Contributions to South American Archeology

Volume I

Contributions to South American Archeology

THE GEORGE G. HEYE EXPEDITION

The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador

A Preliminary Report

BY

MARSHALL H. SAVILLE

Loubat Professor of American Archeology
Columbia University

NEW YORK

1907

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of which this is No. 21

PREFACE

The archeological researches in the northwestern part of South America, described in this monograph, were undertaken by the writer with the financial support and cooperation of George G. Heye, Esq., of New York City. The plan of the work is to collect and publish data relating to the precolumbian inhabitants of the entire region lying between Peru and Panama.

CONTENTS

Copyright

Preface

Introduction

Geography and Description of the Province

Historical Accounts of the Spanish Conquest and of the Natives

Archeology

Wells

Ruins

Stone Seats

Human Figures

Animal Figures

Column on Animal’s Back

Animal on Column

Columns

Quadrangular Sculptures

Bas-Reliefs

Resonant Stone

Metates

Emeralds

Gold, Silver, and Copper

Ceramics

Pottery Vessels

Moulds

Stamps

Spindle-Whorls

Whistles

Human Figures

Human Heads

Animal Heads

Appendix

Notes

Bibliography

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIGURES

FIG. 1

FIG. 2

FIG. 3

FIG. 4

FIG. 5

FIG. 6

FIG. 7

FIG. 8

FIG. 9

PLATES

PLATE

I

House in Monte Cristi: Cerro Bravo in the background.

II

Hotel in Monte Cristi: Hill of Monte Cristi in the background.
House in Monte Cristi.

III

Town of Picoaza.
Ruins of Houses in the Cerro de Hojas where stone seats are found.

IV

Seat from Cerro Jaboncillo.

V

Seat from Cerro Jaboncillo.

VI

Seat from Cerro Jaboncillo.

VII

Seat from Cerro Jaboncillo.

VIII

Seat from Cerro de Hojas.

IX

Seats from Cerro de Hojas.

X

Seats from Cerro de Hojas.

XI

Seats from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XII

Seats from Cerro Jupa and Cerro Jaboncillo.

XIII

Seats from Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo.

XIV

Broken Seats from Cerro de Hojas.

XV

Seat from Cerro Agua Nuevo.

XVI

Seat from Cerro de Hojas.

XVII

Small Seats from Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo.

XVIII

Seats from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XIX

Seats from Cerro Jaboncillo and Cerro de Hojas.

XX

Seats from Cerro Jupa.

XXI

Seats from Cerro Jupa and Cerro Agua Nuevo.

XXII

Seats from Cerro de Hojas.

XXIII

Seat from Cerro de Hojas.

XXIV

Seat from Cerro de Hojas.

XXV

Seat from Cerro Agua Nuevo.

XXVI

Seat from Cerro Jupa.

XXVII

Seats from Cerro Jaboncillo and Cerro Agua Nuevo.

XXVIII

Human Figures from Cerro de Hojas.

XXIX

Human Figures from Cerro de Hojas.

XXX

Human Figures from Cerro de Hojas.

XXXI

Animal Figure from Cerro de Hojas.

XXXII

Animal Sculptures from Cerro de Hojas.

XXXIII

Columns from Cerro de Hojas.

XXXIV

Columns from Cerro de Hojas.

XXXV

Bas-reliefs from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XXXVI

Bas-reliefs from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XXXVII

Fragments of Bas-reliefs from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XXXVIII

Bas-relief from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XXXIX

Bas-relief from Cerro Jaboncillo.

XL

Metates and Hand-stones from Cerro de Hojas.

XLI

Copper Discs from Manantial.

XLII

Copper Objects, Pottery Vessels, and Stamps.

XLIII

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLIV

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLV

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLVI

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLVII

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLVIII

Designs on Spindle-whorls.

XLIX

Whistles.

L

Whistles.

LI

Human Figures.

LII

Human Heads.

LIII

Human Heads.

LIV

Human Heads and Fragment of Vessel.

LV

Animal Heads.

The Antiquities of Manabi, Ecuador

INTRODUCTION

The western coast of South America, north of Peru, which includes the coast provinces of Ecuador and Colombia, is very little known archeologically, and but few collections have been made in this entire region: the same is true of the vast interior table-lands which run from south to north between the western and the eastern ranges of the Andes. In prehistoric times this great region was occupied by various tribes with different degrees of culture. To the north, in Colombia, we find the remains of the Chibchas, whose territory was well to the east of the eastern range of mountains (the city of Bogota is practically in the centre of this old-culture area); to the west, in the Cauca Valley, are the remains of the Quimbayas; a little to the north, in the state of Antioquia, are numerous evidences of another ancient culture; in the southern part of the Cauca Valley, around Cali and the city of Popayan, are the remains of an equally independent culture. In the state of Antioquia the limits of the northern culture are not well defined. In the northwest, towards Darien and the Isthmus of Panama, are dense and humid forests, which probably never supported any great number of natives: this region intervenes between the province of Chiriqui, now in the Republic of Panama, and the seat of ancient culture in Antioquia. It is a well-known fact that the Nahuas of Mexico from time to time sent out various colonies, which settled along the west coast of Central America, in the interior of Costa Rica, and their southernmost settlement was on the Chiriqui lagoon. South of Popayan we come into the immediate confines of the Republic of Ecuador; and in this great region the Quichuas, or, as they are commonly known, Incas, extended their influence from Peru northward during the middle of the fifteenth century, and established themselves in Quito. Thus we have the influence of the ancient Mexicans separated from that of the ancient Peruvians by the stretch of land extending from Quito northward to the Isthmus of Panama.

In Ecuador it is safe to assume that before the Peruvians entered the country there were at least five different centres of culture. The people of the northernmost centre inhabited the province of Imbabura, which is between Quito and Popayan; Quito itself was the centre of another ancient culture,—the Caras. To the south we find, near Riobamba, the remains of the Puruhas; still farther to the south, in the mountains of Azuay (around Cuenca, Cañar, Chordeleg, and Sigsig), are the remains of the Cañaris. This latter centre of culture was presumably much more influenced by Inca civilization than were the centres of the north, being much nearer to the northern frontier of Peru. On the coast we find the remains of two entirely different cultures. In the province of Manabi, in a dry and arid strip extending from the equator south towards Guayaquil, there developed a unique civilization which apparently suffered but little from Incasic influence: the limits of this culture are not well determined. In northern Manabi and along the coast of the province of Esmeraldas there are the remains of another distinct culture. In fact, this great region, extending north from the frontier of Peru to the Isthmus of Panama, has as yet been but imperfectly studied, and there are no adequate archeological collections illustrating the state of civilization reached in precolumbian times in this part of South America.

For the reasons mentioned above, it was planned to make a general trip through the entire region during the summer of 1906, visiting the coast region of Manabi, and thence journeying into the interior from Riobamba northward,—passing through Quito, Ibarra, Popayan, Cali, and Cartago in the Quimbaya region of the Cauca Valley,—then penetrating into the state of Antioquia, in order to obtain such information and material as could be gathered in the short space of a four-months’ trip, to be supplemented by photographs of various archeological objects and of ruins which might be found during the journey. This plan proved altogether too ambitious an undertaking for a single summer’s work, and, on our arrival on the coast of Manabi, it was found advisable to limit our travels and observations to Ecuador: consequently we remained six weeks investigating the ruins and antiquities of the province of Manabi. Later a trip was made into the interior, taking the railroad from Guayaquil to Riobamba, where we remained six weeks, carrying on the same class of investigations, and visiting the outlying pueblos, where the remains of the Puruhas are to be found. Later a trip was made from Riobamba to Mocha, Ambato, Latacunga, Quito, and Perucho. We succeeded in obtaining considerable information regarding the archeology of two centres of culture; namely, Manabi, and the region of the Puruhas, in the vicinity of Riobamba.

Poster H. Saville—who had previous experience in archeological work in Mexico, having been a member of three Loubat expeditions in the state of Oaxaca—was assistant on the present expedition. We left New York early in May, which enabled us to reach Ecuador shortly after the end of the rainy season. After the trip of seven days from New York to Colon, and the two hours and a half trip by rail across the Isthmus to Panama, it was found that the boats southward from that port did not connect with any of the three lines arriving in Colon from the United States. Therefore we were obliged to remain five days on the Isthmus in order to make connections with the coast steamer, our objective point being Manta, the seaport of the province of Manabi and the second largest port in Ecuador.

On the evening of the second day after sailing from Panama, we arrived at the entrance of the Bay of Buenaventura. The next morning we proceeded up the bay about eight miles to Buenaventura, the most important Colombian seaport on the Pacific coast. It is situated on an island near the mouth of the Rio Dagua, and is one of the most forlorn and desolate places we found in the tropics. The climate is extremely humid, and the narrow streets are usually ankle-deep in mud. During the three days we were obliged to remain in Buenaventura we rarely saw the sun, as it rained almost constantly. There is a cable station here, and a railroad, which runs inland as far as the small village of Cordova. The control of this railroad has passed into American hands, and vigorous work is being done to extend it to Cali, which is between the western and central ranges of the Andes in the great Cauca Valley. When this railroad is completed, it will open up perhaps the most fertile valley, and certainly one of the richest regions for agriculture and mining, to be found in any part of western South America. At present it extends about twenty-five miles, and has not yet reached the foothills of the western Andean range. It is to be standard gauge, and the engineers expect that in two years the city of Cali will be reached.

A few hours after leaving Buenaventura, the Island of Gallo was passed. This island will be remembered in connection with the conquest of Peru by Pizarro. It is related that on this desolate spot the soldiers and sailors, becoming discouraged with the difficulties of the voyage forward, wished to retreat, and that Pizarro, tracing a line on the sand from east to west, declared his intention to go forward, and stepping over the line was soon followed by others: thus the tide of discontent was turned, and the expedition proceeded on its way. In the afternoon we arrived at the port of Tumaco, the southernmost in Colombia, not far distant from the northern frontier of Ecuador. The entrance to this little town is one of the most picturesque imaginable. There is a high island, called El Morro, with steep wooded slopes, which we had to steam around before a glimpse of the town was obtained. The town itself differs but little from the ordinary west coast towns of South America.

Sailing all night, we arrived at Esmeraldas, the northernmost port in Ecuador, at eight o’clock in the morning, anchoring several miles from the shore. Esmeraldas lies on the southern bank of the Rio Esmeraldas, and the entrance and river itself are full of flats and reefs. This town was quite severely shaken by earthquakes in February, 1906, and a number of the houses were seen in total ruin. An important industry here is the making of cigars, the Esmeraldas tobacco being the best flavored and the most appreciated of any tobacco raised on the west coast of South America. A glimpse was obtained of several of the Cayapas Indians, who had come to Esmeraldas from their forest homes in the interior, near the Cayapas River. They are probably the descendants of the earliest inhabitants of this part of the country, and have never been Christianized, speaking their own language, preserving their own customs, and living in the forests, isolated and remote from white settlements.

At sunrise the next morning we crossed the equator, and arrived at Bahia a few hours later, where we remained all day, unloading cargo. This town is at the beginning of the arid zone of Manabi, and is but a short distance north of Manta. Leaving Bahia the following morning, shortly before noon, we arrived at Manta four hours later; this being our point of destination. There are no piers or wharfs in Manta, and steamers come to anchor a mile or more from the shore. All baggage goes to the land in lighters, and passengers in small boats, which do not come to the beach, but from which baggage and freight have to be carried on men’s backs to the shore, and passengers, in the arms of sailors, to the beach.

GEOGRAPHY[1]

The province of Manabi, on the Ecuadorian coast, is crossed by the equator near its northern frontier. It is bounded on the north by the province of Esmeraldas, on the east by the provinces of Pichincha and Guayas, on the south by Guayas, and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. It has an area of 20,442 square kilometres, and a population of less than a hundred thousand. Its territory is moderately mountainous, without any high peaks. Near the coast the greater part is covered with a light forest growth, and other portions by meadows. There are but few streams which cross Manabi; the principal rivers being the Porto Viejo, Ohone, Jama, and Cuaque. In the interior mountains are the headwaters of the Daule and Quininde Rivers, which flow into the Pacific near Guayaquil. This province has the interesting feature of having an arid strip between the humid region, which extends along the Pacific coast of South America from Panama to the northern parts of Manabi, and its southern frontier, which is in a short humid belt extending nearly to Guayaquil. The land appears from the sea to be gray and desert-like, and glimpses are had of the low ranges of mountains, running approximately north and south, which begin about twenty miles from the coast. Farther inland the mountains rise to a greater height: they are really the coast foothills of the great Andean range. While the greater part of the province is arid, yet the hills, like the Cerro de Hojas, which rise to the height of a thousand feet and upwards, are peculiar in having a dense tropical fauna and flora: this is due to the fact that they catch the moisture from the clouds, and their summits are covered nightly by dense fogs. The climate of the province is very agreeable. On the coast the prevailing winds are from the west, and at night the temperature seldom rises above 70°F. There is but little humidity, and it is extraordinary to find directly on the equator, at sea-level, a region so entirely unlike what would naturally be expected.

The principal products are cacao, coffee, sugar-cane, tobacco, india-rubber, cotton, fine-grained and hard woods, various textile plants, and a great variety of vegetables. The chief product, however, is the tagua, or ivory-nut, which is the best and closest grained found anywhere in the world. These nuts are from the corozo-tree, Phytelephas. It resembles the palm, with large, wide leaves spreading out from the top. The nuts come from the flowers, and grow on the tree just where the palm-like leaves spread from the trunk. They drop to the ground, and then are gathered by the natives for commerce. Hundreds of thousands of sacks are exported from Manabi yearly, and this vegetable ivory is used for making buttons. The greater part of this product is sent to Germany.

The principal industries are agriculture, fishing, and the manufacture of saddle-bags, hammocks, mats, etc. Manabi is famous for the manufacture of Panama hats, those from Monte Cristi being the finest in the world: the most skilful workers often receive seventy-five dollars, gold, for their best hats. The grass from which these hats are made is called Toquilla, and the fibre is tougher than that from any other part of South America. This is, perhaps, due to the arid soil, as we find the same conditions in Yucatan, where the finest hemp from the agave-plant is obtained in the rather arid part of the peninsula. Salt and lime are found in the province; and there are, undoubtedly, valuable minerals, and possibly emeralds, no mines of which have been developed. In fact, the geography and geology of Manabi are but imperfectly known, less so, perhaps, than they are in any other coast province of South America, and the rich deposits of the region have not been worked.

The capital is Porto Viejo, a city about twenty miles from the coast. It has five thousand inhabitants, two churches, a college for boys and a college for girls, a school of art, and various government buildings.

Manta, on account of its position as a seaport, is the most important town in the province, and has the first lighthouse on the South American coast south of Panama. It is a port of entry, and has a custom-house, a number of large business-houses, and a church, where services are held once a year. Pearl-fishing was formerly an important industry here, but it has been wholly abandoned. The water swarms with splendid food-fish, and there are many lobsters; but the latter are seldom caught, the people apparently preferring the tinned article, which is sold in many shops. The name of Manta is supposed to have been given on account of the great number of mantas which abound in the sea off the coast. They belong to the ray or skate family, and are often of large size. The fish which are caught are rarely sent inland to Monte Cristi and Porto Viejo. The fishermen live in a settlement by themselves, of about fifty houses, just east of the town.

Monte Cristi is three leagues to the south of Manta, at the northern base of the hill of the same name, which rises about sixteen hundred feet. It has about two thousand inhabitants, and there is a college for boys and a church, where services are held only during the festival of San Pablo, the patron saint of the town. At that time (in the month of June) they have an interesting festival, quite spectacular in character, which has certain elements derived from Indian and Negro sources.

The province is divided into seven cantons, as follows: Porto Viejo, Monte Cristi, Jipijapa, Rocafuerte, Santa Ana, Sucre, and Chone. Manabi has two principal seaports; namely, Manta and Bahia de Caraques, and two smaller ports, Cayo and Manglar Alto. The largest island off the coast is La Plata, about nine miles from the mainland and about fifteen miles southwest of Manta.

At the present time there are no Indians, so far as we know, in Manabi. Spanish is now universally spoken, and the people are a mixture of white, negro, and Indian; the greater number being known as Cholos and Sambos. There are but few pure white-blood people in the whole region.

Nearly all of the houses are raised on poles, as will be seen in Plates I, II, and III. They are made of bamboo, with thatched roofs. In the larger towns a few are plastered, and have corrugated iron roofs. The better class of houses are enclosed on the ground-floor, the lower story being used for storehouses and shops, with the living-rooms in the second story. There is but little wealth to be found in the whole province, the people generally being miserably poor, but contented; and they are found, as a rule, to be trustworthy, generous, and kind-hearted. There are but few carriage-roads, and transportation is generally on horseback, while many of the natives are porters. The llama is not known in the province. There is telegraph connection with the outer world in all of the larger towns. Connection with the interior of Ecuador is entirely by steamer from the seaports to Guayaquil. In all of the seaports there are German merchants, their establishments being principally for the exportation of the ivory-nut, Panama hats, and hides.

HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST AND OF THE NATIVES

The history of the provinces of Manabi and Esmeraldas has never been written; yet, from a historical standpoint, it is one of the most important regions in South America. Here the Spaniards first received definite information of the so-called Peruvian Empire.

From the works of Cieza de Leon, Zarate,[2] Garcilasso de la Vega, Xerez,[3] Montesinos,[4] Benzoni, and the “2a parte de la descripcion de Guayaquil en que se trata de la ciudad de Puerto Viejo y su distrito,”[5] we learn much concerning the precolumbian inhabitants of the region and their customs, which bears directly upon the archeology of the province. The narratives of Cieza de Leon,[6] Garcilasso de la Vega,[7] and Benzoni,[8] are given in full in the Appendix to this monograph. They are the most valuable contemporary accounts which we have of the history and traditions of the natives.

Regarding the earliest settlement of the Ecuadorian coast we know nothing. The first certain knowledge we have about the natives of this part of the country relates to the Caras. On this point, Wolf writes as follows: “Among the natives of the maritime coast we may distinguish one from all the rest by many signs, the Cara nation. If the others are considered as natives from time immemorial, the Cara nation were strangers, coming by sea in an epoch not very far distant, perhaps during the sixth or seventh centuries of our era. They were a bellicose and conquering people, and in all of their culture very superior to the barbarous tribes over whose lands they extended little by little. The first theatre of action of the Caras after their arrival was Manabi from the Bay of Caraques to Manta, and it is said that here they founded a city. The history of their exploits, migrations, and conquests on the coast, remains involved in the most complete obscurity, and we only know that little by little they completely abandoned the coast of Manabi, extending towards the north by Atacames and Esmeraldas, and penetrating by rivers to the territory of Quito. As a most plausible motive for these constant migrations, Velasco and other historians present the circumstances of their first territory being unhealthy, but we are not able to agree in this, because they migrated from coasts very healthy, to humid and unhealthy forests; before all, it seems that we should hunt for the motive in the character of the race, which is presented as nomadic, unstable, adventurous, and conquering. Neither do we know if all the nation took part in these migrations, or only a part, the rest remaining in Manabi in their first settlements. Velasco affirms that the other surrounding tribes occupied later the abandoned territory, and they were also called, improperly, Caras; but the most sure signs may be searched for in the geographic names which remain.”[9]

This desert-like country was at the beginning of the Christian era, according to Velasco, invaded by giants. This date is of no historical value, and is apparently a mere conjecture on the part of Velasco. Bandelier quotes from the unpublished work of Gutierrez, who places this invasion during the fifteenth century.[10] This is improbable from the very nature of the tradition itself, and is not borne out by the statements of the most reliable authorities. Tradition states that these giants landed on the coast at the point of Santa Elena, coming in large boats or balsas.[11] It is related that their coming was during the time when the Caras were in this region. The tradition of the landing of the giants was universal among the Indians at the time of the conquest, and is mentioned by all writers. Zarate says that but little credit was given to these reports, until the year 1543, when the Governor of Porto Viejo, Captain Juan de Olmos, caused excavations to be made, and great ribs and other bones were found, which convinced them of the truth of these stories.[12] Concerning this early settlement of the coast by giants, Bandelier, in his recently published paper, “Traditions of Precolumbian Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions in Western South America,” has brought together many notices about this landing.[13] Zarate’s statement—that the Spaniards saw in Porto Viejo massive sculptured figures of these giants, one of a man, the other of a woman—is referred to by Bandelier, who conjectures that there is a possibility that the “stone seats or benches, of which there are several in various museums, representing usually a human figure on all-fours bearing on the back a seat of some form, are perhaps related to the ‘bulto destos gigantes’ alluded to by Zarate. These seats come from the same region.” In view of the number of sculptures brought together in this collection, it does not seem necessary to connect the stone idols and figures with the seats. At the same time, it is strange and almost incredible, that, had the Spaniards visited the various hills where the seats are found, they should not have mentioned them, as they are so different from any other sculptures in South America. They did mention figures of men and women, hence it is probable that they saw sculptures of the type in the collection herein described. It has long been known that the Indians, finding large bones, supposed them to be those of giants. The existence of mastodon-bones in this region, and their bearing on this tradition, have been shown by Bollaert, Cevallos, Suarez, and Wolf in their studies, and we found many opportunities to obtain portions of mastodon-skeletons during the summer of 1906.

It is probable that these stories about the giants refer to the landing of some barbarous and warlike people who came at a remote time in the past. Archeological remains show that there formerly lived in this region a sedentary people who were well advanced in culture. These remains are treated in the archeological section of this monograph. Whether they are to be attributed to the Caras, or to those who remained in the country after being under their influence, it is impossible to affirm.

