mon-tagnais at Chicoutimi and Lake St. John.8 Specimens collected from the Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains (Oka) in support of this statement areto be found in the collections of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. ? The Montagnais form of this container is shown in Speck, 1937, pi. 1, h; pi. 18, a, ft, c. 242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128employed as suggestions for moccasin decoration affords some ideaof general common properties in bark craftsmanship between thetwo peoples.Further observation of constructive details of the bark work of theRiver Desert Band shows that the pattern outlines of the containersof type 1 result in the line of joining (the construction seams on thelower ends of the vessel) being nearer the bottom than in forms seenamong bands inhabiting districts to the north and west. The con-structed form is, therefore, similar to the work of the Montagnais onthe east. The same holds true of the work of all of the Algonquinproper as far west as and including the Indians of Lake Timagamiwho are to be ethnologically classified with the Ojibwa. These re-marks are based upon material collected by myself from the bandsconcerned, and reposing in the National Museum of Canada. There-fore an area may be designated for this peculiarity of constructionwhich would include also the next characteristic of technique; namely,the "basting" or "tack" stitch in the sewing of thebark with the spruce-root spUt (wa'dap*). The tack stitch predominates, almost one mightnote, exclusively, in the method of bark attachment of this area.(The term "tack stitch" denotes that type in which the threaded rootis made to penetrate the bark upward and down again within a shortspace, generally less than % of an inch, then runs under the surfacefor a space of from 1 to 2 inches and comes out again, the whole attach-ment resembUng the operation of "basting,") (See fig. 3, 6.) Likethe pattern outline just mentioned, this stitch predominates in Mon-tagnais work and throughout the work of the Algonquin proper. Tothe north and west it gives way to a more complicated and artistictype of stitching, the "embroidery" stitch, in which the stitches aremade to form a solid line touching each other, each advancing stitchbeing made to come up through the preceding one. The latter ischaracteristic of T^tes de Boule work and that of the Cree to the northand west, and especially of the bark sewing of the Athabaskan divi-sions. The tack stitch, it may be added, is a characteristic of thework of the Wabanaki groups as well. Its distribution also seems toinclude the Ojibwa about the Great Lakes, as observed in old speci-mens. The few specimens extant from the Beothuk also show thesame. Whence it may be considered as an old seaming technique,possibly antedating the "embroidery" type.The rim wrapping of Algonquin birchbark containers is of spruceroot (wa'dap*) in most instances, though shreds of boiled inner barkof basswood (wi'gub*) and elm are occasionally substituted, sincethese materials are resorted to in the economy of the forests. Whenash-splint baskets are being made, the presence of available strips ofthis material accounts for its use in fastening and rim binding. Therim wrapping is close and undecorated, the spruce roots being left in ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 243their natural color, except in a very few specimens where a dark shadeappears as a result of being allowed to soak in tainted water. Nocases of imbrication with quills or colored strands of material havebeen observed in the series of River Desert specimens examined, al-though they are invariably found in the bark work of the adjacentTetes de Boule, and among the Cree to the northwest.Another feature ui the construction of bark containers of theAlgonquin in general, as well as of the River Desert Band, is the fittedlid, with a hoop or ''cuff" underneath, stitched with the bindingmaterial to the under side of the cover, and fitting inside the mouthof the vessel. This vu'tually necessitates that the rim have onehoop (maple) on the outer side only. One might venture a hazardthat any critical ethnologist who at a glance compares this cover withthe constructive features of European boxes would pronounce it aninnovation derived from contact with white people. And it may,indeed, be true. The same type of cover appears in the containersof the Montagnais to the eastward, but it becomes rarer in passingto the west and is replaced by the flat lid without cuff among theCree and the Athabaskan groups. Among the latter it is a covertied loosely to the rim of the container by strips of leather.It should also be mentioned here as an incident in the history ofchange in form of containers that an innovation has recently appearedin the types made by workers in this band (1938). Rectangularboxes sewed at the four corners, provided with fitted lids and decoratedin the usual manner are being produced. I have not been able totrace the origin of this shape to my own satisfaction.TYPES OF DESIGNS ON ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK CONTAINERSThe Algonquin techniques of design, namely, the production ofpatterns on the dark surface of spring-peeled bark, by moisteningand then scratching away the softened layer surrounding the pattern,as described for the Lake St. John Indians (Montagnais), followsidentically the process of the latter tribe. The employment of bittenbirchbark (mizi'ni'katowd", "pictm-e-biting") and cut-out birch-bark (ma2ine'2iga?, "picture-cut") patterns is fully as characteristichere as in the aforementioned tribe. ^? Perhaps even more does the ??The sequence of bitten pattern for decorative suggestion and symmetrical designs derived therefromis fundamental to the Ojibwa of Minnesota as well. Miss Densmore's report is one of the few on this areato mention the bitten patterns, or transparencies, in the evolution of design. The Ojibwa she describesdo not, however, work these patterns into bark-vessel decoration but use them for designing beaded bands.(Densmore, 1929, pp. 184-185, figs. 22-24.) The Algonquin do not invariably transfer the bitten patternsto their decorated b:irk objects but practice pattern biting for an amusement. The same is true of thePenobscot. (See Speck, 1940, 185-186.) And while both groups are alike in this respect, they regard thepatterns so produced to be suggestive of the geometrical and floral figures that are produced in theirart. For these two peoples, at least, there is a gap in the sequence of evolution from bitten patterns tobark decoration. There is some meaning in the Algonquin designation maiini'zegan miguzSwinabfizuwe, "cut-out decoration," applied to bark ornamentation, as respects the evolution of art. Davidson (1928,footnote 6, p. 2a) also has treatment of bitten patterns in art composition of the T6tes de Boule. 244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bnix. 128River Desert Algonquin woman rely upon her cut-outs for the transferof pattern to her basket than does the artist at work farther north.And, again, the appearance of geometrical decorations in the barketching is less frequently met with here than to the northward. Anexamination of designs, furthermore, shows the Algonquin, especiallythe bands nearer to the Ojibwa of Ontario, to be somewhat moregiven to the use of animal and human outlines for ornamentation thanthe Montagnais.But the feature of striking importance in a comparison of the bark-basket art motivation of this and the adjacent areas occurs in the Figure 5.?Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorativeborders derived from them. n, Rim with birchbarli reiaforcement below hoop for strengthening and for decorative effect, River DesertBand (NMC); b, representation of reinforcement in scraped-away design for decoration, River DesertBand (NMC); c, rim reinforcement, River Desert Band; d, representation of same, River DesertBand; e, f, elaborated representations of reinforcement principle, Timiskaming Band and River DesertBand, respectively (NMC).decoration of the space just below the hoop and rim, with an encirclingband of varied outlines. It is found in so many of the Algonquinbark objects as to challenge attention to its origin and its meaning inthe puzzle of design distribution." This particular feature is shownin the sketches in figures 5-8 and plates 30, 31. At first glance, indeed,it would seem probable that its origin might lie in some detail of con-struction, for technical ^precursors of decoration have always a highprobability as explanatory suggestions. In this case there is reasonto close the assumption with an affirmative solution. Specimens in " Boas (1927, p. 55) emphasizes the importance of rim binding in North America and Siberia, both as atechnical feature and as a field of decoration: "In a bark basket the rim must be strengthened by a band, toprevent splitting, and the band and the sewing set off the rim from the body." Anthrop.Pap.no. 17] ALGONQUIN" BIRCHBARK?SPECK 245the National Museum of Canada from the River Desert Band, andfrom the Golden Lake Band in the Museum of the American Indian,and others recently (1937) added to the series?half a dozen in all ? are found to have a reinforcement of bu-chbark sewed into the rim andextending a short way below it. This takes the form of a cut-outdecoration as well as a reinforcement, serving the double objective ofdecoration and of strengthening. Among the Indians this feature ofconstruction is called the "canoe wrapping," since it is so often re-sorted to in sewing the gunwales of canoes where the bark of the sidesjoin them, as a measure of strengthening the attachment. It alsofunctions similarly in leather work as shown in the edging of moccasins.iimmimimiimmm FiGUBE 6.?Decorations below rims of birchbark containers. a, 6, River Desert Band (NMC, HI, L, 19, 20); c, d, Timagami Band (NMC, III, Q, 248, 256); e, from,birchbark dish (NMD); /, dish, River Desert Band (MAI, 10/1597) and dish 4^-inches in diameter(NMD).Just why this peculiarity of bark-basket construction should occurwith such frequency among the Algonquin and not among the Mon-tagnais is, however, not so simple to explain. Whether or not it hasa distribution to the west or northwest in the direction of the Cree andSaulteaux remains to be found out. At present it would seem that ithas, judging from the few specimens of Cree birchbark basketry thatare available from the Saskatchewan area. We may hardly speculatefurther in this direction at the present time.The occurrence of the bark rim reinforcement in baskets of birch-bark of the Athabaskan and Sahaptian Tribes is stressed by Boas (inTeit, 1909, pp. 477-478), raising a question as to the history of thisparticular feature of construction that calls for more information onbark wares of the intervening territories.218558?41 17 246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128In the decoration of the surface of the birchbark, it should be notedfor the Algonquin that both the negative, and, to a slight extent, thepositive, methods of bringing out designs are employed. In theformer the cut-out stencil is placed upon the dark surface of thematerial and the area around the pattern is scraped away until thelighter undersurface is exposed. It bears the designation sgraffito, "scraped." The design is accordingly not scratched into the darkcoating of the bark, as it is in the positive process, but is left in thenegative state after the background has been taken away.^^ All thebark decoration of this and the immediately neighboring groupsfollows this scheme, whUe the distant Wabanaki tribes,^^ and the Figure 7. e ^-Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band) . a, b, c, From birchbark dishes, 10, 8, and 4 inches in diameter, respectively (MAI and NMD, 2 spec-imens); d, dish, 8 inches (NMD); e, pail (MAI); /, dish, 8 inches (NMD).Ojibwa ^* in some places, employ exclusively the positive (inscribed)process. The combuiuig of the two, however, takes a certain formamong the Algonquin, as well as, to a slight extent, among the Mon-tagnais. In these cases the interior of the space within the design isscraped out by the positive method, producing a smaller figure whichfollows in outline the general contour of the larger one. The effectis to show something suggesting partial open work. It is, however, i> That sgraffito decoration in the Old World bad so short a life-span as a development in ornamentaltechnique (sgraffito was done on a coating of plaster at Bologna up until the seventeenth century), has beensomething of a puzzle to students of the history of art. A simUar process occurs in calabash decoration inthe West Indies and in enamel decoration in Mexico.n For illustrations of Penobscot decorations of this type, see Speck (1927 and 1940).i? Specimens procured from the Indians of Long Lac, Ontario, show the positive process in producinggeometrical designs. Anthkop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?^SPECK 247 not a common type of ornamentation, but one evidently favored bycertain more skilled operators (fig. 24, a; pi, 33, c). One of the threespecimens from the Mattawa Band and some of those from the Riverdu Lievre Band show this development well worked out (pi. 33, c,and Petrullo, 1929, figs. 66 to 69).The containers (pi. 34) made by women of the Timiskaming Bandshow some deviation in ornamental conception from those of theeastern bands of the Algonquin, in the greater frequency of theiranimal figures. We might attribute this to the influence of thellliMMIIIiMl^^ n?:^3 hFigure 8.?Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers. ".Timiskaming Band (NMC, III, L, 108); 6, c, d, Mattawa Band (NMC, III, L, 189-91); e, River DesertBand (Rochester Municipal Mus.);/, Timagami Band (NMO); q, h, River Desert Band (MAI, 16/1595).Ojibwa in the older phases of whose art animal forms are outstanding.^^Discussion of the decorative devices of this band would not becomplete without mention of the process of sewing the birchbark cut-out figures themselves directly to the surface of the container with anedge stitching of spruce roots. This ornamental technique, calledmi'ndjimogwa'de, is shown in figures a, d, plate 37. In these instancesthe cut-out figures are applied directly to the surface to form a positivemotive of embellishment. No medium of transfer is brought into )' Among the River Desert people esthetic appreciation seems to have turned in favor of floral designs,as typified by Mrs. Buckshot (see page 257). 248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128play, as in the case of the mcised or scraped-away designing. Itpossesses an elemental character as one might estimate the growthof the decorative impulse from an historical point of view.'^ Yet noconclusions should be drawn from the nature of its simplicity or fromits distribution untU wider surveys and a fuller background of knowl-edge of changes in styles of ornamentation have come into our hands.As inquiry reveals, the functional purpose served by this particulardevice of ornamentation is, however, perfectly clear in the case of theartists of the River Desert Band. The sewed-on cut-out figuresappear on the sides of containers only when these are made of "sum-mer" bark. This seasonal phase of the material lacks the dark coat-ing on its inner surface which alone makes the "scraped-away",sgraffito, process possible to be performed. There is, accordingly, noother manner in which decorated outlines could be applied than tocut them out and stitch them on, unless it would be by the use ofcolors, and this process, for some unexplained reason, has not beenadopted in the area. Stitching-on is, then, a substitution for themore usual form of ornamentation when required by the nature ofmaterials. And when, through paucity of winter bark, vessels aremade of both summer and winter bark on opposite sides of the samearticle, then both processes of decoration are thought of. Four speci-mens, the handicraft of Madenine Cesar, have been obtained asevidence of the technique (pi. 37), and Mrs. Buckshot was familiarwith it in her tradition of local methods preserved from the timeof her childhood.Here, in short, is a technique of decoration which still retains itspattern source in full evidence as an initial step in designing withouttransfer to another medium. Sewed-on patterns are reserved for thegarnishment of containers made of bark taken off in the summer time,as has been noted. The specimens show admirably the utUization ofthe sewed-on process as a substitute for scraping designs on surfaceswhich would otherwise be impossible to decorate. The objects inquestion are made of part summer bark and part winter bark, whichwould result in a one-side-only ornamentation distasteful to themaker. This explanation was given by both women who employedthe device. One might wonder in turn why the idea of painting orstamping designs had not presented itself as an alternative in suchcases. But it should be noted that Mrs. Buckshot (74 years of age),one of the oldest artisans of the band, could not testify to having everseen bark containers so embellished, i. e., with figures in color. Andthis despite the recollection that stamped designs were applied to ? As actually happened. In one instance a cut-out pattern of a "coiled snake" used for sgraffito on a con-tainer was later found sewed as an ornament upon a birchbark cup made of summer bark, and collectedby J. Patman. Anthrop.Pap.no. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 249leather articles of clothing.'^ The sewed-on development seems to bepracticed by only a few women of the band (Madenine Cesar, inparticular) so far as contemporary material from the Quebec Algon-quin shows. Its appearance in the series of bark designing processesis significant in the history of northern Indian art, and somewhatexceptional forthwith.An extreme development of the cut-out, sewed-on technique isremarkable in the work of groups in Saskatchewan (Athabaskan andCree), but how this relates to the similar, though weaker, developmentof the art so much farther east is to remain an unsettled question untilintervening phases of artcraft have become known. Among thewestern groups referred to, the birchbark used in construction of con-tainers is the "uncoated" (summer) bark, from which it is evidentthat a connection exists between the use of sewed-on patterns and theuncoated bark.^*There is stUl another feebly manifested inclination on the part ofRiver Desert birchbark decorators to employ the idea of stitch-design-ing, or, as it might be termed, spruce-root embroidery. In this formof decoration the spruce root is treated as one would a thread to forma coarse embroidered outline. The figures so produced amongAlgonquin craftsmen are usually simple and geometrical and are notfilled in. Neither are plant or animal outlines in evidence. Thistechnique is here only a weak and incidental feature in the series ofornamental tricks. It would seem to be an adaptation of a functionalprocess of sewed-fastenings to decorative purposes. Again we meetwith this feature of root-designing among the Cree of Saskatchewan,in the same area where the sewed-on cut-outs are prevalent. Acarry-over from the splint-basketry-rim fancy work of Algonquin(kidji''g8ni"ga', "fancy-work") and Iroquois baskets appears in oneexample collected at River Desert (pi. 39). In the case mentionedit happens that the artist (Madenine Cesar) of her own accord com-bined the sewed-on, cut-out ornamentation with the spruce-root rimloop fancy work?both of them rather exceptional in the local formsof decoration.A survey and interpretation of the historical meaning of the spruce-root stitching and the cut-out, sewed-on designs leads to considerationof the possibility that these techniques may be antecedent to theporcupine-quill mosaic process which appears sporadically amongAlgonkian peoples in the Great Lakes region and the East. Spruce-root designing is associated with a skeuomorphic source of ornamenta-tion. Porcupine-quill designing stands out as being conceptual and " A specimen of deerskin leggins, worn by her defunct husband in winter, was so ornamented by Mrs.Buckshot." In the collections of the Denver Art Museum are some Wisconsin Ojibwa containers with designs insurface painting, while examples of "sewed-on" figures in birchbark from the Ojibwa of Minnesota, identicalwith those figured in this paper, are reported in the same collection by Dr. F. H. Douglas. 250 BUREAU OF AMEHrCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128more definitely esthetic. The sohdly filled decorated areas of birch-bark decoration in porcupine-quill mosaic bear resemblance to thesolid areas of the bark cut-out decorations, and where the spruce-rootstitching is arranged to form open decorative patterns a similarityappears to the open-work porcupine-quill small leaflike figures pro-duced in some central Algonkian bands. This is especially true of workof tribes in the Cree-Athabaskan area where the roots are dyed incolors. Such connections, however, have little bearing upon the typesof decorations in favor among the Algonquin proper, for it may benoted now that attempts on the part of the latter to utiUze porcupinequUls are few and irregular. The Algonquin have not adopted thisform of bark decoration, either through the influence of their Ojibwaneighbors 200 miles to the westward or through their own art ini-tiative.The resort to the use of bitten patterns for the production of sug-gestions of design outliues to be transferred to the sides of bark con-tainers, a practice so characteristic among the Montagnais, is one,however, not entirely overlooked by artists among the Algonquin.Not all, however, are capable, through having been provided bynature with opposed pointed teeth to make design biting feasible, ofoperating their creative desires in this fashion. Madenine Cesar(Mrs. Pierre Clement), for instance, who is rated the most giftedamong the River Desert Algonquin in this line, finds a particular anda rich inspiration in designs bitten in outline into thin folded layers ofthe inner membrane of birchbark. Mackusi''k'we, "Fair MeadowWoman" (Mrs. Buckshot), on the other hand, produces her designs forbark work by the cutting-out method. Both, however, achieve plantand floral patterns by their preferred systems. Madenine Cesarfurthermore utiHzes the bitten patterns usually for silk, yarn, orbeadwork, by basting the bitten figures after they have been trimmedout upon the surface to be decorated and stitching the beads or coloredthread atop the pattern. (Among bands more closely in contactwith trade sources, patterns of paper are similarly used, the patternbeneath the finished design being picked out with a needle afterwardto remove it.) Madenine Cesar, nevertheless, constantly uses cut-outfigures for her bark decorations. I would regard the cut-out processfor the present time (1930-38) to be more characteristic of designingin birchbark ornamentation among the River Desert Algonquin. ^^The method of producing patterns by means of biting may be de-scribed in more detaU. They are usually executed upon a thin sheet '? Since the above was written I had occasion again to observe Mrs. Buckshot, in the summer of 1938,making some thin birchbark patterns by folding the sheet double and cutting the online desired on one sideonly with scissors, producing a half-image in profile. This formed a single flower when opened up. Thisled me to inquire further, and it developed that she sometimes resorted to the method in trying out for newfloral ideas. Folded symmetrical patterns are not, however, made to produce a string of connected cut-outfigures, as they are in the attenuated paper cut-out patterns snipped out by white children. Anthrop.Pap.no. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK SPECK 251 or membrane of imier birchbark folded once or twice. The biting isdone forcibly between opposing pointed teeth, usually the canines.The sheet is turned to this side and that, moved forward and back totrack a series of impressions forcibly indented without perforating thematerial. The results are ovals, curves and radiating lines. Then thesheet is removed from the mouth and opened up, displaying sym-metrical figures suggesting highly varied life forms to the beholder.Blind imagination alone directs the movements to produce outlines ? imagination enriched by experience and maxillary control. For themost part they are given floral interpretations. The figures assumea still more marvelous character when held up to the light as trans-parencies. Next comes their utiHzation in the decorative system.Here among the River Desert people they are cut out with scissorsand laid as patterns upon surfaces to be ornamented with beads or silkembroidery. Only rarely, we are told, are they employed as patterns forbirchbark decoration when found suitable in the eyes of their creators.The design register of the Algonquin is not a very definite one as faras interpretation goes, nor is it particularly circumscribed in range.The functionally explainable border patterns on the surface below therims of bark containers, discussed on a previous page (244), are ap-parently the most fixed characteristic that we can observe and a con-stant one among all the bands of Algonquin classification.The portrayal of human and animal forms covers the usual range ofmale and female, moose, deer, bear, dog, mink, otter, partridge, loon,duck, and beaver (figs. 9, 10, 11). Animal motifs are more numerousamong the Timiskaming band, whose ajBfinity in culture with theOjibwa is marked (fig. 11).The band floral figures so suggestive of Montagnais work are com-mon in combination with simple loose elements (figs. 13, 6, c, d; 14, 6).The smaller single elements of decoration (figs. 17, 19, 22) arestrikingly present, however, in Algonquin ornamentation. In compo-sition over a broad surface they seem to form a favorite style of em-bellishment, as will be noticed by examining the sides of decoratedbark pails and baskets (pis. 30, d, e, /, g; 31). Among these ele-ments the outlines of leaf (ani-'bi-c), berry (mi-na'n') bud, flowers(wapi'gwun), and stems predominate. And it should be noted thatthe Indian's fondness for playing cards has prompted the adoptionof the diamond (kayes-a'wes-"k) (figs. 19, 22), heart (wade"), club,and spade (both called leaves), so popular and appealing to the eyeof mankind everywhere. In several instances the ribbon bow ap-pears as a design pattern.^" The Algonquin artist is perfectly consciousof the origin of these particular patterns in her repertoire. Amongall of those questioned, however, a native source of conception isclaimed for the other simple pattern elements. Among these is '? Represented by a specimen In the Denver Art Museum. 252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128A^ ^Wf FiGtTRE 9.?Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a-e), andanimal figures from decorated objects (J-i) (River Desert Band), a, Partridge; 6, bear; c, bear making his mark on tree; d, moose; e, beaver;/, deer; g, beaver; ft, otter; i, duck. Anthrop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 253 emphatically the "arch" (ci'ba'usa) (figs. 14, c; 21, b; 23, b), whichmay have formerly been a representation of the rainbow (adegwa'ni-bi'sa, "holds back water"). The figure is consistently prominentwith sky concepts of the area, although the informants do not so applyit now. The ellipse, the stem with three leaves, trefoil (both called Figure 10.?Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (RiverDesert Band),A dog chasing a partridge, and man and wife engaged in tapping sugar maple and collecting sap. Thesugar barrel is shown at left. The spill inserted in the tree and sap pail at right. The bulge on the treetrunk is a burl out of which wooden food bowls are made. ani"bi'c, "leaf"), the dome, the "toad's legging" or pitcherplant (pis.l,d, ej, g; (omakaki''mi'ta's) or twist,^^ the scallop, and the dome with " This figure represents the leaf of the pitcherplant (.Sarracena purpurea), which has similar significancein OJibwa etymology (cf. Densmore, 1929, p. 14; 1928, p. 379). In Penobscot symbolism this is the "fiddle-head," or fern crozier, underlying the double-curve series. Here it is also a powerful antidote. 254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 serrations on its straight edge (fig. 19, d),"^^ are among those of an oldnative derivation, according to the testimony of their users.For several others, namely, the mapleleaf (ana'tukw ani-'bi-c) andthe five-pointed star (fig. 16, a) and the cross (tciba'iatok, "ghost- FiGUEE 11.?Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band). a. Hares (NMC, lU, L, 108); 6, beaver (NMC, III, L, 102); c, beavers opposed; d, beaver (NMC, HI, L,101); e, cocks opposed symmetrically (NMC, III, L, 103); /, g, doe and duck (on opposite sides of basket)(NMC, III, L, 102); ft, bears opposed symmetrically under "double-curve" tree (NMC, L, 100). ?' An identical flgure occurs in Delaware art under the name of "flame." To the Delaware this figure isan ancient one by tradition, as stated by Tom Half Moon's wife, who employed it in her bead-and-ribbonwork. Since the figure, which attracted some attention through these occurrences, is a possible legacy in theart register of the woodlands from an early period, I took occasion to make a casual search for its appearance inthe designs of living groups and in archeological material. Results so far have been to show its occurrence inWinnebago beadwork and Delaware-Munsee ribbon work. In Osage beadwork on a cloth coat, and finally(most significantly) as an incised ornamentation upon the body of a vessel excavated by Clarence B. Moorein a mound on Black Warrior River, Ala., and figured in the Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences ofPhiladelphia, 2d Ser., vol. 13, pt. 2, 1905, fig. 74, p. 183. In all of these instances its form is identical with thefigure illustrated herewith (fig. 19, d). Whence the native estimate of Its age and character may be con-sidered as worthy of further attention by investigators of art history in the East. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 255 wood")>^' a similar nativity is asserted, but I would quite agree withthe sceptic who, upon critical consideration, places these, with thecard emblems, in the category of patterns borrowed recently, that is,within 50 years, from decorations in common use among the Canadians.The element designs, nevertheless, lie strictly within the con-structional realm of the bark cut-out stencU patterns and we cannotdeny without suflScient proof that they are as indigenous to the oldart Ufe of the region as the cut-out process itself is. After setting toone side those designs whose European origin need not be questioned,we observe the remainder to form elements in the ornamentations ofpeoples in the north as far as the Cree, the Naskapi, and others. Figure 12.?Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands). a, b, c, Designs from sides and ends of bark container (Mattawa Band) (NMC, III, L, 191); d, scene fromside of basket, representing hares' heads in setting of forest profile, as interpreted by Mrs. Buckshot(River Desert Band) (NMC, III, L, 89).Thus, it would seem, there existed an old category of design elements,common to a wide area in the northeast, which has descended moreor less intact among the dispersed populations, suffering in the courseof time some losses from the original body of motives as well as someaccretions from the outside. And finally, whether the cut-out figureshave ever possessed a different symbohsm than they now have (seeM The figure 14, a, is an unusually suggestive conception of the River Desert artist. She has combinedthe "cross" figure with that of the heart of Christ shown in the middle of the group, and, being unable toresist the habit of tradition, has introduced a floral modification above the heart and turned the arms of thecross into leaf figures. 256 BUREAU OF AMEMCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 p. 270), they have come to acquire a floral connotation, under thenative name, pa'gwadji* wapi'gwun, "wild (or orphan) flowers."The cut-out patterns appearing in such profusion upon Algonquinbark receptacles are for the most part unspecified varieties of thesegrowths.In the design register of this band the representation of the yellowwater Hly {Nymphaea advena) is repeated with great frequency andin a variety of modifications which do not always betray its identityto European eyes. Karely are the botanic features so realistically^NI^A/f Figure 13.?Symmetrica] band floral designs from birchbark containers (RiverDesert Band).a,b. Flowers, on sides of baskets (NMC, UI, L, 19, 20); c, d, from opposite sides of same container (III,L, 89); e, /, flowers from baskets.preserved as in figures 22, g,h; 25; plate 35, 6, d. In seeking the reasonfor its favor among artisans, an observation by Madenine Cesar an-swered the question. She said of the pond lily, "That is what themuskrat eats (wa2ackwe'de)." In native esteem this is a sufficientlycogent reason for the frequency of the yellow lily figure in decoration ofstorage containers intended for food and for other possessions. Dowe need to be reminded of the hoarding habits of the rodentia tounderstand the curious force of symbolism habitual to the Algonkian Anthbop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 257mind? And the Nymphaea is furthermore edible, not only to beaverand muskrat, but to the Indian himself who hunts the creatures for foodand fur. Beneath the symbohsm here is linked an association ever-present in the connectivity of natiu:e. I mention the instance of theyellow pond-lily symbol in particular, since it affords an opportunityto connect again the art motivation of the Algonquin with an indig-enous and locally characteristic object in the tribal environment.It is not, indeed, the French hly, introduced sporadically into the NewWorld flora, which provides in this case the inspiration of art, nor is it Figure 14.?Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band) (NMC,III, L, 89). a. Elaboration of cross and heart; 6, flower (fern head?); c, arch, rainbow; d, flower.the scented pond lily {Castalia odorata), in such favor among whitepeople. The latter I have not as yet observed in the endroits of thereservation.Among those who, as I recall it, have indicated preference for oneor another type of design, Mackusi-'kwe (Mrs. Buckshot) expressedher preference for floral over animal figures in her work. I beUeve Ihad a similar impression of the taste of artisans in talking with otherwomen. 258 BUHEIAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128A formalism in plant representation is strikingly exhibited in theseries of slightly varied contours which show little regard for specificbotanical features of the plants chosen for reproduction. The rule Figure 15.?Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers andbaskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs. They represent flowersand plants, some general, some specific (River Desert Band) (MAI), which holds in the majority of cases seems to be to cut-out patternsrepresenting floral growths leaving a thick vertical center stalk sur-mounted by a bulbous head (equaling the blossom or fruit), withsymmetrically placed ovals in pairs placed below to represent leaves Anthrop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?^SPEOK 259branching from the stalk. The base hue is often broadened, some-times a httle domed, to represent the earth. (See the varied seriesin figs. 13, 15, 25.) Notwithstanding the prevailing disregard for bo-tanic accuracy just mentioned, the makers of the patterns, both cut-outand bitten, confess to seeing in them the likenesses of plant formswhich they can name. The muster of named identities given inresponse to questioning includes berries of every kind, hawberry,leaves of every sort, maple, "trees," white pine, spruce, balsam, elm andash, and the favorite outlines of swamp vegetation, the pond lily and^ Figure 16.?Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming andRiver Desert Bands). a, star, five in series on one side of basket (Timiskaming Band) (NMC, III, L, 102); 6, band-curve designon cover of c (pi. 34 c) (III, L, 104); c, maple leaf, four in series on one side (III, L, 102); d, sprout of a plantand leaf (River Desert Band); e, maple-leaf cluster (Timiskaming Band) (III, L, 103).pitcherplant occurring with the greatest frequency. One need nothesitate long in deciding what elements of environment engross theimagination of the simple people whose art we have here spread outbefore us.The placing of the design figures on containers is manifestly a matterof individual taste among the artisans of the band. Certain of themshow preference for an arrangement of smaller design units on thebasket walls. Others show a tendency to place a larger compositeand symmetrical plant figure on the long side-wall and add smallerunits as taste dictates. In such cases they are interpreted as unrelatedsingle objects in nature. Those who combine the unit patterns into 260 BUHEAU OF AMERIOAlir ETHNODOGY [Bdll. 128 a synoptic whole, introducing both animals and plants into a scenewhich shows also some celestial phenomena, may be rated amongthe master designers of their conmaunity. Reference will be made tothe feature of composition in the course of a few pages.An observable characteristic of design location in the work of thisgroup is the consciousness of need, in their esteem of beauty, to coveror disguise the "unsightliness" of seams. This is achieved by causingthe decorative patterns to fall upon the seam spaces so that thestitches (in spruce-root material, of course) become the verticalcenter or midrib of an upright plant figure. The result makes thestitches and seams integrate into the decoration, becoming an adjunct JFigure 17.?Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a-e), and birchbarkcut-out patterns for decoration of containers (/-j) (River Desert Band) (MAI). ai Leaves; 6, blossom; c, little diamonds; d, blossom and leaves; e, wild cherries; /, leaf; n, h, blossoms;i, j, ornamental forms.instead of a detriment. A glance through the illustrations will furnishevidence of this. We might recall that Wissler in a study of the artprinciples of the Plains Indians focused attention upon a similaresthetic persuasion in the art of the Sioux.In the productions of the River Desert Algonquin the percentageof imdecorated baskets and containers is relatively low. (See table ofsummary, p. 262.) This may be due to the more settled form of lifeof the band since the partial transformation of interest from huntingand trapping to farming began some 70 years ago. Proximity towhites has likewise to be considered. Specimens with imdecoratedsides but decorated lids are also in evidence. Lids or covers so oma- Anthrop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 261mented usually show an arrangement of simple elements to form awhorl, the patterns being turned upon a center.The treatment of designs in composition among Algonquin artisansalso runs to landscape representation, resulting in a stylicism whichapproaches the first steps of pictography. This tendency may beexpected for a people so closely approximating, historically and geo-graphically, the cultural stature of the Ojibwa. The combinationof animal and plant motives, with a smattering of celestial phenomenathrown in, comprises, in a certain proportion of the better decoratedproducts, a panoramic display well suited to express the sylvan inter-ests of such a people. On the sides of the larger baskets wherespace invites a display of ornamentation, animals in silhouette appearposed in portraiture in the varied staging of pond, marsh, and clusters Figure 18.?Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band).Elements of decoration representing flowers and blossoms (MAI, NMD, UPM). of deciduous and evergreen growths, especially lUies (the cow lily,Nymphaea advena) and pitcherplants, with easily recognizable realityof form and of action. The panoramic totalities are appealing inmeaning to the eyes of the Algonquin, depicting to him in visibleform the vision of his sleeping and his waking moments?the Utopiaof plenty for a hunting and trapping tribe. So it happens that land-scapes of night as well as of day are laid out in composition on someof the containers. The distinguishing mark of night horizons is thepresence of the star figure or the crescent moon above. The nightscenes are strikingly realistic both in form and in concept, showingthe familiarity of the artists with the activities of the wonderfulanimals chosen for portrayal?the bear, beaver, otter, deer. Theystand out most vividly in the experience of the natives and seem tohold their place in the best achievements of their art. Without218558?41 18 262 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128indulging in further discussion of the quaUties of the woodscapes, aselection of examples will suggest for themselves what they maymean to their forest-minded makers. (See pis. 30, d, e, g; 35, a; 36;38; and figs. 10, 11.)In the following tabulation the salient features of Algonquin tech-nique and design are summed up to conform with the purpose of thisarticle, that is, the presentation of material from specific tribes toserve as a basis for future interpretative study.Table 1. ? Summary of characteristics of birchbark container construction anddecoration of various bands of Algonquin and neighboring groups Bands ANTHROP. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 263Although at the present time of writmg, studies of the art contentof birchbark containers of the northern Indians have not progressedfar enough to permit comparisons to be made, nevertheless somethingcan and probably should be said since the printing of the material onMontagnais art in birchbark work (Speck, 1937). A few remarkssummarizing the characteristics of decorations of this group may bemade from an angle of comparison derived from the sources alreadyavailable.Unlike the Montagnais, the Algonquin workers I have observedin the present generation do not create the patterns for their designs Figure 19.?Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Band) a, "Toad's leggings," pitcherplant (.Sanacena purpurea); b, e, leaves; c, heart; d, blossom of lily. so much from folded sheets of thin birchbark indented by the teeth.The Montagnais derive many of their symetrical patterns from thesesymmetrically unfolded impressions. The Algonquin depend moreupon the cut-out figures trimmed with a knife or scissors in accord-ance with a visual image formed in the imagination or imitated fromthe observation of nature. (See p. 243.) Horizontal symmetry isproduced by repeatmg the carving of the pattern to the right or tothe left. Vertical symmetry (that is, where the design is repeatedby turning the pattern up or down on its top or bottom) is not inevidence in the art of the bands dealt with here, so far as materialwarrants the statement. The cut-outs are both floral and animal.Floral suggestions are more in evidence among the eastern bands of 264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128the group. Animal figures increase as one approaches the culturalstrip nearer to the Ojibwa. I would infer from a general estimate ofthe evidence we possess that the animal figures are of prior dating tothe floral motives. And that the latter are an acquisition, eitherhaving developed within the art horizon of the area as a naturaloutgrowth of internal stimuli or having resulted from imitation ofother Indians or the French, is also highly probable. Knowledge of Figure 20.?Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representingflowers (River Desert Band).the absence or presence of surface decorations on bark containers ofrelated and adjacent groups is now the lacking element in the arthistory of the northern Algonquin.To theorize, furthermore, upon the possible sources of origin herefor the tree and flower designs would call for a play of imagination Figure 21.?Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers(River Desert Band). a. Scallop for decorating center or corner of basket; 6, arcb or rainbow for side of basket; e, scallop elementfor decoration under rim of basket.hardly permissible in a report of this character. One need not,however, feel obUged to conjure up the remote past in the hfe ofthese forest denizens to seek for pointed suggestions in their function-ing experiences amid daUy and constant environment which wouldlead to the adoption of floral, especially leaf, devices in ornamentation.It is a real experience in the retina of European as weU as native eyesto witness the mottled shadows cast by the rays of the summer sun Anthrop. Tap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 265through the canopy of the leafy crown of the forest thrown upon theflat surfaces of objects lying Uttered about the camps. The Indiansthemselves are not obUvious to the shadowed silhouettes in the cease-less panorama of sun-strewn patterns. In their contemplations, suchdisplays of beauty have upon occasion been noted and the impressionsvoiced in my presence. Yet the association of leaf silhouettes withthe origin of bark surface decorations stUl remains only a possible, ifnot a futile, suggestion of explanation emanating from the reasoninghabit of the student?an unprovable hypothesis until "nature pho-tvoFigure 22.?Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, and designstaken from decorated objects (River Desert Band). a. Arch (pattern for border design below rim); 6, bear's bead; c, canoe; d, diamond; e, tree (balsam);/, berries;g, pond lily; ft, pond lily; i, j, flowers (imidentified).tography" shall disclose itself as a functioning concept of art'* inaboriginal Algonquin culture history, be it ancient or modern.The modest array of designs from this band upon which judgmenthas to be formed, permits an observation; namely that the integralfloral or the forest landscape, as conceived in native eyes, is a char-acteristic. This seems to accord with the economic eminence of thegreat environing forest and its animal denizens expressed in totaUty(as in fig. 12, a; pis. 30, 6, d,e;Zl, b, c, /, g; 34, /). And so pictographicart expresses here in symbols the ecology of a Canadian Algonkiangroup. >* Since the above was written I have examined the volume Reflections, by Mrs. Marian ThayerMacMQlan (N. Y., 1936, p. 55), in which an interpretation of the "double curve" motif is proposed. Theauthor of this remarkable hypothesis suggests derivation of the curve patterns of the northern Indiansfrom native observations of plant reflections along the edge of stUl water. One cannot fail to be impressedby the author's logical views as supported by her text and illustrations. 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128The scenes are characteristically those of the food quest. In one,perhaps the highest flight of realistic genius of which these Indiansare capable without instruction from the outside, we have the familiarand joyous event of late winter; the gathering of sugar-maple sap(fig. 10, b; pi. 30, d). This pictographic composition is reproducedfrom a spontaneously made water pail of bark, the seams pitched with Figure 23. -Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (MattawaBand) (NMC, III, L, 189).spruce gum, in constant use in the family of Mikweni'ni, "WillingMan." It stands for the idea which I have expressed with somepersistence, that the forest dwellers of the "snowshoe hunting"culture possess a natural inclination toward an art tradition in deco-rating utensils in common use. Another theme construed in the style Figure 24.?Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band). a, Floral design in positive and negative technique (NMC, III, L, 189); 6, floral design on side of smallcontainer (III, L, 191).which may be called aboriginal so far as its conception and executionare concerned is the forest horizon in profile shown in figure 12, d.Two northern hares, their heads only showing above the hiU, amidthe tangle of a swamp, are portrayed realistically enough to exciteinterest in the eyes of hunters, whether natives or Europeans. Notealso the dog chasing the partridge as a theme on a pail (fig. 10, a). ANTHROP. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBAKK?SPECK 267Similar judgment may be pronounced upon the bears symmetricallyopposed under the arching tree in figure 11 , ^? The dominance of thefeeling for symmetricism is here apparent in the composition ofanimal and tree silhouettes. Another conception of the forest nightscene of vital meaning to these Indians is the representation of agoose on the lake shore, the crescent moon above, with the hunter'sarrow on its way to its mark (pi. 36, b, cover of basket). Upon thesides of a cylindrical pail (pi. 31, <;) are two graphic pictures, one an Figure 25.?Assortment of plaut-design elements from sides and covers ofbirchbark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealisticrepresentations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band). otter racing over the flats beneath the full moon, and, on the oppositeside, two does at a stand facing each other beneath a drooping ever-green tree. Here again the symmetrical ruling of Algonquin com-position has asserted itself. The otter scene just mentioned occurstwice on specimens collected from the River Desert Band. In plate38 (upper figure) appears a duck represented advancing toward ablossoming pond lily. Above is a butterfly and a disk representingoptionally the sun or the moon. The specimen is a sap pail. The 268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128lid of a pattern holder made by a girl of about 12 years of age (AnneClement), at Maniwaki. betrays what seems to rank as a work ofmore sophisticated skill, namely, a single pyramidally-formed balsamrising above a firmament of five stars and crescent moon (pi. 38, lowerfig.). Algonquin realistic intention is evident throughout. The beaverin his nightly activity of feeding and storing is a favorite topic ofthought and portrayal in the north. The subject appears occasionallyin the work of this band, as in three iastances observed (pis. 34/; 33, a;36, a). Its treatment is fairly simple yet falls into the holographiccategory. The partly gnawed stem of a plant or tree is shown beforethe animal climbing over rocks on the border of his pond (pi. 36, a). Inplate 35, a, appears a most pleasing arrangement of outline and con-trast in a composition obtained by Mr. Patman from MadenineCesar. It is scraped upon a large storage box made to protect herclothing and personal effects from misplacement in her camp. Thesubject chosen by her was a loon in flight above a setting of lake shoreas stamped upon the memory of its creator. I dare not indulge incomment upon the quality of this composition more than to stressits appeal as well as its adaptability to the aims of modern decorativeart.THE CONSCIOUS ELEMENTS OF ALGONQUIN DESIGN MOTIVATIONTo what extent the creation of animal and plant designs among theworkers investigated is the result of deliberate iatention, arises as aquestion to be weighed by evidence both objective and, as far as pos-sible, subjective. Responses to efforts through questioning of severalof the more active workers in birchbark showed that in producinganimal and plant figures by means of cutting out the imaginary sil-houettes, a conscious effort is made in the direction of portrait realism.Familiarity with plant forms in a multitude of varieties is a character-istic of woman's life ia these bands. The traditional knowledge ofcurative properties of herbs, barks, and roots marks their personalities.The same is true of their experience with animal life. Small wonderthat these influences should dominate the realm of creative illustra-tion. One who considers the general aspects of design motivationamong the Canadian forest tribes should also consider the importanceof plant and animal beings in the milieu of environment. The pastera of cultural development has been an era immersed in the influencesof the woods?the "bush," in the vernacular of the north. Camp fife,camp food, desires, associations of wide variety, induce thoughts byday and dreams by night centered about the denizens of the darkforests, the shimmering lakes, the barren brules, and the wavingmarshes. These environments harbor both blessings and hauntingterrors. Their effect is deeply registered upon the imagination as Anthrop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 269 well as the daily-life horizon of the natives. An outgrowth of emo-tions determined by such influences resulting in productions of artform would seem to be inevitable.-'Where, we may ask, might a subconscious motive in phytozoo-morphic representation be expected to appear in the art work of thesegroups? We might gain something by teaching ourselves to view theconditions with a freshness of outlook hitherto strange to ethnologicaltrends of estimating the sources of native art inspiration. That thereseems to be a suggestion of a hazy approach to subconscious rulingsin the production of the bitten designs at least, is a point for considera-tion in an unbiased scrutiny of evidence. It requires an analysis ofthe purposes and practices of designing and of the feelings of thedesigners themselves for the outcome of their own habitual ejfforts.So far as the discussion of control factors in the maldng of the tooth-bitten decorative patterns has brought forth results, it may be saidthat the creators of these blind outlines do not profess to know justwhat patterns are to emerge from their teeth in most cases. Theremay be, indeed, a deliberate effort to mystify their art in the esteem ofadmirers when they profess to be moved by what we may consider aspure genius in discussing the matter. Yet there remains a shadow ofaccidency in the production of bitten designs attributable by one soinclined to subconscious influences. To what extent the profoundlypersonal emotions, and experiences of natives who have alternatelysuffered and reveled in the bosom of the wilderness, affect the formsof patterns produced by the teeth with eyes often closed and imagina-tion actively functioning, we may never learn. To admit such influ-ences, however, one would have to be a witness to the process. Andthat is not possible for contestants of the surmise just expressed. Onthe other hand, it is not the intention here to insinuate a surrealisticexplanation of these instances of blind designing with the teeth. Ishould only add that those who are adept in the art of biting patterns,like Madenine Cesar, are widely known among their people and enjoya reputation which could be rendered by our use of the term inspired.One would need to secure intimate personal histories of the few per-formers in the band. To obtain candid confessions from some of themby usual means would not be at all easy without courtship. The ques-tion raised in this paragraph is nevertheless fraught with interestingpossibilities for investigation. I shall have to pass it on.The question of religious symbolism in the designs discussed mayarise as a possibility here. The matter was given some attentionduring the course of contact with the people. In no sense, however,M Incidentally, and to lend emphasis to the question of origin so often approached by students of nativeart, it seems to be as plausible to regard these deep-seated stimuli as indigenous provocations of designmotives in the woodlands as to pronounce them summarily to be derived from European promptings.To dispense with the deeper motives of nature representation in Woodland Indian art in favor of the Euro-pean derivation theory has become almost a habit in certain circles of thought. 270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128 can Algonquin decoration be construed into being a conscious religiousdocument as might be the case in groups socially more complicated.CHRONOLOGY OF DESIGNConfronting us constantly is the important question of the dating ofdecorations met with on these objects. It would be a most valuableaddition to our knowledge of northern art history could we learnsomething from eighteenth century documents concerning the natureof basket designs of the area, or even as far back as a century ago. Here,as in the case of the Montagnais, however, early records have nothingsufficiently specific to say regarding birchbark wares and their decora-tions?topics too remote from the zeal-arousing subjects of soul salva-tion and education which engrossed the thoughts of missionary writersof the period.For the contemporary art figures (flowers, leaves, animals, arch, etc.)there is nothing for us beyond native tradition of antiquity to piercethe haze of uncertainty surrounding the time and manner of theiradoption and the sources from which they owe their derivation. Manyof the River Desert specimens figured are modern, that is, madewithin the last 15 or 20 years. Some, however, have a known age ofthree generations (Petrullo, 1929, p. 227). Mrs. Buckshot, of RiverDesert, now in her seventies, the maker of a number of those illus-trated, acquired her art from her mother without making any changesin the construction process or patterns of decoration of her bark work.Knowing that the River Desert Indians prior to 1854 were residentat the Lake of Two Mountains Mission, and nearer by about 150 milesto the settlements on the St. Lawrence, we cannot evade the conclusionthat European influence has been operating upon the esthetic develop-ment of these Indians. Indeed, the River du Lievre Band shows suchelaborate composition of its birchbark decorative figures, that theeffect of French-Canadian farm life is only too apparent in the repre-sentations of flower pots and even bouquet groupings. The maindifficulty is where to discriminate between native motives in theornamentation of these old bark pails and the attempt to imitateEuropean designs. While the critic may possess grounds for his ownopinion on the question, it is evident that more material and especiallymore historical data will have to be obtained before the argumentlurking beneath the surface will have been closed. It is apparentnevertheless, from what we know of the age, the economic characterof the bark containers, and their decorations among these bands, thatthe craft they now represent dates back to the beginnings of the lastcentury.There is, however, another aspect of recent history of the basketryproblem involved in the art craftsmanship of the River Desert Algon- Anthbop.Pap.no. 171 ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 271quin, if not that of the other bands as well. Among the older decora-tive techniques of this and the River du Lievre Band we meet with anart process having deep significance in the understanding of distribu-tion problems, namely the ornamentation of the splints of checker-work baskets by applying stamp designs to the broad splints by meansof cut-out "pattern blocks" made of potato, turnip, or wood. Discus-sion of this form of art is a topic in itself, for the outline of which wemay await the results of a study by Miss Gladys Tantaquidgeon.The provenience of the "block" printing basket ornamentation carriesus to the consideration of art over a wide area extending from theDelaware, Munsee, and Mahican of the middle Atlantic region acrosssouthern New England, Mohegan, Pequot, and Nehantic, and then,after a break in distribution presented by the Iroquois,^^ who do notstamp or paint patterns on their baskets, back to the upper St. Law-rence where the process appears again among the Algonquin. Theinterruption in distribution of this remarkable decorative technique,caused by its nonoccurrence among the Iroquois wedged between thetwo areas where it flourished, is, to my mind, tacit evidence that itbelongs to a period of art evolution among eastern Alognkian-speak-ing tribes when they occupied an extent of territory in common, at atime prior to their dispersion northward and eastward through pene-tration of the Iroquois into their domain. Block stamping in basketornamentation is, therefore, probably an extremely early native de-velopment among the eastern Algonkian peoples, and one which bysome trend of migration was diffused northward to the later Algon-quin proper. This has by now become blended with the primitiveand natural decorative processes of a northern provenience, i. e.,birchbark etching. It is, however, only with the latter that thepiesent paper attempts to deal.A consideration to be included in our examination of Algonquin artis the knowledge that the making of birchbark baskets has witnessedboth a decline and an expansion within the last two generations. Theuse of such articles in the band fell off to its lowest level in about thelast decade of the nineteenth century. Introduction of industry intothe forest sections of Quebec caused a withdrawal of the Indians lyingnear the centers of industrial activity, luring them from exclusivehunting and trapping to pursuits of labor in the construction camps.The River Desert Band was one of those deeply affected by the change.Then came a feeble renewal of demand for the more esthetic forms ofIndian labor. The women, on their part, found occupation in dulltimes and in winter in making birchbark and splint baskets for themore appreciative element of the incoming whites?the families of " Exceptions may be noted in the case of the Iroquois Oneida and Mohawk, who have produced theseforms corresponding in design and technique to those of the adjacent Algonkian, from whom I believe theywere acquired. 