Juan and Ulloa, and others, state that during the reign of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, who was the ruler of the Quichuas from 1439 to 1475, there arrived messengers from the province of Porto Viejo and adjacent provinces, supplicating that they be received as vassals, and that he send governors and persons who would give instruction and cultivation to the country which they inhabited. The Inca sent masters to civilize these people in order to give them the same standing that the other states had: as soon as these messengers arrived, it is said that the natives armed themselves against them, and killed them.[14]

From the account of Cieza de Leon in the second part of the Chronicle of Peru, we learn that the son of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Capac, who reigned from 1475 to 1525,[15] before he accomplished the subjugation of Quito, “sent captains with a sufficient force to explore the seacoast in a northerly direction and to bring under the Inca’s dominion the natives of Guayaquil and Porto Viejo. The captains marched into this district, where they waged war and fought some battles, sometimes being victorious and at others sustaining reverses; thus they advanced as far as Collique, where they met with people who went about naked, and fed on human flesh, having the customs which are now practised and used by the dwellers on the river of San Juan: from this point they returned, not wishing to penetrate farther, but to report what they had done to the king.” Cieza de Leon states that Huayna Capac, after he had completed the conquest of Quito, heard from his principal chiefs who had served in that war, and, “feeling that all was peacefully settled in the mountainous provinces, he thought it would be well to take a journey to the province of Porto Viejo, to that which we call Guayaquil, and to the Valleys of the Yuncas; the captains and the principal men of his council approved the thought, and advised that it should be put into execution. Many troops remained in Quito; the Inca set forth, with a considerable force, and entered these lands, where he had some skirmishes with the natives, but eventually one after another submitted, and governments, with mitimaes [colonists], were established.”[16]

Velasco states, regarding the subjugation of Manabi by Huayna Capac, that “among the numerous factions in the province of Manta was one of the Pichunsis, who were absolutely dissolute, having inherited their vices from the giants. It appears that Huayna Capac subjugated this territory as far as Cuaques along the coast and a great number of the ‘nations’ of the interior of the land. He arrived personally as far as Colima [Cojime?], where he commanded that a fortress should be made, and left some people to carry out his orders and to instruct the Indians.”[17] It is thus evident that the Peruvians came very late into this region, and consequently exercised but little influence on the culture of the people of the coast. It is safe to assume that the material in the collection now to be described pertained to a people almost untouched by Inca ideas. As Suarez remarks, “The Incas touched the province of Manabi, but their dominion over the people was short, and without any considerable influence.”[18] Whether the comparatively high culture which is evidenced by the sculptures is indigenous to this region, or whether the people came with their civilization already well advanced, are questions difficult to answer. The unique features seen in the sculptures seem to point to a development of the culture on the soil. With one or two exceptions, which will be pointed out later, the characteristic sculptures are not found elsewhere, nor are there any others in ancient America at all approaching them in concept.

Spanish influence dates from the year 1526, when Francisco Pizarro, on his second expedition from Panama, sent the pilot, Bartolome Ruiz, southward from the Rio de San Juan to explore the unknown coast. He reached what is now the province of Esmeraldas, and discovered three large towns at the mouth of the Rio Esmeraldas, where he was received in a friendly manner. He saw Indians wearing jewels of gold; and three who came to receive him wore gold diadems on their heads. Ruiz remained here two days, then sailed southward, following the coast by the province of Manabi; he crossed the equator, and rounded Cape Pasado just above Bahia de Caraques. He then returned northward, and joined Pizarro. In 1527 Pizarro, on his third expedition, skirted the coast of Manabi en route to Tumbez in northern Peru. He apparently did not make any landing in Manabi on this voyage. In 1531 Pizarro was again on the coast of Manabi. He cast anchor in the Bay of San Mateo, where he disembarked his forces, and started on a march down the coast to Tumbez.[19] Herrera tells us that the Spaniards were well received in the province, and that, while they were there, Atahualpa, who had taken the crown in Tomebamba, was advised of the progress of the expedition.[20] When they arrived in the vicinity of Manta, the soldiers and sailors, fatigued by the long journey, wished to remain there and establish a colony; but Pizarro would not consent to this, and resumed his march to Tumbez. In 1534 Pedro de Alvarado, who had been with Cortez in Mexico and was the conqueror of Guatemala, landed at Bahia de Caraques in order to march to Quito. He remained there a number of months: Sancho says three,[21] while others state that he was in Manabi five months before beginning the march into the interior. He had with him a large expedition, composed of soldiers, women, negroes, slaves, and many Indians, some brought from Guatemala, and others taken from the Manabi towns.

In 1535 Diego de Almagro sent Francisco Pacheco from San Miguel Piura in Peru to Manabi, in order to establish a town. Cieza de Leon states that he started from a village called Piquasa (Picoaza), and founded the city of Porto Viejo in the locality which appeared to him most suitable, on the 12th of March, the Day of St. Gregory. It was not far from the sea, and in one of the best parts of the province.[22] In all the early accounts concerning the discovery and colonization of Manabi, the name of Manabi does not appear, but it is usually called the province of Porto Viejo. Other titles were Gobierno de Cara, Tenencia de Porto Viejo, Gobierno de Guayaquil, and Provincia de Manta. In “A General Relation of the Spanish Populations of Peru,” made for Salazar de Villasante by an anonymous author (written, probably, during the years 1573 and 1574), is some interesting information regarding the city of Porto Viejo at that time. From this report it seems that an unsuccessful attempt was made by Santillan in 1565 to remove the city, and consolidate it with Manta.[23] About 1628 both Manta and Porto Viejo were sacked and destroyed by English pirates. The town of Porto Viejo was removed from its former site, which is now not definitely known, to its present location. Monte Cristi was settled at this time by inhabitants of Manta, who retired to the foot of the hill of Monte Cristi, and established the present town.[24] At the time of the conquest of the province, and for many years later, there were a number of Indian towns which have now disappeared. At the present time the province cannot be said to be very thickly settled. In a report written in 1591 is a list of towns with the number of Indians who paid tribute each year to the Spanish crown: they nearly all bear Indian names, and but few exist at the present time. The names on this list, of towns still inhabited, are Picoacan (Picoaza), Xipexapa (Jipijapa), Tocaguas (Tosagua), Toal (Toalla), Manta, Monte Christo (Monte Cristi), and Charapoto.[25]

A few names of precolumbian tribes in Manabi have been handed down to us. Velasco writes, that the giants ate a part of the natives who had previously been inhabitants of that country, and caused the rest to retire. After the disappearance of the giants, those who had retired came back. They were divided into nine tribes, composed of the residuum of various nations. They united into a single tribe, although preserving their proper names, which were Apichiquies, Cancebis, Charapotes, Pichotes, Pichoasaes, Pichunsis, Manabies, Jarahusas, Jipijapas, and Mantas.[26] Ulloa gives us other names, taken from Garcilasso de la Vega, in the following statement: “Among the nations living on this coast region may be distinguished those with the names of Apichiqui, Pichunsi, Sava, Pecllansimiqui, and Pampahuaci, and there were others, more savage than any who had been up to that time conquered by the Incas, who were named Saramissu and Pampahuaci; so savage were these last two named peoples, that the Inca did not deem them worthy of conquest.”[27]

It is difficult to gain an adequate idea of the appearance of Manabi towns, and the customs of the natives, in precolumbian times. In the extracts from the early Spanish writers given in the notes of this report, we have brought together all of importance which has been printed up to the present time. There may be unedited manuscripts in the libraries and archives of Spain which may throw more light on the condition of this region before the fifteenth century. The accounts of Manabi generally are interwoven with that which relates to the province of Esmeraldas, where the archeological material indicates a different culture in many respects. The material obtained by Dorsey from the Island of La Plata, immediately off the coast of Manabi, resembles but little the objects from the adjacent coast.

Some observations concerning the natives may be cited here. It is said that they worshipped the sea, fishes, tigers, lions, snakes, and a great emerald. Their temples or places of worship, where they had their idols, were called Guacas. The entrances faced the east, the doors being covered with white cotton cloth. Velasco has an interesting notice about the temples: “The province of Manta had two temples, which remained from the earliest times down to the coming of the Spaniards. One was on the continent and the other on the island, called to-day La Plata. The one on the continent was the most famous and celebrated of all, and but little less rich than that of Pachacamac in Peru, and as much frequented by pilgrims from all parts. It was dedicated to the god of health, called Umiña, for its idol was made, with the figure half human, of a great stone of very fine emerald, whose value must have exceeded that of the combined treasures of many temples. To this celebrated temple the sick from all parts were accustomed to journey, coming in person or in the arms of persons. Directly the high priest received the offerings of gold, silver, and precious stones which they had brought, the pilgrims prostrated themselves on the earth, and the priest then, taking the idol in a very white and clean cloth, with great reverence applied it to the head or to the infirm part of the sufferer. It is said that many were healed. On the island the idol was dedicated to the Sun, and was also known as well, and no less celebrated and rich. The inhabitants of the coast went there by boats, and celebrated the winter solstice with a great festival of many days’ duration. The sacrifices were of gold, silver, precious stones, very fine woven cloths, skins, and a certain number of children, which abuse the Incas entirely wiped out.”

They sacrificed human victims, selecting them from the children and women, as well as from prisoners of war. The war captives who were killed for these sacrifices were flayed, and the skins were filled with ashes and hung in the doors of the temples and in their feasting and dancing places. The priests looked for favorable or unfavorable signs in the entrails of animals. The idols, of various shapes, were made of clay, stone, gold, or silver, and at Manta was also the great emerald, about which we shall speak later.

In the description of Porto Viejo,[28] reference is made to a present given to a Spaniard. This was a great piece of gold in the form of a board, which appeared to have been cut from a larger piece. The Indian who presented this gold object was said to have had in his possession a gold plate upon which rested another piece like a platform, forming a kind of throne, upon which to sit during certain sacrifices and ceremonies which they had throughout the year.

Regarding the morality of the natives, Cieza de Leon says that it was notorious among all the inhabitants of the kingdom of Peru, that, in some of the villages of the district of Pueblo Viejo, sodomy was practised. This assertion regarding the low moral standard of the inhabitants of this part of South America is as explicit as the frequent statements concerning the common practice of cannibalism by the inhabitants of the Cauca Valley. The burial-customs of the natives of this part of Ecuador are mentioned by Cieza de Leon, who writes that “they made deep holes in the ground, which looked more like wells than tombs, and they buried the most beautiful and beloved of his women with him, besides jewels, food, and jars of wine made from maize. They then placed over the hole those thick canes which grow in the country. As these canes are hollow, they take care to fill them with that drink made of maize of roots, which they call aca, because they believe that the dead men drink of the liquors they put into the canes.” They deformed the heads of their children, and were accustomed to paint their faces and bodies in various colors. They were fond of ornaments of gold, silver, and emeralds.

The Indians of this land did not have a common language; but nearly every town spoke a different dialect, which is said to have caused discord and wars among them. They knew the days of the week, and distinguished them with particular names. Sunday, being the most solemn, was called Tepipichinchi. Their sons were given the name of the day on which they were born.

ARCHEOLOGY

We have but little information concerning the antiquities of Manabi. Wiener and Gonzalez Suarez have visited the province, but they have not added much to our knowledge of this region. Gonzalez Suarez has illustrated and described a few specimens from there, and Wiener has written briefly about one of the stone seats for which that part of South America is noted. The only archeological work was done in 1892, when Dr. George A. Dorsey spent sixteen days on the Island of La Plata. The result of his investigations has been published by the Field Columbian Museum.[29] The material which he found was generally of an entirely different character from the specimens found by us on the mainland during the summer of 1906. We were especially interested in the stone seats, and nearly all of the time spent in Manabi was devoted to researches bearing on that problem. In the results of this first trip, which are set forth in this preliminary report, we have not been able to settle definitely the question of racial affinities of the makers of those sculptures. It seems quite probable, however, that the people whose remains are found on the hills had little in common with the Quichuas of Peru, or with the other centres of culture in the Andes. We are inclined to believe that they came along the coast from the north, possibly from southern Central America. Gonzalez Suarez believes that they were related to the Mayans of Yucatan and Central America, and in the Appendix will be found translated his arguments for this belief.[30] We were able to bring together a considerable amount of new material bearing on this ancient centre of culture.

WELLS. One of the first things which attracted the Spanish discoverers of Manabi was the deep wells found in great numbers in different parts of this arid region. Cieza de Leon states that the building of these wells was attributed by the natives to the giants. He writes particularly concerning the wells near Santa Elena, as the giants were supposed to have landed at this point. He says, “As they found no water, in order to remedy the want they made some very deep wells, works which are truly worthy of remembrance; for such is their magnitude that they certainly must have been executed by very strong men. They dug these wells in the living rock until they met with water, and then they lined them with masonry from top to bottom in such sort that they would endure for many ages. The water in these wells is very good and wholesome, and always so cold that it is very pleasant to drink.”

Zarate probably refers to the existence of wells as follows: “The land is very dry, although it rains a little. It has but little sweet, running water, and every one drinks from wells or from dammed waters (aguas rebalsadas), which they call jagueyes.” This statement is not very clear; but the words translated as “dammed waters,” or “pool of dammed waters,” evidently refer to artificial cisterns or wells.

In the “Descripcion de la Gobernacion de Guayaquil” (p. 273) there is a notice of the wells of this region, which is as follows: “They drink water out of wells, one of which they call ‘Of the Giants,’ which, according to sayings of the ancient Indians, lived in that country, not as original inhabitants, but came from other parts.”

Villavicencio writes that there is a “hill called La Bolsa, two leagues distant from Monte Cristi to the southwest; here are some wells with covered stone, and artificial; that which is worthy of note in these wells is the depth and how they were constructed, as they appear not to have been for the object of taking water from them, as there is no water there at present. On the slope of this hill there is a spring of water which is continually bubbling.”[31] It is singular that Villavicencio should have made this statement, as there are numerous ancient wells filled with water at the present time.

Gonzalez Suarez has called attention to a number of wells in different parts of Manabi. From his “Historia del Ecuador” we quote as follows: “The most notable of these artesian wells, mistakenly attributed to giants, are in the actual province of Manabi, about a league to the southeast of the town of Jipijapa, in a point called Choconcha. In this place are eight, some of which are now filled up, but it would be a very easy matter to clean them. A little above there is another, in a place called Gandil. Above Monte Cristi is a very large one which is still in good condition, and from this comes the potable water used not only by the people of Monte Cristi, but also of Manta. A small well is found between Jipijapa and Santa Ana, with the name of Chade. In all the coast of Ecuador, from Manta to Puna, there is a great scarcity of water, and for this reason the ancient native tribes made these deep wells in order that they should not want for water. Without doubt they were guided by the verdure which the small herbs of the country preserved in the summer months, when all the rest of the vegetation was parched, in order to discover the concealed springs in the depths of the earth.”[32]

Most of the water used in Manta at the present time comes from wells in the little settlement of Colorado, and these wells also supply part of the water used in Monte Cristi. Not far from Monte Cristi, however, are ancient wells at a town called Toalla, which is probably the place referred to by Suarez.

In the ruins back of the town of Manta, which extend, a short distance from the beach, several miles into the country to the south, there is a circular well cut through the solid rock, which was discovered a few years ago. It was covered by a stone, and filled with earth and small stones. The owner of the land commenced cleaning it out, but discontinued the work before reaching the bottom, on account of the expense and the difficulty of removing the rubbish, but more especially because he found no water. At present it is 42 feet (12.8 m.) deep, but several feet of earth have washed in during the rainy seasons. The well is cut in a sort of spiral fashion through the solid rock. The top is 3 feet (91.4 cm.) from the present surface of the ground. It is only 2 feet 3 inches (68.6 cm.) in diameter at the top, and gradually diminishes in diameter towards the bottom. At the bottom it is almost impossible for a person to move about in order to clean out the earth. This is the only well known at present in the vicinity of Manta, but there are indications of the existence of others in the ruins. We saw another well, discovered a few months ago, in the Cerro de Hojas, which the owner of the land was engaged in clearing out during the month of June. He had already reached a depth of perhaps 25 feet (7.6 m.), and there was water in the bottom at that time. This well is much larger than the one seen at Manta, it being about 8 feet (2.4 m.) in diameter, and it is not cut through the solid rock. The sides are walled up with rough stones in the same manner as are those which have been referred to by Suarez. There is another ancient, very deep well, near the base of Cerro de Hojas, which is walled up in the same manner as the well on the hill. In this well there is an abundance of water, and it is used by the people living in the neighboring ranchos.

RUINS. Throughout the province of Manabi there still exist many remains of ancient houses of the precolumbian inhabitants of this region. Cieza de Leon mentions the sites of houses near Santa Elena which are connected with the myth of the giants and believed by the natives to be the ruins of their first settlements.

Near the present town of Manta are the ruins of a large precolumbian settlement. In the second part of the “Descripcion de la Gobernacion de Guayaquil” (pp. 302 and 303) is an interesting account of Manta, which states that the Indian settlement was called Jocay, and that the natives had no knowledge of when it was founded. This account further states, that at a distance of from one to two leagues from Jocay were three other towns, called Jaramijo, Camilloa, and Cama. The Spaniards forced the Indians to abandon these towns, and settle in Manta. The same language was spoken in all the towns. It appears that, at the time of discovery, Jocay was governed by a cacique, who was called Lligua Tohali. It was a town of considerable size; but by the cruelty of the Spaniards, who tortured the Indians in order to secure gold and emeralds, the population rapidly diminished.

The ruins of Jocay are to be seen south of the present town of Manta, and extend even into the village itself. Probably in former times they reached to the seashore, but the present modern town has obliterated all traces of the ancient houses. There are the remains of hundreds of house-sites and mounds, with here and there innumerable red potsherds scattered over the ground. These houses are often of one room; but there are many with two or more, and even up to seven, rooms in one building. Little is left of the walls, the bases of which are of rough stones set edgewise in the ground. The average width of the walls is from 3 feet (91.4 cm.) to 4 feet (122 cm.), the inner and outer part being made in the same manner, and probably filled with rough stones and earth. The shapes of the rooms of many of these houses can still be traced; but for generations the place has served as a quarry for the inhabitants of Manta, who are constantly prying out stones from the walls to be used in the town. Some of the buildings have been of enormous size. One was 190 feet (57.9 m.) in length, 39 feet (11.9 m.) in width at the southern end, and 37 feet (11.3 m.) at the northern end, these being inside measurements. The thickness of the side-walls was 4 feet 6 inches (137 cm.), and that of the southern wall, 2 feet 7 inches (78.7 cm.). In this building the inner and outer walls were of slabs set in the ground, the spaces between being filled in with rougher stones. The surface of the ground near the northern end of this large building sloped somewhat towards the sea, and a platform or graded way was built from the level of the building as an approach; this was 35 feet (10.7 m.) long. There were no traces of stone steps in this graded way. The orientation of the building was, in general, from north to south; but the variation from the true north was much greater than that observed in the ancient places in Mexico and Central America. Many of these houses are covered by a scrub growth, so that it is impossible to make accurate measurements of their dimensions without clearing this away. This has tended towards the preservation of the walls, as, up to the present time, the natives have contented themselves with taking the stones from the ruined structures in the open fields. Another house was measured which was 150 feet (45.7 m.) long, and 41 feet (12.5 m.) wide. The stones, set edgewise in the ground for the walls, were 2 feet (61 cm.) high. This building also had a sloping or graded way at one end.

Scattered here and there are many mounds, which are probably burial-places. In one group of rooms, towards the east, are a number of much disintegrated stone sculptures. One room has walls made of earth, probably the adobe bricks so commonly used in ancient America. In it is a group of five sculptures, only one of which is standing in place, close to the wall. This is a human figure, the head of which is broken off; it is 4 feet 9 inches (146 cm.) high, and 2 feet 4 inches (71.1 cm.) across. There are among these sculptures several other human figures, and one single stone, 6 feet (183 cm.) in length, which has carving on it. These sculptures are so much weathered and worn that they give but little evidence at present of any great degree of attainment in the art of carving by the ancient people. Some of the stone is calcareous, while some thin slabs are of a gritty sandstone.

In the patio of the business-house known as the Casa Tagua, in Manta, are two extremely curious sculptures with animal figures, which were taken from the Manta ruins. They are in a better state of preservation than the sculptures before mentioned. They are about 4 feet (122 cm.) in height, and represent animals with enormously long necks and part of a body. They may possibly be llamas, but they are so much conventionalized that it is not certain that this animal is intended to be represented. It was probably the only animal with a long neck with which these people were acquainted. On the ground in the vicinity of the ruined buildings, in addition to the red potsherds before mentioned, may be found hammer stones, broken hand stones for metates, broken metates, and the remains of pottery vessels of a brown ware, as well as fragments of clay figures. The natives say that the site of the ancient temple was where the modern cemetery of the town of Manta is now located, but at present there is absolutely no evidence of any such structure. Up to the present time there have been no excavations made in the ruins; they cover several square miles, and it promises to be a most important field for future archeological work.

About six or seven miles northeast of Monte Cristi is the famous Cerro de Hojas, from which place have come the stone seats which from time to time have found their way into various museums in Europe and America. Midway between Monte Cristi and Cerro de Hojas is a series of hills, in some places very precipitous, none of them rising over five hundred feet (150 m.), which are locally known as Cerro Bravo. In these hills are very many house-sites of the same type as those found in the ruins at Manta; they are known to the natives under the name of corrales, the Spanish word for “enclosure.” Notwithstanding the existence of these house-sites in great numbers, so far as we were able to learn from the hunters, who are accustomed to traverse these hills in all directions in pursuit of game, no seats or sculptures have ever been found there.