272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 officers and staffs of the huge corporations. Contact with this classof Europeans had its results. The Indian of the "bush" encounteredgentler white people at last who admired some of his gifts and accom-plishments, and liked them. The discovery on the part of the latterthat Indians could do something more than chop, drive, paddle, cook,sweat, and freeze in the "shanties" of the lumber and pulp operationscreated a spark of interest in the "inferiors." The discovery of nativearts of delicate form, skiUful technique and tasteful ornamentation,of the symbolic language of picture writing in the alphabet of beasts,flowers, and trees, brought out something that both races could under-stand. The Indians slowly responded to the new demand put upontheir abilities. This time they drew upon a form of production whichappealed to their woods-loving nature. And so, while it is true andshould be emphasized that indigenous arts and crafts both useful andbeautiful never completely ceased, there has been a revival. Nativegroups in other parts of the country have passed through similartransitions in the rise and fall of their folk-crafts. In the case of theAlgonquin another generation will write the answer to the question ofultimate survival or extinction of a promising art inspiration bomsomewhere in the birch-forest depths of the circumboreal area.Interest in the construction and decoration of bark containers isaroused by the position they hold in the history and evolution of in-vention from the world point of view. Containers for dry and forliquid properties may be thought of as extremely early products ofinvention beginning with animal skin (rawhide) and tree skin (bark)folded wrappers and troughs of the simplest forms, some of which sur-vive in use among hunting nomads of recent times. How can it bedoubted that these products antedate in time and precede in tech-nology the lengthy series of containers and holders which appearevolved through boxes, basketry, and bags in manifold form from thesimplest to most complex forms often within the same areas? Theporcupine-quill decorative technique on birchbark containers char-acteristic of the area among the Algonkian of the Great Lakes region,where it has reached such an efflorescent stage, has developed, as Iconceive it, from the incised floral decoration on birchbark discussedin this and in related themes of treatment.It seems a proper time for a more critical, even reformistic attitudeto be taken toward treatment of historical as well as functionalaspects of native American art.In a recent paper on Montagnais art in birchbark (Speck, 1937)I have evaluated certain evidence as set forth by commentators toprove Eiu-opean derivation of the floral and curve motifs so char-acteristic of design styles of Algonkian peoples of the Northeast. Tomany ethnologists this deduction may seem right in a superficialsense. In a profound sense, however, such an assumption in the guise Antheop. Pap. No. 17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK?SPECK 273 of a conclusion is a delusive one. Yet it has swayed the argumentspropounded in treatises which constitute in most instances secondary-sources. The review and analysis arranged in the discussions justconcluded should mean something in the future understanding of whatthese nature associations (flora, fauna, and hunter's visions of land-scapes) stand for among groups culturally environed in the ecologicalset-up of the Canadian life zone. To stress social factors of art cul-ture, thereby thrusting aside a realization of what force is exerted byenvironmental conditions of nature, I am sure is to betray obstinatedisregard for a great functioning influence. To drag in and stand upthe historical art dummy of modern European origin in this case issubserving a sickly and overworked tradition of nineteenth centuryAmerican ethnology. Someone may yet desire to attribute the pat-tern-biting process to as mythical a source as the old woman who bitholes in Swiss cheese with her one tooth, or perhaps to trace the Al-gonquin method of fashioning thongs from a single moose hide byspiral-centripetal trimming to Dido and the classical cutting of thebull hide! The material discussed in my several recent papers mayat least inaugurate a contest of opinion with new bearings upon asubject of art which some of our profession have regarded as closed.It would seem, furthermore, that these nations of the woods hadalready started a few steps along the way leading to the formation ofa crude scriptural system, at least as far as pictorial representation ofobject and idea might so be regarded. The symbols having valuesof floral glyphs, partially developed into curve ideograms, passedinto use as fixed outline forms. Their wide range of significancepictoriaUy embraces those most important elements of life andenvironment. They rise in the scale of Hterate culture traits, evento the extent of being carved upon the faces of blocks employed asstamps, whence they acquire the character of block designs consti-tuting a process of elementary printing with a color (ink) medium.If it seems presumptuous to lift these developments to such a highcultural rating in favor of a crude civilization, how may they be other-wise described? I shall take occasion subsequently to show in anotherpaper how the block printing of designs was effected in the decorativeart composition of other Algonkian groups of the Northeast (Munsee,Delaware, Mahikan, and the early southern New England peoples), adistribution which points toward a locus of specialization in arthistory that may be said to own some conventionalized type-formsfor representation of ideas. May we not then boldly but justly call itan initial step on the part of Algonkian hunters in the production of anelementary system of writing and block printing amid an environmentof uncleared forests? 274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128BIBLIOGRAPHYBoas, Franz.1927. Primitive art. Oslo.Chamberlain, A. F.1907. Article on Maycock. In Handbook of American Indians. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 1, p. 824.Davidson, D. S.1928. Decorative art of the Tetes de Boule of Quebec. Ind. Notes andMonogr., vol. 10, No. 9, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation.Densmore, Frances1928. Use of plants by the Chippewa Indians. 44th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer.Ethnol., 1926-27, pp. 275-397.1929. Chippewa customs. Bur, Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 86.Douglas, Frederick H.1936. Parfleches and other rawhide articles. Denver Art Mus., Ind. Leaflets77, 78.1938. An incised bison rawhide parfleche. Material Culture Notes, No. 6,April. Denver Art Mus.Johnson, F.1930. An Algonkian band at Lac Barriere, Province of Quebec. Ind. Notesand Monogr., vol. 12, No. 1, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation.MacMillan, Marian T.1936. Reflections, the story of water pictures. N. Y.Moore, Clarence B.1905. Certain aboriginal remains of the Black Warrior River. . . . Journ.Acad. Nat. Sci. Philadelphia, 2d ser., vol. 13, pt. 2, pp. 125-232.Petrullo, V. M.1929. Decorative art on birchbark containers from the Algonquin, River duLievre Band. Ind. Notes and Monogr., vol. 11, No. 3, Mus. Amer.Ind., Heye Foundation.Speck, Frank G.1915. Family hunting territories and social life of various Algonkian bands ofthe Ottawa Valley. Geol. Surv. Canada, Dept. Mines, Mem. 70.Ottawa.1920. Decorative art and basketry of the Cherokees. Bull. Pub. Mus.Milwaukee, vol. 2, No. 2.1927. River Desert Indians of Quebec. Ind. Notes and Monogr., vol. 4,No. 3, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation.1927 a. Symbolism in Penobscot art. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat.Hist., vol. 29, pt. 2.1929. Boundaries and hunting groups of the River Desert Algonquin. Ind.Notes and Monogr., vol. 6, No. 2, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Founda-tion.1930. Mistassini notes. Ind. Notes, vol. 7, No. 4, Mus. Amer. Ind., HeyeFoundation.1937. Montagnais art in birchbark, a circumpolar trait. Ind. Notes andMonogr., vol. 11, No. 2, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation.1940. Penobscot Man. Univ. Penna. Press, Phila.Teit, James1909. The Shuswap. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Jesup North PacificExped., vol. 2, pt. 7. Ed. note by F, Boas, pp. 477-478. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 30 BiRCHBARK Containers. Sap Bucket and Round Pail (River Desert band)(NMC).a, b, c. Containers with similar designs on both sides; d, e, opposite sides of same bucket,scene of activity in sugarbush (MAI, llX 12 in.);/, birchbark pail for maple sap or water(River Desert Band), 13^2 in. Designs represent "frog's leggings," pitcherplant (^Sar-racena purpurea), and leaves (MAI, 15/3068); g, round pail for household possessions,tools, work material, etc. (height 12 in.). Designs depicting night scene in woods, deerunder tree. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 31 BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS (RiVER DESERT BAND).a, Workbox, 8X10 in. (both sides are the same) (MAI); h, c, maple sap pail (RochesterMunicipal Mus.); d, water or sap pail, height 11% in. (MAI, 16/1595); e, water or sappail, height 10 in. (]\IAI, 16/1596). Both have seams closed with pitch. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 32 BIRCHBARK SAP PAILS AND DISHES (RlVER DESERT BAND).a, b, c, d. Sap pails, height 4'2 in. (MAI, 16/1613-16/1616); e, large sap container, heightS]i in. (16/1612);/, dish, height 3 in. (16/1597). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 37 algonquin birchbark containers for household articles with floralFigures in Sgraffito Designing and With Sewed-on Cut-out PatternDecorations.Both sides of two vessels shown (6X6 in.) (DAM, CAI-II-P). (Photograph by Wm. F.Patman.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 38 BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS (RlVER DESERT BAND).Upper, decorated containers, night scene, duck, moth, or butterfly and moon on edge oflake; lozver, decorated container for woman's possessions, sewing materials, cut-out andbitten patterns, with forest night scene on lid (10 in.) (DAM, CAI-14-P). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 39 BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS.a, Birchbark envelope container for bear bait, with pitcher-plant figure, 9/'2 X 11 in.(River Desert Algonquin, P. Q.) (DAM ^CAI-16-P).h, Birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration on rim, 5/4 X 4}2 in. (RiverDesert Band) (DAM, CAI-12-P). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 41 CAMP OF ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK WORKER AND BASKET MAKER (MADENINECESAR) (River Desert Band, P. Q.). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 42 Mackusi'k WE. "Beaver Meadow Woman." (Mrs. M. Buckshot) With Dec-orated BiRCHBARK Baby Carrier for Infant up to One Month cf Age.(Specimen in nmd. 1938.) SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTIONBureau of American EthnologyBulletin No. 128 Anthropological Papers, No. 18Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern UtahBy JULIAN H. STEWARD 275 CONTENTS PAGEIntroduction 281Part 1. The Johnson Canyon and Paria River region 282Sites visited 282Villages and architecture 288Slab structures 288Adobe wall pit lodges 291Rectangular masonry houses 292Masonry cliff houses 298Pottery 299Subsistence 310Industries 315Miscellaneous 318Skeletal material 319Petroglyphs 319Part 2. Glen Canyon of the Colorado River 323Sites visited 328Part 3. Conclusions 350Bibliography 356ILLUSTRATIONSPLATES43. Pit houses at site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 35644. Site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon, a, House A. 6, Rubbed grooves inrock 35645. Masonry cliff houses and slab structures (sites 18, 37, 71, 83, 96,Johnson Canyon-Paria River Region) 35646. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon 35647. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon 35648. Petroglyphs at site 130, Oak Canyon 35649. House ruins at White Canyon (site 2), Redd Canyon (site 4), andLake Canyon (site 6) 35650. Slab and masonry structures near Lake Canyon (site 6) and belowSan Juan River (site 12) 35651. House types at Redd Canyon (site 4), Aztec Creek (sites 16, 17), andRock Creek (site 22) 35652. Pictographs and^petroglyphs 356TEXT FIGURES26. Sketch map of Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 28227. Sketch map of slab structures, site 39, Kitchen Canyon 29028. Sketch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon 29029. Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon 29130. Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon 29131. Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon 291218558 ? il 19 277 278 BUREAU OF AMiERiCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128PAGE32. Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 29233. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures, site48, Wildcat Canyon 29334. Sketch map of masonry house and slab structure, site 60, KitchenCanyon 29435. Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites 76,80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons 29536. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119,Johnson Lakes Canyon 29537. Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray. Numbersindicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 30038. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls.Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 30139. Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowl, site 123, Dairy Canyon. 30240. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychromebowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion 30241. Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon 30342. Bowl rims, Tusayan black-on-white and Tusayan black-on-red 30343. Rim sherds and handles of plain ollas, Paria gray and Johnson gray-tan 30444. Variations in rims of plain ollas 30545. Rim sherds of Paria gray bowls 30646. Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon, and corrugatedoUa rim sherds from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 30647. Chipped sandstone "hoes" from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region__ 31048. 49. Metates from sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 311, 31250. MuUers, or manos, and cross sections of same from sites in JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region 31351. Projectile points of chipped flint. Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion 31452. Knives, drills, and scrapers. Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 31553. Textile impression in adobe 31754. Crescent ("sickles") of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collection atKanab, Utah 31755. Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah 31856. Two quartz objects, a, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria Riverregion, h, Crystalline pendant (11894), site 119, Johnson LakesCanyon 31857. Petroglyphs, sites 1 and 4, Molly's Nipple Canyon 32058. Pictographs, site 7, Molly's Nipple Canyon; and site 29, WildcatCanyon 32159. Pictographs and petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon 32260. Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon 32361. Petroglyphs, site 117, Johnson Canyon 32462. Petroglyphs, site 130, Oak Canyon 32563. Petroglyphs, sites 130, 132, and 133, Oak Canyon, and site 141 nearClark Canyon 32664. Distribution of sites of different periods in Johnson Canyon-PariaRiver region 32765. Map of Glen Canyon, Colorado River 32866. Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon 330 ANTHEOP. Tap. no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 279PAGE67. House structures, a, Plan of ruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon, h-f,Houses on the northern cliflf of White Canyon, site 2 33168. Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon 33369. Large ruin at Redd Canyon, site 4 33670. Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22,Rock Creek 3397L Metates and manos, or mullers, from sites 6 and 9, near Lake Canyon;site 11, near Escalente River; and site 22, near Rock Creek 34072-74. Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon 345-34775. Pictographs and petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon 34876. Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah 34877. Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab, Utah. 349 ARCHEOLOGICAL RECONNAISSANCE OF SOUTHERNUTAHBy Julian H. StewardINTRODUCTIONArcheological investigations by Judd (1926) and by the presentwriter (Steward, 1933, 1933a, 1936) in the Northern Periphery of theSouthwest, that is, in northern and western Utah, had revealednumerous remains of a prehistoric culture the main features of whichwere derived from the Anasazi or Basket Maker-Pueblo cultures ofthe San Juan River drainage. But whereas the cultures of the latterarea are known to have developed through at least four compara-tively distinct chronological periods?Basket Maker (II), ModifiedBasket Maker (III), Developmental Pueblo (I and II), and GreatPueblo (III)^?present data indicate but two periods in the NorthernPeriphery. Neither true Basket Maker nor Modified Basket Makeris present. The early period, though Basket Maker in such fea-tures as ceramics and stress on clay figurines and anthropomorphicpetroglyphs (which largely faded out in the San Juan Pueblo cultures) , already contains some Developmental Pueblo elements, especially ajacallike pit lodge. The late period merely brought the addition ofsuch San Juan Pueblo II elements as rectangular houses, intensivehorticulture, ceramic features, and probably some brachycephalicpeople. In the entire portion of Utah which lies north of the FremontRiver in the east and which falls within the Great Basin in the west,only these two periods are known.The outstanding problem of the Northern Periphery, therefore, wasto discover the place and manner in which those culture elementswhich had been chronologically differentiated in the San Juan areahad become blended into a single culture and spread northward intothe Northern Periphery. Theoretically, there should be found aregion with the two following cultural stages: First, a ModifiedBasket Maker culture lacking any Pueblo influence; second, a cultureretaining certain elements of the first (which, in the San Juan area,faded out after the close of the Basket Maker periods) but having inaddition certain early Pueblo elements. Work by Judd (1926) and ' These terms are from Roberts (1937). Numerals in parentheses refer to the old terminology, 1. e.,Baslcet Maker II, UI, etc. 281 282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Nusbaum (1922) had shown that the cultures in the vicinity of Kanabin southern Utah were chronologically differentiated much as in theSan Juan area, which ruled out that region as the source of the specialNorthern Peripheral culture.In order to shed light on this problem as well as to explore areaswhich were blanks on the archeological map, the writer undertooktwo trips in southern Utah in 1932 for the University of Utah. Onetrip was made in company with B. O. Hughes of Ann Arbor, Mich.,R. F. Hosmer of Los Angeles, Maurice Howe of Salt Lake City, andDelbert Riggs of Kanab, Utah. Traveling with pack outfit, theparty thoroughly explored the region of the lower Paria River andJohnson Canyon, east of Kanab. The observations made on thistrip form the first part of this paper.The other trip was made in company with Hughes, Charles Kellyof Salt Lake City, and Hoffman Birney and John Shoemaker ofPhiladelphia, It was only through sharing expenses with the lastthree that the expedition was possible. Traveling by boat, 23 dayswere spent exploring Glen Canyon of the Colorado River betweenthe Fremont River in central-eastern Utah and Lee's Ferry in northernArizona. Description of the archeology of this region forms thesecond part of the paper. The writer wishes to express gratitude tohis companions on both trips, particularly to Hughes, who assumedresponsibility for much of the reconnaissance on the second trip.The archeological collections obtained are in the Museum ofAnthropology at the University of Utah. Numbers of specimensrecorded in this paper are those of the museum catalog.part 1. the johnson canyon and paria river regionSites VisitedThe Usts of sites visited follows. The numbers refer to those onthe map.Site 1.?Mouth of Molly's Nipple Canyon. Petroglyphs and plain pottery,probably Basket Maker.Site 2.?lYi miles west of Potter's ranch. A large cave with three circularhouses, having slab foundations and adobe, straw, and horizontally laid rocksabove; two were excavated. Artifacts: Mostly plain and black-on-white sherds.A few sherds of corrugated ware and of unbaked clay; metates and muUers.Site is early (pis. 43, 44).Site 3.? li mile south of Potter's ranch. No architecture. Sherds like thoseof site 2.Site 4.?V/z mile south of Potter's ranch. Three masonry cliflf houses. Corru-gated and black-on-white sherds. Petroglyphs in one cave.Site 5.?100 yards south of site 4. Plain sherds scattered on hillside.Site. 6.?200 yards south of site 5. Plain sherds and small slab cists.Site 7.?South side Molly's Nipple Canyon, J4 mile south of Kitchen cabin.White animal and anthropomorphic pictographs in rock shelter. NEV. FiQURE 26.?Sketch map of the Johnson Canyon-Paria River region 218558^0 (Face p. 282) Anthbop. Pap. NO. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 283 4 Site 8.?Head of canyon, directly opposite (south of) Kitchen cabin. Cavewith one crude circular stone house.Site 9.?Back of Averett's cabin. Late sherds and traces of houses.Site 10.?Yz mile east of site 9, on promontory formed by Molly's Nipple Can-yon and small side canyon. Sherds and stone "hoes" collected.Site 11.?Cave just under rim rock between sites 9 and 10. Traces of stonewalls.Site 12.?Cave at head of draw, southwest of Kitchen cabin. Plain sherdcollected.Site 13.?Potter's ranch. Sherds and stone hoes scattered over sand hills.Site 14-?MoUy's Nipple Canyon just below Potter's ranch. Stone hoes andsherds in canyon bottom.Site 15.?lYi mile northwest of Riggs' ranch. Paria gray sherds in cave.Site 16.?Yi mile east of site 2 where trail to Kitchen cabin leaves main canyon.Sherds and flints scattered on hillside.Site 17.?West of summit of trail from Molly's Nipple Canyon to Five PinesCanyon. Plain sherds and flints scattered on waterless flat.Site 18.?East side of Kitchen Canyon, Y2 niile north of Five Pines Canyon.Traces of stone and adobe walls. Plain and corrugated sherds (pi. 45, a).Site 19.?On hillside where trail drops into Wildcat Canyon opposite WildcatSpring. Plain sherds.Site 20.? Yi Doile north of Wildcat Spring. Two small caves with traces of stoneand adobe walls. Plain and corrugated sherds.Site 21.? 1 mile south of Wildcat Spring at head of small canyon running eastinto WUdcat Canyon. Paria gray, and Basket Maker black-on-gray sherds.Site 22.?North side same canyon, }i mile east of site 21. Small rock shelterscontaining layers of cedar bark, pine needles, and sand. No artifacts.Site 23.?West side Wildcat Canyon, sandy knoll north of Nephi Canyon.Plain and corrugated sherds, metates, and mullers.Site 24.?North side mouth of Nephi Canyon. Sherds and arrow points.Site 25.?South side of mouth of Nephi Canyon. Remains of masonry andcists; abundant sherds of late types. Also metates and mullers.Site 26.?200 yards south of site 25. Remains of slab cists on hillside; sherds.Site 27.?East side Wildcat Canyon opposite canyon with sites 21, 22. Twocaves with evidence of occupation and a semicircular stone and adobe granaryunder ledge near top of chff.Site 28.?Yi nails north of 27, east side Wildcat Canyon. Cave with waterseep containing 18 inches of stratified ash and flint chips.Site 29.?West side Wildcat Canyon, Yi mile south of Wildcat Spring. Rockshelter with pictographs in white, cream, and black.Site SO.?300 yards south of 29. Cave containing corrugated and plain sherds.Site 31.?Above site 30. Small cave walled up to form granary.Site 32.?100 feet south of site 30. Rock shelter with late sherds and flints.Site 33.?Yi iQile north of site 30, in draw on east side Wildcat Canyon. Rockshelter containing sherds and flints.Site 34.?West side of Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of Five Pines Canyon.Sherds and flints scattered over small knoll.Site 35.?Opposite Five Pines Canyon. One metate and flint chips.Site 36.?300 yards below site 35, west side of canyon. Occupied cave withflint chips.Site 37.?East side Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of Box Elder Canyon.Caves and rock shelters containing masonry walls, also circular stone and adobehouse (pi. 45, d). 284 BUREAU OF AMEMCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 Site 38.?West side of Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of site 37. Rockshelter containing charcoal and worked flints.Site 39.?Junction of Kitchen and Box Elder Canyons, a knoll covered withnine slab cists, traces of more cists, sherds.Site 40.?Yi mile south of site 39. Petroglyphs and pictographs in white.Site 41-?Kitchen Canyon, % mile north of Gidd's Canyon. Knoll coveredwith 13 or more slab cists and houses. Sherds collected.Site 42-?North side of mouth of Gidd's Canyon. Knoll covered with approxi-mately 13 slab cists and houses. Sherds and metate collected.Site 43.?North side of Gidd's Canyon, 250 yards from mouth. Flint work-shop on small hill.Site 44-?Hill, junction of Gidd's and Kitchen Canyons, south side mouthGidd's Canyon. Possibly cists; sherds.Site 45-?KnoU, Wildcat Canyon, east side, yi mile below Nephi Canyon,chipped flints, sherds, and metate.Site 46-?East side Wildcat Canyon, 300 yards below site 45. Sherds, workedflints, and muller fragment collected.Site 47-?Wildcat Canyon, yi mile south of site 46. Sherds and flints on smallhill.Site 48-?On sand knoll at junction of Wildcat and Kitchen Canyons. Severalcoursed masonry houses grouped around large circular depressions, possiblykivas. Also slab cists. Metates well worked. Sherds of late types.Site 49-?West side Kitchen Canyon, % mile above site 48. Sherds and slabcists.Site 50.?On small knoll opposite mouth of Kitchen Creek. Sherds, metate,and chipped flints.Site 61.?300 yards north of site 50. Nine slab cists, sherds, and chippedflints on knoll, 30 feet high, west side of Kitchen wash.Site 52.?On knoU 200 yards north of site 51. A cist, sherds, and chippedflints.Site 53.?West side of junction of Kitchen and Wildcat Canyons, on knoll 50feet high. Four rectangular masonry rooms form a semicircle around the northside of a circular depression, probably kiva. Also two slab cists, sherds, metates,and muUers, of late types.Site 54-?200 yards north of site 53. A slab cist and late type sherds. Prob-ably is part of site 53.Site 55.?Yi mile north of site 54, Late types of sherds on knoU.Site 56.?300 yards above site 55. Small slab cist and plain sherds.Site 67.?Yi mile north of site 56. Sherds and chipped flints.Site 68.?Y mile north of site 56. Small cist, sherds, and metate fragment.Site 69.?East side Kitchen Canyon, 300 yards above Gidd's corral. Sherds,flints, and small slab cist.Site 60.?On knoll Yi mile south of Gidd's corral. Coursed masonry, rectangularhouse and slab cists or houses. Sherds and flints.Site 61.?Yi mile south of site 60. Slab cist and sherds.Site 62.?Small knoll south of Elmo's Spring. Sherds, flints, and metate.Site 63.? 