Between the northern slopes of Cerro Bravo and the northwestern base of Cerro de Hojas is a small village, not on the map, called La Secita; here have been found house-sites, and thousands of clay spindle-whorls, and pottery fragments. The people in this little settlement cultivate the soil on the western slopes of Cerro de Hojas. It may be well to state, that the whole range of hills placed on the maps under the name of Cerro de Hojas is not locally so known. At the northern end of the mountain-ridge of Cerro de Hojas is a very deep ravine, separating it from another line of hills running to the northwest, known as Cerro Jaboncillo, the general direction of Cerro de Hojas being north. These hills are slightly higher than Cerro de Hojas. There are also two ranges of hills some leagues southeast of Monte Cristi; namely, Cerro Jupa and Cerro Agua Nuevo: and in the vicinity of Jipijapa, which lies well to the south of Monte Cristi, near the frontier of the province of Guayas, is a line of hills known as Manantial. On all these hills, house-sites are found; but, as before stated, no seats exist in Cerro Bravo, and likewise none have been reported from Manantial. These remains of houses all pertain to the same culture. In Cerro de Hojas they are found on the level tops of the hills, and, on the slopes, level terraces have been made, each of which has a house containing one or more rooms. On many slopes the terraces are one below the other, resembling an enormous flight of huge steps. One house measured in Cerro de Hojas had the following dimensions: length, 37 feet (11.3 m.); width, 23 feet 6 inches (7.16 m.). The largest house which was measured was 161 feet (49 m.) long, and 41 feet (12.5 m.) wide; there was no evidence of interior walls, it being a single room, with the northern end open. In these same houses were also found stone columns, figures of men, and certain curious sculptures, which will be described later.

In the houses on Cerro Jaboncillo numerous very interesting stone bas-reliefs have been excavated, but none have been found, to our knowledge, on any other hill. In the upper parts of the hills which overlook the lower slopes, and where we should expect to find the remains of temples, there are at present no evidences of any large structures which would have served for this purpose. It is possible that the few large houses found in different parts of the hills, the measurements of one of which have been given, were the temples or council-houses, but this is merely conjecture. In no case do the walls rise more than 2 feet (61 cm.), and generally they were made of rough slabs of stone placed edgewise in the ground, as before described in dealing with the ruins at Manta. One house was observed with walls of a different construction. The rooms were not large, but the walls were made of squared stones, three courses of which remain, and they were laid so as to make a wall slanting at an angle of about seventy degrees on each side. As this ruined building is buried in the deep underbrush with which the greater part of the hill is covered, and no loose squared stones were observed in the vicinity, it seems probable that the upper part of the walls was made of a perishable material, very likely adobe or sun-dried bricks; there is also a possibility that the walls were of cane or wood. This type of construction is entirely different from the hundreds of houses which were observed during the past summer, and may represent a later type of building.

STONE SEATS. The most remarkable feature of the archeology of Manabi is the great number of stone seats or chairs which have been found on the summits of the hills not far distant from the sea. They are unique, being found only on the hills in a small area of about twenty miles in diameter; and no objects of like character are known in any other part of either North or South America. They are not mentioned by any of the early writers or explorers. This would seem to indicate that they were not seen by Pizarro and his companions when they passed through this province, and possibly shows that the towns on the hills were in ruins, and covered by the forest, at that time. The first notice of their existence is given by Villavicencio, who, in his “Geography of the Republic of Ecuador,” published in New York in 1858, states that “two leagues north of Monte Cristi there are some hills, such as the Cerro de Hojas; this is a low mountain with a flat summit; in this plain there is a circle of seats of stone, no less than thirty in number, each one of which is a sphinx, above which is the seat with two arms, all of stone, well worked, and of a single piece, which may be transported. This circle of seats appears to have lodged a congress of men who came together here for their conferences, which may have been those of the magnates of the Cara nation, who lived here before they had accomplished the conquest of the kingdom of Quito. We have taken two of these seats for our museum, and they are preserved in Guayaquil.”

Bollaert quotes this statement from Villavicencio in his “Antiquarian, Ethnological, and Other Researches in New Granada, Ecuador, Peru, and Chili.” This statement regarding the placing of the seats in a circle has found credence among later writers, and we also hear of a stone table in the centre of this circle. Wiener visited these hills in July, 1882, and sent a seat to Europe, which is in the Trocadero Museum. He does not give any information concerning the arrangement of the seats,[33] and simply writes that “there are some other broken chairs, four of which could be easily repaired, to be found on a stone rock eleven leagues and a half northeast of the small port of Manta.” This is a mistake. The distance to the base of the hills is a little over five miles in a northeasterly direction. Gonzalez Suarez visited the region, and in his “Archeology of Ecuador” states that “these seats are found in the Cerro de Hojas, placed in a semicircle, in each one of the platforms on the hill. This composes a group of broken hills, and on the summit of each one of these were a number of these seats placed around with symmetry.” In another part of his work, Suarez says that “in each of the summits or truncated surfaces [of the hills] are a number, more or less considerable, of seats and columns of stone placed in a circle.”

During our visit to Manabi, careful examination was made of the summit of Cerro de Hojas, and it will be remembered that, in the description of the ruins on the hill, mention is made of the numerous house-sites, locally known as corrales, which are found in great numbers. It was in the rooms of these houses that the stone seats were found; and in no case were they observed occupying any regular order, or placed in any way which would indicate their having been around stone tables or in a circle. In fact, no large stone slabs are found in any of the ruins, with the exception of small bas-reliefs, to be described later. In some rooms, only one seat was found; in others two; and sometimes three, four, and even five have been discovered in a single house. So far as the Cerro de Hojas is concerned, we must conclude that the story of the ceremonial placing of these seats is a myth; but as we were unable to visit Cerro Jaboncillo and the two more distant hills,—Cerro Jupa and Cerro Agua Nuevo,— there is a possibility that in these hills there may have been some regular arrangement of the seats. Repeated questioning of the natives leads us, however, to doubt that the conditions under which the seats are found in these hills are at all different from those in the Cerro de Hojas.

Some of the seats are of argillaceous, shaly sandstone; but the majority are of andesite. From the type of sculpture which serves as a support, they may be divided into two great classes; namely, those which have human figures, and those which have animal figures. In general, the human figures are carved in very nearly the same manner, but there are greater differences in the carving of the animal forms. In the collection we have brought together, which is now in New York, the majority of the seats have the crouching human figure supports. In the animal or puma figures, we find considerable variation in the way in which the animal has been carved. In some, the ears are very prominent; in others less so; and in one specimen the ears are not represented at all. Some have a tail, while in others it is absent. In addition to these two general types into which we may divide the greater number of seats, we have examples of four other classes; namely, the bird or lizard, the bat, a monkey-like figure, and one with a circular design enframing a puma-face, apparently intended to represent a copper disc, of which a number have been found in Manabi and in other parts of Ecuador. Thus we have, forming the supports of the seats in this collection, six different motives: first, the crouching human figure; second, the crouching puma-like figure; third, the bird or lizard; fourth, the bat; fifth, a monkey-like figure; and, sixth, the representation of the copper disc. A seat was seen in Porto Viejo which was different from any in the collection. On the front is a small standing human figure with a loin-cloth, the sides of the support being entirely plain. In Chicago there is a seat with an entirely plain quadrangular block for the support.

All of the seats from the Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo are made of andesite, with the possible exception of two specimens. It is interesting to find that the seats from Cerro Agua Nuevo (illustrated on Plates XX, XXI, and XXVI) are not of andesite, but of sandstone; a seat from the same hill (see Plate XXV) is of argillaceous, shaly sandstone; while another seat (see Plate XV) is of andesite. It is impossible to state at present the locality of the quarries from which the stone used by the ancient sculptors was taken, as during our trip there was not sufficient time to search for them. In regard to the stone used by the ancient inhabitants of Manabi, a singular point is brought out by a study of the material used by the ancient builders of Manta. The stone used for the houses is oolitic limestone, while that used for the sculptures which are found in various parts of the ruins is a shell limestone similar to the coquina of Florida. It is rather remarkable that, in selecting material for carving sculptures, they chose the coarsest stone to be found in Manabi, breaking it off from the cliffs and ledges which occur just above sea-level; and that for the houses they selected a finer one, found also in the vicinity. It is difficult to conjecture why they selected the coarsest, roughest, and least desirable material for their sculptures, and used the finer stone, better adapted for carving, in their houses. At all events, the stone used by the builders of Manta was found in the immediate vicinity. It is probable that the andesite from which the seats were carved in the Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo, will be found in the immediate vicinity of the hill, and that the sandstone—which was not used, so far as our knowledge goes, in either of these two hills, but was confined to the stone seats from Cerro Agua Nuevo and Cerro Jupa—will be found also in their vicinity. Some of the seats have geometric designs or patterns carved on the borders: only three of these came from Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo, while six are from Cerro Jupa and Cerro Agua Nuevo. All of these sculptured borders have practically the same design repeated with slight variation. The patterns on the seats from Cerro de Hojas are in a better state of preservation, as the andesite has not weathered so much as the sandstone.

It is doubtful if there are many types or variations of seats other than those contained in the present collection to be found in this region. Several hundred were seen; and all the different types or variations from the two great classes—the crouching human figures and the puma figures—were obtained, and are here described and illustrated. There is not a single human or animal figure in which the proportions of the body are accurately brought out, as will be noted by examination of the plates. The arms and legs are generally entirely out of proportion to one another and to the body of the figure. As a rule, more attention has been paid to the face than to the rest of the figure. As will be seen by referring to the plates, there is great variation in the manner in which the seat itself is carved and the way in which it is placed upon the back of either the human or animal figure. It will be observed also that the greater number of the seats have arms of unequal length; and there is no set rule of placing the seat on the back of the body, some being placed well forward while others are back from the front of the figure, some having slanting arms while others have arms almost vertical from the base. Again, we have broad seats and extremely narrow seats. The greater number have outward extensions to the arms, and there are several in which this feature is absent. We will now proceed to a detailed description of the various examples brought together in the collection, and of which illustrations are given on Plates IV to XXVII inclusive. With but few exceptions, the front, side, and back views of the seat are given. The human figure type of support precedes that of the animal, as the class is numerically stronger.

Plate IV, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The face is of a different type from those seen on the other seats. The head-band is concaved and very high, being quite broad at the top. The lower part of the face is rather pointed. The ears are very large and have prominent ear-ornaments, and the nose is battered. Around the neck is a decorated band. The upper part of the chest is separated from the front upper surface of the pedestal. The hands, which are closed with the thumb resting on the forefinger at the top, project at an angle over the upper edge of the pedestal, which slopes downward at the same angle. The body is more realistically carved than most of the human figures in these seats. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base; and the loin-cloth, which is shown at the back of the figure, going down between the legs, is also seen going forward around the abdomen of the figure. The seat rests on a slight support placed on the back of the human figure, and is massive: both back and front edges have an upward, inner slant. This is the largest seat in the collection and the second in size of any of the stone seats that have been reported from Manabi, the largest being the specimen in the town of Monte Cristi, belonging to the municipality. The dimensions of the specimen here described are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 35 inches (88.9 cm.); extreme breadth, 25 inches (64.8 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 13 inches (33.7 cm.), back, 13 inches (33 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 18 inches (47.6 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 12 inches (32.4 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.9 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 14 inches (36.8 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.9 cm.); slant of front edge of seat, 60 degrees; slant of arms of seat, 74 degrees; overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (5.4 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate V, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is raised above the back of the figure; the ears are prominent and flattened over the side of the head; the hands are closed and rest on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The seat rests upon a high massive block resembling an inverted truncated pyramid with the four corners well defined; the feet are placed upon the back of the base with the toes pointing inward, making right angles with the upper line of the pedestal. This is one of the highest seats, and both front and back are nearly vertical. The arms, in proportion to the height of the seat, are the highest of any of the seats from Manabi. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 33 inches (84.8 cm.); extreme breadth, 25 inches (65.4 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 13 inches (35.2 cm.), back, 14 inches (35.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 15 inches (40 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 14 inches (36.8 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (9.8 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 11 inches (29.2 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.9 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (3.8 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate VI, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The stone is a light gray color and somewhat disintegrated. The upper part of the right arm of the seat is broken. The head of the human figure has a band over the forehead. The ears are prominent, and small ear-ornaments are shown. The face has a well-preserved aquiline nose. The hands are closed and rest on the pedestal, with the thumb upward. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. The loin-cloth is shown at the back of the figure. The front of the seat is slightly curved, and there is a considerable backward slant to the arms; the pedestal on both the front and back is smaller at the base than at the top. This seat is one of the highest of the collection, and the pedestal is much smaller than in the other large seats. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 33 inches (84.5 cm.); extreme breadth, 28 inches (72.4 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 14 inches (35.6 cm.), back, 13 inches (35.2 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 15 inches (39.7 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 4 inches (10.2 cm.); slant of front of seat, 70 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 13 inches (33.7 cm.); average height of pedestal, 4 inches (10.8 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (6.3 cm). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate VII, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is but slightly higher than the back of the figure. The figure itself is very high. The forearm is not represented. The hands, which are closed and rest on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger, are placed at the elbow. This shortening of the lower extremities of the arms is true of the legs, the leg below the knee being entirely out of proportion to the rest of the figure. The feet are close to the knees and the toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. The seat rests upon a low support placed on the back of the figure; the arms are of unequal height, the right arm being higher than the left; both front and back edges of the seat are nearly vertical, with a slight rounding of each edge around the line of the seat. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 26 inches (66.7 cm.); extreme breadth, 19 inches (50.5 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 12 inches (32.4 cm.), back, 11 inches (29.2 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 9 inches (24.1 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.9 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.6 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate VIII, Nos. 1 and 2, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is raised above the body. The ears are prominent and flattened over the side of the face, and the nose is battered. The seat rests on a block over the back of the figure, the upper part of which is on a level with the top of the head. The hands are closed and are placed on the pedestal. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. Although not the highest, this seat is the broadest and most massive, of all the sculptures of this class from Manabi. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 28 inches (72.4 cm.); extreme breadth, 34 inches (87.6 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 16 inches (41.3 cm.), back, 14 inches (37.5 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 12 inches (31.8 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 14 inches (36.5 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 4 inches (10.5 cm.); slant of front of seat, 80 degrees; extreme height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.6 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.1 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate IX, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The face is broad, the nose battered, and the mouth small. The eyes are represented. The ears and ear-ornaments are treated in a manner somewhat similar to those of Nos. 3, 4, and 5 (the human figures) of Plate XXIX. The body itself is high and the extremities are out of proportion to the rest of the figure. Neither the hands nor the feet are well represented. The left arm of the seat is missing; the front edge is much curved, with a backward slant to the arms; the rear edge of the seat is almost vertical; and the bottom of the pedestal is hollowed out,—a feature not found in any other seat. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 22 inches (56.8 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6.7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (4.8 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate IX, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The stone is much disintegrated. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The neck is round, with a prominent swelling, and the body hardly appears. The hands are closed and rest on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. The height of the arms of the seat is unequal, the right side being higher than the left. The seat has a backward slant in front and back (the right arm, 70 degrees; the left arm, 80 degrees); and the right side is placed farther back from the front of the pedestal than the left side. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 23 inches (59.1 cm.); extreme breadth, 27 inches (70.5 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 15 inches (39.4 cm.), back, 14 inches (37.5 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back,—inside, 12 inches (30.5 cm.), at upper part of arms, 9 inches (22.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); right arm back from pedestal, 1 inches (4 cm.); left arm back from pedestal, of an inch (2.2 cm.); height of human figure above pedestal to seat, 11 inches (28.6 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (5.1 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate X, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The stone is much disintegrated. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is higher than the back of the figure. The nose is battered and the lower part of the face is quite pointed. The forearms are shortened. The left hand is closed and is placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The right hand is broken off. The feet are close to the knees, and the toes project downward and toward each other, making a right angle with the base. A double loin-cloth is shown at the back. The seat rests on a support placed on the back of the figure; the arms are of unequal height, the left arm being lower than the right; the front and back borders have a decided slant inward; the front and back edges are curved, so that the tops of the arms are much shorter in length than the central part of the seat directly over the figure; the length of the base from the front to the back is the same as the top of the arms. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 24 inches (62.5 em.); extreme breadth, 24 inches (61.9 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, front, 14 inches (36.8 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 12 inches (32.1 cm.); length of upper part of arm, right side, 8 inches (21.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6.7 cm.); slant of front of seat, 80 degrees; slant of back, 74 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 11 inches (29.5 cm.); average height of pedestal, 4 inches (10.2 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (4.8 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate X, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The nose is battered, but the features of the face are quite well carved. The ears are set well back near the shoulders. The hands are closed and are placed upon the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The body is not well carved. The pedestal is broken. The seat rests on a very low support placed on the back of the figure. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 18 inches (47 cm.); extreme breadth, 20 inches (50.8 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, 13 inches (33.7 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 9 inches (22.9 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 6 inches (15.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 8 inches (20.3 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.4 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (3.2 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XI, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is well carved and is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The nose is aquiline and perfectly preserved. The lower part of the face is pointed. The hands are closed and placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The shoulders are prominent. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. The seat is massive, and the front part, with the arms, has a backward slant; the back part of the left arm is broken; the front border is decorated with a grecque design. A unique feature of this seat will be noted in illustration No. 2, which is of the right side. The front and back borders are separated from the side of the seat by a deep groove, giving the appearance of flanges. On the other side of the seat the flange is present on the front border, but is not nearly as prominent. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 24 inches (62.5 cm.); extreme breadth, 23 inches (60.6 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, front, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 16 inches (41.9 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 16 inches (40.6 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); slant of front seat, 79 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (26.7 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (3.2 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XI, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The head, which has a very high band over the forehead, is higher than the back of the figure. The well carved ears are placed down towards the lower part of the face. The upper lip, nose, and forehead are battered. Over the lips are seen lines which appear like a mustache. The hands are well carved and placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The feet are badly carved, and do not project downward over the pedestal. A broad loin-cloth is shown at the back. The seat rests on a support placed on the back of the figure, and both front and back borders have a decided slant backward, although the bottom of the seat is nearly level; the upward extension of the arms is massive, and the seat itself is unusually thick. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 27 inches (70.8 cm.); extreme breadth, 27 inches (70.5 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 15 inches (39.1 cm.), back, 14 inches (36.2 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 14 inches (36.2 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 11 inches (29.2 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (9.5 cm.); slant of front of seat, 75 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (26 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (5.7 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XII, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. The stone is weathered in places and disintegrated. The head, which is very well carved, has a band over the forehead, and is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The nose is aquiline and perfectly preserved. The lower part of the face is pointed. The mouth and eyes are indifferently represented. The forehead-band on each side ends in conventionalized ears with small ear-ornaments. The hands are closed and placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The toes project downward on the upper part of the back of the base, and the front toes are placed close to each other at an angle from the foot. A double loin-cloth is shown over the back of the figure. The seat is well rounded in front; the arms (front and back) have an upward, inner slant; and the front part of the left arm is missing. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 14 inches (36.8 cm.); extreme breadth, 23 inches (58.7 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, back, 13 inches (34.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 9 inches (24.1 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (7.3 cm.); slant of front of seat, 76 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (26.7 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (3.8 cm.). From Cerro Jupa.