1 mile south of site 62. Plain sherds and flints scattered on knoll.Site 64.?Yi mile west of Jenny's Clay Hole. Flint workshop and plain sherds.Site 66.?Yi mile south of site 64, east bank of Finn Little Canyon. Knollwith thousands of sherds, flints, and metates. No evidence of houses.Site 66.?Y2 mile northeast of Jenny's Clay Hole. Flint-chipping station.Sites 67-70.?Located on large flat 2Y2 miles east of Jenny's Clay Hole. Sherdsand flint-chipping sites cover the flat. ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY STEWARD 285 Site 71,?Yi mile northeast of Jenny's Clay Hole. KnoU about 30 feet highwith four slab cists and sherds (pi. 45, /).Site 72.?1)4 miles west of Jenny's Clay Hole facing Finn Little Canyon. Rec-tangular houses with coursed stone walls, grouped in semicircle on north side ofcircular depression.Site 73.?Yi mile southwest of site 72. Coursed stone-wall houses and slabcists. Late pottery types.Site 74-?Yi mile east of site 73. Two coursed stone houses.Site 75.?Yi Diile southeast of site 74. Two rectangular coursed stone housesand slab cist.Site 76.?300 yards southeast of site 75, or Yi mile from Finn Little Canyon.Five rectangular coursed stone houses grouped around semicircle. Late potterytypes.Site 77.?lYi miles southwest of site 76. Slab cists. Sherds: Plain, black-ou-white. No corrugated sherds.Site 78.? }4 mile east of site 76. Five coursed rectangular stone houses groupedaround circular depression. Late pottery types.Site 79.? Yz tuile southeast of site 76. Scattered sherds and worked flints.Site 80.? Yi Diile west of Finn Little Canyon. Three rectangular coursed stonehouses around circular depression. Late pottery types.Site 81.?300 yards north of site 80. Three rectangular coursed stone housesin semicircle on north side of circular depression. Also stone slab cist.Site 82.?East side Clark Canyon. Five rectangular coursed stone housesand slab cist.Site 83.?Yi iiiils southwest of site 82. Rectangular coursed stone houses andslab cist (pi. 45, h).Site 84-?200 yards east of site 83. Rectangular coursed stone house and cists.Site 85.?Yi iiiile northeast of site 84. Four rectangular coursed stone housesin semicircle on north side of circular depression.Site 86.?Y2 niile northwest of site 85. Five slab structures on knoll top.Site 87.? 1 mile west of site 86. Large rectangular slab structure on knoll top.Sherds: Plain, black-on-white.Site 88.?300 yards southwest of site 87. Scattered sherds and flints.Site 89.?Yi iiiile west of site 88. Small slab cist, sherds, and flints.Site 90.?At mouth of Neaf Springs Canyon. Two slab cists and plain sherds.Site 91.?Cave opposite Neaf Springs previously dug. Sherds, muUer, andcorncob found.Site 92.?Head of Neaf Springs Canyon. Scattered plain and black-on-whitesherds, metate, and muUer fragments.Site 93.? Yi Jtnile southeast of Neaf Springs on south side of canyon. Scatteredsherds and flint chips. Sherds and other evidence of occupation were scattered inthe general vicinity of Neaf Springs.Site 94-?On point above head of Seaman Canyon. Four rectangular coursedstone houses. Late pottery types.Site 95.?Head of Seaman Canyon. Rectangular coursed stone house. Latepottery types; flints.Site 96.?200 yards northeast of site 95. Rectangular structure of slabs, out-side of which was a coursed stone waU (pi. 45, e).Site 97.?150 yards northwest of site 96. A structure like that at site 96.Site 98.?}i mile northeast of site 97. Large rectangular stone house on knoll.Site 99.?% mile northwest of site 98. Scattered sherds, flints, metate, andmuller.Site too.? Yi mile north of site 98. One small slab cist, plain sherds, and flints. 286 BUREAU OF AMEElTCAN ETHNOLOGY [Buix. 128 Site 101.?J4 mile east of Johnson Lakes Canyon. Two slab cists, sherds, andflints.Site 102.?On small knoll \% miles east of Johnson Lakes Canyon, 4J^ milesnorth of Flood Canyon. Slab cist, sherds, and flints.Site 103.?North edge of Flood Canyon, }{ mile south of site 102. Slab cist,sherds, and flints.Sites 104--107.?On north rim of Flood Canyon. Scattered sherds and flintsand probably several house ruins.Site 108.?}4 mile north of site 107. Two slab cists. Sherds: Plain and blackson-white. Worked flints.Site 109.?On knoll west of upper end of Flood Canyon. Three slab cists,sherds, flints, and metate.Site 110.?Ys mile northwest of site 109. Traces of ruins on large flat knoU.Late pottery types.Site 111.?1 mile up Long Canyon. Cave containing two masonry wall housesand pictographs in blue-green, purple, and red. Also sherds and flints.Site 112.?On flat between Finn Little Canyon and Clark Canyon. Scatteredplain and black-on-white sherds and flints.Site 113.?At junction of Long and Johnson Canyons. Three circular slaband adobe houses 8 feet in diameter each. Previously excavated. Sherds.Site 114-?Knoll with two masonry rooms and cave, 200 yards above junctionof Flood and Johnson Canyons. Sherds.Site 115.?In Dairy Canyon, north side on sandy knoll 50 feet high, % milewest of Alvin Judd's ranch. Traces of coursed stone walls and slab cist containingburial. Flints and sherds scattered about.Site 116.?At Alvin Judd's ranch, Johnson Canyon. Rectangular masonryhouses, cists and slab-lined kiva (?). The kiva was partly excavated.Site 117.?Petroglyphs of zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures on wall inJames Bunting's corral on east side of Johnson Canyon J4 mile north of LongCanyon (pis. 46, 47).Site 118.?Knoll Y^ mile south of Neaf Hamblin's ranch. Slab cists.Site 119.?Y mile east of Neaf Hamblin's ranch. Several coursed stone housesand slab cists. Traces of two flexed burials. Sherds, flints, and metate fragments.Site 120.?North side Dairy Canyon, sandy knoll 1,000 feet west of site 115.Slab cist, sherds, and flints.Site 121.?50 yards north of site 120. Dumbbell-shaped petroglyphs on ledge.Site 122.?Sandy knoll north side of Dairy Canyon, 1,000 feet west of site 121.Ruins of coursed stone masonry houses and refuse heap. Late pottery types,flints, and muUer fragments.Site 123.?Dairy Canyon, \Y% miles from Judd ranch at junction of north branchand main canyon. Coursed stone houses on sandy knoll. One bowl and twocorrugated pitchers found.Site 124.?Dairy Canyon Y mile southwest of site 123, north side of maincanyon. Slab cist, black-on-white sherds, and flints.Site J[;25.? Junction of upper forks of Dairy Canyon. Scattered sherds.Site 126.?South side Dairy Canyon 2 miles west of Judd ranch. Sherds, slabcist, and muUer.Site 127.?South side Dairy Canyon 1 mile west of Judd ranch. MuUerfragments.Site 128.?On bluff north side of mouth of Joel's Canyon. Petroglyphs on ledge.Site 129.?North side mouth of Joel's Canyon, bluft' overlooking Johnson'sCanyon. Traces of stone and adobe walls and sherds.Site ISO.?North side of mouth of Oak Creek. Zoomorphic, anthropomorphic,and geometric petroglyphs on wall (pi. 48). Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 287 Site 131.?Rock shelter just above site 130. Remnants of masonry walls anddisturbed burials. Sherds: Plain, corrugated, black-on-white. Geometric petro-glyphs.Site 132.?North side Oak Canyon J^ mile from site 131. Cave with masonrywalls and geometric petroglyphs inside.Site 133.?South side mouth Oak Canyon. Geometric petroglyphs on ledge.Site 134.? Vi mile south of site 133. Sandy knoll inside canyon with scatteredsherds.Site 135.?Sandy knoll south side junction of Oak and Johnson Canyons.Scattered sherds.Site 136.?Sandy knoll north side of junction of Oak and Johnson Canyons.Scattered sherds.Site 137.?On knoll ^4 mile east of Johnson Canyon opposite mouth of DairyCanyon, north side of Joel's Canyon. Masonry-wall traces and slab cists.Site 1 38.?Hillside north of Joel's Canyon. Remnants of three coursed masonryhouses.Site 139.?Rock shelter east side Johnson Canyon north of mouth of Joel'sCanyon. Sherds and debris.Site 140.?On flats between head of Clark Canyon and Finn Little Canyon.Slab cist and plain sherds.Site 141-? }i mile northwest of site 112 on flats. Scattered sherds and flints.Site 142.?Cave with traces of masonry walls. Near mouth of Dairy Canyon,north side. Sherds.Summary.?Sites were found throughout the entire region explored,but increased in number toward Johnson Canyon, that is, in the betterwater locaUties. Evidence of several periods is clear. These periodsare roughly comparable to the Basket Maker II, III, and Pueblo Iand II periods of the San Juan drainage. Basket Maker II sites,however, are extremely rare. Sherds of unbaked clay found in site 2may indicate Basket Maker II. Absence of pottery at slab houses iscertainly no proof of Basket Maker II, for several masonry housesalso had no associated ceramics. Sites with a basically Basket MakerIII (Modified Basket Maker) culture are fairly common, especiallyin the western part of the region explored. Remains of this culturecomprise slab cists and larger slab structures which have been inter-preted as houses. The associated pottery is usually a plain ware,Paria Gray, and a Basket Maker stj;le of primitive black-on-gray,though later styles also occur at a few slab sites.Early Pueblo or transitional sites have structures with crudelycoursed stone walls erected over slab foundations. The pottery waresresemble those of the preceding period.The late period has a culture roughly like that of the San JuanPueblo II period, having rectangular coursed masonry structures andcorrugated and black-on-white pottery. Late sites are more nu-merous than those of the other periods, most of the sites in Kitchen,Wildcat, Finn Little, Johnson Lakes, and Johnson Canyons beingof this type. The typical site has several rectangular rooms (prob-ably houses) of coursed masonry forming a semicircle around the 288 BUREAU OF AMEEITCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 northern side of a circular depression which probably contains a kiva.Pottery types are Johnson corrugated, Tusayan black-on-white,Tusayan black-on-red, Tusayan red, Johnson gray-tan, and a smallamount of Tusayan polychrome.Late sites are generally on sandy knolls or other low eminences.Habitable caves frequently contain traces of late type masonry walls.Basket Maker and early Pueblo or transitional sites are often near thelate sites or are on canyon rims.Petroglyphs and pictographs are fairly numerous in the region andapparently date from all periods. They have styUstic featurespecuUar to the region.Depredations have left few sites of interest unharmed. Cavesespecially have been dug. Many sites, however, would repay carefulexcavation, particularly the late-period masonry rooms with associateddepressions, which have been little molested.Villages and Architectureslab structuresSlab structures occur alone at some sites but at others belong tovillages of rectangular masonry houses. As the pottery associatedwith the former is a black-on-gray and Paria gray, both distinctlyBasket Maker wares, most of these slab-structure sites clearly belongto a culture which in ceramics and architecture closely resembles theBasket Maker III of the San Juan. A survival of the use of suchstructures into later times, however, is demonstrated by such sites as41 and 42, where later wares, including corrugated pottery, are found.These sites are revealed by the tops of vertically set stone slabsprojecting above the ground surface. Although no excavation wasundertaken, the stones outline structures which, judging from a fewthat are partially eroded, were probably dug 2 or 3 feet deep. Small,circular cists associated with these were probably storage bins or firepits of some kind. Larger cists, ranging up to 7 and 8 feet in diameter,may, however, weU have been houses, for the grouping of half a dozenor more such structures in compact clusters must indicate smallcommunities. Similar structures in the Zion Park region which areslab-lined, side and bottom, seem to have been small domiciles (Weth-erill, 1934). The limited number and extremely small size of thesehouses, however, shows that such communities were probably familygroups or lineagesMost of these sites are in canyon bottoms, on sandy knolls whichrise 10 to 30 feet above the nearby wash. Such locations are neararable and well-drained land, but are by no means protected. Anthrop. Tap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 289The important data on the slab-structure sites are tabulated below.Field sketches of sites 39, 41, 42, 86, and 87 are reproduced in figures27 to 31. Table 1. ? Slab structures Site BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 Figure 27.?Sketch map of slab structures, site 39, Kitchen Canyon. Figure 28.?Slcetch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon. Anthrop. Tap. No. 181 UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARDADOBE WALL PIT LODGES 291Site 2, a cave (fig. 32, pis. 43, 44), contains three circular pit lodges.A (pis. 43, a; 44, a) is 10 feet 8 inches. B (pi. 43, 6) is 9 feet 6 inches,and C, 8 feet 6 inches in diameter. All are nearly identical in con- FiGURE 29.?Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon. Figure 30.?Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon. \ \I A JI ? '-^ ^tFigure 31.?Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon. struction. A was excavated: Pit, 3 feet deep, circular, paved withsandsone flagstones; pit edge lined with 12 to 14 vertical slabs each1 inch to 4 inches thick, 2 feet wide, 3 feet tall; floor and wall plas-tered with red adobe. Wall, averaging 8)^ inches wide, carried above 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 pit, consists of a few horizontal stones laid in much adobe; layers orcourses are 4 inches to 6 inches thick, each rounded on top; adobe inwall is reinforced with chopped grass and sticks or long fibers runninghorizontally; highest point now standing is 7 feet 3 inches abovefloor. Door: Southeastern side, bottom being about ground level;sides are rounded ends of wall; width, 3 feet 7 inches, slab underdoor stands 2 feet 1% inches above floor. No fireplace, but fire hadbeen in middle of floor. Unburned adobe limips with pole impres-sions suggest horizontal pole-and-adobe roof.An adjoining circular house, C, 8 feet 6 inches outside diameter,was built probably before A. Floor, 1 foot 1 1 inches below floor of A,Wall is similar to A, having a slab-lined base and small number ofstones in much adobe above. Door, east side, was 2 feet wide, with Figure 32.?Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon.A, B, C, Circular houses; D, rock with rubbed depressions; E, sandstone blacks, roughly outlining a circle.horizontal slab sill 4 feet 6 inches above floor, or 1 foot 6 inches aboveslabs. Walls of C, which was not completely excavated, did notshow above cave floor previous to excavation.These houses are probably of the period of the late Paria grayand Basket Maker black-on-gray pottery, although few sherds todate them were found. A Tusayan black-on-red pitcher (flg. 41)within 1 foot of the floor of house A, together with the beginnings ofmasonry in the upper walls suggests influence from Tusayan, Pueblo II,not yet fully implanted locally; in short, a transition to the localmasonry house period. It is by no means impossible, however, thatsome of the slab structures at the out-of-door sites described abovehad waUs like these, for such waUs are very perishable. Wetherill(1934) found some slab structures which had slab-lined floors andpossibly crude masonry walls, in the Zion National Park region.Were the site 2 houses subject to erosion, only a ring of slabs wouldremain. RECTANGULAR MASONRY HOUSESIn the latest building style masonry was used in rectangular,1-room houses. Foundations of walls show that rectangular sand- Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 293 stone blocks were carefully selected and laid in even courses. As arule each room stands alone, although but a few feet from its neighbor.Only rarely were two or more rooms joined end to end, a practicewhich, if consistently followed, would have saved the builders anappreciable amount of labor. Transitional sites or perpetuation ofslab lining in late houses was seen at sites 96 and 97 (pi. 45, e) wherevertically set slabs lined the inside of rectangular masonry wallrooms. No doubt excavation would have revealed this at other sites.The transition from slab to masonry houses was not abrupt.Several slab-house sites have corrugated and other late pottery types,showing that the full force of the Pueblo II influence emanatingfrom the Kayenta district was not effective at once. Masonry fol- / ^ -Si Figure 33.?Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures,site 48, Wildcat Canyon.lowed but did not immediately replace slab structures, e. g., site 60,figure 34. In fact, slab cists and possibly occasional slab housesbelong also to the lates^t, most fully developed masonry-house settle-ments. In one instance, site 115, a cist accompanying a masonryhouse contained a burial.There is nothing to indictae that, as in parts of the San Juan andin the Flagstaff region, these earliest masonry structures were pri-marily granaries. On the contrary, that they exceed the slab striite-tures in size points to their use as dwellings. If, as in the Flagstaffregion (Hargrave, 1930), the depression held a subterranean house, towhich the masonry rooms were accessory granaries, one must assvmie218558?41 20 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 a tremendous excess of storage space. It is impossible to believewith Wetherill (1934) that the absence of fireplaces in such rooms inthe Zion Park region proves them to have been granaries for theadjoining subterranean house. Clearly, the aggregate of rooms withaccompanying sites and kiva excavated by Smith in the Zion Parkregion (Smith, 1934) represents a village unit of the Johnson Canyontype, the living quarters being full-fledged Pueblo II style masonryhouses.The typical masonry-house village consists of three to half a dozenseparate rooms grouped so as to form a semicircle around the northernside of a circular depression, which undoubtedly contains a kiva (figs.33, 35, 36). Each of these conventional house groups must have helda definite social unit, which, judging by its size, could not have ex-ceeded a family or lineage of 20 or 30 people. Because the size ofthese settlements was very little greater than that of the BasketMaker slab-house settlements, the social development concurrent with Figure 34.?Sketch map of masonry house and slab structures, site 60, KitchenCanyon.the introduction of masonry is merely implied in a more definiteplanning of the village. There was, however, a denser populationfor there are more masonry than slab villages. Larger communitiesof the late San Juan Pueblo II and III types, though no doubt eco-logically possible, did not occur. Many of these independent aggre-gates were so close together?a few hundred yards apart?that tohave concentrated in larger communities would have entailed nopractical difficulties. The only amalgamation of two or more settle-ments is at site 48 (fig. 33), where nine rooms were arranged aroundtwo depressions. Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 295The following table siunmarizes the more important data concern-ing these sites. Capital letters represent rectangular masonry houses;small letters, slab structures. Measurements are in feet.m -31- a N\/> Site 7t .026-O N Site eo I S./e 81 SiteiZ FiGUKE 35.?Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites76, 80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons.Z. Q0? k? 18 ? *> FiGTJEB 36.?Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119,Johnson Lakes Canyon. 296 BUREIATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYTable 2. ? Data on house sites [Boll. 128 Site Rectan-gularmason-houses House dimensions Diameterdepres-sion Slabstruc-tures Diameter Bemarks 63 60 6172 73 747576 78 80 81 82 83 Fed Feet8X15-..8X7?..8X88X12....7X79X18?.8X10....6X6.....7X10....8HX12.8X12-...8X9-...8X12....12X27-. 22 18(?) 23 None. 8X9..-..7J4X10.8X21....8X8..... 7J^X9-8X8....9X10... 8X12-....8HX14..8X10.....9X17..-..7X97X88X99X11.-..7X13....8X10(?).8X12-...8X10....9X14-...7X11(?).7X88HX19..8X87HX9...8X21..-.8X912X26...9X12....8X88X88X98X10...-. 36 None... . NoneNone... 31 33 de(a None. None.(?)-..- None- None, None. None. None... Feet 2332H 5395HX6H483^63V2 64875 3H 47H PI. 45, 6 On knoll about 60 feet high be-tween junction Wildcat Canyonand Eatchen wash. Other cistsand flint workshop nearby. Fig. 33. On knoll about 55 feet high,west of Wildcat wash. Site 54,a cist, probably is part of this.On knoll. Slab house a seemsunder A, probably earlier? Ma-sonry house was probably sub-divided (fig. 34). Ji mile from site 60; may belongwith it.Room C probably subdivided. On knoU H mUe southwest of site72. No definite arrangement. On knoll H mile east of site 72.iOn knoll K mile southeast of site74.300 yards southeast of site 75; ^mile from Finn Little Canyonwash (fig. 35).On knoll.Arrangement like site 76 (fig. 35).Refuse to south.Room B is probably subdivided(fig. 35).300 yards from site 80. Room Bprobably subdivided (fig. 35).On knoll. Lacks usual semicircu-lar arrangement and depression(fig. 35).a mile from site 82. Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARDTable 2. ? Data on house sites?Continued 297 Site Rectan-gularmason-houses House dimensions Diameterdepres-sion Slabstruc-tures Diameter Remarks 8485 94 97 102114116 119 138 Feet8X88X10(7).8X8(7)..7X871^X13..8X810X12...8X9(7).9X10....8X26....(7)(?)4X5.3X4.8X22. 9X10....4X46JiX13..6X8(7)-.6X8(7)..6X8(7)..7HX8.-10X12...7X42....5X87X88(?)X16.(?)(7)(7)(7) FeetNone.. Feet 22 None. None... None.NoneNone.None., |alb_-....None, None. None. None. Nono- ?None. None. (?). 2H 200 yards east of site 83. Lacks semlcircolar arrangementand depression. Closelygrouped. Room long axes east-west.Room A probably subdivided.Probably 2 other rooms in ar-rangement like site 94.200 yards from site 95. Has verti-cal slab lining base of inside ofwall.150 yards from site 96. Construc-tion like site 96.1 house only.JA is circular. Only plain and1 black-on-white pottery.|Not typical arrangement. De-1 pression held drcular slab room.C probably subdivided into sev-eral rooms (fig. 36).{Rooms A and B, joined end to end.Lacks semicircular arrangements. It is probable that the depression of each house cluster contains akiva. Site 116 had such a depression on the southern side of a ran-dom group of at least 5 rectangular masonry houses, 4 small slab cistsand one small slab house (?). A small amount of excavation toascertain whether a structure were present in the depression revealeda circular room, approximately 16 feet in diameter, with a clay floor3 feet deep on the uphill side, 1 foot 10 inches deep on the downhill,the pit edge lined with vertical slabs. Excavation was not carriedfar enough to reveal interior features. The depression accompanyingSmith's masonry village at Shonesburg in the Zion Park region hada subterranean structure, possessing, however, most of the conven-tional features of a kiva (Smith, 1934): Slab-edged bench, ventilator, Site 48 Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UT.\?T ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 299PotteryThe pottery of the Johnson Canyon and Paria River region hasfew distinctive features or novel types. The majority of the waresare so similar to well-known wares that it would but add confusionto the already formidable list of Southwestern pottery types andobscure historical connections to coin new terms merely to distin-guish minor local variations. For example, that tempering is almostinvariably sand in this region that contains little but sandstone isnot surprising and does not seem sufficient reason to distinguish by anew name a ware that is identical, except for temper, with a warewhich is common elsewhere. New wares are named, therefore, onlywhen there is no previously known ware to which they can be assigned,and when the number of sherds is sufficiently great and their char-acteristics sufficiently weU defined to have significance. Scores ofsherds were not readily assignable to any of the wares listed below.Perhaps some are variants of these wares, perhaps some are new types.In the tabulation at the end of this paper, pottery has been enteredas E, early; T, transitional; L, late. Early wares are Basket Makerblack-on-gray and Paria gray. Transitional wares are probablySevier black-on-gray and perhaps North Creek black-on-gray. Latewares are Tusayan black-on-white, Tusayan black-on-red, Tusayanred, Tusayan polyclirome, Johnson gray-tan, and Johnson corrugated.Unbaked clay vessels.?Site 2 yielded 10 sherds (11728 and 11716)of unbaked clay. These are about three-eighths of an inch thick,tempered with cedar bark; some bear impressions of coiled basketryon their exteriors. Vandals had despoiled this site, destroying anystratification and removing any other specimens. Similar sherdswere found by Nusbaum (1922) in DuPont Cave, north of Kanab.Site 120 had a single unbaked, untempered rim sherd associated with alate, fired ware.Basket Maker black-on-gray.?Paste firm; excessive sand andoccasionally dark (igneous ?) temper which projects through bothsurfaces. Interior: Smoothed but not polished. Exterior: Rough,sometimes bearing fugitive red and frequently burned. Background:Brownish gray. Designs: Narrow lines, simple forms similar toSan Juan and Little Colorado Basket Maker black-on-gray (fig. 37) ; Shapes: Bowls. Type site, 2, near Potter's Ranch. Occurrence:Mainly in slab structures, associated with Paria gray.Sevier black-on-gray.?The absence of sufficient distinguishingminutiae to differentiate the ware of certain sites in this area from theblack-on-gray of western Utah, described elsewhere (Steward, 1936,pp. 13-16), makes it inadvisable to coin a new term. This ware,apparently limited to bowls, has black on unslipped gray bowl inte-riors, the bowls having roughly smoothed or corrugated exteriors. Itoccurs here at transitional and late sites. 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128North Creek black-on-gray.?This ware, named and described bySpencer (1934, p. 74), has a very limited occmrence in this region. Itis distinguished by a feldspar temper and a gray color and occurs atone or two sites that seem to be early.Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white.?The most common paintedware at late sites is clearly related to and no doubt derived fromTusayan black-on-white. Spencer's Virgin black-on-white (1934, p.75) appears to be essentially the same ware. It has sand temper,fairly dense paste, a white slip, usually decoration with broad lines,and sometimes corrugated exteriors of bowls. Forms: Bowls with (^} O/ a^!^67Figure 37.?Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray.indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. Numbers rims more frequently rounded or bevelled than square (fig. 42) ; a fewollas; only one ladle, which is of the bowl-and-handle type, fromsite 142, Designs: Broad lines, elements including straight lines,triangles, dots, dotted edges, and considerable diagonal hachure, likethe black-on-red designs. (See figures 38 and 39.) OccasionallyBasket Maker designs survive, even on corrugated bowls, site 41.Tusayan black-on-red.?This ware does not vary sufficiently fromthat of Tusayan to warrant a new name. Paste: Gray to brick color.Temper: Relatively little, mostly quartz with occasional small Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 301amount of sherd. Exterior: Smoothed, rarely sHpped and polished;sometimes has more or less fugitive red wash, probably applied beforefiring. Interior: Slip, which is more orange and less polished thanTusayan ware. Forms: Bowls, with rims like those of black-on-white(fig. 42) ; seed jars; ollas; pitchers. One pitcher (fig. 41), with designsmore like black-on-white designs. Designs: Predominately parallel Figure 38.?Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls.Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canj'on-Paria River region.hachure in rectilinear figures (fig. 40), which are of a thinner, lesspermanent black than on Tusayan ware. Spencer's Middleton black-on-red seems to differ from this mainly in consistent lack of slipand absence of sand temper (Spencer, 1934). Occurrence: At prac-tically all later sites, with Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white, corru-gated, etc., and masonry houses. 302 BUEEIAU OF AMERICAN EJTHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Tusayan red.?A ware like last, lacking designs (possibly sherdsare from undecorated portions of bowls).Tusayan polychrome.?This was probably made locally or nearbyas it usually has quartz rather than sherd temper, as in Arizona.Paste: Eed to gray. Inferior to Arizona ware, the red in designsbeing thick and somewhat fugitive. Designs on bowl interiors;exteriors have somewhat fugitive red slip (fig. 40).Paria gray.?Closely resembles Sevier desert and Great Salt Lake Figure 39.?Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowl, site 123, DairyCanyon. Figure 40.?Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychromebowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region.gray, to which it may be ancestral. Paste: Coarse, dark gray.Temper: Large quantities of quartz sand and some dark (igneous ?)particles. Thickness, averages five thirty-secondths of an inch tothree sixteenths of an inch. Interior, poorly smoothed. Exterior:Smoothed, sometimes almost polished. (This polish and lack ofdesigns, distinguish it from Basket Maker black-on-gray). Some-times has fugitive red. Forms: Mostly flaring-mouth ollas withcollars, like the Sevier and Great Salt Lake gray, which distinguishes Anthbop. Tap. No. 181 UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 303 Figure 41.?Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly's Nipple Canyon.Height, 5/^ inches.wimimi2 /3 2/ 25 &4 54 56 72 72 12 72 99 /02 1/9 t/9mmmI20 I20 /20 123 123 /23 /23 124 124 124 /26 125vfjiiiini25 72 72 72 72 12 94 //9 122 /23 123FiGTJBE 42.?Bowl rims. Upper two rows, Tusayan black-on-white. Bottomrow, Tusayan black-on-red. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-PariaRiver region. 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128the shapes from the later Johnson gray-tan (figs. 43, 44); two of thesehad mouths 7% inches and 8}^ inches in diameter; some deep bowlswith thin lips (fig. 45). Occurrence: A Basket Maker and perhaps Figure 43.?Rim sherds and handles of plain oUas. Paria gray: Sites 2, 3, 5,9, 10, 21, 37, and 87, Remainder are Johnson gray-tan. All from JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region. very early Pueblo ware, associated with Basket Maker black-on-gray,e. g., at sites 2, 3, 5, 51, 116. Type site: 2.Johnson gray-tan.?An extremely variable ware, somewhat likeJohnson corrugated but thicker, more variable ia temper often includ-ing sherds, and greater in color range, varying from gray to tan. Anthrop. Pap. NO. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 305 Interiors are smoothed, lacking horizontal striations of corrugatedware and rarely showing more than fine scratches. Temper roughensboth surfaces. Forms: OUas, including wide and small-mouth (fig. 43),the latter being characteristic. There is considerable variation in theseneck shapes (fig. 44), some approximating the Paria gray flaring-moutholla forms. Some bear small vertical handles, which are either per-forated lugs or a short strip with one end fixed, the other bent down(fig. 43). This belongs to the latest, masonry-house period.Johnson corrugated.?Paste gray or brownish gray to tan. Temper:Large amount of quartz sand; occasional trace of sherds. Interior:Smoothed and striated. Exterior: Variable; plain coils; coUs pinchedand tooled, i. e., stick punched ; alternating bands of pinched and plain;or partially obhterated. Occurs with Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-A A^ ^Figure 44.?Variations in rims of plain ollas. white at late masonry pueblo sites. Corrugated ware from ZionNational Park region associated with similar black-on-white wareand masonry houses is identical with this. Forms: Wide-mouth oUas,with rims slightly curved over to outside; some have short handleattached vertically under rim and turned down (fig. 46) ; or made ofthree interwoven strips of clay, site 65. A specimen in the Juddcollection at Kanab measured: Height, 12)^ inches; greatest diameter,12)^ inches; greatest circumference, 3 feet 9% inches; outside diameterof orifice, 5K inches; inside diameter of orifice, 4% inches. A fewsmaU pitchers. This belongs to the latest, masonry house period.Red-on-tan.?One sherd only (11907)* of this novel ware, site 142.Paste: Coarse, tan. Temper: Quartz.Incised ware.?Mr. Neaf Hamblin of Kanab has 3 similar potsfoimd by him in a grave a few miles southeast of Johnson Canyon.One of these, 11904, loaned the University of Utah, is totally unhkethe other wares found in the region, but closely resembles "Jemez * Numbers of specimens are those of the catalog of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Utah. [Bull. 128dUb BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYI'm5 9 2 37 37 37 37Figure 45.?Rim sherds of Paria gray bowls. Numbers indicate sites in JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region. ^S 123Figure 46.?a, 6, Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon, a, SJiinches tall. Corrugated oUa rim sherds. Numbers indicate sites in the John-son Canyon-Paria River district. ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARDincised" (Jeancon, 1923, pp. 54-57) or Potsuwi'i incised (Mera, 1932)of the upper Rio Grande, Pueblo IV period.Paste: Medium fine, rich brown. Finish: No sHp or poHsh butwell smoothed. Shape: Jar, 6% inches liigh; widest body diameter,8% inches; rim diameter, 5}^ inches; wall thickness, 6 to 8 mm.;slightly outcurving rim; steeply sloping shoulder; lower half, includingbottom, rounded; bottom drilled with hole in center, % of an inch indiameter. Decoration: Shoulder bears large triangles which alter-nately project up from turn of shoulder and hang down from underrim, each paralled hatched with fuie incised lines; crude punches orshallow pits, spaced ji inch apart, encircle the neck, just under the rim.The only conceivable interpretation of the presence of these jars inthe Johnson Canyon region is that they were left by a small groupwhich wandered far afield from its home in the upper Rio Grande.This, however, may be the ware mentioned by Judd (1926, p. 45).The following table gives the major kinds of pottery (not namedwares) occurring at different sites. Plain gray, for example, may beParia gray or Johnson gray-tan, the former usually occurring at earliersites, the latter at later ones. Percentages are given when the samplesare sufficiently large. At such sites, sherds were collected, as nearlyas is humanly possibly, at random.Table 3. ? Major kinds of pottery occurring at different sites 308 BUREAU OF AMEHICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128Table 3.? Anthrop. Pap. NO. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 309Table 3. ? Major kinds of pottery occurring at different sites?Continued 310 BUHEAU OF AMEHTGAN: ETHNOUOGY [Boll. 128A number of sherds were ground to circles, some but not all beingperforated in their centers with small holes. These are tabulatedon page 309, the measurements being in inches.SubsistenceDomesticated plants.?There is no evidence to prove that horticul-ture belonged to the earUest period as specimens of domesticated Figure 47.?Chipped sandstone "hoes." Numbers indicate sites in the JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region. The largest is 12 inches long.plants came only from caves which had been disturbed by previousdigging.Site 2 yielded 15 specimens of maize, complete ears ranging from1% inches to 5% inches in length and having usually 6 but sometimes4 or 5 double rows of kernels. Sites 18, 37, 98, 113, and 131 also hadsimilar maize. Anthkop. Fap. no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 311Site 2 also yielded three small, yellow, nondent kernels of maize, asquash stem, and fragments of squash or gourd, and a red bean. Site98 contained a brown bean (11874). '*Hoes."?Sites 10, 13, and 14 yielded several thin slabs of sand-stone heavily impregnated with iron. The edges were chipped and Figure 48.?Metates0, b, g, ft, i, m. Site 45; c, site 58; d, site 73; e, site 79; /, site 42; ], k, site 2; I, site 10; n, o, site 53; p, site 62.Johnsoa Canyon-Paria Biver region. notched (fig. 47), as if they had been hafted as hoe blades, althoughthere is no proof of this. A number were strewn in a meadow whichwould have made an excellent cornfield. Gillin (1938, fig. 25) founda somewhat comparable object in Nine Mile Canyon in northeasternUtah. 312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 12811770, site 14, iron sandstone; length, 12 inches; width, 8 inches in center,tapering to 6 inches at each end; thickness, % of an inch to Yi of an inch; notch cutin middle of each side, 1 inch deep, 2 inches wide; edges crudely chipped from bothsides to sharpness.11766, site 10, iron sandstone; probably broken; length, 6J^ inches; width, 6inches, tapering to one end; deep notches in opposite sides, 3 inches from smallend; thickness, % of an inch; edges partly chipped to sharpness.11765, site 10, iron sandstone; one end broken; length, 5}i inches; width, 4inches to 4^ inches; edge of end sharpened; remaining edges square; thickness,Ke of an inch; notches on opposite edges 2}% inches from small end.11768, site 13, iron sandstone; squarish; length, 5% inches; width, 5 inches;thickness, % of an inch to J^ of an inch; notches in middle opposite edges; edgesmostly chipped to sharpness.11769, site 13, fragment; iron sandstone; present length, Z% inches; width, 4J^inches; edges sharpened except left side and broken end; notches on oppositesides, 2 inches from unbroken end.11771, site 14, iron sandstone; circular, approximately 9J4 inches diameter;Jie of an inch thick; edges chipped to sharpness; traces of two notches in edgesopposite each other. /OS /// //9 //9 t27Figure 49.?Metates. Numbers indicate sites in the Johnson Canyon-PariaRiver region.Metates.?Metates were of two styles, both being of sandstone,rectangular and moderately thick. The earher type, A, generally hasan ovoid, basinlike grinding depression (figs. 48, c,/, fir, j, Z, n, o, p; 49).The later type, B, is better squared and finished and has a rectangulargrinding surface (figs. 48, a, 6, d, e, h, i, m; 49). Some chronologicaloverlapping of types is indicated, for example at site 45, where aspecimen of type A was associated with a large number of type B.Although deeply troughed metates of the Basket Maker type areknown from the Zion Park region (Smith, 1934), the only specimendefinitely of this type from our region is from site 142, which, judgingby the masonry walls, was late. Another specimen at site 119 may Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 313have been similar. Types A and B specimens bear slight resemblanceto the Basket Maker style in having a broad rim. But in thesespecimens the rim completely surrounds the grinding surface whereasin Basket Maker specimens the rim bounds it on only three sides.Flat metates, designed for a bin, like those of the later Pueblo cultures,were absent from the region.The metates illustrated in figures 48 and 49 are from field measure-ments and sketches. Difficulties of transportation prevented collec-tion of specimens.QjcitQiaia;3 3 Scji czd; 2S 25rjjS3 99iiaiDJO122 12492ai-! aiQ QJt26 127 Figure 50.?Mullers or manos and cross sections of same. Numbers indicatesites in the Johnson Canyon-Paria River region.MuUers.?Mullers, although extremely variable in shape and size,are usually between an oval and rectangle in outline. Those fromearly sites (fig. 50, sites 2, 3, 26, 92, 126, and 127) are smaller and moreoval, thus being suited to the smaller and more oval grinding surfaceon the metate. Those from later sites are larger and more rectan-gular (fig. 50, sites 25, 46, 53, 99, 119) in keeping with the more defi-nitely rectangular and flat depression on the metates. There is some 314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 overlapping of the types, however. Although most cross sections areoval, wear has often produced a wedge shape. Many are pecked onthe grinding surface as if they had been roughened from time to time.Some specimens are pecked on the side opposite that smoothed fromgrinding, as if this side were used for preliminary heavy grindingand smashing.Figure 50 illustrates specimens measured in the field as well as thosecollected.Projectile points.?Evidence of hunting is seen in petroglyphs aswell as in projectile points. Many of the former, discussed below, 4SFigure 51. 48 48 64 65 72 12 72 76 80-Projectile points of chipped flint. Numbers indicate sites in theJohnson Canyon-Paria River region.show clearly the bow and arrow. But as these can only be dated byinference, they have Uttle value in the present connection.Most projectile points are relatively small and are of flint, chert,jasper, and somewhat opalescent or translucent flint. Two types aredistinguishable on the basis of presence or absence of notching (fig. 51).Type A is notched from the corners of the base so as to leave a long,slender tang but no barbs. It varies from ^Ke of an inch to IK inchesin length. These occur more often at early sites. Only one specimen Anthbop.Pap.no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 315(11852), site 72, is side-notched like Basket Maker atlatl dart points.The later type B is a slender, triangular point with a concave baseand no notches. These range from Wis of an inch to over 1% inches inlength. Several points from site 72, however, have a slight tang withinthe concave base. This site is also of interest in that both types A andB were found here although architecturally and ceramically the siteis late. Site 64 also had both styles. Figure 52.?Knives, drills, and scrapers. Numbers indicate sites in the JohnsonCanyon-Paria River region. The largest is 3^ inches long.IndustriesAxes.?The only stone ax known from this region is in the Juddcollection at Kanab. It is crudely shaped of brown quartzite, 7inches long, 4 inches wide, 1% inches thick. In place of a groove, itbears shallow notches on opposite edges. One end is sharpened, theother rounded, bearing a shallow notch.Knives, drills, and scrapers.?Cutting implements are so variablethat it is impossible to define types and often even to distinguishknives from scrapers. Most of the specimens, however, appear to havebeen knives, ranging aroimd 2 inches in length. Some are triangular, 316 BUREiAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128some roughly oval, some have squared butts, and others are extremelyirregular, the shape not being consistent in any site. (See fig. 52.)A number of small, oval flints are probably scrapers. Only onescraper (11746) from site 2 is a fragment which is retouched from onesurface only, although this manner of chipping is very commonelsewhere.Several scrapers are mere irregular, unretouched flakes: 12048, 4from site 25; 12050, 2 from site 41 ; 12052, 1 from site 51. Of particularinterest is the large flake (11842, fig. 52) from site 72, which has severaldeep serrations or notches in the edge and shows great wear.Two specimens, 11842, from site 72 appear to be drills. One is1% inches long, ^^e of an inch wide at the butt with a slender, taperingpoint. The other is a slender point 1 inch long, %& of an inch wide.Bags.?The Judd collection at Kanab has a woven cotton bagfrom somewhere in the region. It contains seeds or leaves and whitepaint. There is also a fragment of cotton cloth.Baskets.?No basketry was found at any site visited during thesurvey, but the Judd collection contains a complete coiled basket.Although it is not possible to assign this to any period, it is importantin demonstrating the local occurrence of the usual Basket Maker-Pueblo technique. It is a flat bowl, 11 inches in diameter, 2% inchesdeep. Foundation: 2 rods and bundle of crushed yucca leaf. Coils:Noninterlocldng, 16 stitches per hnearinchor 80 stitches per squareinch.Also in the Judd collection is a twilled ring basket, 3K inches indiameter.Cordage.?Data concerning the few fragments of cordage aresummarized in table 5 below:Table 5, ? Data on fragments of cordage Site Antheop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 317The Judd collection in Kanab has a human-hair rope from thisvicinity. It is 3}2 feet long and consists of 16 strands, each two-ply andall twisted comiterclockwise. The end is formed by doubling thestrands back on themselves and tying them at the point of doublingwith a small cord.Textiles.?Although no textiles were found, a lump of clay, 11890,site 116, bears an impression (fig. 53) which may have been made by a -^f/-*^-*^ v^^Figure 53.?Textile impression in adobe. b InchesFigure 54.?Crescent ("sickles") of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collectionat Kanab, Utah. Arrows indicate worn grooves. sandal bottom of the ornamented type common in the Basket MakerIII culture.Awh.?11721, site 2, is a fragment of a very stubby, blunt awl.The Judd collection contains three awls tied in buckskin.Horn crescents.?The Judd collection contains five flat, crescenticobjects made of mountain-sheep horn (fig. 54). These resemble so-called sickles from certain Basket Maker sites and might be inter- 318 BUREAU OF AMEMCAN ETHNOLOGY [BCLL. 128preted as sickles were it not for small, worn grooves on the inneredges which look as if cords had been drawn repeatedly across them.These range from 8K inches to 9}^ inches, tip to tip. One has its smallend wrapped with cord. Another is perforated near the large end.Dippers.?The Judd collection has three wooden dippers of thebowl-and-handle variety (fig. 55), taken from "cists in sohd rock" Figure 55.?Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah.in a cave at the head of Dairy Canyon. The measurements of theseare: Bowl length, Bowl width. Bowl depth. Handle length,inchet inches inches inches6 5 2>^ 84Ji 4H 1>^ 8IH 1% % 5HHammerstone.?The only hammerstone collected was from site 123(11920), a fragment of water-worn quartzite pebble, about 2)i inchesin diameter, having one edge used slightly for pecking. a t b. Crystalline pendantFigure 56.?Two quartz objects.a, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria River region. Arrows Indicate facets.(11804) site 119, Johnson Lakes Canyon.MiscellaneousStone objects.?A sandstone slab (11739) from site 2 is approxi-mately 6 inches square, its smooth upper surface bearing a pastelshade of greenish-blue paint.An irregular quartzite lump (11744) from site 2 has several facetsproduced by rubbing (fig. 56). Antheop.Pap.no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 319A small sandstone slab (11730) from site 2 is covered with somesubstance, possibly resin.Site 123 had a fragment of miworked petrified wood (11917).Ornaments.?These included a half Olivella shell bored with a smallhole (11720) from site 2 and an excellently trimmed and poUshedpendant fragment of semitranslucent crystalline stone (11894) (fig.56) from the burial at site 119. The latter is 1% inches wide, J^-inchthick.Animal remains.?Site 2 yielded several turkey feathers (11731,11741) and site 4 several turkey (?) bones (11758).Site 131 had a bundle of 45 hawk feathers, 12 inches long (11900),their butts boimd together by a small, two-ply fiber cord wrappedsix times around them. Skeletal MaterialThe only skeletal material came from two partially exposed burialsat site 119, which is of the latest period ceramically and architecturally.It is noteworthy that these are distinctly Basket Maker rather thanPueblo in type. Both skulls are adults, long and undeformed. Onehas a cephahc index of approximately 70, which may, however, havebeen deformed in the soil. It has high orbits, an occipital bulgeand something of a ridge where the parietals join.PetroglyphsSite 1.?A group of petroglyphs on the north side of the mouth of Molly'sNipple Canyon. I'igure 57, a, group 3J4 feet wide; h, 24 inches tall; c, 12 incheslong; d, group 10 feet wide; e, 6 inches tall; e, group 4}^ feet wide.Site 4.?Petroglyphs on wall of masonry chflf house. Figure 57, /; peckedgroup 22 inches wide.Site 7.?Figure 58, white pictographs in rock shelter: a, 7 inches wide; 6, 4}4inches wide; c, 13 inches taU; d, group 18 inches wide; o, petroglyph 10 feet long.Site 29.?Figure 58, pictographs in white and black, in small cave or rock shelter:c, /, white-on-black; g, creamy white, 12 inches across; h, 12 inches across; i, j,black; A;,Z, paper white group, 2J4 feet across; m, creamy white group, 2)4. feet across.Site 40.?Petroglyph 10 feet 8 inches long, on rock on floor of canyon; verysimilar to that at site 7. In addition, pictographs in white include zig-zags andrectilinear figures somewhat resembling pottery designs.Site 111.?Figure 59, a, pictographs in Long Canyon in blue-green (plain),purple (shaded upward to left), and red (shaded upward to right) in cave asso-ciated with masonry rooms; b-j, petroglyphs. Figure 60, a~f, also petroglyphs.Site 117.?Figure 61, petroglyphs on cliff in James Bunting's corral: o, group,3 feet tall, pecked and rubbed smooth; c, apparently more recent than last, dullgray on faded black, 24 inches tall; d, like last, 12 inches tall; e, pecked 10 inchestall; /, incised group, double ended figure 13 inches tall; g, h, parts of same groupof petroglyphs about 6 feet across. Plates 46, 47, large group of petroglyphs with last.Site 121.?A group of four petroglyphs, dumbbell shape, each 18 inches long,6 inches wide; also two spirals.Site ISO.?Petroglyphs stretching 100 feet or more along cliff on north side ofmouth of Oak Canyon. Figure 62, portion of the group. Figure 63, o, group8 feet across. Plate 48, continuous group, left to right. 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 Site 1S2.?Small group of petroglyphs, 24 inches wide, on wall inside masonrycliflf house (fig. 63, 6).Site 1S3.?Figure 63, c-/, petroglyphs pecked on cliflFs on south side of themouth of Oak Canyon. Being 10 feet from the ground, they could have beenreached only if the artist stood on something; but there were no signs of houses L fFigure 57.?Petroglyphs, a-e, site 1, and /, site 4, Molly's Nipple Canyon.below them, c, 3J4 feet wide, incised 1 inch deep; d, incised, 24 inches across; c,like last, 18 inches tall;/, 9 inches square.Site 141-?Figure 63, g-k, petroglyphs.The petroglyphs in this area resemble those throughout westernAmerica in possessing certain common elements (Steward, 1929):Spirals (especially site 117, pi. 47; site 111, fig. 60; site 1, fig. 57, d;site 29, fig. 58, k), concentric circles (site 117, pi. 47; site 130, pi. 48; ANTHBOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 321 site 1, fig. 57, d), "sun disks" (site 130, pi. 48, fig. 63), wavy and zigzaglines (especially site 117, pi. 47; site 130, pi. 48; and elsewhere). ^m ^irr^^fm m Figure 58.?Pictographs, a-d, o, site 7, Molly's Nipple Canyon, and e-m, site 29,Wildcat Canyon,The most common realistic picture is a square-shouldered, anthropo-morphic figure, derived from a simple style which started in Basket 322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLi.. 128Maker II times.^ Sever^al variations of this were at site 1 (fig. 57)and site 117 (fig. 61). A peculiar, probably local, style at each ofthese sites is a "double-ended" figure with a head at the top and Figure 59.?Pictographs and petrolgyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon.bottom (fig. 57, b, d, e; fig. 61, /). Other forms derived from thesquare-shouldered figure occur at site 7 (fig. 58), site 111 (fig. 60),site 130 (pi. 47), and site 130 (figs. 62, 63; pi. 48). Although most of > For example, in Dupont Cave, Kane County, Utah. Antheop.Pap.no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 323these appear to be Basket Maker drawings, their association at site130 with representations of the bow place them as Pueblo. Specialattention should be called to the hunchback flute player at site 130(fig. 63, a). Of particular interest are the hunting scenes depicting useof the bow at site 130 (pi. 48), and site 141 (fig. 63, h, k). Severalpeculiar, highly conventionalized anthropomorphic pictographs wereat site 111 (fig. 59, a).Several animal species in varying styles are distinguishable withreasonable certainty: Mountain sheep (site 1, fig. 57; site 7, fig. 58, a;site 111, fig. 59, d (?), e (?),/ (?), i (?); site 117, pi. 47; site 130, pi. 48;and site 141, fig. 63, h); possibly some antelope; deer or other antleredquadrupeds (site 1, fig. 57, c; site 111, fig. 60, a, e; site 117, pis. 46, 47;site 130, fig. 62, a; pi. 48); a bison (site 117, pi. 46); various other @ ^ tFigure 60.?Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon.quadrupeds; a centipede (site 130, pi. 48). Snakes may be repre-sented at several sites.Human or bear footprints appear at site 1 (fig. 57, d) site 117 (pi.47), and site 130, (fig. 62, h, pi. 48). Site 130 (pi. 48), has a humanhand. Site 111 (fig. 60,/), site 117 (fig. 61, g), and site 130 (fig. 63, a)have bird tracks.Several sites had geometric designs which appear to have^l)een de-rived from pottery ornamentation, especially site 29 (fig. 58, e-m; alsosite 130 (pi. 48).PART 2. GLEN CANYON OF THE COLORADO RIVERGlen Canyon comprises the 170 miles of tortuous Colorado rivergorge which lies between the mouth of the Fremont (Dirty Devil)River in Utah and Lee's Ferry, Ariz. Although the river is relatively 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128calm through this stretch, and lacks such rapids as make CataractCanyon above and Marble Canyon below dangerous to travel, thegorge is narrow and sheer cliffs rise out of the water for stretches ofmiles leaving few sites which were suitable for aboriginal occupationor which could have been reached without adequate boatsi Thegorge walls rise several hundred feet to a rolling sandstone plateau r^^*^ * i) % s7^ ' ? ' ' I '/ \ I ? f .III. Figure 61.?Petroglyphs, site 117, Johnson Canyon.which is so dissected with deep, narrow canyons that it is almost im-possible to traverse it. The side canyons entering the upper 15 or 20miles of Glen Canyon are fairly broad and contain a relative abund-ance of Pueblo sites, but below this they come in as box canyons whichare flooded and filled with quicksand during high water in the Colo-rado, and which are too narrow through several miles of their lowerreaches to have permitted any kind of settlement. Undoubtedly ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 325these have many sites where they broaden out some miles back fromthe river, but in most instances it proved impossible to explore them.The trip required 23 days, July 1 to July 23, 1932, 19 days of whichwere spent on the river. July was chosen, as by that time the waterin the Colorado River had passed its height and was said to be best fornavigation. The party went via Torrey to the Trachyte ranch at the ^ 0) Figure 62.?Petroglyphs, site 130, Oak Canyon. eastern foot of the Henry Mountains by automobile. From here itwas transported the remaining 30 miles down North wash to the riverby wagon. Two portable canvas boats proved entirely adequate forriver transportation. As the current averaged about 5 miles an hour,only 2 or 3 hours' travel each day covered the necessary distance. 326 BURIEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 128 > ^+ + if' ^T ^^'"'ii ^9 i;i^^ rLn / / dnfWAIf ffly t?^ Figure 63.?Petroglyphs: a, Site 130; b, site 132; c-/, site 133, Oak Canyon;and g-k, site 141, near Clark Canyon. Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 327 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BnLL. 128Sites VisitedIn North wash, about 10 miles below the wagon road, are a few rockshelters containing traces of occupation in the form of pottery sherdsand charcoal but no house remains.Among the sherds collected, 11996, was one corrugated. Two werebowl sherds, unpolished and unpainted. The remainder were prob-ably from ollas, made of a medium fine paste containing a dark,igneous temper?probably a rock from the Henry Mountains. Theyare tan in color, and smooth, but unpoUshed. A few sherds are. Figure 65.?Map of Glen Canyon, Colorado River.however, poUshed and these are a dark gray with a sUghtly crackledsurface, and greatly resemble the large ollas of western Utah. Thevessel forms are not known.From the same locality were: 11998, a fragment of a bone point,perhaps a blunt awl; 11997, fragments of three fhnt points made witha fair chipping technique; 11999, a number of large, very crudelychipped lumps of beautiful red and yellow streaked jasper. Some ofthe last may be rejects, others extremely crude scrapers.Site 1.?A large cave in North wash about 12 miles from the Colo-rado River, situated on the western side of the canyon, facing south- Anthbop.Pap.no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 329 east. Along the top of the talus which slopes up to the rear wall underthe cave's high arch is a series of 12 rooms built of crude masonry.These are either roughly circular or rectangular and in all cases thewalls are simply piled rocks. At several places are worn spots onrocks which look as though they might have been formed by grindingaxes.Specimens included only corncobs and animal bone fragments.Not a trace of pottery was found.On the cliff wall back of the first room is a large, elaborate kachina-like pictograph painted in red with white dots and beside it, a largequadruped (pi. 52, a). At other points are two pecked hornedquadrupeds and a small, squared-shouldered, phallic female (?).Below site 1 in North wash, the canyon affords little arable land andthere was a corresponding absence of sites. At the mouth of Northwash, however, were found small rock-shelters, which yielded a fewpotsherds like those found higher up in the canyon.A trip was made on foot to the mouth of the Fremont (Dirty Devil)River but no further traces of aboriginal occupation discovered.Site 2, White Canyon.?The party proceeded downstream to themouth of White Canyon which enters the Colorado River from theeast. Here are located the most extensive ruins in all of Glen Canyon.The conspicuous feature is a large house standing about 300 feetabove the river on the southern side of the tributary canyon (fig. 66,pi. 49, a). The house measures 22 feet 6 inches by 12 feet 6 inches,is of fair masonry, and must have had 2, possibly 3 stories, as the wallstill stands at one point 15 feet 9 inches high. At four points along thesouthern wall, 7 feet 6 inches above the ground, were holes throughwhich had passed the beams supporting the floor of the second story.The masonry is of carefully selected but untrimmed sandstone blockswhich are fairly rectangular and are well laid, some parts of the wallsbeing more or less coursed (pi. 49, e). Only small amounts of thecementing adobe remain. The average wall thickness is 1 foot 6inches to 1 foot 7 inches, but this decreases to 1 foot 3 inches a shortdistance above the second floor.The house is built on a narrow ledge of flat sandstone which dropsaway more or less sharply on each side, especially on the river side.That protection was a consideration in choosing this spot is shown bythe wall which runs out from the eastern side of the house to the cliffedge. This was 18 inches thick, and although it is now mostly inruins, it must have served to block thoroughfare along that side ofthe ridge. The other side, which is narrower with a steeper drop-offdown the cliff, could have been defended from the house.Just under the cliff edge on the eastern side is a small room tuckedaway under the cliff. 