Plate XII, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The head has a band over the forehead. The face is much disintegrated, and is large and massive. The body of the figure is not so well carved as in most of the seats. The elbows do not rest on the pedestal, as is the case in the majority of this type, but are placed above the knees, making the shoulders prominent. The hands are represented closed, set well back from the front edge of the pedestal. The back of the figure is almost plain, the division of the buttocks, so prominent in most of the seats, not being represented; nor are the feet carved over the back of the pedestal. The seat, which is broad and massive, rests almost directly on the back of the figure; the upper part of both arms is missing. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 27 inches (68.9 cm.); extreme breadth, 27 inches (68.9 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside,—left side, 16 inches (41.3 cm.), right side, 14 inches (36.8 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 13 inches (33 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (7.6 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XIII, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching human figure. In this seat the figure is much smaller in proportion to the size of the seat than in most of the other sculptures. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is but slightly higher than the figure itself. The nose is battered. The eyes and mouth are but indistinctly seen. Part of the upper part of the head, and lines around the chest, are painted blue; but it is not certain that the painting is ancient. The arms are entirely out of proportion to the body, the hands being placed close to the elbows, on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger. The shoulders are prominent. The legs are flexed, the heels resting on the buttocks; and the pedestal projects outward from the back of the figure. The seat rests directly on the back of the figure, and the front part slants backward; there is a decided curvature on the interior surface of each arm; the height of the arms is unequal, the right arm being higher than the left. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 22 inches (56.2 cm.); extreme breadth, 24 inches (61 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 16 inches (40.6 cm.), back, 15 inches (38.7 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 15 inches (40 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 13 inches (33.7 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (3.8 cm.); slant of front of seat, 76 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 8 inches (21.6 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inches (3.5 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XIII, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is slightly higher than the back of the figure. The ears are well carved. The nose is aquiline and well preserved. The eyes and mouth are almost obliterated. The hands are closed and placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger, and are not well carved. The body is well rounded generally. A double loin-cloth is shown at the back. The toes project downward over the upper part of the back of the base. The bottom of the seat, which rests directly on the back of the human figure, has a decided backward slant, the front edge being slightly rounded with a considerable slant, while the back is almost vertical. The upper part of the left arm of the seat is broken off. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 24 inches (62.9 cm.); extreme breadth, 27 inches (68.9 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 18 inches (46 cm.); length of upper part of right arm, 14 inches (37.1 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); slant of front of seat, 66 degrees; extreme height of human figure, l0 inches (27 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (7.3 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (7.3 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XIV, Nos. 1 and 2, crouching human figure. The head is placed in front of the body, which is not carved, being in the rough. The hands are apparently closed, resting on the knuckles on the pedestal, and placed against the elbows. There are nodes on the shoulders. The seat rests directly on the figure. The right arm of the seat is low, and the left arm is missing. There is a geometric design on the front edge of the seat and also on the outer edge of the extension of the arm. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 14 inches (37.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 9 inches (24.8 cm.); length of upper part of arm, right, 10 inches (25.7 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 5 inches (13.3 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XIV, No. 3, crouching human figure. The stone is very much disintegrated. The upper part of the head is flattened outward, forming a support for the seat. The nose is well preserved. The ears and ornaments are treated in a manner similar to those shown in No. 1, Plate IX. The arms are out of proportion to the rest of the body. The hands are in the same position as are those of the other seats. The body is placed against a slab which rises from the back of the pedestal, forming a support for the seat; between this slab and the head is a support. Part of the pedestal is broken and the arms of the seat are missing; on the front edge of the seat is an incised geometric design combining the patterns of seats Nos. 4 and 5 of Plate XIV, and Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of Plate XI. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 12 inches (32.4 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 11 inches (27.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 7 inches (18.4 cm.); average height of pedestal, 1 inches (4.8 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XIV, Nos. 4 and 5, fragment of seat, crouching human figure. The head, which has been beautifully carved and shows a head-band, is very much higher than the back of the figure. The ears are well down toward the lower part of the back of the head and are similar to those shown in No. 3 of this plate. The lower part of the face is entirely broken off. The eyes are well carved, and the fragment of the nose also shows the same feature. The right hand is missing; but the left hand is small, and carved in a conventional manner. The legs are entirely out of proportion to the rest of the body, being slender; and the feet are very small. Against the back of the body is placed a thin slab which rises from the pedestal, forming a support for the back of the seat; between the head and this slab is a support placed on the back of the body. The arms of the seat are entirely missing, but on the front edge are three sections of a deeply incised geometric pattern. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 16 inches (40.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 12 inches (32.4 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (7.3 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XIV, No. 6, upper part of the arm of a stone seat, with the representation on the upper surface of an animal carved in relief. The dimensions are as follows: Overhang of arms of seat, 1 inch (2.5 cm.); length from front to back of fragment of arm, 10 inches (26.7 cm.); length of figure carved on top, 5 inches (14.6 cm.); height of arm, 2 inches (6.3 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XIV, Nos. 7 and 8, fragment of seat, crouching human figure. The seat and the greater part of the base are missing. The head, which has a high band over the forehead, is as large as the body, and rests on the back of the shoulders, forming a right angle with the body. The ears are large and placed on the side of the head at the lower part of the headband, and are similar to those shown in Nos. 3 and 4 of this plate. The features of the face are battered. The left hand is placed at the elbow, apparently closed, although in a battered condition, the right hand being entirely missing. The back of the body, including the legs, is poorly carved. The body is placed against a vertical slab which runs from the lower part of the base upwards, and forms the rear support for the seat. Between the back of the head and this slab is a high block. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 17 inches (43.8 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 11 inches (28.6 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 11inches (28.3 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.3 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XV, Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4, crouching human figure. The face is very much battered; a band is shown over the forehead. The head is placed directly in front of the figure, which is represented with the rear part higher than the chest. The arms are short and conventionalized. The rear of the figure shows the legs spread out with the feet under the hips. The figure itself is one of the smallest of any found in the Manabi seats. The pedestal has a considerable outward extension on either side of the figure; the seat is broad and massive; and the whole front appears to have suffered from fire: consequently it is impossible to determine whether the front border was decorated. The top of the arms, the outer extensions, and the entire surface of the back border, have geometric patterns. This decoration probably extended over the front border as well. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 19 inches (48.6 cm.); extreme breadth, 29 inches (73.7 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 17 inches (44.5 cm.), back, 17 inches (43.2 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 8 inches (21.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.9 cm.); slant of front of seat, 82 degrees; extreme height of human figure, 6 inches (15.9 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (6.7 cm.). From Cerro Agua Nuevo.

Plate XVI, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, small unfinished seat, having a massive support, and showing marks of pecking. On the front part is a rude face, probably a puma. The arms are broken off, and the back is entirely plain. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 15 inches (39.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 11 inches (29.2 cm.); apparent thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of supporting figure, 7 inches (17.8 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 3 inches (7.6 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XVI, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching human figure. The stone is much disintegrated. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is considerably higher than the back of the figure. The ears are set well back, and with the eyes are well carved. The nose is battered, and the mouth is almost imperceptible. The forehead is broad, and the lower part of the face is narrow. The hands project from the elbows on either side, and are much destroyed. The toes project downward over the upper part of the base, and are placed close to each other at an angle from the feet. The seat rests on a support placed on the back of the figure: the arms are broken off. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 20 inches (50.8 cm.); extreme breadth, 23 inches (58.4 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (9.8 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 4 inches (11.4 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XVII, No. 1, crouching human figure, the smallest specimen known from Manabi. The base is broken, and the arms of the seat are entirely missing. The head, which has a band over the forehead, is higher than the back of the figure. The ears are large, the nose prominent, and the lower part of the face rather pointed. The hands are closed and are placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The feet are large and not well carved. A loin-cloth is shown between the legs at the rear. The seat rests on a support on the back of the figure. This specimen is of very great interest on account of its diminutive size. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 7 inches (18.4 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 8 inches (20.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inch (2.5 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 4 inches (11.7 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

We now come to the series of the animal figure support type.

Plate XVII, No. 2, small, broken seat. The sides and back are not carved. The head of an animal is carved in relief on the front, but no body is shown. The peck-marks of the tools used in carving this sculpture are more prominent than in the majority of the seats. The face of the animal has incised lines over the forehead and below the nose, projecting down on either side of the cheek. The lips are very prominent. The arms of the seat are entirely missing. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 9 inches (24.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 7 inches (17.8 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (3.2 cm.); extreme height of support of seat with animal head, 6 inches (17.1 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Fig. 1 is a head somewhat similar in character to the head on the seat just described. It has been broken off from a larger sculpture, undoubtedly a small seat. The mouth is highly conventionalized, and incised lines extend over each side of the face.

Fig.1

Plate XVII, No. 3, small, broken seat. The sides and back are not carved. An animal figure projects from the front of the base. The head is out of proportion to the rest of the body. The nose and eyes are prominent, and the mouth is represented by a serrated line. The fore legs of the animal are angular. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 9 inches (24.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 6 inches (17.5 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (2.9 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 6 inches (15.2 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XVIII, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The face is well carved. The ears are prominent. The lower part of the fore legs end in human hands placed on the pedestal, with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The hind legs are small and conventionalized. The back of the figure is entirely plain, perhaps unfinished. The seat is broad and massive with heavy outer extensions to the upper part of the arms; the left arm is higher than the right arm. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 23 inches (60.3 cm.); extreme breadth, 29 inches (75.9 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 17 inches (43.2 cm.), back, 16 inches (41.9 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 14 inches (35.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (7 cm.); slant of front of seat, 67 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 2 inches (6.3 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XVIII, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head projects forward on a level with the back. The ears are prominent. The fore legs, which are carved in the same way as are those of the human figures, have human hands resting on the pedestal, with the thumb placed on the forefinger at the top. The hind feet are conventionalized, and placed in front of the hips. The tail is coiled around the right hind leg. The seat is placed directly on the back of the animal with a decided slant backward toward the upper part of the arms; the arms are of unequal height, the right arm being higher than the left, and longer from front to back; the pedestal is massive. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 25 inches (65.1 cm.); extreme breadth, 26 inches (67 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 17 inches (44.5 cm.), back, 17 inches (44.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 15 inches (40 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 12 inches (31.8 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); slant of front of seat, 78 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); average height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XIX, Nos l, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head projects outward in front of the pedestal on a level with the top of the back. The ears and teeth are prominent. The face is well carved. The fore legs end with human hands placed on the pedestal with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The hind legs are small, conventionalized, and out of proportion to the rest of the figure, and are just back of the elbows. The rear part of the figure is plain, with slight indication of the buttocks at the bottom, and no tail is represented. The seat rests directly upon the back, and the bottom of the seat slopes backward towards the rear of the figure; the arms are of unequal length,—the left arm being considerably higher than the right,—which gives the appearance of the whole seat being placed unevenly on the back of the animal. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 25 inches (65.4cm.); extreme breadth, 24 inches (61.6 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 14 inches (37.5 cm.), back, 15 inches (38.7 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6 cm.); slant of front of seat, 79 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 10 inches (26.7 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XIX, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head projects well outward in front of the base on a level with the back of the figure. The ears are large and prominent. The fore feet are human, resting on the pedestal with the thumb on the forefinger at the top. The hind legs are hardly represented; and the back of the figure is almost plain, with the exception of a vertical groove in the centre, dividing the two rear parts of the figure. The seat projects over the front and back of the pedestal; the left arm is higher than the right arm; and there is a decided curve to the front border of the seat. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 21 inches (53.3 cm.); extreme breadth, 24 inches (61.3 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 15 inches (39.4 cm.), back, 14 inches (37.5 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 16 inches (41.9 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 13 inches (33.7 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (4.8 cm.); slant of front of seat, 71 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 10 inches (26.7 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 1 inch (2.5 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XX, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure. The stone is much disintegrated. The ears are prominent. The pedestal is quite thick. The arms are of unequal height, the right arm being slightly higher than the left. The front border shows a very much defaced geometric design. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 16 inches (41.3 cm.); extreme breadth, 21 inches (54.6 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 15 inches (38.7 cm.), back, 14 inches (37.8 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 9 inches (24.8 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 9 inches (22.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); slant of front of seat, 75 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 8 inches (20.3 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (6.3 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.3 cm.). From Cerro Jupa.

Plate XX, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The carving of this seat is very much weathered; but the figure is quite like that of Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of Plate XXI. The fore feet or hands are massive. The seat rests directly on the back of the figure; the arms are of unequal height, the left arm being higher than the right. A much defaced geometric pattern is carved on the front border. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 19 inches (49.5 cm.); extreme breadth, 20 inches (52.1 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 15 inches (38.7 cm.), back, 13 inches (34.3 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 11 inches (29.2 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 10 inches (26 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6 cm.); slant of front of seat, 80 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (19.7 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.3 cm.). From Cerro Jupa.

Plate XXI, Nos. I, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. This is one of the best specimens of carving from Manabi. The face of the animal is well represented. There are lines over the forehead, and the mouth with teeth is shown. The seat rests directly on the back of the figure, with the back part very much lower than the front; the arms are of unequal height, the left arm being slightly higher than the right. On the front border of this seat is a geometric design deeply cut, with patterns similar to those found on pottery stamps from this region (see Plate XLII, Nos. 12 and 13). The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 17 inches (45.1 cm.); extreme breadth, 19 inches (48.9 cm.); breadth inside of seat,—centre, 16 inches (41.3 cm.), back, 15 inches (38.1 cm.), extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (4.8 cm.); slant of front of seat, 74 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (17.8 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inches (4.4 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (0.6 cm.). From Cerro Jupa.

Plate XXI, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. This seat is the most massive for its size of any seat from Manabi. It is of a soft, friable, argillaceous, shaly sandstone, and the surface is quite weathered. The head of the animal projects in front of the figure. The shoulders are prominent. The fore feet do not show traces of toes. The hind legs are not shown, the back of the figure being like a solid support for the seat, entirely plain except for a vertical groove, which divides it into two sections. The seat is broad, with large, rounded, globular-like swellings on either side below the arm-rests, which are unusually broad. The front edge of the seat is decorated with geometric designs similar to those in No. 1 of Plate XXVI. The swelling of the body of the seat on either side about the arm-extensions or arm-rests is also a feature, but not in so pronounced a manner, in seats Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of Plate XXV, and in No. 1 of Plate XXVI. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 23 inches (58.7 cm.); extreme breadth, 31 inches (78.7 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, 14 inches (35.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside,—right side, 12 inches (31.8 cm.), left side, 13 inches (33 cm.); average length of upper part of arms, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (19 cm.); average height of pedestal, 1 inches (3.8 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 5 inches (14 cm.). From Cerro Agua Nuevo.

Plate XXII, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head projects well outward in front of the base, the upper part being slightly higher than the back of the body. The figure has been well carved, but the stone is quite disintegrated. The head is out of proportion to the rest of the body. The forearms have prominent shoulders, and the hands or feet project downward over the front of the pedestal. The tail has been coiled around the left hind leg, partly represented on the pedestal, which on both sides is broken off. The seat rests directly on the back of the animal, and is the only specimen from Manabi in which there are no outward extensions to the upper part of the arms. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 18 inches (45.7 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (3.8 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (18.1 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XXII, Nos. 4, 5, and 6, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head is slightly higher than the back of the body. The face is rather well carved; the ears are shown; the teeth are prominent; the chest is rounded; the shoulders are large; the feet are small; and the tail is coiled between the hind legs. The seat rests directly on the back of the animal, and is massive and thick; the arms are very low and spreading. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 9 inches (22.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (4.4 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (18.4 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XXIII, Nos. 1 and 2, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The whole rear part of the seat is missing. The head is round. The ears are not shown, and the teeth are prominent. The shoulders are rounded nodes like those in seats No. 1 of Plate XXII and No. 1 of Plate XIV with the human figures. The fore legs are much longer than in the majority of animal figures. The feet are represented by five lines, which rest with the tips of the toes on the pedestal. The left arm of the seat is lower than the right arm. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 21 inches (53.3 cm.); extreme breadth, 22 inches (55.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (7.3 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 8 inches (21 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inches (4.4 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.3 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XXIV, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The head, which is on a level with the back of the figure, projects well forward in front of the seat and pedestal. The breast is rounded and prominent. The shoulders are enormous nodes. The fore feet are much disintegrated, but apparently of human type. The hind legs are well carved, but the lower part is out of proportion to the rest of the figure, the feet being very small. The tail coils around the right hind leg, and the tip of the tail is slightly represented back of the right fore foot. This seat is different from those seen in the other examples from Manabi. The outward upper extension of the arms is missing, but instead, a rim is carved on either side. The left arm is higher than the right arm, and on the top are three slight pits. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, left side, 21 inches (54 cm.); extreme breadth, 22 inches (56.5 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 16 inches (42.5 cm.), back, 16 inches (40.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 14 inches (37.5 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 13 inches (33.7 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6.3 cm.); slant of front of seat, 80 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 11 inches (27.9 cm.); average height of pedestal, 1 inches (4.4 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Plate XXV, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, crouching animal figure, probably a puma. The stone is very much disintegrated, and the figure is rudely carved. The head is placed between the shoulders. The arms are very long, and extend full length from the shoulders downward, thus raising the front part of the body above the rear, which shows the hind legs low and crouching. The feet rest on the pedestal, back from the front edge. The seat rests directly on the arched body and head of the animal; the arms are of unequal length, the right arm being higher than the left. The whole sculpture is unusually narrow from front to back. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 28 inches (72.1 cm.); extreme breadth, 34 inches (86.7 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 19 inches (48.3 cm.), back, 18 inches (47.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 8 inches (20.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (8.3 cm.); slant of front of seat, 78 degrees; extreme height of animal figure, 12 inches (30.5 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.). From Cerro Agua Nuevo.

Plate XXVI, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. Seat of an entirely different type from any other found in Manabi. Upon the pedestal, which is quite thin, near the back, is a slab-like support upon which rests the seat; in front of this slab is carved a figure, now much defaced, which resembles a lizard, with the head resting on the front part of the pedestal. The seat is broad; the left arm is higher than the right, and the front edge is decorated with geometric patterns. In the centre of this border a rectangular piece is cut out. On the outer part of the seat, near the front and back edge, is a raised band. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, both sides, 26 inches (68 cm.); extreme breadth, 26 inches (67.3 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part,—front, 19 inches (48.9 cm.), back, 19 inches (48.9 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 12 inches (31.8 cm.); length of upper part of arms, 10 inches (27.3 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (6.7 cm.); slant in front of seat, 80 degrees; extreme height of supporting figure, 12 inches (31.8 cm.); average height of pedestal, 2 inches (6.7 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1.9 cm.). From Cerro Jupa.

Plate XXVII, No. 1, fragment of a small stone seat. This small sculpture lacks the whole left side, and it is difficult to conjecture what was really the original shape. On the front part of the support, above the pedestal, a disc is carved in relief, in the centre of which is an animal face resembling a puma. This design is identical with the copper discs on Plate XLI, from this region, which are also found in various parts of the interior provinces of Ecuador. Descriptions of these copper objects will be found further on. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 11 inches (27.9 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (3.2 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inches (3.8 cm.); size of disc on front of seat, 6 inches (15.2 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

Plate XXVII, No. 2, small massive seat. The upper part of the arms is missing. The pedestal is only a little larger than the square block which serves as a support for the seat. The sides and back are not sculptured, and the front, which is carved in relief, has a rude figure resembling a monkey, which is too much disintegrated to determine accurately whether the hands support anything. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, right side, 14 inches (36.2 cm.); extreme breadth, 19 inches (49.5 cm.); breadth inside of seat at upper part, 15 inches (38.1 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 9 inches (24.8 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 2 inches (5.7 cm.); extreme height of animal figure, 7 inches (18.7 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 1 inches (3.8 cm.); overhang of arms of seat, of an inch (1 cm.). From Cerro Agua Nuevo.

Plate XXVII, No. 3, small, low seat. The arms are missing, and the support is a solid, square block resting on a massive pedestal. The sides and back are not carved; on the front of this block is carved in relief a very realistic representation of a bat with outspread wings. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 11 inches (28.6 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 8 inches (21.6 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 1 inches (4.4 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 2 inches (5.1 cm.). From Cerro Jaboncillo.

The following is a description of broken seats not illustrated in this report.

Seat (), crouching human figure. The pedestal is broken off and the base has been restored with cement. The whole stone is somewhat disintegrated. The face is battered, a band is shown over the forehead, and the eyes are quite prominent. The front and back edges of the seat are curved. From Cerro de Hojas.

Seat (), crouching human figure. The upper part of the head swells out, but there is no trace of a head-band. The ears are placed on the side of the face, the nose is battered, and the lower part of the chin is broken. The whole figure is much disintegrated. The forearms are short, the hands apparently closed and in the same position as in the other seats; the back of the figure is angular; the toes are not represented. The broad loin-cloth is shown. The pedestal is massive, and the seat rests on a support placed on the back of the figure; the arms are entirely broken off. The dimensions are as follows: Extreme height of seat, 18 inches (45.7 cm.); extreme length of seat from front to back, inside, 13 inches (33 cm.); extreme thickness of seat, 3 inches (7.6 cm.); extreme height of human figure, 10 inches (25.4 cm.); extreme height of pedestal, 3 inches (8.9 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Fragment of seat (), head and shoulders of crouching animal figure with the remains of the front base of the seat on the head. This face is one of the best carved of any of the animal heads in the Manabi seats. The eyes, ears, and nose are prominent; the cheeks in this case are well shown; and the mouth has two lines of teeth. The head is 6 inches (15.2 cm.) high. From Cerro de Hojas.

In the custom-house in Manta there are four broken seats of the ordinary types; and in the same town there are said to be two or three others in the hands of private individuals: these are all from Cerro de Hojas. In Monte Cristi are many broken seats from the same hill, and a number of very fine perfect examples. The largest seat known belongs to the town of Monte Cristi, and it is now in front of the municipal building. It is in a very good state of preservation, and is 3 feet (91.4 cm.) in height, and 2 feet (76.2 cm.) broad across the upper and outer ends of the arms. In the church in the town of Picoaza are nine seats, eight of which are perfect; one has the figure of a tiger, and the others are human figures. In front of the church are three other seats more or less imperfect. In Papagallo are several large, massive, splendidly preserved specimens in private hands. There is one interesting seat, which has been alluded to, in Porto Viejo. It is in front of the police station. It is small, with a low, broad, expanding seat, and on the front is a small, standing human figure with a loin-cloth; the head is missing. It is the only one of this type which was seen in Manabi. There are many more or less imperfect seats kept in the houses in Porto Viejo. All of the seats in the villages of Picoaza and Papagallo and in the city of Porto Viejo have been brought from the summit of Cerro Jaboncillo.[34]

The stone seats of the Ecuadorian coast are not unknown in the museums of America and Europe. In the United States there are at least seven examples. In the Yale University Museum, New Haven, there is one specimen of the human figure type, made of andesite. It is 18 inches (45.7 cm.) high, 21 inches (53.3 cm.) broad across the top, and the pedestal has a breadth of 12 inches (30.5 cm.). On the back of the figure appears a loin-cloth. In the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, there are two of these sculptures, one of which is of the human figure type, while the other has an entirely plain, quadrangular support. In Washington, the Smithsonian Institution has one specimen of the human figure type, which is 2 feet 4 inches (71.1 cm.) high. In the Pioneers Museum, San Francisco, there were, before the fire, two specimens, and in the Natural History Societies Museum of Santa Barbara, California, there is another seat.