330 BUEIEIAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128As the house is built on solid rock which could not possibly havebeen excavated for a kiva, it is probable that the circular enclosure at V?NTHATOR COlO/f/lOO20O yos. Figure 66.?Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon.the end of the ledge, 45 feet north of the house and built on a ledgeslightly below it, served as kiva. The wall, 16] inches thick, built Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 331 against the cliff, forms three-quarters of a circle. Its highest point isnow 6 feet. A cleft in the southern side of the wall, one side beingneatly squared, may be the remnant of the door. On the eastern side,12 inches above the floor, is a square opening in the wall 12 inches highand 8 inches wide, which was no doubt a ventilator.Slightly below the cliff edge of the western side is a foot or more ofrefuse.Apparently this house was the center of a fairly large community,for just below it to the south and across the canyon to the north is aLLJ a / FiGtrRE 67.?House structures.0, Plan ofruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon; b-j, houses on the northern cliS of White Canyon, site 2; h, house 2;c, house 6; d, houses 3 and 4; e, house 1; /, house 7. series of cliff rooms. Although the latter may, and in some casesvery Ukely do, antedate the large house, it is probable that in thelater days of the community the large house was erected as a placeof refuge.Room 1, on the northern side of the canyon, is built between thecliff and a large boulder 11 feet out from it. Masonry walls enclosedthe openings, but a door 18 inches wide is left on the eastern side(fig. 67, e). On the back wall of the room are two round-bodied,kachinalike petroglyphs faintly pecked. One of these is shown infigure 72, e. 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Structure 2, like the last, is built under an overhanging ledge. Thewalls, 15 inches thick, of rather poor masonry, enclose two rooms,one about 13 feet by 6 feet 6 inches, the other, east of this, 8 by 9feet. At the base of the partition between the two and against thecliff is an opening 19 by 24 inches. There also seems to have been adoorway between the two rooms at the outer end of this partition,and another leading outside from the outer wall of the eastern room(fig. 67, b). Room 2 is 50 feet east of room 1.Structure 3, 150 yards east of last, is enclosed by walls 18 inchesthick. There seem to have been two rooms, one about 8 by 16 feet,the other about 8 by 12 feet (fig. 67, cO-Structure 4 is a platform of masonry orming a semicircle against thecliff, about 8 feet long and 6 feet deefp, and built 5 feet above theledge.Room 5 is just east of the last and is a small, circular granary, 6feet in diameter and 3 feet 4 inches high, built in under a ledge (fig.67, c).Room 6 is a natural cave in a large crevice finished into a room bythe addition of a few feet of masonry wall. It is 30 feet deep andaverages 8 feet in width.Structure 7, 50 yards east of the last, has an outer wall 10 to 14 inchesthick parallel to the cliff, behind which are three rooms, the westernone very irregular but approximately 5 by 10 feet, the next 3 by 8feet, the eastern one 5 by 16 feet. Most of the outer wall had reachedup to the ledge or roof above, but has now fallen. Between the firstand second rooms is a passage 18 inches wide with a slab, 6 inches thick,as sill.Other rooms had contuiued on east of the last, but the ledge, whichis several hundred feet above the valley, had partially fallen away,leaving them inaccessible.On the southern side of the canyon, just south of the large housesand under a ledge overlooking the Colorado River, are several morecliff rooms. The ledge on which they stand has, in several places,been built and levelled up with masonry. The walls seem not tohave continued to the roof, but to have enclosed certaui areas. Doors,however, lead from one to another (fig. 68; pi. 49, 6).Pidographs and petroglyphs.?A characteristic of the NorthernPeripheral culture is a remarkable elaboration of anthropomorphicpetroglyphs and pictographs. Probably originating in the square-shouldered and comparatively simple Southwestern Basket Makerpictographs, these attained greatest development in northeasternUtah where facial features and ornaments of both head and bodyare represented in detail. Site 2 at White Canyon is one of thesouthernmost localities where this style occurs. The White Canyonfigures, though differing in some details from many to the north. Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 333 fall into this general class and are especially related to those on themiddle Fremont River (Morss, 1931) and at Moab, farther up theColorado River.Along the northern side of White Canyon, between and above thecliff houses, there is a series of round-bodied, anthropomorphic petro-glyphs havmg decorated bodies (figs. 72, 73, a; pi. 52, e). These aremainly pecked, some of the finer lines, however, being incised orrubbed. Other comparable circles which, however, are less clearlyparts of anthropomorphic figures, are pecked on the rocks near thelarge ruins (fig. 75, e). In this group, the anthropomorphic figure wasplaced over the circle on the left which in turn was over the parallellines with the dots between. Two groups (figs. 73, c. and 74,/) showconcentric circles and the last also has a circle containing zigzag Ol^?/f///i^A/G/fl/G /fOCAf ?DG? /o peerFigure 68.?Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon.decoration. Other circles are painted. Plate 52, d, shows two compli-cated circles paiuted white. Where the paint has eroded from thaton the left, rubbed lines appear, though this may be a recent bit ofvandaUsm. Rubbed triangles appear above both figm-es. A redhandprint appears in the center of each circle and two other red hand-prints, not shown in the plate, are on the cliff to the right. A circlemade up of red, white, and yellow-buff lines appears in figure 75, c.All of these circles are approximately 3 feet in diameter.Although no weapons are clearly depicted in association with thesefigures, the writer hazards the guess that they represent shields. Twoornamented, rawhide shields were found on the Fremont River wheresomewhat similar circular petroglyphs appear to represent shields(Morss, 1931). Figure 76 shows several circles on the cliffs at Moabwhich no doubt belong to the same class of objects. 334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bdll. 128Another type of anthropomorphic figure is square-shouldered and,though less elaborate than those to the north, clearly of the samegeneral style. The central figure in figure 73, h, even has "tearstreaks," a device common in the Uintah Basin. Those in figures 73,c, and 75, d, e, are of this style. The three figures in figure 75, a, h, arepainted in white and yeUow-buff. That in plate 52, h, has the samecolors.In addition to these anthropomorphic figures, several are of thecomplex curvilinear style common in the Great Basin. Two largegroups of such petroglyphs are shown in figure 74, a, e. Although thereis no proof whatever that the anthropomorphic and curvilinear styleswere contemporary, it is probable that in western Utah and Nevadathe latter, despite its great stylistic difference, was somewhat stimu-lated by the former. SmaU anthropomorphic figures, like those infigure 77, on the cliff near the bridge at Moab, occur in Idaho andNevada beyond the Pueblo area in frequent association with the curvi-linear style, and yet seem related to the Northern Peripheral anthro-pomorphs. It is possible, of course, that chronological differences areinvolved in these styles of anthropomorphs.Plate 52, c, is a petroglyph, probably made by the Ute or Navaho,to represent a horse.Specimensfrom site 2.?Pottery from the northern side of the canyon,11987, comprises ware which is definitely Mesa Verde in general styleand appears to be Pueblo II or early Pueblo III. Corrugated sherdsare from large oUas of the San Juan types. Their paste is coarse,quartz tempered, and the coiling rather crude. Coils run 3 to 7 perinch. Eighty-five percent of the corrugated sherds have the coils "crinkled" or pinched at intervals. Some alternate several plain andseveral crinkled to give a banded effect. For 1 to 2 inches under therim, the exterior is smoothed. The painted ware has a much finerpaste and temper. Bowls have a plain grayish exterior, showing hori-zontal striations from the smoothing implement. Their interiors havea slip which is slightly grayish white, sometimes crackled, on which arepainted designs in black which are Mesa Verde in style. Bowl rimsare generally squared, the lip sHghtly projecting on the outside.Both oUas and bowls average 5 millimeters in thickness. Sherds frompainted ollas and jars are like the bowl sherds, but the black design isusually painted on the polished surface which lacks a slip ; sometimes,however, a white slip is present. Four sherds have deep, rich redexteriors; one is black-on-red.The pottery from aroimd the large ruin, 11989, is much like thelast. Corrugated ware is slightly better made, somewhat darker,and a little thicker?7 millimeters. Ninety-eight percent of the 48corrugated sherds are crinkled. Clay and temper in bowls alsoresemble 11987. The interiors have a slip which varies from paper ANTHHOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 335 white to dark gray, like the ware of western Utah, Designs are ina good, solid black with good brushwork, and resemble Mesa Verdeware. A few are Kayenta style. Fine, parallel Hnes comprise a largeportion of the designs. Twelve of fifteen rim sherds have one to fivehorizontal lines under the rim. Other forms include black and whiteollas and ladles with solid handles.Artifacts of chipped flint are very crude. 11988 is a roughly shapedblade having a more or less diamond-shaped cross section, 2}^ incheslong, 1}^ inches thick, % of an inch wide, of red jasper. 11944, fromthe large house, is a similar point, 2% inches long, 1% inches wide,% of an inch thick, having both ends somewhat rounded. These arecommon in Glen Canyon and are certainly not projectile points,11991 is a crudely chipped "pick" of white flint, 3% inches long.Three small corn cobs were found at the large house, 11995. Twohad ten rows of kernels and were Zji and 2% inches long; the thirdhad 12 rows of kernels.The presence of this village, site 2, is probably to be explained bythe several miles of arable land along the river shore and the thorough-fare to the central parts of San Juan County provided by WhiteCanyon.Site 3, Trachyte Creek.?Trachyte Creek empties into the ColoradoRiver from the west, about 1 mile below White Canyon. Longstretches of tillable land made possible a village, the main ruin ofwhich stands about 100 feet above the river and about 200 yardssouth of Trachyte creek. It had two main rooms, the western onemeasuring about 9K by 10 feet inside, the other 9K by 12 feet (figure67, a). In front of, i. e., south, of these were possibly two other rooms,but all of the waUs are entirely crumbled. It may in part have beentwo stories. Just south of the ruins is a circular depression about30 feet in diameter which may have been a kiva or plaza.SpecimensJrom site 3 . ?Pottery, 11979, included a corrugated waremuch like that at site 2, having a coarse, quartz temper and varyingin color from gray to tan. The black-on-white ware was temperedwith both chalcedony and a dark, volcanic rock. The clay is gener-ally gray, but 11979-3 is two sherds of red clay. The interior slipon bowls varies from white to gray. Bowls are 4 to 5 millimetersthick. The black designs are slightly inferior in quality of color andbrushwork. 11979-5 has the design in brown instead of black. (Aspecimen from near Blanding, San Juan County, has designs in boththis same shade of brown and in black, showing that the brown is notsimply a faded black.)Other ware includes: 1 1979-1, having a red exterior and a chocolate-brown interior bearing red lines. 11979-2, 3, having plain exteriorsand unshpped but polished orange interiors, bearing faint red andblack lines. 11979-4, a bowl rim sherd, having a plain gray exterior 336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [B0ll.128showing a thin wash of brown and a plain gray interior bearingbrown lines.Stone work includes: 11981-1, a crudely triangular, unnotchedpoint, 1% inches long; base width, % of an inch. 11981-2, fragmentof a similar blade. 11981-3, a somewhat leaf-shaped point, 1% incheslong. All are gray flint, 11980, a red flint blade 1% incheslong, 1% inches wide, % of an inch thick. The base is somewhatstraight, possibly for hafting; the other end is worn diagonally,making a blunt surface ji of an inch wide; elsewhere the edge isretouched to sharpness.On the north side of Trachyte Canyon are several low rock sheltersfacing the river, under one of which was a masonry wall enclosing alow room about 8 feet in diameter. Nearby are several groups of //IIII OEPf>BSS/OfilI lo f=eerFigure 69.?Large ruin at Redd Canyon, site 4.petroglyphs, some suggesting an early?possibly Basket Maker ? style, others developed kachinalike anthropomorphs.Site 4, Redd Canyon ("Red Canyon" on most maps).?Extensiveflats along the Colorado at the mouth of Redd Canyon affordedpossibilities of horticulture. A large ruin stands overlooking theriver on the edge of a sHghtly higher plateau, about ji mile north ofRedd Creek (pi. 49, c, fig. 69). The main wing is 40 feet long, 15 feet6 inches wide, and runs east and west. It contained two, possiblythree rooms, and must have been two stories in height, for the north-west corner still stands 8 feet 1 inch high. The southern wing wasapparently added later. It is 12 feet in average width, and 36 feetlong, but only stood one story high as indicated by the smaller amount Anthrop. Tap. No. IS] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 337 of wall debris. Walls are 18 to 22 inches thick and of masonrysimilar to that in the large ruin, site 2,In the angle of the two wings is a circular depression 30 feet indiameter and 2}^ feet deep. Although a hastily dug exploratorytrench failed to reveal walls or other features of construction, a kivavery likely existed there.Under the ledge immediately below this ruin were several roomsbuilt against the chff, facing the river (pi. 51, a). There had beentwo, possibly three rooms, each two stories in height, for one wallstill stands 1 1 feet 2 inches high and has the remains of three beams(probably cottonwood, one of which was collected) of the secondfloor at a height of 5 feet 6 inches. These waUs are 18 to 24 inchesthick and of fair masonry.Specimens from site 4, large ruin.?Pottery, 11982, included: Acorrugated ware like that at site 2 but having a temper of coarsequartz, chalcedony, and a dark, igneous rock; painted bowls with aninterior slip varying from white to gray (a few had no sHp) and deco-rated with black designs like those at site 2, except for a few sherdswhich had heavy, black designs resembling Kayenta styles; sphericaloUas with short, recurving necks and black-on-white exterior decora-tion. Chipped flint included: 11984, the square butt of a whiteflint projectile point or knife.Specimens from site 4, cliff rooms.?Pottery, 11985, included: Acorrugated ware with paste like the last, but vessels which wereextremely well made, with very regular coils which overlapped inshingle fashion more than is common, and with alternating bands ofplain and crinkled coils, the crinkles being frequently exaggerated bypressing the depressions between them with the fingernail or a stickpoint (suggesting the "stick impressed" ware from Great Salt Lake);bowls of a fine paste tempered with chalcedony, bearing black interiordesigns on a finely crackled white slip or on a poHshed, unshppedgray. The designs are rather faint but in general resemble those atthe large ruin.Below Redd Canyon, the river canyon narrows. There are fewstretches of arable river bottom and many of these are renderedinaccessible by the sheer cliffs which rise out of the river above andbelow them. It is reasonable to suppose that the Pueblo and BasketMaker Indians did not have such means of river transportation as tobe able to reach them. No traces of aboriginal occupation could beobserved from the boat at those few places which would have beensuitable, although a cliff room reached by steps is reported from thevicinity of Bullfrog Creek which enters the Colorado 120 miles up-stream from Lee's Ferry and another is stated to be near the river,4 miles above HaU's Creek or just below the mouth of Bullfrog Creek.The greater part of a day was spent exploring the vicinity of HaU's 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128Creek (see site 10) but the deep gorges everywhere made it impossibleto cover much territory.Sites 5 to 9.?On the northwest bank of the river about 2 milesbelow Lake Canyon (HI nules above Lee's Ferry), where a few acresof tillable land parallel the river. Rolling sandstone domes, risingto 1,000 feet above the river, contain many caves, several of whichhave been occupied.Site 5.?In the largest of these caves, opposite the middle of a longisland. The only trace of occupation is a small levelled space withshowings of charcoal and ash. The butt of a large, chipped flintpoint, 11935, notched shghtly at the corners, was found here.Site 6.?A long cave, well up on the cliff, containing several ma-sonry structures. At its western end is granary A (pi. 49, c?), built ofa circular wall, 7 inches thick, which extends to the rock ceiling, 3feet 6 inches above the floor in front. It has a door, 1 foot 4 incheswide and 24 inches tall with a stone lintel and sill; the sides of thedoor are coated with plaster (fig. 70, c). The doorway was coveredwith a neatly trimmed, rectangular stone slab. The cave floor hasbeen levelled up by a retaining wall of crude masonry along the frontof the cave. Twenty-nine feet east of granary A is a circular roombuilt partly against the cliff, measuring inside 13 feet 4 inches acrossand 11 feet 6 inches from the cliff to the outside (fig. 70, a; pi. 50, c).This is semisubterranean although the walls in the front part extendedseveral feet above the surface of the ground. Exactly opposite thecliff wall at the base of the house wall, is a ventilating opening 12inches wide and 12 inches tall, the sides of which are formed of verti-cally set stone slabs (fig. 70, 6), across which are sticks supportinga horizontal stone slab (fig. 70, e). This room was undoubtedlya kiva. A space about 14 feet long by 11 feet wide adjoining thekiva on the east was enclosed by a circular waU made up partly ofstone slabs standing 3 feet 6 inches high and partly of masonry (pi.50, a). There seems to have been a door in this about 8 feet outfrom the cliff wall ; the remainder of the waU was made up of perpen-dicularly set slabs which have fallen. Twenty-two feet east of thisroom is a short wall running out 8 feet from the cliff, leaving a narrowpassage between it and the retaining wall which ends here. Ninetyfeet east of this passage (telescoped in fig. 70, a) at the easternend of the cave is granary B (pi. 50, b). It is semicircular, buUtagainst the cliff, and measures 4 by 6 feet. The door measures 18by 18 inches and is built like that of granary A, except that the stonelintel rests on a horizontal stick (fig. 70, d).Specimens from site 6.?Pottery, 11933, included: 5 corrugatedsherds ; 1 plain grey sherd having a fine paste and white (chalcedony ?)temper; 1 red sherd having black designs outlined by white. Com,11930, included: 5 cobs 2% to 4}^ inches long having 8, 10, 12, 14, and 16 Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH AROHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 339 rows of kernels in pairs. Stone work included: 2 flat metates (fig.71, a, b), each 11 inches long and 5 inches wide made of hard, coarsegray sandstone; 2 manos (fig. 71, c, d), each more or less rectangular inform and cross section, one being shghtly grooved down each side forfinger grips.Site 7.?A small cave directly below site 6, having a small rectangu- SLABST/CK Figure 70.?Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22,Rock Creek. a, Cliff rooms and kiva, site 6; b, ventilator In the kiva, site 6, near Lake Canyon; e, view from above ofconstruction of ventilator in kiva, site 6; c, door to granary A, site 6; d, door to granary B, site 6; /, ventilatorto kiva, site 22, Eock Creek, showing slab foundation to wall on right.lar room, 9 feet 6 inches by 6 feet, scooped out of the earth on itssteep floor. Ash beds occurred just under the floor surface.SpecimensJrom site 7.?Pottery, 11927, includes: Corrugated sherdsof a hght gray, tempered with fine, dark, igneous rock, 5 millimetersthick (one sherd is tan); bowl sherds of a fine reddish clay having afine, chalcedony temper, well pohshed but not shpped, 4 to 5 milli-meters thick, and painted with reddish brown designs. Stone 11928,includes: 4 very crudely chipped points hke 11994, ranging from1% inches to 2% inches in length, 1}^ inches to 1% inches in width,and one-half to three-quarters of an inch in thickness. They could 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 6 O. Q, y mM^^^^h' Figure 71.?Metates and manos or mullers, all drawn to same scale (o is 11 incheslong).0, 6, Metates, c, d, manos, site 6, near Lake Canyon; e, metate, /, muller, site 9, near Lake Canyon; g, metate,site II, near Escalante River; h, i, }, metates from site 22, near Rock Creek. The parallel hatched figuresare cross sections through the metates and mullers. ANTHROP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 341 not have been missile points and they show no wear as knives orscrapers, 11928 also includes 3 tips of what were probably arrowpoints and one rounded butt of an arrow (?) point.Site 8.?A cave K mile east of the last containing on its western sidetraces of a very crude slab house 15 feet in diameter. A test pitproduced one black-on-red sherd and a layer of grass at a depth of6 inches, under which were 6 inches of ash. In the eastern part of thecave on an inaccessible balcony 20 feet high, were walls of bothhorizontally laid stones and vertically set slabs. A corrugated sherdwas found just below this balcony.Site 9.?Another large cave a quarter mile east of the last, containingthe trace of a slab house. The pottery, 11936, is a curious ware ofvery fine, untempered, unbaked clay. Several sherds of the rim of asmall, well-made oUa with an orifice about 8 inches in diameter,were found here. The pot is too well made to have belonged to theearly, unfii'ed ware of the Southwest, and yet the clay and the factof being unfired makes it totally unlike any known pottery of theBasket Maker or Pueblo peoples. Near the slab house occm'red asherd of corrugated ware. Specimens of stone included: 11938, athick, crude, white flint point, 1% inches long, with an irregular,unnotched base; 11939, the concave base of a very well made, trian-gular flint point the total length of which must have been about 1}^inches. 11940 is the fragment of a small corncob. A metate(fig. 71, e), was near the house. It was 16 inches long, about 4 inchesthick, and had a slight concavity pecked out toward one end of thegrinding surface. A muller (fig. 71, /) was 8 inches long, 4 inchesbroad, and 3 inches thick, rectangular in cross section and had beenused on opposite faces for grinding. Both were of red sandstone.Site 10.?A small cave just below the mouth of Hall's Creek. Itcontained the remains of a flint workshop but no artifacts.Although caves are numerous along the river below these sites, fewwere accessible or near land which could have been farmed. Siteshad been reported in the vicinity of the Escalante River, but attemptsto explore this tributary were frustrated by a torrent brought downby a cloudburst.Site 11.?"Hole in the Rock," the site of the crossing of Mormonpioneers headed for San Juan County. A perfect "Utah type"metate (fig. 71, g), was observed here, but as no other traces ofaboriginal occupation were noted and as the location seems quiteunsuited for a puebloan people, it is possible that the pioneers whospent some time in this locality had transported the metate fromthe western part of the State.Site 12.?On the northern side of the river 2 miles below the mouthof the San Juan River. A huge cave contains traces of the walls ofthree circular houses, 12 to 18 feet in diameter, and two more or less218558?41 23 342 BUREAU OF AMEMCAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 rectangular houses, about 9 feet square, built partly of vertically setslabs tilting outward and partly of irregular shaped, roughly piledstones (pi. 50, d). A rough wall across the top of the ascent to thecave was undoubtedly for defense. Near the circular rooms arethree small storage bins built of both vertically set and horizontallylaid stone slabs chinked with mud. Bin A (pi. 50, /), is 2 feet 6inches in diameter, 16 inches high. It was built of horizontally laidstones on a large, flat rock, and was roofed with poles, straw, andadobe. Bin B (pi. 50, e), is rectangular, enclosed by four verticallyset slabs, measures 27 inches by 32 inches, and is 22 inches deep.Bin C is like B, measures 18 inches by 20 inches and is 18 inchesdeep. All three had evidently been looted in aboriginal times.Test pits in the houses and other parts of the cave yielded noartifacts except several basketry fragments, 11941. These are coiled,the foundation being flattened rods, one-sixteenth of an inch thickand one-eighth of an inch wide, and a small bundle. The coils arenoninterlocking but stitches are sometimes split. There are 6 rodsand 9 stitches per linear inch.Site 18.?On the western bank of the river, about J^ mile south ofthe last, at the base of the cliff just north of a small, unnamed canyon.Walls of crudely piled stones, 1 to 2 feet high, enclose six differentrooms.Specimens from site 13.?Pottery, 11945, includes: A corrugatedware of coarse clay; black-on-white bowls with typical Kayentadesigns, a sherd of which has the remnant of a handle; two sherds ofblack-on-red ware; one sherd black-on-unslipped white. Stone in-cludes: 11949, fragments of projectUe points includiag one with anotched base; 11943, an elongated pebble of greenstone probablyused as a whetstone; 11944, a "throwing stone" of a type commonon the Columbia river?a water-worn pebble, chipped so as to leaveone end smooth; 11942, a more or less oblong mano, bVi incheslong, 3K inches wide, 1% inches thick shaped by pecking and usedon opposite faces. 11948 is a corncob fragment.Site IJj..?This site, at the mouth of the first canyon entering theriver from the east below Oak Creek, yielded a few sherds, 11950,including: A light gray, thin (4 millimeters thick) corrugated wareand a thin, highly polished but unslipped black-on-white ware remi-niscent of Kayenta ware. 11951 is a thick, crudely chipped flintblade, 2^ inches long, like 11994.Site 15.?A small cave (pi. 51, d), on the west bank about 1 mUeabove Aztec Creek and about 20 feet up the cliff, containing a roughmasonry wall 4 feet high built to retain a levelled floor. Pottery,11952, found below this included: Four sherds of a coarse, sand-tempered, plain, gray ware; one black-on-white sherd; one handle of Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 343the semiloop variety used on Kayenta bowls. 11953 is the roundedbutt of a small flint point.Site 16.-?The site comprises several masonry structures in the cliffsat the mouth of Aztec Canyon (leading up to Kainbow NaturalBridge). Three of these are shown in plate 51, 6. That on the leftis 4 feet 6 inches wide and stands 5 feet 2 inches high. Apparentlya wall about 18 inches thick had been built on three sides of thisand then the core filled in with rock, though this could not be ascer-tained without tearing down the structure. The central block is 2feet 8 inches wide and stands 4 feet high. Six inches out from the cliffand 4 feet above the ground is a rectangular hole 7 inches wide and4 Laches high, running through the wall. The wall on the right is4 feet thick and the outer part stands 6 feet 3 inches. The outer4 feet 3 inches of this was apparently built as an isolated block andthen later connected with the cliff wall. A large, tumbled block ofmasonry is just to the right of the last. These four structures couldscarcely have been walls for rooms, but no other use can be suggested.West of these are three walls running out from the cliff, which probablyenclosed three rooms. Just east of them is a large cave, part of thefloor of which has been levelled off by building a crude masonryretaining wall. Fragments of what may have been a room evidentlyhave been rearranged by white men.Specimens had been pretty well removed from this site. Pottery,11954, included: One corrugated sherd; five sherds of a plain grayware with a coarse chalcedony and quartz temper; one black-on-redsherd with a finer paste.A mountain sheep (?) pecked between two of the large masonrystructures is one of the few petroglyphs encountered below site 4.Site 17.?On a small flat on the northern side of Aztec Creekabout iVi miles upstream from the river. Here are two slab cists(pi. 51, e, f), one 3 feet, the other 2 feet 6 inches in diameter. Thefirst is 2 feet, the second 14inches deep; both have floors of slabs.Only sand and charcoal were found in them.Siie 18.?In Aztec Canyon just below the mouth of "Bridge Creek"where three or four rooms on a ledge under an overhang are demarkedby low, very crude masonry walls. Artifacts comprise only one plain,gray pottery sherd and a few flint chips.Site 19.?In "Bridge Creek" canyon, K mile east of the last. Awall 2 to 3 feet high had been built up to obtain a level place on a nar-row ledge, about 5 feet wide and 15 feet long. Scarcely traceablestone walls divide off three rooms. Across the canyon are two moresimilar rooms.Site 20.?A small cave in a canyon north of Rainbow Bridge. Twocrude slab houses, about 12 feet in diameter, had been built against 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bcll. 128the cliff wall. No artifacts were found and the site had been badlydug by pot hunters.Aztec Canyon evidently had too little arable land to support apopulation of any size. The few sites there seem to have been hastilyerected and only temporarily inhabited.Site 21 .'