In the museums of Europe, fifteen seats are known to the writer. In the Musée Royal D’Antiquités of Brussels are two seats of the human figure type, which have been figured and described by Bamps.[35] In the Royal Ethnological Museum at Dresden there is a single specimen of the human figure type, which has been figured and described by Dr. Uhle.[36] In the Trocadero Museum in Paris are two very fine examples, one of the animal type and the other of the human type. These have been figured and described by Dr. Hamy.[37]

Professor Holmes has kindly furnished copies of his notes regarding stone chairs which he saw in various museums in Europe. In the British Museum there is one rather small specimen of the animal type. In the Stuttgart Ethnographical Museum there are two low seats of the animal type. The larger is 24 inches (61 cm.) high, has an extreme breadth of 25 inches (63.5 cm.) across the top of the arms, and is 16 inches (40.6 cm.) wide across the seat. The face projects more than usual, while the other has a flat face. In the Ethnographical Museum in Berlin there are five of the animal type. The two largest are 25 inches (63.5 cm.) high; the smallest is 15 inches (39.4 cm.) in height, 19 inches (48.3 cm.) broad across the top of the arms, and 10 inches (25.4 cm.) wide across the seat. In the Kunstgewerbe Museum in Berlin there is one of the animal type, of medium size, with low, wide, open seat. One is said to be in the Vienna Museum, and another in the Ethnological Museum of Florence. Doubtless there are examples of the stone seats in a number of other museums in Europe, as well as in private hands in Germany, as we were informed in Manabi that many have been sent out of the country by the German merchants established along this part of the coast.

HUMAN FIGURES. The collection of stone sculptures includes a number of idols, or small statues of human figures, of several types. Suarez has already figured two sculptures of this class, which he describes as follows: “They represent two men, standing above a broad base which served as a pedestal; the extended arms are not separated from the body, and the legs are almost a part of the column, which constitutes the lower part of the body. They wear as a head-dress a kind of high, almost round, nightcap, and a belt which appears to keep down the garment to the waist: with this exception, they are completely naked, with only a loin-cloth around the waist, which appears to be very marked.”

The present collection consists of eight entirely complete figures of males, standing erect on pedestals, the base of another figure, the heads of six others, two small sculptures which may be classed by themselves, and two seated female figures; making, of complete and fragmentary human figures, a total of nineteen. They are carved from the same stone as the seats, some being of andesite, and some of sandstone; and they vary in height from 9 inches (23.5 cm.) to 24 inches (62.9 cm.).

Before describing these sculptures in detail we may remark here, that the ancient Spanish historians refer to the fact that, when the conquerors of Peru arrived in the province of Porto Viejo, they found there various statues of stone with flowing robes, and mitres on the head, and that some of these statues were of gigantic dimensions. No sculptures which would answer the descriptions of the ancient writers in regard to size are known in the province of Manabi; and this collection is the only one yet brought together from this region, with the exception of the two specimens before mentioned, described by Suarez, which he states are in private hands in Manabi.

No. 1, Plate XXVIII, is a human figure 24 inches (62.9 cm.) high. It is made of very much weathered andesite, and the features are hardly discernible. The body is erect, and presents almost a straight column in front, with the exception of a slight protuberance on the right side, representing the knee, and on the back of the figure, representing the buttocks. Vertical grooves show the division of the legs. The figure is entirely naked. The arms are represented close to the body, the hands placed close to the knees; the fingers are slightly shown. The shoulders are broad, and the head rests almost directly upon the shoulders. The ears are well brought out on each side of the head, and ear-ornaments are shown. Traces are seen of an expanding cap-like covering of the head over the forehead, and coming down on either side of the face in front of the ears. The head has an outward expansion towards the top, upon which rests a ring with a depression in the upper surface. The sculpture has a thick pedestal upon which the figure stands. The feet and the division of the toes are slightly represented on the upper surface of the base.

The following is a description of the other specimens which have these cup-like depressions or bowls on the head.

No. 2, Plate XXVIII, is a figure 22 inches (55.9 cm.) high, made of sandstone. It rests on a rectangular pedestal which has a height of 3 inches (7.6 cm.). The knees are slightly bent; the body above the waist is flattened; the legs are massive, with the knees represented; the arms form a right angle with the shoulders, and are close to the body; the hands are shown. The feet are broadened at the sides and back of the ankle, giving somewhat the appearance of a sandal; and this is a feature of No. 5, Plate XXVIII, of No. 3, Plate XXIX, and , which is not illustrated. There is a band around the body, well above the waist, with two strips hanging from it on the front (coming down just above each knee), and two strips placed close together on the back. With this exception, the body is entirely naked. The face is small and badly carved. The ears are prominent, and are worked out in the same manner as are the ears of the animal figures in the stone seats; the lower part of each ear is covered by an ear bob or ornament. The head has an outward expansion, being very considerable at the back. On the top of the head is a cupped depression, and there are traces of a cap-like covering of the head over the forehead, coming down on either side of the face in front of the ears, and extending around the back of the head just above the neck.

No. 3, Plate XXVIII, is a human figure 14 inches (36.5 cm.) high, on a pedestal which is broken, but shows traces of an enclosed serrated design on the front border. This figure is standing erect with the arms placed close to the sides, the hands resting on the hips. The legs are massive; the knees are perhaps intended to be represented near the waist. A three-lined girdle is shown around the waist with a triangular-shaped apron going down between the legs, and there are traces of a decorated band around the neck. The face has been rather well carved, with an aquiline nose; the ears are shown, but without ornaments. There are traces of a cap-like covering of the head over the forehead, coming down on either side of the face in front of the ears. The head has an outward expansion towards the top, this expansion being greater at the back than at the forehead; the top of the head, which is flat, has a deep conical depression.

No. 4, Plate XXVIII, is the head of a standing figure. It is 6 inches (16.5 cm.) high. The features are very similar to those on the stone seat in No. 4, Plate XIII. The eyes and mouth are small, and out of proportion to the nose, which is large, aquiline, and perfectly preserved; the ears are not carved flat on the side of the head, as in the majority of the stone figures, but project outward, as in life; the forehead is covered by a band which ends in front of the upper part of the ears; the head has an outward expansion, more pronounced at the back than at the front, and is flat at the top, with a cup-shaped depression.

No. 5, Plate XXVIII, is a figure, resting on a massive pedestal, in character somewhat similar to that of Nos. 2 and 3 of Plate XXVIII. The height of the figure is 19 inches (50.2 cm.), and the height of the pedestal, 3 inches (7.9 cm.). The figure is erect; the arms extend down along the side of the body; the hands, placed on the hips, are large, and give somewhat the appearance of being covered with thick gloves, but really the wrist is represented by the expansion; the legs are short and massive; the upper part of the body is flat in front and back. A double-banded girdle is around the waist, with a loin-cloth shown at the front and back of the figure between the legs. The head rests upon the broad shoulders, the right shoulder being much lower than the left. The face has been battered and cut by the natives who discovered the figure, so that little can be said of the features, which in a general way may be described as being crudely represented. The nose is broad and flat; the eyes are prominent; the ears are large, and show no traces of ear-ornaments; the head has an outward expansion towards the top, which is flat and has no depression. The head-covering is shown over the forehead, coming down over the sides of the face, extending upwards over the ears and around the back of the head, slightly below the top of the ears.

The lower part of a figure resting on a thick, massive pedestal (), not illustrated here, is similar to No. 5, Plate XXVIII. It is possible that a head in the collection (), not illustrated, belongs to this figure; but the upper part of the body is missing.

No. 1, Plate XXIX, is a curious sculpture 10 inches (25.4 cm.) high, a portion of the lower part being missing. It is really a stone cylinder with a human head carved on one side near the top. There is a band over the forehead; the nose is aquiline; the eyes and mouth are almost entirely obliterated; on either side of the face are ear-ornaments in place of the ears; the arms are in relief, bent at the elbows with the closed fists nearly touching each other over the abdomen; the legs are short, and the knees are apparently under the closed fists; the feet are broken off. The whole sculpture is intended to represent a seated human figure.

No. 2, Plate XXIX, is one of the most singular sculptures from Manabi. It is 20 inches (52.7 cm.) high. It represents a human figure standing on a small, thin pedestal. The body is almost a square column, no parts of it being represented, with the exception of arms bent at the elbow; hands, coming to the front of the column, carved in relief on either side; a depression in front to show the legs; and a slight protuberance for the knees. With these exceptions, the body is entirely plain. The head, which is massive, rests upon the top of the column; the chin is broken; the nose is large and prominent; the eyes are small; the ears are large and conventionalized, and show ornaments in the lower lobe; the whole head generally is cylindrical with an expansion towards the top, and slight traces are shown of a cap-like covering over the forehead, coming down to the top of the ears in front. The top of this cylindrical column forming the head was expanded into a bowl or plate, of which the sides and rim are entirely broken off.

Nos. 3, 4, and 5, Plate XXIX, are of the same general type. No. 3 rests on a truncated, conical pedestal. The figure is 14 inches (36.8 cm.) high; the pedestal is 3 inches (7.6 cm.) thick; and the diameter of the bowl, inside measurement, is 8 inches (21.6 cm.). The figure is practically complete, with the exception of the edge of the bowl on the head. It stands erect with the hands placed on the hips, the arms being separated from the body below the shoulders. The fingers are not brought out; the toes are not shown; and the feet have the peculiarity before mentioned in connection with Nos. 2 and 5 of Plate XXVIII. The face projects well in front of the body; it has a pointed chin, pronounced cheek-bones, and the nose, unfortunately, is almost entirely broken off. The ears in this figure show extreme conventionalization, the lower semicircular part probably representing ear-ornaments. The figure is entirely naked. The plate on the top of the head is broad, and the rim is missing. This is one of the most interesting figures from Manabi.

No. 4, Plate XXIX, is the head and upper part of the body, minus the left shoulder, of a very well carved figure. The figure is 9 inches (22.9 cm.) high, and the bowl has a diameter of 7 inches (20 cm.). The nose and mouth are battered, but the eyes are still to be seen; the right shoulder is well carved, and shows the arm separated from the body; the ears are of the conventionalized type just referred to, and nearly all of the bowl or plate which was placed on the head is present, with the exception of the edge above the forehead and a piece broken off near the back of the head. There is a cap-like covering on the head, and traces of the same are seen on the back just above the neck. This plate is interesting, as it gives us the approximate type of the bowl on the nearly complete figure just described.

No. 5, Plate XXIX, is a very much defaced head and shoulders of a human figure. It is 7 inches (19 cm.) high. The features are much battered. The arms are missing; the plate or bowl which was once represented on the head is almost entirely gone; the cap-like covering of the head is shown; and the ears are carved in the peculiar conventional manner which is a feature of the other two of this class.

No. 1, Plate XXX, is an erect human figure standing on a thick pedestal. The treatment of the body is quite similar to that of No. 5, Plate XXVIII, with the exception that the chest and back are not flat. The loin-cloth in front is identical, but is not shown extending around the back of the figure. The divisions of the fingers and toes are not indicated. The head is large, the top is flat, and there is but little indication of an outward expansion. Around the outer part of the top of the head, the surface of the stone is roughly pecked, in contradistinction to the rest of the figure, which is quite smooth; this may be evidence of the former existence of a bowl or plate on top of the head, the edges of which were broken, and the rough surface smoothed off by pecking. The back of the neck is deeply pecked, forming at the upper part an arch-like rim suggesting the back of a head-covering; the nose is broken; the chin is pointed; the cheek-bones are prominent; the eyes and mouth are barely distinguishable; and the ears are rudely carved on the side of the head, without any division of the lobes. The figure is 17 inches (43.2 cm.) high, and the height of the pedestal is 2 inches (6.3 cm.).

Nos. 2 and 3, Plate XXX, are front and side views of a human figure standing erect on a pedestal now partly broken. The figure is 15 inches (40 cm.) high. The arms are close to the sides, the left shoulder being higher than the right; the hands are short and broad, and, as in Nos. 3 and 4 of Plate XXVIII and No. 1 of Plate XXX, no elbows are indicated. Six fingers are shown on each hand, but the feet are so battered that it is impossible to determine whether there was any division of the toes. The figure is entirely nude. The head, the top of which is flat, is large; the chin is raised; there are slight traces over the forehead of a cap or head-band; the eyes and mouth are obliterated; the ears are represented at right angles with the side of the head; and the nose, which is the most prominent feature of the face, is large, aquiline, and in a perfect state of preservation, having the septum pierced as if to hold an ornament. While in a general way the figure somewhat resembles No. 1, Plate XXX, the treatment is generally different from the others heretofore described.

A head of the collection () is not illustrated. It is 9 inches (22.9 cm.) high, and broken off from a figure. The upper part is quite circular with a rounded surface. The face is considerably battered, the features being hardly distinguishable; but the lines of the face generally are similar to those of No. 1, Plate XXX. The ears apparently have been carved in the manner of those in Nos. 3, 4, and 5 of Plate XXIX. A line is shown over the forehead, probably indicating a head-band.

A small head not illustrated () is 4 inches (11.4 cm.) high. It is possibly part of a figure; but there is now a cupped depression in the neck, which possibly was carved after the head was broken off. The nose and chin are battered; but the forehead is well brought out, and is more prominent than in any other of the stone heads from Manabi. The ears are of the same type as in group Nos. 3, 4, and 5 of Plate XXIX. The whole head is covered by a cap, the line of which is clearly indicated over the forehead, down around each side of the face, in front of the ears, and around the lower part of the back of the head. The carving resembles quite closely some of the similar clay heads and parts of human figures from the same region.

A fragment of a stone head not illustrated () is 3 inches (8.9 cm.) high. It is probably part of a human figure. The upper part of the head at the forehead is missing, and only a very small part of the neck is shown below the chin; the nose is large and aquiline; the eyes are well brought out; the cheek-bones are prominent; and the mouth is shown to be somewhat prognathic. Traces of a head-band are shown on the lower part of each side of the forehead. In its approach to a genuine portrait of the ancient people, the workmanship in this specimen is superior to that of any other of the stone heads.

No. 4, Plate XXX, and Fig. 2, are the only two sculptures of women in this collection. No. 4 is an extraordinary sculpture 14 inches (36.8 cm.) high, and having an extreme width at the base of 12 inches (31.8 cm.). It represents a seated woman entirely nude. The back is without any carving. The base is broad. The arrangement of the arms and legs is very peculiar, the feet being represented close to the hips, and the hands bent around and placed over the back of the shoulders. Each thumb is nearly twice the length of the fingers, which apparently are represented as closed, the thumb being curved around over the shoulder. The upper part of the face is missing. The mouth is represented by a deep cut. There are three lines curving down on either side of the face from the nose to the edge of the chin, and curved lines are represented in front of what are apparently the ears. The base of the figure is also carved. The illustration shows the peculiar features of this sculpture better than any description.

Fig. 2 is a very crude attempt at the representation of a woman. It is 9 inches (23.5 cm.) high. The head is thrown back; the face is flat; the eyes are much disintegrated; the mouth is shown with double rows of teeth; and the neck is represented by a deep groove going entirely around the sculpture. On top of the head are two parallel lines running from the forehead to the back. The arms and hands are crude.

Fig. 2.

ANIMAL FIGURES. On Plate XXXI is a large, rudely carved animal figure 29 inches (75 cm.) high. It is probably a puma resting on its haunches. The fore paws project from the body above the knees; the head is thrown slightly back. Although the stone is quite disintegrated, the lines of the face are well preserved at the present time. This is the largest sculpture, with the exception of the seats, which has been found in the province, according to the statements made by the people of Monte Cristi, who were astonished when this large carving was brought into the town by some of the natives, who found it in the Cerro de Hojas.

Nos. 1 and 2 of Plate XXXII represent the front and side of one of the most interesting pieces from this region. It is an animal 7 inches (17.8 cm.) high, probably a puma (recalling the animal figures of the seats), resting on an oval pedestal. The head is raised higher than the body; the tail is curled around the right hind leg; the fore feet are in front of the body; and serrated teeth are shown in the large, prominent mouth.

Fig. 3 is a small carving of sandstone, probably representing a lizard. It is 4 inches (12.3 cm.) long.

Fig. 3.

COLUMN ON ANIMAL’S BACK. We now come to another class of sculptures. Suarez has given a very poor illustration of two examples of this type, which he describes as having the form of a quadrangular truncated pyramid without any adornment on the sides, but with figures in relief, representing animals or human bodies, near the base. In the collection brought together there are no examples of these more conventional forms of this class; but Nos. 3 and 4 of Plate XXXII are the front and side of a sculpture worthy of careful examination, and of consideration in connection with the problem of the stone seats. It may be divided into three parts. The lower section is a crouching quadruped, probably a puma. The dimensions are: Extreme height of sculpture, 17 inches (43.5 cm.); height of animal figure, 7 inches (17.8 cm.); average height of column on back of figure, 7 inches (19.3 cm.); height of bowl on top of column, 7 inches (19.7 cm.); height of pedestal, 1 inches (3.8 cm.). The head is out of proportion to the body, and raised at an angle over the shoulders; the back of the figure is plain, and does not show the separation of the legs; on each side, the body and hind legs are conventionally shown. This figure resembles Nos. 1 and 2 of Plate XXXII; and the head resembles that of the large sculpture on Plate XXXI, and also, in a general way, the animal figures in one of the groups of stone seats. Resting on the back of this figure is a short column, flattened on the sides an inch away from the back of the head; and there is a slight rounded ridge connecting the same. This forms a support for a bowl or receptacle, which is not, however, placed directly over the centre of the column, but forward, towards the head of the figure. The upper part of the receptacle has a rim, and the interior shows a blackened, burned surface. This is unquestionably an incense-burner, undoubtedly associated in some way with the ceremonial use of the stone seats. Several other sculptures of this class were seen in Manabi, but all too much broken to be of any use in the collection.

Nos. 5 and 6, Plate XXXII, of the same class, represent a massive quadrangular block with an animal head carved on the top, near the front. Its dimensions are: Extreme height of pedestal, 6 inches (15.2 cm.); height of head, 4 inches (12.3 cm.); height of column, 4 inches (11.7 cm.). The sides and front of this block are conventionally carved to represent the legs; the back of the block is rough and plain. Back of the head, and joined to it, is a broken column. The upper part of the probable receptacle is missing.

Nos. 7 and 8, Plate XXXII, of the same group, represent a very much disintegrated, massive quadrangular block. The average height of the pedestal is 4 inches (10.8 cm.); height of animal figure, 3 inches (8.3 cm.). On the sides, the body and legs are shown, and also on the front; but the back is plain. The head is on the upper part, near the front edge, and back of it is attached a ball-like body, which, however, cannot be the body of the animal, but rests on its back. In this sculpture the top of the head has a cup-like depression, which probably takes the place of the bowl which is on the top of the column of No. 3, Plate XXXII. It is possible, however, that this ball-like body is the base of a column, which, after it was accidentally broken off, was rudely carved in this shape, and, in order that the stone might be used for ceremonial purposes, the cupped depression was cut out on the top of the head to serve for an incense-burner.

ANIMAL ON COLUMN. Nos. 1 and 2, Plate XXXIII, represent a sculpture which may be divided into three parts. The base is a massive, concaved cylinder upon which rests a crouching figure too much disintegrated for one to state with certainty whether it is human or animal. The probabilities are, that it is animal on account of the presence on the back of two grooves, between which is a raised ridge, probably the tail. The head is like the puma heads of the seats. On the back of the figure are the remains of a smaller cylindrical column broken off quite close to the base. Probably the missing part of the column was surmounted by a vessel to serve the purpose of an incense-burner, although there is again the possibility that simply the base of a column was represented on the back of this figure, and that an incense-burner or ceremonial vessel of clay was placed directly on this upper surface. Height of entire sculpture, 18 inches (45.7 cm.); height of animal figure, 5 inches (13.7 cm.); height of pedestal, 8 inches (21.6 cm.); height of column on back of animal, 1 inches (4.4 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas. The sculpture just described seems to be transitional between the group of sculptures illustrated on Plate XXXII and the next group, which is of columns.

COLUMNS. Nos. 3 and 4 of Plate XXXII are the only two decorated columns, out of several hundred, which were seen in Manabi. No. 3 is an hourglass-shaped column with a simple capital on the top; below, on one face of the cylinder, is a design which is given in Fig. 4. It reminds us strongly of the conventional face of the animal on the bas-reliefs shown on Plates XXXVIII and XXXIX, which will be described later on. It is an inverted U, from the inside of which projects downward a band terminating in a sphere. This outer, U-shaped band probably represents the outer part of the head, while the other part of the design is the nose; the eyes not being represented. In Fig. 5 is a carved column from the Nicoya peninsula, Costa Rica. It is one of a number which have been found there, and is of very great interest in connection with the columns of Manabi. To our knowledge these Costa Rican columns are the nearest approach to the Manabi specimens of any yet found in ancient America. Plain cylindrical columns have been found in the Mayan ruins of Honduras and Yucatan. They have also been found in Vera Cruz and Chiapas, but none of the carved type are known to the writer. When we consider the comparatively short distance between Nicoya and Manabi, the significance of these somewhat analogous columns becomes apparent. The dimensions are as follows: Height of column, 16 inches (42.5 cm.); diameter of the top, 8 inches (22.2 cm.); diameter of the base, 8 inches (20.3 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

No. 4, Plate XXXIII, is a square column, the diameter of the base being slightly smaller than that of the upper part. From the base upward, the diameter decreases towards the top, which is surrounded by a plain, square capital, corresponding, in a way, to the upper part of the columns just described, with the exception that there are two bands, instead of three, below the upper section. The dimensions are as follows: Height of column, 17 inches (43.2 cm.); diameter at the base, 6 inches (15.2 cm.); diameter at the top, 7 inches (17.8 cm.). From Cerro de Hojas.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 5.

Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 of Plate XXXIV, are cylindrical columns with sides somewhat resembling an hourglass, varying in height from 22 inches (56.2 cm.) to 13 inches (33.3 cm.), and having an average diameter of 7 inches (19 cm.). There are hundreds of these columns to be found scattered throughout the ruins on the Cerro de Hojas and Cerro Jaboncillo.

No. 5, Plate XXXIV, is a short cylindrical column. The dimensions are: Height, 7 inches (18.7 cm.); diameter at the base, 7 inches (17.8 cm.); diameter at the top, 5 inches (14.6 cm.). The diameter at the base is slightly larger than at the top. A careful search was made in the ruins to see if these columns were for architectural purposes, and used in connection with the walls of the houses. From a careful examination of the ruins as they are seen to-day, we may affirm with certainty that they were never used as parts of the buildings: possibly, excavations may reveal their exact use. We may, however, surmise, bearing in mind the crouching animal on the concaved column (Nos. 1 and 2, Plate XXXIII), that they were used as supports for the statues or idols and animal figures; or they may have served as pedestals for pottery incense-burners. In the Cerro de Hojas and other hills, excavations will undoubtedly throw much light on the use of these sculptures and columns.

QUADRANGULAR SCULPTURES. In the church at Picoaza is an interesting sculpture which has been described and figured by Suarez. His illustrations do not adequately show the carvings on the four sides of this interesting stone, which is now in the church of Picoaza, serving as a fountain for holy water. It is a quadrangular block with a rectangular basin on the top. It is about 22 inches (56.5 cm.) high, 13 inches (33 cm.) wide at the top, and 13 inches (35.2 cm.) wide at the base. It weighs about two hundred pounds. This stone was found in Cerro de Hojas, and is one of several sculptures of this class which have been found in the hills. It is carved in relief on all four sides. On one side is a standing, nude human figure with a long nose, and arms outspread, bent at the elbows. At the back of the human figure, near the base, is a small animal resembling a dog; in front is a conventionalized animal. Around the rim at the top is a decorated band which does not go entirely around the stone, but reappears on the opposite face of the stone, upon which, below, is another erect nude figure with the same long nose. On the third side is an iguana; and on the fourth, a seated human figure, entirely nude, which resembles, in a way, the figures on the bas-reliefs which will now be described.

BAS-RELIEFS. The last group of stone carvings, which are perhaps more interesting than even the stone seats, are fragments of bas-reliefs, of which a number have been brought together in this collection. They are all from Cerro Jaboncillo. We know of but one example of the Manabi bas-reliefs which has been described at the present time: this is now in the Museum of the Trocadero in Paris.[38] The illustration given by Hamy shows that the sculpture is probably complete (see Fig. 6). In this collection we have five portions of somewhat similar bas-reliefs, but there is in each considerable variation in the style of carving and in the designs which are placed on the upper part enframing the head. They are broader at the top than at the base.

Fig. 6.

No. 1, Plate XXXV, is a fragment of the largest bas-relief secured in Manabi. It is 21 inches (54.6 cm.) wide, and has an average thickness of 2 inches (6.3 cm.). It was found, with the reverse used as a grindingstone, in a house in Picoaza. The native who owned it found it in the Cerro Jaboncillo while hunting for metates. It was complete and perfect when he excavated it, and, on account of its size, he broke it, and selected a piece a little larger than a metate, which he could use for that purpose. He stated that the other pieces were still in the mountain, and that he could find them; but, as we had but two days to remain in Manabi before continuing our journey from Guayaquil to the interior, we were not able to obtain the other pieces. Probably in the future it will be possible to secure and bring together the remaining parts of this most interesting sculpture. On the upper part of the slab is carved a series of geometric figures in which the head is enframed: there is one motif (Fig. 7) which is repeated six times with practically no variation. On the sides around these designs are three lines; the central line, below the geometric patterns and above the human head, is replaced by dots, as in the Trocadero specimen. The figure shows a hood-like covering of the head. The nose is prominent and aquiline; a four-strand necklace is around the neck; the body is flat and angular, forming a straight line from shoulder to shoulder, and a line on the right side of the body at right angles with the shoulder. The arms are angular and bent, and the right hand shows the fingers clinched, holding some object which cannot be determined from the fragment which remains; but it is probably a bag or pouch similar to that seen in the Trocadero specimen. The design or motif in the enframing band is found with but little variation in No. 2 of the same plate. The upper part recalls the seat part of the stone seats, resting on a terraced support; and in No. 1 practically the same design is found, having on either side single angular designs, perhaps representing the same thing (seat). Between the spreading “arms” in each bas-relief are two dots or eyes, and this feature strongly suggests a conventionalized face such as is seen in the copper discs and on bas-reliefs on Plates XXXVIII and XXXIX. The lower part of the bas-relief, including the left arm, is missing.

Fig. 7.

Fig. 8.

No. 2, Plate XXXV, as before noted, is a bas-relief of almost the same type as No. 1. It is 19 inches (48.3 cm.) wide, and 2 inches (6.3 cm.) thick. The carving is not as well executed, and the lines are not as sharp, as in the other slab. Practically the same motif (Fig. 8) is seen repeated six times above the figure, with the exception that, whereas in No. 1 the lower motif on each side of the head is placed on its side, in No. 2 all of the motifs are vertically arranged. The treatment of the human figure is not as angular as in the other specimen; the lines of the shoulders, elbows, and hands, being rounded. Practically the same part of the bas-relief is missing as in the other specimen. Below and slightly in front of the right arm, which is partially opened with the clinched hand under the line which runs above the figure, is an animal, apparently a monkey, as the tail is coiled on the back, almost touching the elbow of the human figure. The features of the face appear somewhat different from the face in No. 1. It is impossible to state with certainty whether these are standing figures, or whether they are seated, as in the other two sculptures about to be described. If these fragments of bas-reliefs are of the same type as the Trocadero specimen, as they appear to be, they are probably standing figures. Notwithstanding the assumption of Hamy, that the figure represented in the Trocadero bas-relief is a male, we should be more inclined to consider it a female, judging from the fragments in this collection. There are two horizontal lines cut on the abdomen of the Paris specimen, which appear in Nos. 1 and 2 of Plate XXXVI, which are female figures. These lines are not seen in the statues which have already been described, and their presence appears to be a good indication that, in all of these bas-reliefs where the human figure is represented, it is that of a female: on the other hand, we must admit that, in the three analogous reliefs, the hanging breast is not seen, as found on No. 2, Plate XXXVI, and the seated human figure No. 4, Plate XXX. We must also consider the garment (which is called a girdle by Hamy) which surrounds the waist and hangs down between the legs in the Trocadero relief. The two female bas-reliefs and the female figure do not show any traces of garments, the figures being absolutely nude: this point argues in favor of the assumption of Hamy, that the figure is a male. Until we get more material of this class from Manabi, it will be unsafe to try to reach exact conclusions concerning the sex of the three analogous bas-reliefs.

No. 1, Plate XXXVI, is part of a slab which has an incomplete female figure seated, with the legs outspread and bent, with the heels near the thighs. It has an extreme width of 20 inches (52.1 cm.), and an average thickness of 2 inches (6.3 cm.). The elbows rest on the knees; the left lower leg is missing; under the right thigh is represented something which appears to be separated from the body, but, as the other side is missing, it is impossible to determine just what is represented. The figure is in relief against the background set in from the border, which surrounds the figure on each side and above the head. This border is very much weathered, but there appears to be a series of conventionalized faces, and in the centre of the upper band is apparently a seated figure. The female figure is very well carved. There is a head-band over the forehead; the ear is large and distended, possibly an ear-ornament is represented; the nose is aquiline, but not excessively prominent; the openings of the eyes are shown by horizontal lines, which give the appearance of closed eyes; and the mouth, by a long horizontal line. A two-strand necklace is around the neck. The hands are carved in a very peculiar manner, out of proportion to the body, and do not appear like human hands, although five fingers are represented; what appears to be the thumb is carved like a hook, and on the back of the hand is an oval incision. Altogether they appear more like birds’ heads than human hands; this is especially seen in the left hand.

No. 2, Plate XXXVI, is a thick bas-relief which shows a serrated enframing band surrounding the head and the upper part of the slab, which is decorated with terraced geometric patterns. It is 13 inches (33.7 cm.) wide, and has an average thickness of 3 inches (8.6 cm.). The bottom of the slab is broken off just below the figure. This bas-relief is smaller than any of the others. The human figure, a female, is complete, and is seated, with the knees bent up towards the body and the heels close to the thighs. In this fragment and in No. 1 of the same plate, the treatment of the feet is similar to that of the Trocadero slab, which is characterized by enormous heels, somewhat separated from the rest of the foot, forming a ball. The arms in the figure are bent, with the hands upward at a level with the shoulders; and the fingers are shown closed. The treatment of the body generally is angular. There is a deep incision entirely across the abdomen, which, as represented in the carving, almost separates the upper and lower extremities. The breasts are well defined, and the neck is much more prominent and elongated than in any other figures or bas-reliefs from Manabi. The features of the face are rather battered. The top of the head has a hood-like covering. On either side of the figure, opposite the elbows, is a large disc.

On Plate XXXVII are six fragments of bas-reliefs. No. 2 is a fragment showing a human face. It has a prominent nose, which unfortunately is broken, prominent cheek-bones, and a straight horizontal incision for the mouth. The angular treatment of the figure is shown in the neck and shoulders and the clinched left hand, which is raised on a level with the shoulder. An enframing design is seen on the left side, with a large grecque above and a smaller grecque below. It belongs to the same type of sculptures as those just described. No. 5 is a fragment of the upper left-hand corner of another bas-relief, showing an enframing design with geometric patterns; and just a portion of the left side of the face is seen below, as well as what is apparently a clinched hand on a level with the shoulder. Nos. 1, 4, and 6 are three fragments of a bas-relief: the largest piece (No. 6) is apparently the upper left-hand side, while the two smaller pieces evidently are parts of the lower section of the same. This largest piece shows a band with terraced geometric patterns and small discs enframing a flat disc resting in a crescent. On the large disc on either side is a vertical line. From this fragment it is impossible to determine whether a human figure was carved below this flattened disc and crescent. The other two fragments appear to be parts of the lower section of this same bas-relief, as the same designs appear which are found in the band in the largest piece. No. 3 is a small section of a thick bas-relief, but whether the top or the bottom it is impossible to state. Two birds are seen facing a triangular design with a dot in the centre; below this is a wide groove above a serrated design.

On Plates XXXVIII and XXXIX are illustrated the two most interesting bas-reliefs found in Ecuador. They were in fragmentary condition, and appear to represent a species of conventionalized animal, perhaps a lizard, or possibly an alligator.

Plate XXXVIII was in eight fragments, and the pieces brought together give all of the essential features of the carving. The body of the animal is diamond-shaped. In the centre of the back there is a series of connecting triangles representing the vertebrae, on each side of which is a series of nine dots separated from the central design by a band. The rear extremity of the body resembles that of the female figure, No. 2, Plate XXXVI. The forearms are angular, and end in a series of curved, ribbon-like appendages, and this is also found on the ends of the rear part of the body. The head is attached to the body by a band which connects with the top of the head, which in the illustration will appear to be upside down; this would be the natural position of the head in swimming, if the illustration were reversed. Attention has already been called to the main features of the head in describing the design on the column Ko. 3, Plate XXXIII, which is also illustrated in Fig. 4. Surrounding the head is a series of tentacles. The lizard does not have the tentacles, this being a feature of the octopus; and this, joined with the lizard-like body and the rear extremities (resembling those of the female figures), results in a composite creature which might better be described as a mythical monster. Between the two tentacles which reach out from the lower part of the face is a bat with outspread wings, on the upper part of which, on each side, may be seen a hook. The head is in profile with a “leaf” nose. On each side of the head of the monster, between tentacles, are two moderate-sized discs. The bas-relief is 31 inches (78.7 cm.) high, 17 inches (44.8 cm.) wide, and 2 inches (5.7 cm.) thick.

Plate XXXIX represents the other bas-relief of a mythical monster. A greater part of the middle of the sculpture is missing, but in a general way the treatment of this sculpture is much more geometric and angular than that on the preceding plate. The vertebræ are represented on the upper part of the back. The treatment of the rear extremities is similar to that in the other sculpture, with the exception of the ribbon-like appendages and the separation of the thighs by a tail extending from the diamond-shaped body, and partly curved around the right thigh. The head of the animal is different from the other, but the salient features are brought out in the face. At the lower part of the head are six tentacles; the two nearest the face are grecques; the two on each corner end in spirals; while the two at the base of the face are represented in the same manner as in the bas-reliefs on Plate XXXVIII. Between them is a large circular disc. On each side of the sculpture are terraced designs. It is 26 inches (67.3 cm.) high, 17 inches (43.2 cm.) wide, and 1 inches (4.4 cm.) thick.

RESONANT STONE. Suarez states, that “in Picoaza there was preserved, until a little while ago, a bell of the aborigines of that locality. It was a stone slab of black slate, a metre (little more or less) in height, and some centimetres wide. When this stone was suspended from one of its ends, the striking of it with another stone or with the hand produced a metallic and pleasant sound, which vibrated like that of a bell.” We failed to find any traces of this stone. It is probably being used as a metate in one of the houses in the village.

METATES. The metate or mealing-stone is found in many of the ruins. So far as we observed, the people to-day have no other hand-mills than those which they obtain from the ancient habitation-sites on the hills. The search for these stones resulted in bringing to light many small sculptures which were in their possession, and made it possible for us to collect the stone figures and bas-reliefs we have just described. The metates of Manabi are thin, slightly curved slabs of gritty sandstone, without legs or supports. Three examples are illustrated in Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of Plate XL. No. 1 has an average length of 19 inches (49.5 cm.), a width of 12 inches (31.8 cm.), and a thickness of 1 inches (3.8 cm.). No. 2 is 16 inches (42.5 cm.) in length, 10 inches (26.7 cm.) in width, and 1 inches (2.9 cm.) in thickness. No. 3 is 18 inches (47.3 cm.) long, 11 inches (28.6 cm.) wide, and 2 inches (5.1 cm.) thick. These specimens are typical of all the metates from this region. Those from Esmeraldas and Colombia are of a different type.

Characteristic hand-stones for the metates, of two kinds, are shown in Nos. 4 and 5 of Plate XL. No. 4 of the same plate is 10 inches (27 cm.) long, and is of a massive dark-brown stone. No. 5, which is 13 inches (33 cm.) long, is made of the same stone as are the metates, and the wearing-down of the stone is shown in the swellings at each end. It is slender, and is the usual form of hand-stone, many fragments being noticed in the ruins of Manta and on Cerro de Hojas. No. 6 is a small porphyritic stone somewhat resembling a broken hand-stone; but on the upper surface, which is shown in the illustration, there is a pitted depression. The under surface shows that it has been used as a grinding-stone. No. 7 is a typical hammer-stone of chalcedony, and from its type it might have been found at almost any place in western America. A hammer-stone of light-brown chert was obtained, but it is not illustrated. Hammer-stones are relatively common around the ruins in Manabi.

Stone axes or celts were not found in the region under consideration, although diligent search was made for them; nor are chipped stone implements (such as arrow and spear heads, knives, and scrapers) represented in the collection. This is a most unusual feature of the archeology of any well-defined culture-area. Implements of this class must have been used by the ancient people, and the fact that we were unable to find them would seem to indicate their relative scarcity in former times. In the interior of Ecuador, almost every type of axe is found, and several of the forms are unknown elsewhere.

EMERALDS. All ancient historians relate that the Spaniards, when they first entered the province of Manabi, received a large number of emeralds from the inhabitants of the country. As has been stated before, the Indians of Manta worshipped a large emerald, which they called Umiña; and the offerings to this deity were preferably small emeralds, which were called the children of the deity. We learn from Acosta, that the emeralds of this region were superior in beauty, size, and hardness to those of New Granada; and from Garcilasso de la Vega, that Alvarado and his companions obtained many, but that the Indians concealed the large emerald, and it was never found. Herrera relates that, at a town called Passao, Pizarro was presented with an emerald as large as a pigeon’s egg. The insignia of the kings of Wuito were reputed to be emeralds; and Ulloa asserts that emeralds have been found in the tombs of Manta and Atacames. Diligent search was made by the Spanish conquerors to discover the mine or mines whence the Indians of Manabi obtained this precious stone, but without success. There can be no doubt that in this region many emeralds were in the possession of the inhabitants, but we know of no emeralds having been found in modern times in this part of Ecuador. In the province of Esmeraldas, where the natives have long been active in exploring ancient habitation-sites for gold, but few emeralds have been reported. This region actually takes its name from the gem.

Wolf believes that the emeralds found in Manabi came from the mines of Colombia, where they are still mined to-day. He remarks that “the Spanish conquerors, who found many emeralds in Manabi, supposed that they were the product of the same region; and, when hunting for their origin, the Indians indicated a country more to the north, Colombia. Perhaps the Spaniards mistakenly understood the nearer province, which they called Esmeraldas, a name which has remained until now, although experience has not confirmed this supposition.” Wolf further states, that “there does not exist a single formation or rock which might contain mines of emeralds in this region; the only possibility being that we might find these stones, as we find gold, loosely in the ground, brought from a distance from other formations. In the first place, the rivers of the region do not pass, or in their upper waters cross, formations which we might consider as a place where emeralds might be found; and, secondly, we do not find a single emerald in the loess or in the placer-workings of gold.” We are informed, however, notwithstanding the assertion of Wolf, that the geological formation of Manabi does not preclude the finding of emeralds in that region. Although emeralds have been rarely found in Esmeraldas, there seems to be no reason why they should not occur in Manabi.

We have already called attention to the fact that the geology of this region has not been studied. So far as archeological evidence is concerned, we know of no instance of worked emeralds having been found in the ancient graves or tombs of Manabi; but this does not add weight to the theory of their non-existence in the province. Undoubtedly, when careful archeological excavations are made, they will be discovered in the graves. Belief in the tradition of the large emerald which was worshipped at Manta is still general among the natives. Detailed accounts of the early writers regarding this subject will be found in the various relations in the Notes at the end of this monograph.

GOLD, SILVER, AND COPPER. Gold and silver were commonly used for ornaments, and the Spanish conquerors secured large quantities of these precious metals. Cieza de Leon relates that Pedro de Alvarado found many vases full of gold, silver, and precious stones, besides a great quantity of emeralds, in a village which was probably near the site of the present town of Bahía de Caraques. Zarate says that the natives wore jewels of gold and silver in their noses and ears, and also had strings of gold, silver, and turquoise beads, wound around their legs and arms, but that the gold was of a low grade. It was believed by the Spaniards that there were rich deposits of gold in the southern part of the province, but they were never able to discover the mines. We were unable, during our visit to Ecuador, to learn of any ancient gold objects being found at present in Manabi. The only specimens of metal which we secured were of copper, although no mention of the use of copper or bronze is made by the early chroniclers.

A single axe—No. 1, Plate XLII—was obtained in the village of Papagallo, and is said to have been found in Cerro Jaboncillo. It is 3 inches (8.6 cm.) long, 2 inches (5.4 cm.) broad at the cutting-edge, and of an inch (0.6 cm.) at the thickest part. There are ridges along the edges on both sides, and the cutting-edge has been ground sharp with a gritstone, as shown by numerous striated lines; this sharpness does not appear to be ancient. The form of the axe is not of the usual South American type, and is comparatively rare in western South America. It resembles quite closely the Mexican and Central American copper axes. Three bells from Cerro de Hojas are illustrated (natural size) in Nos. 2, 3, and 4 of Plate XLII. They were not suspended from loops at the top, but by a cord which was inserted through the two holes in the upper part. No. 4 still contains a small stone pellet for producing the tinkling sound. As in all bells of this class, there is a slit on the under side; but the slits in the Manabi bells extend around two-thirds of the circumference. Nearly all small copper bells from other sections of ancient America have the loop for suspension.

Metal discs worn as breast-ornaments were common, in precolumbian times, from Florida to Argentine. They are often called masks of shields; but numerous old illustrations show their use as ornaments, suspended from the neck, and hanging over the breast. Ambrosetti illustrates a mummy from the Calchaqui country in Argentine, with a copper disc on the chest; and a number of gold discs have been found in various tombs in Mexico, in place, on the breast of the skeleton. The greater number of metal discs are but slightly embossed, the decoration being but little raised, and they are generally of about the same diameter. The Ecuador specimens are nearly all of the same general type, and are characterized by an embossed face in the centre, varying from of an inch (1.3 cm.) to 2 inches (5.1 cm.) in height.