?On the northern shore of the Colorado River about 2 milesbelow Klondike Bar. A cave contains a rough ring of stones, prob-ably a house, but no artifacts.From Aztec to Rock Creek there are no other signs of aboriginaloccupation except occasional flint chips.Site 22:?A cave on the western side of the river about y? milebelow Rock Creek at the base of the cliff. A semicircular stonewall built against the cUff makes a room 13 feet long and 9 feet deep.The top of the wall was flush with the ground although originally itprobably extended a foot or more higher. Excavation showed that theearliest floor to this room had been 5 feet deep, but that the structurehad fallen, the older wall material on the floor had been levelled and anew floor made 18 inches above the other. The base of the westernpart of the wall was of vertical slabs (among them a large metate).The remainder of the western and all of the eastern wall were built ofvery crudely laid stone blocks which were untrimmed, uncoursed, andnot even coated with plaster inside the room. At the base of the wall,opposite the cliff, was a ventilator demarked by vertical slabs on eachside and one on top (fig. 70,/). It was 17 inches high, averaged 9 inchesin width, and ran out an unknown distance. A bed of charcoal andash 6 inches deep was on the floor about 2 feet from the ventilator,but no definite fireplace nor deflector had been built. Immediatelyoutside the room was 3 feet of refuse which thinned to 1 foot about10 feet away. It is probable that the room was originally, at least,semisubterranean.Specimens from the lower house level, site 22.?Pottery, 11959, in-cludes: Corrugated sherds; bowl sherds of an unslipped light grayware bearing crudely painted black designs. All pottery is of acoarse, sand-tempered paste. 11957 is several squash seeds. 11956,fragments of gourd or squash rind. 11959, several small corncobs,one having eight rows of kernels. 11958, a hank of human hair.11960, a fragment of a braid of human hair made up of nine strands,each strand being two-ply and twisted clockwise. 11962, two tipsof chipped flint points. 11971, a more or less oval-shaped implement(scraper ?) of chipped gray flint, 2)^ inches long, 1 inch wide. 11972,two unnotched, more or less squared butts of two chipped points.11967, bundle of twisted grass.Specimens from the upper house level, site 22.?Pottery, 11969,includes: A light brownish or grayish corrugated ware of coarse pasteand with rather irregular coils, some of which are crinkled ; bowls of a Anthbop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 345light gray clay, painted with narrow irregular lines on a polished butgenerally unslipped interior. One sherd is untempered, though baked,and may have been a small, unfired pot which was accidentally burned.12004, ladle of mountain-sheep horn with a somewhat warped bowl,4% inches long, 5% inches wide, 2% inches deep, and a handle %inch in diameter and 5K inches long, which bends back to form nearlya semicircle. 11973, the end of a sandstone mano, 4% inches wide,% inch thick, with a rounded end; it had been used on oppositefaces. 11968, complete corncobs which range from 5% inches to7 inches in length, with the exception of one which is only SYs inches & CFigure 72.?Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon. Each figure is about 3 feettall. a, Natural group of 5 figures; 6, c, very faintly pecked.long; 2 have 12, 2 have 14 rows of kernels. 11970, several gourdfragments. A number of metates were observed but not collected(fig. 71, h, i, j). These and others are similar having a very shallowcentral basin entirely surrounded by a flat run 2 to 3 inches wide.Some are shaped by pecking, like figure 71, j, which was set into thehouse wall as one of the foundation stones; others are irregular inoutline. In figure 71, his 16 inches long, 2 inches thick; i is 21 incheslong, 3 inches thick ; j is about 22 inches long, 4 inches thick and hasan imusually deep basin as shown in the cross section. Two otherfragments had no definite basin but were used over the entire uppersiu-face. Only that in figure 71, j, was found inside the house. 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETTHNOLOGY [BvhL. 128Site 23.?On the San Juan side of the river. A fragment of arectilinear petroglyph had been pecked against the cliff back of a longjQat just below West Canyon Creek. The location, though seeminglysuitable for native occupation, had no other traces of settlement,except a crude petroglyph of a horse, probably of Navaho or Uteorigin.Site 24.?Meskin Bar, 45 miles above Lee's Ferry, has much tillable Figure 73.?Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon. a, Natural group near house number 2; each figure 3 feet tall. 6, Group south of large ruin; central figureis 34 inches tall, c. Anthropomorphic figure, snake, and circles form group near last; 44 inches tall.d, Lizard painted white, about 12 inches long.land, but of several caves suitable for occupation, only one had beenused. The floor had been levelled and showed traces of fire.Site 25.?At the "Crossing of the Fathers." Only a single sherd ofa plain, gray olla was found near Kane Creek.Site 26.?At the mouth of Navajo Creek which flows in from theeast 25 miles above Lee's Ferry. On a ledge in the cliff north of thecreek is the remnant of a stone-and-adobe wall granary. Near this Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 347 was found the rim sherd of a fiaring-mouth olla of pinkish clay. Itwas tempered with exceedingly coarse quartz particles which project Figure 74.?Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon.0, e, Curvilinear style.through the surface of both sides of the sherd. Sherds from thisvicinity, 11963, also included several of very light gray ollas which 348. BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128 were in form like corrugated oUas, but none of which were corrugated,and three bowl sherds of finer paste with black designs on a whiteslip. 11964 is a fragment of a polished "blade" of hard, gray, vol-canic rock, 2}4 inches wide, }^ inch thick with rounded edges. Figure 75.?a, h, c, Pictographs, and d, e, petroglyphs, at site 2, White Canyon.Horizontal shading, white; vertical shading, yellow; diagonal shading, red.Each figure is about 3 feet tall. Figure 76.?Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah.Natural group, largest figure being about 7 feet tall. Horizontal shading,white; vertical shading, brown; solid, black.Sherds, 11965, marked the site of a camp or habitation on thesouthern side of Navajo Creek. Five are of corrugated ware madeof a fine, firm paste; six are small fragments of a black-on-whiteware suggesting Kayenta styles; one is a grayish brown-on-red.11966 is a chipped-flint projectile point, corner-notched, 1% inches Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?^STEWARD 349long and % inch wide. Pottery from this site in the possessionof other members of the party includes plain cream colored andorange sherds which evidently are oUa fragments.Site 27.?This site comprises two caves on the western river bankjust below the mouth of Wahweap Creek, 17 miles above Lee'sFerry. These show no traces of human occupation, however, excepttwo petroglyphs of antliropomorphic figures with excessively largehands and feet.Site 28.?Although there is much excellent farm land at the mouthof the Paria River, evidence of aboriginal occupation is suprisinglyscant. On the northern side of the Paria River, about }^ of a milefrom its mouth, however, is a ruin which has almost disappeared. Its Figure 77.?Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab,Utah.Groaps a and b about 30 feet up cliff; each figure about 10 inches tall. Group c on boulder near creek: groupis 8 feet broad.main wing runs east-west and is 50 feet long. A southern wing, 40feet long, runs off from the western end of this. Pot sherds, 11974,were fairly abundant. Eighty-seven percent of 167 sherds gatheredat random are corrugated. Corrugated ware is a brownish gray tolight tan; some pieces show a coarse quartz temper, others are finelytempered. It is well made and varies from 2)^ to 8 coils per inch.Nearly 90 percent of the sherds are crinkled in some degree. Onesherd has, just under the rim, two tiny nobs or handles, % of an inchapart, which project Y^ of an inch. Of bowl sherds, five have awhite interior slip bearing black designs, five have an interior slipranging from bright orange red to deep, brownish red with blackdesigns. Twelve sherds are plain gray. 11977 is a small, triangularwhite flint arrow point, % of an inch long, % of an inch wide acrossthe base. 350 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 128PART 3. CONCLUSIONSThe Johnson Canyon and Paria River region.?Summarizing thedata in the accompanying table, it is found that of 36 sites havingonly slab structures, 11 have early pottery (Paria gray and BasketMaker black-on-gray), 4 have transitional or overlapping potterytypes, and 9 (and possibly 2 others) have late pottery types. Some ofthe last sites could belong to house groups of the late period whichwere not located or could mark minor encampments. Judging, how-ever, by sites 39, 41, 42, and 72, which seem clearly to be slab-housevillages and yet contain Johnson gray-tan, Johnson corrugated, andTusayan black-on-white pottery, advanced ceramic styles reachedthe region before pueblo masonry architecture was used. Of 34 siteshaving masonry architecture, 31 had definitely late pottery (black-on-red, corrugated, Tusayan black-on-white, and Johnson gray-tan),although occasional early wares or features of early wares, especiallydesign elements, survived into this phase.Table 6. ? Cultural contents of sites * Site Anthrop.Pap.no. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARDTable 6. ? Cultural content of sites?Continued 351 Site 352 BUHEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGYTable 6. ? Cultural content of sites?Continued [Bdll. 128 Site Anthrop. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 353 2. Basket Maker slab-house culture (Derived Basket Maker).?Thisis characterized by slab houses and cists, arranged in small clustersand by "early" pottery?Basket Maker black-on-gray and Paria gray.3. A transitional period of uncertain nature.?Late pottery types areappearing. Masonry is added to slab houses and perhaps to pithouses as at site 2.4. Pueblo culture.?Houses are of coursed masonry, in caves or onknolls near washes. The most standardized and probably latest,arrangement is half a dozen rooms forming a semicircle on the north-ern side of a kiva (?). No extensive amalgamation of these "units"into larger villages is observed. Slab cists and possibly houses ac-company these clusters. No doubt slabs are occasionally used inmasonry houses. Pottery wares are Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white,Tusayan black-on-red, Jolmson gray-tan, Johnson corrugated, withoccasional intrusions of outside wares, such as North Creek black-on-white from the west (?), Sevier black-on-graj^ from the north. Themetate is rectangular, having either an oval or, more commonly andperhaps later, a rectangular grinding basin.Although Hayden (1930) claims Pueblo III pottery in southernNevada, the writer knows of no trait in the Johnson Canyon-PariaRiver region which can be attributed to influence from Pueblo III ofthe San Juan cultures. In fact, he regards skeptically the occurrence ofany such influence farther west. This does not, of course, provideproof that the latest cultures of these regions may not have been inpart contemporary with the San Juan Pueblo III. It does, however,demonstrate that the latter had become less liberal in its contributionsto neighboring areas by this time.The number, size, and distribution of the various sites indicateappreciable ecological changes from period to period. Of 109 siteswhich can be dated by pottery or architectiu-e or by both, 11 haveslab structures and early wares, 14 early wares only and 4 slab struc-tures only (the last, may, of course, be later), a total of 29 BasketMaker sites. Thirty-one have masonry structures and late wares,10 masonry structures only, and 21 late pottery only, a total of 62.Add to this 11 slab sites with late pottery and the total is 73 late sites,or more than twice as many Pueblo as Basket Maker sites. The latesites, moreover, are generally larger than the early ones. Very roughcalculations of floor space of all structures combined at slab-structuresite 41, probably the largest of its kind, give 285 square feet, and atsite 39, also unusually large, 234 square feet. The masonry housesite 82, perhaps the largest, had a total of 665 square feet in roomsand cists, site 48 had 643 square feet, site 53 had 401 square feet, site72 had 379 square feet, and many others are of equal size. Althroughlater quarters may have been relatively more luxurious, a markedpopulation increase is indicated, a doubling at least. This, no doubt, 354 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOIjOGY [Bdll. 128was coupled with increasing importance of horticulture. Pueblomigrations may also have contributed to the increase; only skeletalmaterial can settle this.The distribution of early and late sites is shown in figure 64. Aslightly greater proportion of Basket Maker sites in the northern andwestern portions of the area may correlate with greater importance ofhunting to the culture. This possibility could perhaps be checkedby a study of the distribution of game in the region and the mammaHanremains in the sites.Puebloan sites are naturally found in or near fertile canyon bottoms,but there is a surprising number of masonry houses variously situatedon mesas, remote from present water sources. There were, in fact,few locaUties, however uninviting, that did not yield sherds, flints,and other evidence of human occupation.Glen Canyon.?Although archeological evidence from this sectionof the Colorado River is very scant, a few positive conclusions appearpermissible.Fu-st, the river canyon and the neighboring terrain were too ruggedand too limited in farming possibilities to attract any great numberof agricultiu-al people. Of nonagricultural people, there is no certainevidence. The Ute are known to have inhabited it very sparsely inrecent centuries. Evidently its population was always sparse.Second, most of the region cannot be definitely assigned to anygeographical divisions of the Anasazi area. Comparison of thesesites with those of other sections is somewhat handicapped by thescarcity of minor antiquities. It seems certain, however, that thisregion did not provide a source for the typical Northern Peripheralculture which was strongly implanted on the Fremont River (Morss,1931) only a short distance to the north. Rather, it was a culturaldepression into which influence had trickled from various directions.Some petroglyphs, especially at site 1, are definitely related to thoseof the Northern Periphery. Ceramic styles, however, aflfiliate itwith both Mesa Verde and Kayenta more than with the north andwest. Architecture also is San Juan and shows some influence evenof the Great Period Pueblo which found here its northern limit.In short, it appears mainly to have been a kind of no-man's landwhich had been very slightly settled by outposts from both MesaVerde and Kayenta and which had come into contact with the North-ern Periphery but had not strongly influenced it. Farther south,however, toward the Arizona border, the sites increasingly resemblethose of the Kayenta district and of the Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverdistrict, to which they are geographically contiguous.Summary.?It had been hoped that these surveys would throwsome fight on one of the outstanding problems of the NorthernPeriphery?the problem of where the Basket Maker and Pueblo ANTHEOP. Pap. No. 18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY?STEWARD 355 cultures blended prior to their diffusion to the north. This surveyseems to eliminate the regions under consideration.The region east of Kanab in southern Utah is not related to theNorthern Periphery, It is rather a part, both geographically andculturally, of the Lower Colorado Plateau, that is, the area of south-western Utah and northwestern Arizona. Whereas the NorthernPeriphery had no Basket Maker as distinct from Pueblo culture,development on the Lower Colorado Plateau followed closely theSan Juan sequence, showing strong Tusayan influence which is mostrecognizable in ceramics. Moreover, the cultural inventory of south-em Utah does not correspond with that of the Northern Periphery,indicating that there was httle contact between the two areas. Theformer lacked the **Utah type" metate, elaborate anthropomorphicclay figurines, and petroglyphs, stone balls, "Fremont moccasins,"gaming (?) bones, and such ceramic features as stuck-on decoration,all typical of the north. The Northern Periphery, on the other hand,lacked such local features as ceramic styles, the turkey, developedkivas, and elaborate textiles.Only two elements indicate a possible connection between thenorth and south: Sevier black-on-gray pottery and the jacal pitlodge. The former, which is scarce at Northern Peripheral sites ineastern Utah but very abundant in western Utah, may have originatedin this area where, though it is not abundant, it seems to have been atrifle earlier than in the north. The jacal type pit lodge of the ex-treme north had been assumed to have come from the jacal type ofthe Early Pueblo culture of southwestern Colorado. It is conceivable,though unlikely, that it was an independent adaptation of shallowslab houses. Such slab houses are common in southern Utah and,though little is known about house types throughout eastern Utah,they appear again in Nine Mile Canyon in northeastern Utah(Gflhn, 1938).Present evidence also eliminates eastern Utah as the source of theNorthern Peripheral culture. Like southern Utah, the region southof the Fremont River in eastern Utah lacks the specific northerntraits, with a few minor exceptions, and is related instead to the SanJuan area. It if contributed at all to the north, it was in passing onmasonry architecture which marks the second phase of the NorthernPeripheral culture.It appears at present that the source of the original NorthernPeripheral culture should be sought in western Colorado or extremeeastern Utah, a region which is virtually imknown archeologicaUy.It should also be added that to date central and southern Utah hasnot yielded a trace of the Promontory culture. This is a huntingculture, using the bow and making a distinctive pottery and is found 356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Boll. 128 only in the Salt Lake basin. Negative evidence from other parts ofUtah supports the belief based on the nature of this culture that it isof northern origin. BIBLIOGRAPHYGiLLiN, John.1938. Archaeological investigations in Nine Mile Canyon, Utah. Univ.Utah Bull., vol. 28, No. 11.Hargrave, Kyndon L.1930. Prehistoric earth lodges of the San Francisco Mountains. Mus.Northern Ariz., Mus. Notes, vol. 3, No. 5.Hayden, Irwin.1930. Mesa House. Southwest Mus. Pap., vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 26-92.Jeancon, J. A.1923. Excavations in the Chama Valley, N. Mex. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.BuU. 81.Jtjdd, Neil M.1926. Archaeological observations north of the Rio Colorado. Bur. Amer.Ethnol. Bull. 82.MoRss, Noel.1931. The ancient culture of the Fremont River in Utah. Peabody Mus.Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., Pap. 12.Mera, H. p.1932. Wares ancestral to Tewa Polychrome. Lab. Anthrop., Santa Fe,N. Mex., Tech. Ser., Bull. 4.NrrsBAiTM, Jesse L.1922. A Basket Maker cave in Kane County, Utah. Ind. Notes andMonogr., No. 29. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation.Roberts, F. H. H., Jr.1937. Archaeology in the Southwest. Amer. Antiq., vol. 3, pp. 3-33.Smith, Elmer.1934. A brief description of an Indian ruin near Shonesburg, Utah. Zionand Bryce Nature Notes, vol. 6, pp. 13-18, January.Spencer, J. E.1934. Pueblo sites of southwestern Utah. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 36.pp. 70-80.Steward, Julian H.1929. Petroglyphs of California and adjoining States. Univ. Calif., Publ.Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 24, pp. 47-238.1933. Early inhabitants of western Utah: Mounds and house types. Univ.Utah Bull., vol. 23, pp. 1-34.1933a. Archaeological problems of the Northern Periphery of the Southwest.Mus. Northern Ariz., Bull. 5.1936. Pueblo material culture in western Utah. Univ. N. Mex., Bull. 287,Anthrop. Ser. 1, No. 3.Wetherill, Ben. W.1934. Summary of investigations by Zion National Park ArchaeologicalParty. Zion and Bryce Nature Notes, vol. 6, pp. 1-9. PZ > a, ,7; o < BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 49 Huu^L HuifNS. a, Large house, site 2, White Canyon, h. Cliff house south of large ruin, site 2. c. Largeruin, site 4, Redd Canyon, d. Granary A, site 6, near Lake Canyon (door is on groundin front of doorway), e. Detail of masonry of large ruin, site 2. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULUETIN 128 PLATE 50 Slab and Masonry structures. a. Slab and masonry wall, site 6, near Lake Canyon, b, Granary B, site 6. c, Kiva, site 6.d. Crude house walls, site 12, below San Juan River, e, Bin B, site 12. ^, Bin A, site 12. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 51 House Types.a, ClifF house, site 4, Redd Canyon, b, Masonry walls, site 16, Aztec Creek, c, Semisub-terranean house or kiva, site 22, Rock Creek, d, Cave with wall and leveled floor,site 15. If,/, slab cists, site 17, Aztec Creek. ?4^ "i^^^ *^? ? &^ J.--^-'li ?,*;^ INDEX Abrasives, rock crystal and pumice, 4.Achomawa, suicide via Cicuta poison-ing, 130.Actinolite, 38, 54.Agalmatolite, 54, 56.Agate, 32, 56.arrowheads, 10.beliefs concerning, 5,distribution, 29.See also Moss agate.Agatized wood, 33-34, 56.buildings, 4.Folsom points, 2.Agato, Ecuador, a location of fieldwork, 171.Alabama, suicides deprived of burial,130.Alabaster, 2, 39, 56.Algonkian, Central, love motive sui-cides, 124.Algonkin, lover's leap, reference to, 127.suicide, mentioned, 117-118, 121,127, 128, 129, 134.Algonquin birclibark containers. SeeBirchbark containers.AUuvial mining, 10, 19, 46.Amazonstone, 45.Amber, 46-47, 56.Aleutian Islands, 10.incense, 5.mentioned, 2.origin, 8.trade, 19.Amethyst, 30.distribution, 33, 34.trade, 17.Anasazi culture, reference to, 281, 354.See also Basket Maker-Pueblo.Angachagua, Ecuador, a location offield work, 171.Angachagua group, contrasted to Ota-valo group, 18&-187, 192.Animal remains, Johnson Canyon, 319.Anthropological work, Imbabura In-dians, comparison of results, 187-192.conclusions, 192-193.results, 183-187.Anthropometric measurements, Imba-bura Indians, tables, 193, 198, 203,208-226.Apatite, mentioned, 54.Archeological reconnaissance of South-ern Utah (Steward), 275-356.Arrowheads, materials used, 10, 30, 31,33, 52, 53.sources of material, 7, 8, 16.See also Projectile points.218558?41- -24 Arrows, used in mining, 50.Arrowmakers, as traders, 18.beliefs and customs, 11.Arrow-shaft straighteners, materials, 7.Art forms, Algonquin, possibility ofEuropean origin, 235, 243, 264, 270-273.Art processes in birchbark of the RiverDesert Algonquin, a circumborealtrait (Speck), 229-274.Atacamite, 7, 42, 56.Athabaskan divisions, construction ofbirchbark containers, 240, 242, 243,245, 249, 250.At'oba'gan, "pail," description anduse, 238-239.Atsugewi, suicide via Cicvta poisoning,130.Averett's cabin, Utah, mentioned, 283.Awls, Johnson Canyon, 317.Axes, Johnson Canyon, 315.Aztec Canyon, Glen Canyon, descrip-tion of ruins, 343, 344.Aztec Creek, Glen Canj'on, locality ofsites 15 and 17, 342-343.Aztecs, knowledge of opals, 29.possessors of emeralds (?), 22.use of beryl, 22.use of garnet, 28.use of turquoise, 26-27.value of jade, 35-36.Azurite, 2, 4, 41, 57.Bags, Johnson Canyon, 316.BaU, Sydney H. (Mining of gems andornamental stones by American In-dians), ix-77.Barbacoa language, reference to, 182.Barbacoas, an Imbabura tribe, men-tioned, 175.Barite, 54, 56.Barrifere Indians, absence of baskets,241.bark work compared with Algon-quin, 234.Barter. See Trade.Basket Maker, Johnson Canj'on-PariaRiver region, lack of evidence, 352.Basket Maker-Pueblo, reference to, 281,316.Basket Maker (II), San Juan River,reference to, 281, 287, 321-322.Basket Maker (III), San Juan River,reference to, 287, 288, 317.Basket Maker slab-house culture, John-son Canyon, 353. 357 358 INDEXBaskets, Algonquin, " block" printingon, 270-271.splint, distribution, 241.undecorated, 260-261.Baskets, Johnson Canyon, 316.Bean Festival. See Green Bean Festi-val.Beliefs, concerning catlinite, 49.concerning frog on sun (Tona-wanda), 145.jade and jadeite, 35.malachite, 41.nephrite, 37, 38.obsidian, 52, 53.origin of stones, 7-9.pyrite, 42.rock crystal, 32.soapstone, 48.spirits in mines, 10-12.turquoise, 23.Beliefs, Iroquois, concerning life span,89-91.concerning souls of suicides, 131.waterhemlock, 86, 87, 88.Beothuk, bark sewing, 242.Berry Festival. See Strawberry Fes-tival.Berry Moon, reference to, 146.Beryl, 22.Birchbark bag, use in mining, 13.Birchbark baskets, Sahaptian Tribes,mentioned, 245.Birchbark containers, Algonquin.area of use, 233.art motives, 234-235.compared to Ojibwa and Monta-gnais, 241, 242, 244, 261.compared to other tribes, 234-235,242, 243.construction, 240, 262. See alsoAthabaskan divisions.Cree, 240, 242, 243, 245, 249, 250,255.decoration, summary, 262.designs, animal, 261, 263-268.art content, 263-268.bitten, 243, 250, 263, 269.chronology, 270-273.crude scriptural system, 273.cut-out, 236, 243, 255-256,258-259, 263.floral or plant, 256-259, 263-265, 268.food quest, 266.forest horizon, 266-268.individual taste, 259-260.landscapes and woodscapes,261-262.modern influences, 251, 253-255.motivation, conscious elements,268-270.placing, 260.porcupine-quill, 249-250, 272.sewed-on cut-out figures, 247-249sgraffito, 246, 248. Birchbark containers, Algonquin?Con-tinued.designs^continued . single elements, 251, 253-255.Golden Lake Band, designs, 245, 262.location of specimens, 234, 262.invention, 272.Mattawa Band, designs, 247, 262.location of specimens, 234.Mistassini, 241.Nipissing, 262.reasons for decorating, 235, 236.River Desert Band, constructivedetails, 242, 243, 245, 262.designs, animal, 267.bitten patterns, 250-251.chronology, 270.cut-out process, 243-244,250.sewed-on cut-out orna-mentation, 248, 249.spruce-root rim, 249.stitch-designing, 249.industry in, 271-272.location of specimens, 233-234.River du Lievre Band:design, 247, 262, 270.location of specimens, 234.Saulteaux, construction, 240.Tetes de Boule, 234, 241, 242, 243.Timagami, 262.Timiskaming Band, designs, 247,251, 262.location of specimens, 234, 262,types, 236-243.Wabanaki, 240, 246.Birchbark containers, Montagnais (LakeSt. John) : compared to Algonquin, 234, 241,242, 243, 244, 245, 246.construction, 240.design, European influence, 272-273floral, 251.technique, 243, 250, 263.Birchbark containers, Ojibwa, construc-tion, 240, 241, 242, 244, 246, 250, 251,262.Birchbark ornamentation, vitality ofart, 236.Birney, Hoffman, member of field trip,282.Bitten designs, inspiration of, 269.method of producing, 250-251.Blackchief, Charles, Tonawanda Senecainformant, 149.Bloodstone, 2, 30.Bowl Game, reference to, 147, 163.Box Elder Canyon, Utah, 283, 284.Bread Dance. See Harvest Festival.Brebeuf, J., quoted on Huron suicidesand fate of souls. 111, 118-119, 133.Bressani's Relation of 1853, quoted onfate of souls after death, 132."Bridge Creek" Canyon, Utah, descrip-tion of ruins, 343. INUKX 359Brochaiititc, 42, 5G.as pigment, 4.early knowledge of, 7.Brooks, Abbie, Tonawanda Seneca in-formant, 84, 94, 101.Brunet, Quebec botanist, cited by La-verdiere, 112.Buckshot, Mrs. Michele, a bark worker,235, 239, 248, 250, 257, 270.Buildings, embellishment, 4, 23. Seealso Houses.Bunting's corral, James, 286, 319.Burials:tolas, description, 177.distribution, 182.mentioned, 175.period, 180.urn, 181.well-grave period, 179-180.Calamine, 46.Calcite, 2, 4, 39.Canada, National Museum of, bark-work specimens, 233-234, 242, 244-245, 262.Canar, alliance with the Cara, 176.Canaris, an Imbabura tribe, mentioned,175.Cannel coal, 43, 56.trade, 17.Cara, culture summarized briefly, 177.former inhabitants of Imbabura,175-176.houses, 182.invasion, archeological evidence,181-182.language, 182.Peruvian influence on culture, 179.political organization, 178.polvgamy and divorce, 178.records, 178-179.religion, 177-178.Caranquis, fort erected by, 181-182.resistance to Incas, 179.use of rafts. 