The greater number of Ecuadorian discs are of copper. A disc of gold from Cuenca has been figured and described by Bollaert. In the Museum of the University of Quito are six gold discs from Angel, in the province of Carchi. Discs have been found in the various culture-areas throughout Ecuador; but the three copper ones from Manabi, about to be described, are the most massive of any of the objects of this class which we have seen. They were found, together with several others, in a cache in Manantial, and are illustrated on Plate XLI. No. 1 is the largest. It is 11 inches (30.2 cm.) in diameter, and the head is raised 1 inches (4.4 cm.). Above the head are two perforations for suspension, and another perforation is on the line of the lower part of the mouth. The head unquestionably represents either a tiger or a puma, and may be compared with some of the animal heads on the seats. The disc has an average thickness of of an inch (0.3 cm.). No. 2 is slightly smaller, and is not a perfect disc, being 10 inches (26 cm.) high, and 9 inches (25.1 cm.) wide. The animal head has an extreme projection of 1 inches (4.4 cm.), and, as in the other specimen, there are two perforations above the head for suspension, and one in the mouth. The features of the puma-like face are better seen in this specimen than in the preceding one; and the mouth, as will be noted in the illustration, is carried around the entire lower part of the face. The thickness of the disc is slightly less than of an inch (0.3 cm.). No. 3 is the smallest and most massive of any of the discs known from Ecuador. It has an average diameter of 8 inches (22.5 cm.). The face has a projection of 1 inches (3.8 cm.), and there are two perforations above the head for suspension, and two in the mouth. The rim of the disc, on both sides, is raised, and gives an average thickness of nearly of an inch (0.6 cm.). The treatment of the face is somewhat different from that of the other two specimens. There appear to be bossed designs on the forehead. In studying the animal heads of these three discs, attention is called to a somewhat similar treatment of the nose and eyes on the bas-reliefs illustrated on Plates XXXVIII and XXXIX, and also to the design on the column, No. 3, Plate XXXIII. It may be remarked here, that these specimens may also have served as gongs; for, when struck with the hand or a hard substance, they remind us strongly of the sounds produced by the bronze gongs used in the Philippine Islands, giving a clear, resonant, metallic sound. We are inclined strongly to the belief that these Manabi discs were used for that purpose, and that the holes in the mouth were for holding feathers or some object for decoration.

CERAMICS. Of the ceramic art of the province of Manabi we can say but little until excavations are made in the ancient tombs. According to reports of the burial-customs of the ancient people of the coast provinces of Ecuador, it appears that urn burial was the customary method of interring the dead. As before stated, in the ruins of Manta great quantities of potsherds of a red ware are scattered over the ground. These fragments are thick and massive, showing that they are the remains of large urns; and they are especially numerous in the vicinity of the present Manta cemetery. It is common report in Manta, that this was the location of the ancient temple: at all events, we were told that the remains of many large jars were found while grading for the cemetery, and that they were thrown out. Great heaps of them are still to be seen near the western side of the burial enclosure. Bearing in mind the fact of urn burial, it seems probable that this place, in ancient times, was also used as a burial-place. Tradition states that the burials were made in deep holes excavated in the earth, which renders the accidental finding of pottery vessels very uncertain. The greater number of pottery objects are found in regions where the burials were rather near the surface, and they are brought to light by the plough and the frequent washouts which occur during the rainy season: thus, without excavating, we should expect to find, in a region where deep burials were made, but few pottery vessels. Of the smaller objects of pottery, many specimens have been found, especially in the ruins of Manta, and near the base and on the slopes of the Cerro de Hojas. These include small figures of both human and animal form, and heads of the same, whistles, heads which may belong either to figures or to whistles, innumerable spindle-whorls (nearly all of which bear interesting incised decorations), stamps, moulds, and fragments of vessels. Suarez has illustrated and described a few small figures, heads, and whistles from Manabi. These are the only specimens of this class which have been published, with the exception of a single head figured by Seler.

POTTERY VESSELS. From Manabi we know but four examples of pottery vessels, all of them of small size. Seler figures two pieces of pottery from Manabi,—one, a head of a figure or whistle, like the general type of heads found throughout the province; the other, a vessel resting on an annular stand (No. 5, Plate XLII). It is quite similar to No. 6 of the same plate, obtained in Monte Cristi. This vase lacks the raised rim around the lower part of the neck, which is a feature of the Berlin specimen. It is of a dark-gray color, resembling strongly the ware of Oaxaca, 4 inches (11.4 cm.) high; and the rim of the orifice is 3 inches (8.3 cm.) in diameter. Only two other complete examples of pottery vessels were secured in Manabi. No. 7 is a small vessel of heavy brown ware in the shape of a double water-gourd,—a form common in the ancient ceramics of North and South America. It was found in the vicinity of Porto Viejo. The walls are massive, and the base is slightly concaved. It is smaller, however, than most of the vessels of this form, being only 3 inches (8.9 cm.) in height. The other specimen, from Monte Cristi (shown in No. 8), is likewise massive and of a brownish black, showing traces of disintegration on the upper surface. This piece is of a form generally found in various parts of ancient America, being especially numerous in Oaxaca and southern Central America. It is commonly called a “shoe form,” but unquestionably it is derived from the body of an aquatic bird, often the duck. The rim is quite circular; and below, surrounding the opening, is a decoration of incised lines, and nodes with a single vertical incised line, worked out with a blunt instrument. The length is 5 inches (13 cm.), and the height, 3 inches (8.9 cm.). A large fragment from Manta is part of an interesting vessel. The ware is of a brownish color with rather thin walls. The lower part of this olla is undecorated, and presents the natural surface of the clay. The upper part has been painted red, and highly polished. The neck, which is decorated with a human face similar in technique to the faces on the Riobamba vessels in the interior of Ecuador, is without paint, with the exception of the under part of the chin and the upper part of the head, over the forehead and well down over the ears. The inner surface of the rim is also painted red, and polished. On the polished red surface, which covers the greater part of the almost spherical vessel, is the incised design shown in Fig. 9. It reminds us strongly of somewhat analogous designs on the Mayan ware of Central America. In the general shape of the vessel, however, there is again a striking resemblance to the Riobamba pottery of the interior. No. 5 of Plate LIV is a fragment of a small ladle-like vessel of dark slate-colored clay. It is about 3 inches (8.9 cm.) in length. The handle is short, and terminates with a clinched fist. Similar ladles, but of a different clay and technique and of various sizes, are found abundantly in Costa Rica. In Mexico, objects of this class are, as a rule, very much larger in size; and they were employed as incense-burners. Undoubtedly this fragment was used for the same purpose. In the interior of Ecuador we have not seen any specimens of a like character.

Fig. 9.

MOULDS. But a single example of pottery moulds was found in Manabi, and it is figured in No. 9, Plate XLII, with a cast from mould No. 10 of the same plate. It is from Bahia de Caraques; and the cast shows a puma-like figure with the head, shoulders, chest, and fore legs. It is of considerable interest, inasmuch as it is the only specimen we have from this locality, and the treatment of the figure is quite similar to that of some of the animal figures in the seats. Both the mould and cast are of natural size in the illustration. The mould has an extreme thickness of 1 inch (2.5 cm.). It was perhaps used in making the front of pottery whistles.

STAMPS. Pottery stamps are not common in Ecuador, and we found but four specimens, which are figured on Plate XLII. No. 11 is a cylindrical, rounded disc, with a shank on the back part for holding in the hand, in order to press down upon the object to receive the impression. On the under surface, as seen in the cut, are a series of deeply incised, U-shaped incisions surrounding a circle. This is the only complete example we found, and the only one of the circular type. Nos. 12 and 13 are fragments of rectangular-shaped stamps which have designs almost identical with the pattern on the front of seat No. 1, Plate XXXI. No. 14 is a fragment, less than a fourth of the original stamp. In the upper part will be seen a grecque-like design; below, the pattern seems to indicate that probably the central part of the stamp had an animal figure. When complete, this specimen was one of the largest of this class of objects we have ever seen. The fragment has an extreme length of 2 inches (7 cm.), is 2 inches (6.3 cm.) in width, and about of an inch (1.3 cm.) in thickness. The illustration is figured two-thirds of its natural size. The other stamps are drawn in natural size. They are all from Cerro de Hojas, with the exception of No. 12, which is from Monte Cristi.

No. 8 of Plate L represents a curious object of clay resembling a pestle. The upper end is ornamented with a rude human face having a large nose. Below the head are seen two nodes, probably representing the breasts. The bottom of the object has deep incised lines, which are shown in No. 9 of the same plate. In general it very closely resembles the stone pestles of the West Indies. In Colombia, pestle-like objects in clay are known, and there are several in the collections of the American Museum of Natural History. These are also incised on the under surface. It is probable that they were used as stamps. The one just described is from Cerro de Hojas, and is figured two-thirds of its natural size.

SPINDLE-WHORLS. Throughout ancient America, cotton and woollen thread was spun on wooden spindles weighted with whorls of baked clay, pottery, or stone. Spindle-whorls are found in great numbers in Mexico and Colombia; and many complete spindles with whorls have been discovered in baskets, associated with mummies, along the coast of Peru. Suarez, in his “Prehistoria Ecuatoriana,” figures five spindle-whorls from the Island of Puna, in Gulf of Guayaquil. He describes them as spheres of black clay, artificially hardened, and states that originally they were entirely covered with a thin, delicate lamina of gold, which brought out in relief the designs cut out on their surfaces. He has reproduced the flattened designs of three of these whorls, which resemble somewhat the patterns on the collection from La Secita, near the Cerro de Hojas. We were unable either to obtain or learn of a single specimen in the Puruhá region near Riobamba. Reference has already been made to the thousands of whorls found at La Secita. On Plates XLIII to XLVIII are the designs, in natural size, of a hundred and one specimens from this locality, selected from more than five hundred examples.

There is considerable variety in the shape of these whorls and in their size. The majority of them are of the conical type, but some are bead-shaped. The decorations are all incised, many of them being quite deeply cut. As will be seen in the plates, the greater number of the patterns are geometric. There is infinite variety in the treatment of the designs. With possibly a few exceptions, the designs on Plates XLIII to XLVI do not appear to be derived from life forms; the exceptions noted being Nos. 4 to 6, and 8 of Plate XLIV, which may possibly be derived from bird motives. Nos. 1 to 6 of Plate XLVII are all grotesque faces. The remaining designs on this plate are birds, among which may be recognized the pelican. On Plate XLVIII are the animals, nearly all highly conventionalized in character. No. 10 is a very pretty representation of a lizard, No. 17 is a serpent, and in some of the others the puma may be recognized. Nos. 16 and 18 are conventionalized forms, which may be compared with the designs on Plate XLIV, to which special attention has already been called. No. 16 appears unquestionably to be derived from a bird. It may be said that, owing to the fact that there has been considerable abrasion on the surfaces of these whorls, in many cases the illustrations do not give a true idea of the care with which they have been decorated. In the majority of the specimens, however, the workmanship is rather crude, and as a collection they do not compare in beauty with the finer whorls from Colombia and from the valley of Mexico.

WHISTLES. The pottery whistles or musical instruments illustrated on Plates XLIX and L are nearly all from the Cerro de Hojas. They are drawn in natural size, with the exception of Nos. 6 and 7 of Plate L, which are two-thirds of the natural size. In the interior of Ecuador, pottery whistles are not common. None were found in the region of the Puruhás, near Riobamba; but they occur in the Imbabura district, north of Quito. Along the coast a number of them have been discovered in Esmeraldas. Dorsey has figured several bird-form whistles from the Island of La Plata, off the coast of Manabi; and Suarez also figures several from the vicinity of Cerro de Hojas. In our collection the forms are varied, and they present several types not found elsewhere.

Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of Plate XLIX, are of the same type. The first two specimens represent an animal, probably an opossum. The tail is held under the lower jaw by the fore paws. In No. 3 the tail is curled in front of the body, while the fore paws are placed under the lower jaw. In all three specimens the mouth-piece is a hole in the back. No. 1 has three finger-holes, while Nos. 2 and 3 have only two, as seen in the illustrations. No. 2 is from the vicinity of Cape Santa Elena in the province of Guayas, which probably limits the Manabi culture. No. 4 is an animal which cannot be identified with certainty. There is a perforation through the neck for suspension, and on the right side are two finger-holes. No. 5 is an animal with incised designs on each side. On the side not shown in the illustration are two grecque patterns. The two finger-holes are on the right side, as in the three whistles above described. The bat figure (No. 6) is an interesting example, with an extension at the back for a mouth. It has no finger-holes. No. 7 represents a puma with slender arched body and upcurved tail. It rests on a hollow flattened sphere, which is the whistle. Through the back of the animal is a perforation directly opposite a small hole in the whistle. The mouth-hole is in the front, and there is a finger-hole on each side. No. 8 is broken. Possibly a bird’s head was on the smaller section. There are two finger-holes and a perforation for suspension. Nos. 9 and 10 are birds. In No. 9 the mouth-piece is at the end of the tail, with a vent-hole below. It has no finger-holes. No. 10 appears broken at the end, and probably part of the mouth-piece extension is missing. The vent-hole is above, and on each side there is a finger-hole. Nos. 11 and 12 are both common types. Each has a mouth-piece and vent-hole. Nos. 13 and 14 are intended to represent shells. On the first specimen is an incised spiral. On the upper edge are traces of two perforations for suspension. The mouth-hole is at the bottom. On one side are three finger-holes, and on the opposite side a single hole. No. 14 is broken at the base, and has a perforated handle on one edge, near the upper part. It has three hollow tubular openings extending downward, as shown by the dotted lines in the cut. This whistle is related in form to the pan-pipes of bamboo common throughout South America. No. 15 is entirely plain, and is similar to No. 13, with the exception of having two finger-holes on the side, as shown in the drawing.

On Plate L are whistles of the human figure type. Nos. 1 and 2 are noteworthy specimens. In No. 1 the whistle is complete. It is a long, hollow tube, to which is attached a human figure with a swelling at the back, forming a second whistle. In the upper part of the breast is a single finger-hole. No. 2 is of the same type, but the tubular part is missing. The finger-hole is over the abdomen. The face of this figure is simian in character. Suarez figures a whistle of this type in his “Atlas Arqueologico Ecuatoriano,” Plate XIX, Fig. 2. Like our No. 2, the tubular part is missing and the single finger-hole is in the abdomen. No. 3 is the head of a human figure, with the mouth-piece extending from the top of the head, and with a vent-hole at the back. It has no finger-holes, and emits a shrill, piercing note. The pottery is a brown ware. A similar whistle of black ware in the collection is not illustrated. Both specimens are incomplete, the bodies being missing. No. 4 is the head of a human figure with two distinct mouth-holes, as will be noted in the cut. Two corresponding vent-holes are in the back of the head. The resonators were in the body of the figure, which is missing. Three other examples (not illustrated) are in the collection, and show that the whistles are two hollow tubes in the figure, gradually diminishing in size at the lower end. Suarez has figured an example of this type, the lower part of the body being also missing. No. 5 represents a rudely made, seated human figure, with a globular expansion at the back. In this expansion is the mouth-hole. The vent-hole is at the back of the neck of the figure, the air being forced through the vent-hole into the head, which is hollow. Finger-holes are in the front, placed on each side of the arms. No. 6 is the largest whistle obtained in Manabi. It was found in Bahia, and is 8 inches (20.3 cm.) high. It is a double whistle with a single mouth-hole at the top of the head. The two vent-holes are at the base of moderate-sized, rounded, hollow expansions on the back of the head. It has no finger-holes. The entire figure is hollow. Traces of dull brick-red paint are on the front of the figure. A large whistle of this type was seen in Monte Cristi. It consisted of two human figures, a man and a woman, joined together at the side by a band. Each figure had a double whistle with a single mouth-hole and no finger-holes. The last whistle to be described is No. 7, 6 inches (17.1 cm.) high. The face is that of a monkey; but the body is human, as shown by the loin-cloth. A projection on the chest is broken. The body is hollow, and on the back of the figure was formerly an expansion forming the mouth-piece. The vent-hole is at the back of the head, and there are no finger-holes. In general appearance, these whistles are unlike those from Peru, and may be considered as types of a purely local culture peculiar to Manabi.

HUMAN FIGURES. On Plate LI are the human figures or idols. No. 1, a rude standing figure, has a cylindrical hole in the top of the head, which extends downward nearly the length of the figure. There is also a small perforation in the front. It is possibly a whistle. Irregular incised lines are over the whole figure. Nos. 2 and 3 are quite similar to a small image from La Plata illustrated by Dorsey (Plate XCV, op. cit.). No. 3 has traces of dark-red paint, and a perforation between the legs, like the La Plata specimen. No. 4 is the most interesting image in the collection. It is a seated figure, the legs being bent under the body, and the hands placed over a skirt near the knees. There is a perforation at the top of the head, which is flattened. The entire front of the body is decorated with incised lines forming designs. The back is perfectly plain. No. 5 is the head and torso of a figure, but it is complete. The hands are raised, and placed on the chest. The head, which is flattened, shows ear-ornaments and a peculiar facial decoration. The clay is black, and like that of Peruvian figures; but the general features are quite different. Nos. 6 and 7 are the bodies of larger figures, and are made of coarser clay. They are of rather crude workmanship. No. 6 resembles quite closely certain clay figures from the state of Oaxaca in southern Mexico. On the back is a small hollow expansion, probably a whistle. No. 7 recalls the pottery figures of Esmeraldas. No. 8 is the upper part of a whistle, and represents an animal with the fore paws grasping the mouth.

HUMAN HEADS. On Plates LII, LIII, and LIV are the heads of figures or idols, selected from a considerable number of specimens. Nos. 1 to 6 inclusive of Plate LII are characterized by broad head-bands identical with the head-bands before described on the foreheads of the crouching human figures of the seats. No. 1 has a button-shaped ornament on each side of the forehead, and nose and ear ornaments. No. 2 is massive, and has incised lines on the face. No. 3 has a prominent nose, and a small bob on each ear. No. 5 shows a nose-ornament and large ears with ornaments at the base. On No. 6 the singular nose is quite different in treatment from any in the collection. Nos. 4 and 10 are of the same clay, and have brick-red patches on the surface, caused by firing. No. 4 has nose and ear ornaments and a bead necklace. No. 10 has two rosettes on the forehead, the upper one being on a projecting ridge at the top of the head. Deep, parallel incised lines run across the forehead. The eyes are large. The ear-ornaments are prominent. No. 7 is massive, and has a highly polished surface. Vertical incisions represent the eyebrows. No. 8 has three circular holes for the eyes. A nose-ornament is shown. The mouth is battered, and the ears are missing. No. 9 has a small knob on the forehead, recalling a similar feature common to Mayan sculptures. The slight traces of a head-band show a division in the middle, like the parting of hair. The eyes and mouth are well brought out. Nose and ear ornaments are represented.

Nos. 1 to 5 inclusive of Plate LIII are of the same general type, having deeply incised or grooved geometric designs over the forehead, replacing the plain band. No. 2 is the largest head of this class. It is 4 inches (10.2 cm.) high, and hollow. The nose is battered, but the eyes are well moulded, and the chin delicately modelled. The ears have two openings into the inside of the head, and large ear-discs. This is a unique feature. The design on the forehead is similar to the patterns on the front of the stone seats. The whole upper part of the head is compressed, like skulls found in the graves of the ancient Aymaras of Bolivia, and as seen in Mayan clay figures from the valley of the Usumacinta and along the coast of Campeche in Mexico. No. 5 has features quite unlike those of the other heads illustrated on these plates. While the other heads are flattened at the back, in this specimen the back is round, as in life. The treatment of the eyes is noticeable. Nos. 6 to 8 are undoubtedly faces which ornamented pottery vessels. Heads of this type are relatively abundant in Manabi, being found on the surface in the ruins of Jocay, back of Manta.

The head given in Nos. 1 and 2 of Plate LIV is the most remarkable specimen of pottery from this culture-area. The face is exquisitely modelled, and presents a strikingly lifelike portrait of an Indian type. In all of its details it might well be mistaken for the face of a funeral urn from the Zapotecan region of Oaxaca, Mexico. A band is over the forehead, and the eyes and mouth are lifelike; but the most prominent feature is the large aquiline nose with a long slit in the septum. Discs cover the greater part of the ears. The resemblance to Zapotecan heads is startling, and the splendid modelling is superior to anything known from Ecuador, with the exception of pottery figures from Esmeraldas. The beautiful portrait water-bottles with arched handles, from Peru, are perhaps as well made; but the general appearance of this class of vessels is typically Peruvian, and indicates no such cultural connection as is suggested by the similarity to the above-mentioned Mexican urns. Nos. 3 and 4 are crudely made, the first head being noteworthy for the enormous nose, and the large nodes for eyes. The mouth is an oval node with a vertical groove. In No. 4 the grotesque face is hardly human, but the decoration of the upper part of the head is unique.

ANIMAL HEADS. On Plate LV are the heads of animals and birds rudely modelled, and they call for no special description. No. 4 is the handle of a vessel, probably an incense-plate, with a lizard in relief on the upper side. No. 5 is probably a puma. No. 6 is either a turkey or a buzzard.

This concludes our description of the Manabi collection, but we defer a summary of the results for the final report. We hope to make excavations in this region during the summer of 1907, and to throw more light on the subject of the stone sculptures and their meaning. Explorations will be carried on beyond the limits of Manabi, in the vicinity of Cape Santa Elena, and in the adjacent northern province of Esmeraldas.

APPENDIX

NOTES

[1] The geography of Manabi has been but little studied, and the same may be said of the natural history and geology of the region. Wolf, whose book on the geography and geology of Ecuador is a model work, was unable to explore the interior at the time of his visit to the coast, on account of brigands who then infested the province.