182.Caribs, influence in Imbabura, 181.Carnelian, 2, 17.artifacts, distribution, 29.Cataract Canyon, Colorado River,mentioned, 324.Catlinite, 2, 48-52, 56.mining laws, 15.origin, 8.religious ceremonies of miners, 11.trade, 17.Cavambe, Ecuador, conquered by theCara, 176.possible origin of name, 181.resistance to Incas, 179.Cayuga, terms for mayapple and water-hemlock, 113.women poison themselves, 128.Celestite, mentioned, 54.Cesar, Madenine (Mrs. Clement), aImrk worker, 235, 248, 249, 250, 256,268, 269. Chalcedony, 33, 56.arrowheads, 10.distribution, 29, 34.trade, 17.used for Folsom points, 2.Champlain, described maj^applc, 112.Chanters for the Dead, Tonawanda, 161,163.Iroquois feast for departed soulsreferred to, 89, 106, 125.reference to spring ceremon.y, 146.Charms. See Fetishes and charms.Chaumonot, 1640, quoted on Huronsuicide, 109-110.Chemistr}', commercial, Indian knowl-edge of, 14-15.Cherokee, suicide among, 129-130.Chibcha languages, 182.Chickasaw, suicide among, 130.Chitimacha, poison springs to killenemies, 130.Chlorite, mentioned, 54.Chloromelanite, 2, 38.Cholenec, quoted on Iroquois hyper-sensitivity, 134.ChrysocoUa, 42, 56.Chrysoprase, 33, 56.distribution, 30.Cicuta maculata L. See Waterhemlock.Cists, Glen Canyon, 343.Johnson Canyon, 288, 289, 293, 353.Citrine, distribution, 30.Clark Canyon, Utah, 285, 286, 287, 291.Clement, Anne, a bark worker, 268.Clement, Madenine, bark worker, 236.Clement, Mrs. Pierre. See Cesar,Madenine.Coal, as an ornament, 1.as black pigment, 4.Cochasqui, resistance to Incas, 179.Coconuco language, reference to, 182.Cofanes, an Imbabura tribe, mentioned.175.Coldspring longhouse, mentioned, 143,146, 149.Conquest, intertribal, effect of tradingon, 18.Conquest of America, commercial,effect of Indian mining, 15.Connecticut, suicide among Indians,128.Copper. See Atacamite; Azurite; Bro-chantite; ChrysocoUa; Malachite.Cordage, Johnson Canyon, data on,316-317.Cornplanter, Edward, preacher of Hand-some Lake Religion, 83, 89, 131.Cornplanter, Jesse J., Seneca informant,83,86,87,89,90,91,98.Corn Sprouting Rite (?), 159.Corundum (ruby and sapphire), 20.Cotopaxi, possible origiti of name, 181.Counting devices, mentioned, 182.Cree, construction of bark containers,240, 242, 243, 245, 249, 250, 255. 360 IIv'DEXCrystal. See Rock crystal.Currency, 4-5.Customs, mining, 52.Dablon, quoted on Onondaga childsuicide, 109, 125.Dairy Canyon, Utah, 286, 287, 318.Dances, Tonawanda longhouse, 163-164.Dead Feast of Huron, mentioned, 125.Death Song of Iroquois, referred to,114, 126.Debeau, Kate, Mohawk informant, 85,88, 93-94.Delaware suicide, reference to, 102, 104,106, 120, 124, 126, 128, 129, 132,134.Denmark, National Museum of, bark-work specimens, 233, 262.Denver Art Museum, bark-work speci-mens, 233, 262.Depot Harbor, bark-work specimens,262.Designs in birchbark containers. SeeBirchbark containers.Developmental Pueblo (I and II), SanJuan River, reference to, 281.Diamond, 19-20.Diopside, mentioned, 54.Dippers, wooden, Johnson Canyon, 318.Disease, belief concerning, 12.diagnosis by rock crystal, 31.use of jade for, 38.Divination, stones and gems used, 5, 31.Divorce, Cara, mentioned, 178.Iroquois, reference to, 126.Doctor, Rev. Peter, Seneca informant,83, 86, 91, 92, 95-97, 100, 149.Douglas, F. H., acknowledgement to,234.Dreams, guessing at Midwinter Festival,156.Ecuador, Governor of, acknowledge-ment to, 172.languages, reference to, 1 82.succession of cultures, 180.Education, Indian, Morgan's interest in,153.Eiseley, L. C. acknowledgement to, 234.Elmo's Spring, Utah, reference to, 284.Emerald, 20-22, 56.Cara use of, 178.Indian knowledge of present mines,9.mentioned, 2, 15.religious ceremonies of miners, 11.trade, 17, 19.various uses, 3, 5, 6.Faithkeepers, councils, 161.mentioned, 144, 150.Parker on, 158.False-face Society, purpose, 145.visits, data on, 160.Feast of Fools, description, 145.Feast of the Dead, mentioned, 132.See also Dead Feast.Feather dance, reference to, 146, 147,163. Fenton, William N. (Iroquois suicide:A study in the stability of a culturepattern), 79-137.(Tonawanda Longhouse Cere-monies : Ninety years after LewisHenry Morgan), 139-165.Fetishes and charms, objects used, 5, 23,31, 34.Finn Little Canyon, Utah, 284, 285,286, 287.Fire, from pyrite, 42, 43.origin belief, 32.use in mining, 12, 24, 25, 44.use in quarrying, 33.Fire, ceremonial, rock crystal used, 31.Five Pines Canyon, Utah, mentioned,283.Flannery, Regina, quoted on NorthernAlgonquian suicide, 129.reference to work, 122.Flint, distribution, 17, 33, 39, 41.Flood Canyon, Utah, 286.Fluorite, mines, 56.Fluorspar, 2, 46.Folsom points, materials used, 2.Four Rituals (Tonawanda), comparedto other Seneca, 146-147.Foxes, mining methods, 13.Galena, 2, 40, 56.for black pigment, 4.idea of origin, 8.Garnet, 2, 27-28, 56.mines, spirits in, 11.Gem mining, Indian compared to Euro-pean, 10, 14.Gems and ornamental stones, beliefsconcerning, 5, 7-9. See also Beliefs,distribution, table 1 (faces p. 55).sources, 6.trade, 16-19.tribes Avith widest knowledge, 6.uses by American Indians, 3-5.Gems, mined by American Indians,19-38.Geology, Indian knowledge of, 6.Gibson, Jemima, Onondaga-Cayuga in-formant, 88.Gibson, Simeon, Onondaga-Cayuga in-formant, 85, 87-88.Gidd's Canyon, Utah, reference to, 284.Gidd's corral, Utah, reference to, 284.Gillin, Mrs. John, acknowledgement to,172.Gillin, John (The Quichua-speakingIndians of the Province of Imbabura(Ecuador) and their anthropometricrelations with the living populationsof the Andean area), 167-228.Glen Canyon, Colorado Canyon, de-scription, 323-325.exploration, 325.location, 282.sites visited, 328-349.Gold, alluvial mining, 19.as tribute, 16.bartered for emeralds, 20-21.mining, beliefs and customs, 11. INDEX 561Gordon, Abbie Brooks. See Brooks,Abbie.Gordon, Charles, Seneca informant, 84,87, 94.Gordon, William, Seneca informant,83-84, 92.Grand Religious Dance, mentioned, 155.Parker's reference to, 157.Great Pueblo (III), San Juan River,reference to, 281.Green Bean Festival, or String BeanDance:analysis, 160.composition of ceremonies, 162.procedure at, 146.reference to, 145, 147, 148, 149,150, 151.Green Corn Festival, or Ingathering ofFood:analysis, 160.composition of ceremonies, 162.dances, 147.mentioned, 155.Morgan's questions on, 151-152.Parker on, 154.procedure, 146.reference to, 145, 149, 151.Guano, a town in Ecuador, 180.Gypsum, distribution, 54.for whitening, 14.mining methods, 13.Hall's Creek, Glen Canyon, explora-tion, 337-338, 341.Hamblin, Neaf, pottery belonging to,305, 307.Hamblin's ranch, Neaf, 286.Hammers. See Tools.Hammerstone, Johnson Canyon, 318.Hand-in-hand Dance, meaning, 146.Handsome Lake, a Seneca prophet, ateaching of, 157.mentioned, 88, 89, 90, 131, 143,147, 150, 152.Harvard Anthropometric Laboratory,mentioned, 172.Harvest Corn Worship, Morgan's ques-tions on, 152.Parker on, 155.Harvest Festival, or Bread Dance,analysis, 160.composition of ceremonies, 162.Parker on, 155.procedure, 146.reference to, 145, 149.Harvest Moon, reference to, 146.Hats, felt, worn by Imbabura Indians,172.Heckewelder, Rev. John, quoted onDelaware suicide, 104-105.Hematite, 41, 57.various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5.He-no, the Thunder, mentioned, 152.Hewitt, J. N. B., acknowledgement to,84.Hieroglyphics, in catlinite mines, 50.See also Petroglyphs; Pictographs. "Hole in the Rock," Glen Canyon, site11, 341.Holland Land Company, reference to,150.Hooton, Prof. E. A., acknowledgementto, 171-172.Hopps, Peter, Mohawk informant, 85.Horn crescents, Johnson Canyon, 317-318.Horn rattle, mentioned, 147.Hosmer, R. F., member of field trip,282.Houses, Glen Canyon, description,329-332, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339,341-342, 343-344, 349.Johnson Canyon, adobe-wall pitlodges, 291-292.masonry cliff, 298, 350-352.masonry house cluster, 350-352,353, 354.rectangular masonry, 292-298.slab structures, 288-290, 293, 295,296-297, 350-353.Howe, Maurice, member of field trip,282.Huayna Capac, reference to, 175, 179.Hughes, B. O., member of field trips,282.Huron, cases of poisoning prior to 1650,109-111, 121.mentioned, 85, 106, 112, 113, 124,125, 128, 129, 134.Imbabura, Ecuador, heredity of popu-lation, 179, 182-183.Peruvian influence, 179.possible origin of name, 181.Quichua-speaking Indians, 167-228.some aspects of the prchistorv,175-183.succession of cultures, 179-180.Imbabura Indians, Angachagua group,186-187.anthropological work among, com-parison of results, 183-192.anthropometric measurements, ta-bles, 193, 198, 203, 208-226.archeological evidence, 181-182.conclusions, 192-193.food, 172.morphological observations, table2, 194-198.Otavalo group, 186-187.present mode of life, 172-175.social and economic position, 172.tools used, 172.See also Cara.Implements. See Tools; Utensils.Incas, conquest of Imbabura, 179, 180.mentioned, 171, 175, 176, 178.Incense, temple, amber used, 5.Instruments, musical, minerals used, 6.surgical, minerals used, 3-4.Iris, 30, 33.Iron. See Hematite.Iron pyrite. See Pyrite. 362 INDEXIroquois Pantheon, 143-144.Iroquois suicide: A study in the sta-bility of a culture pattern (Fenton),79-137.See also Suicide.Irrigation, Imbabura Indians' knowl-edge of, 172.Jack, David, Cajaiga informant to F.W. Waugh, 87.Jacobs, Ezra, Seneca informant, 94.Jacobs, Harvey, Seneca informant, 84,87, 94.Jacobs, John, Seneca informant, cited,89.Jade, distribution, 34-35.Eskimo name for, 37.mistaken for emeralds, 22.religion in mining, 11.worship of, 5.various uses, 3, 5.See also Jadeite; Nephrite.Jadeite, 35-37.mentioned, 2.of Aztecs and Mayas, 10.sources unknown, 9.trade, 17, 19.Jasper, 33, 57.mentioned, 29.method of mining, 12.various uses, 2, 5, 10.Jemison, Mary, 102-103, 132, 133.Jenny's Clay Hole, Utah, reference to,284, 285.Jet, 2, 43.Jij6n y Caamaiio, Jacinto:archeological evidence in Imba-bura, 181-182.nonagreement with Velasco, 176.summary of cultures in Imbabura,179-180.Jimmerson, Dwight, Seneca informant,84, 87, 92, 93.Jimmerson, Josephine, Seneca inform-ant, 84, 87, 92.Joel's Canyon, Utah, 286, 287.Johnny -John, Chauncej^, (Cayuga)Seneca informant, 86-87.Johnson Canyon-Paria River region,Utah:architecture and villages, 288-298.cultural periods, evidence, 287,352-354.industries, 315-318.plants, domesticated, 310-311.sites, cultural contents, 350-352.sites visited, list and description,282-288.subsistence, 310-315.Johnson, Jimniy, Handsome Lake'ssuccessor, 147, 154.Johnson Lakes Canyon, Utah, 286, 287.Jones, Earl, Onondaga informant, 95.Judd, Alvin, ranch, 286.Kanab, Utah, reference to cultures,281-282.Kelly, Charles, member of field trip, 282. Kik'"b ana'gan, "vessel." descriptionand use, 236-237.Kitchen cabin, Utah, mentioned, 282-283.Kitchen Canyon, Utah, 283, 284, 287,290.Kitchen Creek, Utah, reference to, 284.Kiva, reference to, 297-298, 330, 335.Klondike Bar, Utah, locality of site 21,344.Knives, drills, and scrapers, JohnsonCanyon, 315-316.Labradorite, 7, 45, 57.Ladder, use in mining, 13.Lafitau, J. F., quoted on Iroquoissuicide, 107-108.La France, Noah, Mohawk informant, 85.Lago de San Pablo, use of rafts on, 182.Lahontan, Baron de, quoted, 106, 114.thanksgiving speech published by,156.Lake Canyon, Utah, locality of sites 5-9,338?341Lalement, J., quoted, 109-110, 116, 117,118.Lamberville, quoted, 108, 115.Lapidaries, mentioned, 29.South American, 22, 178.Lapis lazuli, 2, 28.trade, 17.La Potherie, M. de Bacqueville de,quoted, 108.Latacunga, Province of, conquered bythe Cara, 176.Laws, Indian mining, 15-16.Lazulite, 29Lead mining, Sauk and Foxes, 13.Lead, Tri-Sitate district, 40.See also Galena.LeJeune, Paul, quoted, 118, 119.Le Mercier, 1637, quoted, 110, 111, 133.Lignite, 43, 57.various uses, 2, 4.Limestone mines, 57.Little Water Medicine Society, cere-monies, 145-146, 161, 163.Long Canyon, Utah, 286, 319.Long Lac, birchbark specimens, 262.Machachi, an Imbabura village, 176.Magnesite, 2, 39, 67.mining laws, 15.religious ceremonies in quarrying,11.uses, 4.Malachite, 2, 41, 57.uses, 4, 5.Manabi, Ecuador, mentioned, 176.Manos, Glen Canyon, 339, 342, 345.Maple Dance. See Maple Festival.Maple Festival, analysis, 159.composition of ceremonies, 162.mentioned, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149.Morgan's questions on, 151.Parker on, 153-154.Marble Canyon, Colorado River, men-tioned, 324. INDEX 363Marcasite, 2.face powder, 43.Marriage, Iroquois, reference to, 96,126.Match box, cylindrical, description, 239.Mayapple {Podophyllum peltatum):Iroquois terms compared withwaterhemlock, 111-113.poisonings, 103-106, 134.See also Suicide, Iroquois,methods.Mayas, knowledge of opals, 29.possessors of emeralds (?) 22.Means, Philip A., quoted, 180-181.Medicinal herbs, identified by taste, 88.Medicine men, belief in stones, 3, 5, 7-8.ceremony before mining, 49.mentioned, 37.surgical instruments, 3-4.treatment, 10.use of agate, 32.use of gypsum, 4.use of quartz crystals, 5.use of rock cr.vstals, 31. 32.Medicine, minerals used by Indians, 6,Medicine societies, cures and renewals,periodic, 160-161.rites and dances, 163.Merlo, Dr. Louis Alfonso, acknowledge-ment to, 172.Meskin Bar, Utah, site 24, 346.Metal mining, Indian, 1-2.Metates, Glen Canyon, 339, 341, 344,345.Johnson Canvon, 312-313, 350-352, 353.Miami, mention of suicides, 1 14, 121, 128.Mica, 44-45, 57.locality, 9.mentioned, 2, 30.mining methods, 12.origin, 8.trade, 17.uses, 4.Micmac, mention of suicides, 128, 129.Midwinter, or New Year Festival, analy-sis, 158-159.composition of ceremonies, 161-162.Morgan's questions on, 152.Parker on, 155-156.procedure, 146, 147.reference to, 145, 149, 151.White Dog sacrifice. See underWhite Dog.Mineralogy, Indian knowledge of, 6-7-Mineral products, sources of Indian, 10-Minerals mined by American Indians,38-45.Mines, Indian compared with Euro-pean, 10, 14.Indian, list, 56-59. Mining, Indian, disasters, 14.effect on commercial conquest ofAmerica, 15.laws, 15^16.light used, 39.methods, 10-14.tribes outstanding in, 6.Mining of gems and ornamental stonesby American Indians (Ball), ix-77.Mirrors, as means of divination, 5.materials used, 4, 42, 43, 53.Modified Basket Maker (III), San JuanRiver, reference to, 281.Mohawks, reference to, 85, 88, 93, 95,113, 120-121, 124, 128, 134.Molly's Nipple Canvon, Utah, men-tioned, 282, 283, 292, 319.Money. See Currency.Montagnais, mentioned, 270.See also Birchbark containers.Montagnais-Naskapi, absence of splintbaskets, 241.Moon, Cara temples, description, 178.Moon, Cara worship of, 177-178.Moonstone, 2, 45.Moravian mission in Ohio, mentioned,104.Morgan, Lewis Henry:account of Tonawanda ceremoniescirca 1846, 147-151.acknowledgement to, 144.analysis of his field work amongSeneca, 148-149.letter to E. S. Parker, 151-153."New Confederacy" of, 148.Morphological observations (ImbaburaIndians).tables, 194-207.Moss agate, distribution, 30.Foisom points, 2.mines, 57.See also Agate.Mailers, Glen Canyon, 341.Johnson Canyon, 313-314.Museum of the American Indian, bark-work specimens, 233, 234, 245, 262.Musical instruments. See Instruments.Naskapi, designs in birchbark, 255.Neaf Springs Canyon, 285.Nephi Canyon, Utah, mentioned, 283,284Nephrite, 37-38, 57.distribution, 34-35.mentioned, 2.origin, 17.sources unknown, 9.trade, 17, 19.various uses, 5, 6.Newtown longhouse, mentioned, 146,149.New Year's Festival. See MidwinterFestival.New York State Cabinet (Museum),mentioned, 148. 364 INDEXNipissing, birchbark containers, 262.North wash, Glen Canyon, artifactsand houses, 328-329.Oak Canyon, Utah, 287, 319, 320.Oak Creek, Utah, 286.Obsidian, 52-54, 58.belief concerning disease, 10.mining laws, 15.mining methods, 12.musical quality, 6.origin, 8.possession of deposits, 16.spirits in, 11.trade, 17.types, 7.various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5.Offerings to the Sun (Cara), 178.Offerings, votive, before mining, 11, 15.calamine, 46.gems and stones, 5.pyrite, 43.turquoise, 22-23.Ojibwa, mention of art forms, 247.mention of suicides, 124, 126, 127,128.See also Birchbark containers.Olbrechts, Frans M., quoted on Chero-kee suicide, 130.Olivine, 28, 58.Oneida, mentioned, 95, 120.Onondaga, customs at White Dogsacrifice, 156.reference to, 95, 107, 109, 113,120-121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 134.Onyx, distribution, 30.Ooxrat, root resembling hellebore, 112.Opal, 2, 29.trade, 18.Ornamental stones. See Stones, orna-mental.Ornaments, Indian, 1, 3, 43.Johnson Canyon, 319.Oscar, root resembling hellebore, 112.Otavalo, Ecuador, a location of fieldwork, 171.occupied by the Cara, 176.population in 1582, 176.resistance to Incas, 179.Otavalo group, conclusions, 192-193.foreign groups similar to, 192.Indians included in, 186-187.Ottawa, mention of suicides, 124, 126,128.Paint, copper used, 41.from Manzano Mountains, 12.hematite used, 41.limonite used, 14.mercury used, 1, 4.source of red, 13.See also Pigments.Paiute (Surprise Valley), mentioned,130.Paniquita language, reference to, 182.Panzaleo, and Imbabura village, 176.Parent-child relations, Iroquois, indul-gence to children, 125. Parfleches (of the Plains), compared tobark folders, 239-240.Paria River region, Johnson Canyon-.See Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion.Parker, Arthur C, quoted, 89.Parker, Ely S., collaborator withMorgan, 150.letter from L. H. Morgan, 151-153.letter to L. H. Morgan, 153-158.mentioned, 147, 148, 149.Parker, Nicholson, mentioned, 148.Pastos, Tucanoi-speaking, mentioned,176.Pattern concept, as applied to cere-monies (Tonawanda), 143, 146, 151.as cultural continuant, 83, 85, 124,134-135.conflict between ideal and practical,131-132, 135.relations between statuses, 123, 125.Peabody Museum of Harvard Univer-sity, acknowledgement to, 171-172.Pectolite, 38.early knowledge of, 7.trade, 19.Pennsylvania. University Museum,bark-work specimens, 233, 262.Pequots, reference to suicide, 127, 128.Personal Chant, reference to, 147, 163.Petroglyphs, Glen Canyon, 346, 349.Aztec Canyon, 343.Trachyte Creek, 336.White Canyon, 332-334.Petroglyphs, Johnson Canyon, 282, 284,286, 287, 288, 314, 319-323, 331.Petroleum, use as a liniment, 1.Physical observations. See Morpho-logical observations.Pictographs, Glen Canvon, 329, 332-334.Johnson Canyon, 282, 283, 284,286, 288, 319.Pierce, Windsor, Seneca informant, 84-85, 87, 94.Pifo, resistance to Incas, 179.Pigments, sources, 4.See also Paint.Pipes, black marble, 16.catlinite, 7, 49, 50, 51.soapstone, 47, 48.Pipestone, sources, 16.Planting Festival, or Seed Dance, anal-ysis, 159.composition of ceremonies, 162.Morgan's questions on, 151.Parker on, 154.procedure at, 146.reference to, 145, 149.Plasma, distribution, 30.Platinum, Indian knowledge of, 2.Podophyllutn peltatum. See Mayapple.Polygamy, mentioned, 178.Population, Johnson Canyon, 294.Potsherds, objects made from, JohnsonCanyon, 309. INDEX 365Pottawatomie, reference to suicides, 126,127 128Potter's ranch, Utah, 282, 283.Pottery, Glen Canyon, 338-339, 341,342-343, 344-345, 346-349.Aztec Canyon, 343.Kayenta style, 335, 337, 342, 343.Mesa Verde style, 334-335.Redd Canvon, description, 337.Trachyte Creek, 335-336.White Canyon, description, 334-335.Pottery, Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion:Basket Maker black-on-gray, 283,287, 292, 299, 353.black-on-gray, 288.black-on-red, 307-309, 350.black-on-white, 282, 285, 286, 287,307-309.black-on-white corrugated, 307-309.corrugated, 282, 283, 286, 287, 288,307-309, 350."early" wares, 299, 350-352, 353.fugitive red, 307-309.incised ware, 305, 307.Johnson corrugated, 288, 299, 350,353.description, 305.Johnson gray-tan, 288, 299, 350,353.description, 304-305."late" types, 299, 350-352, 353.North Creek black-on-gray, 299,300.black-on-white, intrusion of,353Paria gray, 283, 287, 288, 292, 299,353.description, 302, 304.plain, 282, 283, 284, 285, 280, 287,307-309.polychrome, 307-309.Pueblo III, lack of evidence, 353.red, 307-309.red-on-tan, description, 305.Sevier black-on-gray, 299, 353."transitional" wares, 299, 350-352.Tusayan black-on-red, 288, 292,299, 300-301, 353.Tusayan black-on-white, 288, 299,350.Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white,300, 353.Tusayan polychrome, 288, 299, 302.Tusayan red, 288, 299, 302.unbaked clay, 282, 299.Prase, distribution, 30.Projectile points. Glen Canvon, 342.Johnson Canyon, 314-3i5, 350-352.See also Arrowheads.Prospecting, Indian, 9-10, 44.P'skitana'gan "folded double," de-scription and use, 237-238.Pskitonage, "folded," description anduse, 239. Pueblo culture, Johnson Canyon, 353-354.Pueblo I, San Juan, reference to, 287.Pueblo II, San Juan, elements, 281, 292.reference to, 287, 293, 294.Pueblos, value of turquoise, 22-23.Pumice, as an abrasive, 4.Pursh, Frederick, botanist, quoted, 103.Puruha, alliance with the Cara, 176.Pyrite, 42-43, 57.mentioned, 2.origin behef, 8.various uses, 3, 4, 5.Quartz gems, distribution, 29-30, 33, 34.various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5.Quartz mines, disappearance, 6.Quichua-speaking Indians of the Prov-ince of Imbabura (Ecuador) andtheir anthropometric relations withthe living populations of the Andeanarea (Gillin), 167-228.domestic animals, 172-173.dress, 174.houses, 173-174.language, 174-175.ornaments, 174.rehgion, 174.See also Imbabura Indians.Quijos, an Imbabura tribe, mentioned,175.Quitu, Kingdom of, 176.Quitus, early inhabitants of Imbabura,179.Raffeix, Jesuit, referred to, 108.Rafinesque, C. S., botanist, quoted, 102.Raguenau, Paul, quoted, 116, 117.Rainbow Bridge, Glen Canyon, localityof site 20, 343.Redd Canyon ("Red Canyon"), Utah,description of ruins, 336-337.Redeye, Henry (Onondaga), Seneca in-formant, 89.Religion, Tonawanda, Parker on, 157.Religious ceremonies, in emerald min-ing, 21.rock crystal used, 31.Religious festivals (Tonawanda Sene-cas):calendric cycle, 144.ceremonial cycle, analysis, 158-164.Religious mysticism, regarding mineraldeposits, 10-12.Riggs, Delbert, member of field trip,282.Riggs' ranch, Utah, mentioned, 283.River Desert Band, Algonquin, increasein population, 236.See also Birchbark containers.River du Lidvre Band (Algonquin) , baskets, "block" printing, 270-271.See also Birchbark containers.Rock Crystal, 30-32, 58.luminescence, 7.mentioned, 29, 44.origin, 8.trade, 17.various uses, 3, 4, 5. 366 INDEXRuby. See Corundum.Rush Rhees Library, mentioned, 148.Sahaptian Tribes. See Birchbark bas-kets.Salt mining, beliefs and customs, 11-12.light used, 13-14.methods, 12-13, 14-15.Sand Hill longhouse, mentioned, 144,147.San Roque, Ecuador, a location of fieldwork, 171.San Sabastian, stratified site of, 180.Sap Dance. See Maple Festival.Sapphire, used for gun flints, 20.See also Corundum.Satin spar, a source of, 39.mentioned, 2.Sauk, mention of suicide among, 124,128.See also Foxes.Saulteaux, reference to suicide among,126, 127, 128.See also Birchbark containers.Saussurite, mentioned, 54.Scapolite, 54.Schaeffer, C. E., acknowledgement to,234.Scott, Donald, acknowledgement to,172.Seaman Canyon, Utah, 285.Seed Dance. See Planting Festival.Selenite, distribution, 58.light used for mining, 14.mentioned, 2.uses, 4.Seneca, reference to, 83-94 passim, 99,104, 108, 109, 113, 120-121, 124, 125,128, 130, 132, 133.Senecas, Tonawanda Band. See Tona-wanda Longhouse Ceremonies.Serpentine, 2, 7, 39, 58.Sex relationship, taboo on, 12.Shamanistic medicine societies, refer-ence to, 145.Shawnee, mention of suicide among, 128.Sherds ground to circles, Johnson Can-yon, 309-310.See also Pottery.Shoemaker, John, member of field trip,282.Silicosis, possible existence among In-dians, 10.Sillimanite, mentioned, 54.Silverheels, Old (Seneca), reference to,150-151.Sioui, Prudent, daughters of Huroninformants, 85.Sioux, mention of art, 260.mention of suicide, 127, 130.Skeletal material, Johnson Canyon, 319.Skye, Simeon, Tonawanda Seneca,quoted, 149.Slate, 45, 58.Smelting of metals, Indian, 2, 14, 40.Smith, Mrs. Elna N., acknowledgementto, 83. Smithsonite, 42.Snow, Josephine, Seneca informant, 87,92-93.Snow, Sarah, Seneca informant, 84, 87,92-93.Snuff, from hellebore, 112.Soapstone (steatite), 2, 47-48, 58-59.localities, 9.religion in mining, 11.trade, 16, 17, 19.various uses, 3, 6, 7.Social disorganization, concept, 122.Society of the Chanters for the Dead,reference to, 126.See also Chanters for the Dead.Sodalite, 2, 7, 28, 59.Soursprings longhouse, mentioned, 143.Speck, Dr. Frank G., acknowledgementto, 143, 151.(Art processes in birchbark of theRiver Desert Algonquin, a cir-cumboreal trait). 229-274.Spirits : Evil Spirit, attributes, 157.Great Spirit, attributes, 157.in gems and decorative stones, 5.in mines, 15.relation to mineral deposits, 10-12.spirits of the corn, beans, andsquash, dances to, 146-147.Stalactitic calcite. See Calcite.Standing Quiver Dance. See TrottingDance.Staurolite, 39.Steatite. See Soapstone.Steward, Julian H. (Archeological re-connaissance of Southern Utah), 275-356.Stirling, Matthew W., acknowledgementto, 172.Stone objects, Johnson Canyon, 318-319.Stones, precious and decorative:Apache directional symbolism, 26.distribution, table I (faces 55).ideas of origin, 7-9.mined by American Indians, 45-59.uses by American Indians, 3-5.Strawberry Festival, or StrawberryDance:analysis, 159.composition of ceremonies, 162.mentioned, 145, 146, 149.Morgan's questions on, 151.Parker on, 154.String-bean Festival, or String-beanDance. See Green Bean Festival.Suarez, Gonzalez, cited, 181.Suicide, Iroquois, analysis, distributions,and conclusions, 120-135.attitude toward, 86-91, 107, 114,120-121, 130-134.causes or motives, 90, 107, 114,120-121, 124-128.frequency, 86, 88, 90, 94, 120-123. INDEX 367Suicide, Iroquois?Continued.fundamental patterns, stability of,134-135.influence of European civilization,122.informants on, 83-85. See alsoindividual names.linguistic evidence, S5-8G.methods, 86-88, 90-121, 129-130.miscellaneous modern, 99-lOLpoisonings, 91-95. 102-111,120-121. See also May-apple; Waterhemlock.violent, 95-99, 114-119, 120-121.sources of case material, 120-121.Sun, Cara worship of, 177-178.cult, origin, 178.dance, mentioned, 151.sun-shooting ceremonv, analysis,145, 159.temple of (Quito), description, 177-178.Sunstone, 45, 59.Svmbolism, religious, question of, 269-270.yellow water lily in Algonquindesign, 256-257.Taboo, against war, 49, 52.concerning turquoise, 14.possibility of, 35.sex relationship, 12.Tantaquidgeon, Miss Gladys, referenceto work. 271.Tetes de Boule, absence of baskets, 241.See also Birchbark containers.Textiles, Johnson Canyon-Paria Riverregion, 317.Thanksgiving Dance, mentioned, 147,155.Parker's reference to, 157.Thanks-to-the-maple (Sap Dance). SeeMaple Festival.Thunder Ceremony or Rain Dance, 145,155, 160.Thunderers, Parker on, 157.reference to, 150, 151, 155.Timagami. See Birchbark containers.Timiskaming Band (Algonquin). SeeBirchbark containers.Toltecs, beliefs concerning jade, 35.knowledge of precious stones, 9.trade with Southwest, 26.use of turquoise, 27.Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies:Xinetv years after Lewis HenryMorgan (Fenton), 139-165.conclusion concerning, 151.cycle of, 144, 158-164.festivals analyzed, 158-160, 161-162. (See also names offestivals.)medicine society cures and renew-als, periodic, 160-161.specific rites and dances, 163-164. Tonawanda Longhouse, location, 144.Tonawanda pattern (of ceremonies),compared with other tribes, 146-147.Tools:Cara, 177.graving, 4.Imbabura, 172.Johnson Canyon, 311-312, 315-318.materials used, 38, 47.mining, 12, 13, 24, 25, 33, 39, 40,44, 50, 54.Tourmaline, 22, 59.Trachyte Creek, Glen Canyon, speci-mens from, 335-336.village ruins, 335.Trade, agatized wood, 33-34.amber, 46, 47.catlinite, 48-49, 51.gems and precious stones, 16-19.jade and jadeite, 35.jasper, 33.magnesite, 39.mica, 44.nephrite and jade, 37-38.obsidian, 52, 54.pyrite, 42.turquoise, 25-27.weight-and-measure inspectors, 19.Trotting, or Standing Quiver Dance,reference to, 146, 147.Tupac Yupanqui, an Inca conquerer,176.Turquoise, 22-27, 59.another term for 23, 35.Indian knowledge of presentmines, 9.mentioned, 2, 15, 31, 50.mining disasters, 14.mining methods, 12, 13.trade, 17, 19.value compared to emerald, 20.various uses, 3, 4, 5.Turtle rattles, mentioned, 147.Tusa (modern San Gabriel), Ecuador,mentioned, 176.Tusayan culture, reference to, 292.See also Pottery.Tuscarora, reference to suicide, 99, 113,120, 124, 128.Tutelo, case of suicide, 128, 129.LTtah, comparison of cultures, 354-356.University, acknowledgment to, 281.Museum of Anthropology, spec-imens, Steward expedition,282.Utensils, hewn at quarry, 47, 48.household, minerals tised, 3.Johnson Canvon, from potsherds,309.mining, 13.soapstone, 7.See also Metates; MuUers; Dippers.Variscite, 2, 45.early knowledge of, 7. 368 INDEXVelasco, Juan de:account of the Cara, 176-179,183.archeological evidence, 181-182.Verneau and Rivet, quoted, 178, 182.Vimont, quoted, 117-118.Votive offerings. See Offerings, votive.Wabanaki. See Birchbark containers.Water drum, mentioned, 147.Waterliemlock (Cicuta maculata L.),86-88.cure for poisoning by, 94, 103.length of use as poison, 130-131,134.medicinal use, 92.poisonings 1720-1672, 106-109.proof of identity, 111-113.use at Onondaga, 103.various tribal names for, 87, 88, 94,95, 113.Sec also Suicide, Iroquois, methods,poisonings.Waterhemlock (Cicuta ramis bulbiferus) , mentioned, 103.Waugh, F. W., reference to, 84, 85, 88.Wayne, H. A., reference to, 98-99.Weapons, materials used, 3.Webster, Captain (Onondaga), men-tioned, 103.West Canyon Creek, Utah, site 23, 346.White Canyon, Utah, description ofhouse ruins, 329-332.specimens, 334-335. White Dog sacrifice, mentioned, 145,150, 163.Morgan's questions on, 152.Parker on, 155-156.Whortleberry Festival, analysis, 160.mentioned, 149.Wfgwasanagan, "birchbark dish," de-scription and use, 239.Wi'gwemat' "birchbark receptacle,"description, 236.Wildcat Canyon, Utah, mentioned,283, 284, 287.Wildcat Spring, Utah, mentioned, 283.Windows, materials used, 4.Winnebago, mention of suicide, 128.Wisse, J., reference to work on suicide,122.Witches, doctrine of, reference to, 152.Parker on, 157-158.Women, Iroquois, superior position of,124, 126.Women's dance, reference to, 146, 147,164.Worship, objects of, 5.See also Religious ceremonies, etc.Wyandots (Oklahoma), mentioned, 85,113.Yaguarcocha, defense of, 181-182.use of rafts on, 182.Zambiza, Ecuador, nationality of popu-lation, 179.Zeisberger, Rev. David^ quoted, 104,o ^ 4:a SMFTHSONIAN INSTrTUTION LIBRARIES 3 9088 01421 8721 mi^^mM?mi4;v:Kijhm^m