The following works are the only ones which contain any extended geographical notices of Manabi: “Geografia de la Republica del Ecuador,” by Manuel Villavicencio (pp. 481–492); “Resumen de la Historia del Ecuador,” by Pedro Fermin Cevallos (Tomo VI, pp. 202–215); “Geografia y Geologia del Ecuador,” by Theodor Wolf. None of the maps of Ecuador are even approximately accurate in their details of Manabi.

[2] Agustin Zarate, “Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Perú, y de las Guerras y Cosas, Señaladas en Ella, Acaecidas hasta el Vencimiento de Gonzalo Pizarro y de sus Secuaces, que en Ella se Rebelaron contra su Majestad.” (See p. 119.)

[3] Francisco de Xerez, “Verdadera Relacion de la Conquista del Peru.” The first edition was published in 1554. Xerez, or, as it is sometimes spelled, Jerez, accompanied Pizarro as secretary on his fourth expedition from Panama. What he writes about Manabi is here given.

“El navio que fué á descubrir volvió á cabo de sententa dias al rio de San Juan, adonde el capitan Pizarro quedó con la gente; y dio relacion de lo que le habia sucedido, y fué, que llegó hasta el pueblo de Cancebi, que es en aquella costa, y antes deste pueblo habian visto, los que en el navio iban, otras poblaciones muy ricas de oro y plata, y la gente de mas razon que toda la que antes habian visto de indios; y trajeron seis personas para que deprendiesen la lengua de los españoles, y trajeron oro y plata y ropa … y caminaron hasta llegar á un gran pueblo que se dice Coaque, al cual saltearon porque no se alzase como los otros pueblos; y allí tomaron quince mil pesos de oro y mil y quinientos marcos de plata y muchas piedras de esmeraldas, que por el presente no fueron conoscido, ni tenidas por piedras de valor; por esta causa los españoles las daban y rescataban con los indios por ropa y otras cosas que los indios les daban por ellas. Y en este pueblo prendieron al cacique señor dél, con alguna gente suya, y hallaron mucha ropa de diversas maneras, y muchos mantenimientos, en que habia para mantenerse los españoles tres ó cuatro años.”—Pp. 321, 322.

[4] D. Fernando Montesinos, “Memorias Antiguas Historiales y Politicas del Peru.” Edited by Márcos Jiménez de la Espada, and published in the “Coleccion de Libros Españoles Raros o Curiosos,” Tom. 16. Madrid, 1882.

Montesinos gives but little relating to Manabi; but some very interesting information is translated from his work, and will be found in Note 16.

[5] “2a PARTE DE LA DESCRIPCION DE GUAYAQUIL EN QUE SE TRATA DE LA CIUDAD DE PUERTO VIEJO Y SU DISTRITO

“La ciudad se llama San Gregorio de Puerto Viejo.

“Está en un llano fundada en quadro, con quatro calles y una plaza en medio: tiene treinta y dos casas y no tiene arrabales.

“Dista de Guayaquil quarenta leguas; de Quito, ciento; de la ciudad de los Reyes trescientas: tiene al Levante á Quito; al Poniente al mar del Sur, de que dista seis ó siete leguas; al Norte á Guayaquil, está catorce ó quince leguas al Sur del cabo de Pasao, que es por donde pasa la equinoctial, asi que está en menos de un grado de latitud.

“Su término es de tierra montosa, que comienzan los montes desde la misma ciudad. Hay algunos valles llanos, á que llaman sábanas, en que pastan los ganados.

“Su temperamento es caliente, mayormente en el invierno, que es húmedo, con nieblas y exhalaciones y bochorno perpétuo: el verano es menos caloroso, porque corren aires frescos.

“La tierra es fértil de suyo, pero infructífera por la sequedad: no hay rios, fuentes, ni poços y así ni huertas, ni jardines dentro ni fuera de la ciudad: tambien faltan molinos por esto, y porque no hay trigo para moler. Los inviernos son cortos, que no duran más de tres ó hasta quatro meses: faltan las lluvias á el mejor tiempo y las sementeras no llegan á fruto: será la tierra que se siembra y lleva fruto hasta veinte leguas, la demás es estéril.

“Un rio sin nombre propio (llámanle el rio de Puerto Viejo) pasa pegado á la ciudad: corre veintiseis leguas desde su principio, veinte hasta Puerto Viejo, y seis hasta entrar en el mar del Sur: procede de manantiales el verano, y de ordinario lleva poca agua y corre recogido: algunos veranos se seca del todo y mueren de sed los ganados y los animales silvestres: dicen que entonces corre por debajo la tierra y abren pôços (en la madre con que pasan la gente y los caballos); el invierno, que es por Mayo, va crecido y baña todo el valle: estas crecientes no son de daño cosa ninguna y traen mucho provecho, porque en lo que estuvo cubierto y quedó humedecido, siembran legumbres el verano, y dá fruto dos veces.

“No tiene puente este rio: dicen que le tuvo un tiempo: el invierno se pasa con una balsa, á que llaman barbacoa, con una maroma como por barca; pasa muy bien en ella gente y ropa.

“Dos leguas de la ciudad entra en este otro rio (ó arroyo); corre de Oriente á Poniente por un valle que llaman Pinpaguasi, en donde dicen vinieron otro tiempo muchos indios, y que agora habrá hasta veinte no más.

“Seis leguas de la ciudad está un puerto que llaman de Manta; no es puerto cerrado, sino costa abierta, y le hacen daño principalmente dos vientos, el Norte y el Sur, y toda aquella costa en general es mar de tumbo, sino es en algunas caletas que hay, pero es hondo, que llega un navio de quatrocientas toneladas á una octava de legua de la tierra, y los menores se acercan mucho más. Tiene el puerto algunas lajas en que se han perdido navios: el viento que más generalmente sopla es el Sur; brisas alcanzan dos ó tres meses del año, començando por Enero: con el Sur entran á popa los que vienen de Lima y los de Panamá con el Nordeste y Norte.

“Los árboles silvestres que la tierra produce y cria de suyo, son algarrobos, morales, caimitos, pincaes, palosanto, sauces, laureles, guabos, guanavanos, cereços, hobos, ciruelos. Los algarrobos y morales, se llaman así por semejanza á los árboles, que con estos nombres son conocidos en España. La fruta del algarrobo es menos dulce y diferente que la de acá: sirve de pasto á toda suerte de ganados: el moral lleva un fruto blanco y dulce, menor que nuestras moras. La fruta del caimito es semejante á las manzanas y suave al gusto: haylos blancos y negros. El juncal dá unas como uvas negras, que parecen á las de los palmitos, y tienen dentro un huesezuelo tierno; cómenlas los indios: los puercos engordan con ellas como con bellota: al palo-santo llaman así por los remedios que dél se toman para las enfermedades: sácase dél una resina que hace las veces y provechos de la terementina; cura enfermedades y dolores que proceden de frio: ella y el agua en que secuece la raiz y el palo, sana los catarros: tambien sirve la resina por encienso para perfumes. La fruta del guabo es muy larga, como de una vara, y tiene dentro unos como copos de algodon blancos y suaves. Las guanabanas, frutas del árbol llamado así, son mayores que grandes piñas y tan grandes como melones; verdes en la corteza, y lo interior blanco: el gusto es entre agrio y dulce: el cerezo dá un fruto encarnado y blanco, y del tamaño de una avellana: es de buen gusto, pero muy dañoso; el que llaman ciruelo, es árbol grande; dicen que como un naranjo: la fruta encarnada del tamaño de una castaña es suave y dulce con exceso. La fruta del hobo es amarilla y de suave olor; su gusto entre dulce y agro; es dañosa á la salud. Los laureles no llevan fruto ni los sauces: estos sirven de madera para hacer canoas y maderar casas. De todas estas frutas silvestres gozan los naturales y los ganados sin ninguna probibicion: lleva bien la tierra algunas frutas de España uvas, higos, membrillos, granadas, naranjas, limas, limones, cidras: todas en poca cantidad por falta del riego; no hay viñas, mas de algunos parrales. Las frutas mansas de la tierra hay en mayor abundancia plátanos, aguacates, piñas, sapotes, anonas, papayas, nisperas, guayavas, ciruelas de dos géneros, unas que llaman de Nicaragua y otras de la tierra.

“De las hortalizas de España hay lechugas, rábanos, zanahorias, coles, cebollas, melones, pepinos, calabazas, peregil, yerbabuena, culantro.

“Las semillas ordinarias en esta tierra son maiz, habas, frísoles, maní, giquimas, agi; siémbranse en roças, al modo dicho en lo de Gyayaquil.

“El maiz se dá tambien, que se sustentan algunas casas en Puerto Viejo con sola una roça de dos almudes de sembradura, porque en los años muy lluviosos acude á doscientas cincuenta y trescientas hanegas por una de sembradura y á ciento cincuenta cuando el año no es acertado. Las habas y frísoles acuden de setenta á cien hanegas: y el maní de ochenta hasta cien por una. En las relaciones afirma un testigo que acuden el maní á doscientas ochenta y á trescientas hanegas: con toda esta fecundidad de la tierra, so cogen de ordinario pocos frutos por la falta de aguas y poca labor: quando los años son lluviosos y se coge mucho, se saca para Tierra Firme, y llega á venderse en el puerto de Manta el maiz á nueve ó á diez reales: las habas y frísoles de Castilla á veinte y á veinticuatro reales, y el maní â dos pesos: el precio ordinario del maiz á la cosecha suele ser á quatro ó cinco reales la hanega.

“Trigo no se coge, ni vino ni aceite; pero háse esperimentado que la tierra lleva bien estas cosas: sécanse y no perseveran por falta de agua con que regar las viñas y olivares, que las lluvias, siendo tan pocas, no bastan para sustentar estos árboles, y el trigo no llega á granar porque le faltan las aguas al mejor tiempo. Advierten los vecinos que se puede hacer una presa en el rio para regar las sementeras en falta de lluvias, y que con esto se cogeria mucho trigo y todo género de frutos de Castilla que seria de grande importancia á la tierra, y se le acrecentaria la contratacion con las ciudades del Pirú.

“Los animales que hay de caza son venados, menores que los de España, y corcetes de montaña pardos y bermejos que llaman cervicabras; puercos de manada como los javalies de España y otros çahinos y más pequeños, que tienen el ombligo en el espinaço: tambien hay conejos.

“Animales fieros, hay leones, pardos y bermejos, tigres, osos hormigueros, çorras, armadillos, ardillas, micos de diferentes maneras.

“Los armadillos los comen los naturales, y no es mala carne. El venado y conejo, leon y tigre, son como los conocidos acá.

“Las aves que hay de la tierra son pavas de dos géneros, unas que llaman pangies, que tienen una corona de pluma en la cabeza: los machos son negros y las hembras bermejas. A las otras llaman graznadoras; son menores y de buena carne. Hay patos silvestres, palomas torcaçes, tórtolas, halcones, gavilanes, faisanes y perdices mayores y menores: las mayores son del tamaño de una pollaronca (que es cercana á poner); las menores son como las de España y tambien son como las de acá las palomas, tórtolas y patos. Hay papagayos, periquitos, guacamayas, y otros géneros diversos de pájaros muy galanos y vistosos de pluma, y de canto suave.

“En el rio se crian camarones y unos pesoecillos que llaman sardinillas y mojarras.

“Hay muchas viboras u muy dañosas, y un género de culebras muy ponzoñosas: llámanles sangas; son de una vara de largor, y tienen ocho colmillos muy agudos: luego como pican á hombre ó á animal le privan de sentidos y le revienta sangre por los oidos, boca y ojos, y por las uñas de las manos y de los piés; los picados duran seis horas y algunos menos tiempo, y los que más hasta veinticuatro horas, porque la picadura generalmente es incurable: sanan algunos siendo socorridos luego al punto, sajando la mordedura y poniéndole encima tabaco majado, y dando á beber al paciente el zumo de la misma yerba. Hay tambien alacranes y unas avispas negras, cuya picadura causa hinchazon y grandes calenturas. Es muy digna de consideracion la historia de este animalejo ponçoñoso para la declaracion literal de la historia sagrada en quatro lugares de la Escritura,[1] donde se dice que expelió Dios los indignos y injustos moradores de la tierra de promision, enviando delante de los hijos de Israel cabrones 6 vespas, que picasen y ahuyentasen á los enemigos del pueblo de Dios; los quales vocablos latinos que tradujo la version vulgata, y los que le responden en los originales hebreos y griegos, significan este animalejo que conocemos y llamamos avispa; y algunos intérpretes, particularmente San Agustin, dudaron si se habia de entender en aquellos lugares á la letra en significacion propia, ó si se significaba por translacion con este vocablo la fama y rumor de los milagros espantosos de Dios, y número y valentia de los israelitas, que precedió volando como avispa, y picando y acobardando los ánimos de los cananeos, para que fuesen fáciles de combatir y de vencer: ello de suyo es lo más cierto interpretar las promesas y historias divinas en propia significacion: y este relacion confirma que de aquellos desiertos de Arabia, sacaria Dios un grande exército de avispas venenosas, que le sirvieron de caballos ligeros en aquella empresa; como suele Dios usar de ministerio de cosas muy viles y pequeñas para derribar las pomposas y grandes del mundo, y es muy propio de las tierras desiertas y secas producir y criar copia y diversidad de sabandijas y animalejos venenosos, como se esperimenta en mucha parte de Africa y en estas regiones de que vamos tratando.

“Parece haber sido antiguamente la tierra rica de oro y de esmeraldas, porque quando se descubrió se hallaron muchas y muy finas, y oro en poder de los indios, de lo qual no ha quedado cosa, y la tierra es pobrísima de oro y plata, porque no hay mina descubierta de ningun metal, pero entiéndese que hay minas en la provincia de las esmeraldas, y tambien en el camino real que vá á Guayaquil que llaman Colines y Manchal, término de Puerto Viejo, tierra que solia estar poblada de muchos indios. Afirman los que tienen conocimiento destas cosas, que la tierra dá muestras de minas de oro, y hay grande fama de que los indios las tuvieron alli muy ricas, de donde sacaron el oro que se halló en su poder el tiempo del descubrimiento. Despues cuentan que un cacique de Apechinche que dió en presente un gran pedazo de oro en forma de tabla, cortado al parecer de otro mayor, á Francisco Flores Megía, para que hiciese joyas á su muger quando se casó: quieren decir que aquel indio tenia una tabla de oro sobre que ponia como tarima un trono del mismo metal para sentarse en ciertos sacrificios y solemnidades que tenian entre año.

“En lo moral

“La ciudad de Puerto Viejo afirman haber sido la segunda que se fundó en aquel reino, porque la primera fue Piura: fundóse en tiempo de los Reyes Católicos Don Fernando y Doña Isabel por órden del marqués Don Francisco Pizarro, y dicen que se fundó de tres veces, la primera tres leguas el rio arriba, y la segunda una más abajo de donde agor aestá.

“Sus primeros conquistadores y fundadores fueron, Nicolás de Villacorta, Hernando Ag°. Holguin, Enrique Rodriguez, Cristóbal de Burgos.

“Dícese que tenia escudo de armas particulares, pero que no hay noticia de quáles fuesen, y que todas las antigüedades desta ciudad se han olvidado, por haberse quemado su archivo más há de quarenta años.

“S. M. le llama ciudad en sus cédulas y provisiones, y soba ser cabeza de todo el partido: ha venido á mucha diminucion y desestimacion, de suerte que por desprecio le llaman la Culata, como á infima y postrera.

“Tiene de distrito veintiocho leguas: catorce al Norte hasta el cabo de Pasao, y otras tantas al Sur hasta el rio de Prosel.

“Las casas son humildes y viles, hechas de cañas y barro, y quando más de alguna madera, juntamente cubiertas de paja; dicen que usan edificar bajo para seguridad de los temblores de tierra, que los solian padescer á menudo: la principal causa es la pobreza; tienen en la plaza unas casas de cabildo.

“Los vecinos que hay en la ciudad son españoles: casados, diez; criollos casados, quince; solteros españoles, tres; criollos, diez y siete; tienen hijos varones, treinta y siete hijas, treinta y tres; esclavos, treinta y tres; esclavas, catorce; viudas pobres, hay seis; españoles viandantes, tres.

“Los pueblos de indios del distrito de Puerto Viejo son Catarama, Charapota, Manta, Jipijapa, Picuaza. Otros pueblos más que estos se hallaron en la tierra: todos tenian los nombres de sus caciques como Peonce, Apechingue; agora están reducidos en estos y se llaman parcialidades: distan estos pueblos unos de otros á ocho y á nueve leguas.

“Hay diez encomenderos que dicen son, al tiempo de la descripcion, los ocho varones, y dos mugeres, y que asistian estas dos y cinco varones; parece que las encomiendas son doce, las tres de primera vida, y las nueve de segunda, pero que tienen algunos dos encomiendas.

“Cargas de los encomenderos son tener armas que se entiende de caballo y lanza, espada y daga y escopeta, pagar dotrina y diezmo y cierta parte al corregidor, como por ejemplo, al del puerto de Manta le rentan sus indios cada año nuevecientos sesenta y tres reales y medio; paga al dotrinero cuarenta y seis pesos y seis reales, treinta y ocho gallinas y nueve arrobas y media de pescado al corregidor; nueve pesos de diezmos. No tienen carga de lanzas los encomenderos ni hay encomienda que sea del Rey.

“Los encomenderos que al tiempo desta descripcion poseian las encomiendas, las calidades y valor de encomiendas son desta manera:

“Bartolomé Perez de Burgos tiene treinta y siete indios tributarios de segunda vida: réntanle dos mil setecientos treinta y ocho reales.

“Juan de Ávila Prieto tiene en segunda vida en el puerto de Manta diez y nueve indios tributarios: rentan nuevecientos sesenta y tres reales y medio.

“Cristóbal de Búrgos tiene en segunda vida una encomienda cuyos indios no están tasados: al sacerdote, no le pagan más tributo que hacerle una roça de maiz de que paga al dotrinero.

“Ag°. Briceño tiene dos encomiendas, una en segunda vida de cuarenta indios tributarios, que son gibros de montaña; otra en primera vida de veintinueve indios tributarios de tasa ordinaria; declara que pagado dotrinero y corregidor, le valen ambas cien pesos.

“D. Francisco Tohaya, indio, tiene en el pueblo del Valle, en la reduccion de Catarama, en primera vida ocho indios tributarios: este no tiene armas por la pequeñez de la encomienda y por su pobreça.

“Doña Maria de Figueroa Manjarres, tiene dos encomiendas en segunda vida; la una de treinta y la otra de veintinueve indios ordinarios de tasa ordinaria.

“Leonor de Robles tiene en segunda vida unos indios que por ser nuevamente convertidos, no están tasados; trájolos de paz de las montañas su padre desta encomendera, y es el número dellos treinta casados, diez y seis solteros, veintidos indias solteras, veintidos muchachos y indias. No le pagan más tributo que hacerle una roça como lo permite la cédula, de que paga al dotrinero: estos siete son los encomenderos que asisten.

“Los indios desta tierra, no convenian en una lengua general y comun á todos: cada pueblo hablaba la suya diferente, lo cual era causa de discordia y guerras entre ellos: los indios marítimos se entienden todos entre sí, aunque la lengua que usan no es … [1] dícese que conocian y distinguian los dias de la semana con nombres particulares, y que tenian al domingo por el más solemne, y le llamaban Tepipichinche, y que á sus hijos ponian nombre del dia en que nacian.

“El conocer semana, es rastro de la fé de la creacion, y el celebrar el domingo, señas de que les habia alcanzado algun tiempo luz ó vislumbre de la redencion. Agora la lengua comun destos indios es la castellana. Todos son muy españolados y muchos saben leer y escribir, y en cada lugar hay algunos que cantan diestramente canto de órgano y ofician las misas en las iglesias.

“Quando se descubrió la tierra se halló mucho mayor número de indios: hánlos gastado las pestes y las esterilidades y hambres: paréceles á los testigos que declaran estas relaciones, que habrá agora unos dicen hasta quinientos y otros hasta quatrocientos tributarios: los que parece que hay en los pueblos de la jurisdicion de Puerto Viejo, por el padron que se hizo por mandado del Consejo el año de 1605, son:

“Tributarios, trescientos cincuenta y ocho; reservados, ciento diez y seis; muchachos libres de tributo por la edad, doscientos sesenta y seis; muchachas, doscientas veintitres: son casados, cuatrocientas veinticuatro: hay mugeres viudas y solteras, sententa y cuatro.

“Este número de indios se halla en sus lugares y parcialidades en la manera siguiente:

En Catarama, 5 parcialidades

Indios de Catarama

Catarama: tributarios, 16; reservados, 4; casados, 18; viudos, 3; niños, 16; niñas, 16   .   .   .   .   .   .

1

Conchichigua: tributarios, 4; reservados, 1; casados, 5; viudos, 2; niños, 7; niñas, 5   .   .   .   .   .   .

2

Coalle: tributarios, 7; reservados, 1; casados, 8; viudos, 1; niños, 6; niñas, 7   .   .   .   .   .   .

3

Pantagua: tributarios, 2; reservados, 1; casados, 3; viudos, 1; niños, 3; niñas, 4   .   .   .   .   .   .

4

Chondana: tributarios, 3; reservados, 1; casados, 4; viudos, 2; niños, 4; niñas, 2   .   .   .   .   .   .

5

En Charapoto, 4 parcialidades

Indios de Charapoto

Charapoto: tributarios, 12; reservados, 10; casados, 12; viudos, 2; niños, 7; y niñas, 3   .   .   .   .   .   .

1

Conchipa: tributarios, 17; reservados, 10; casados, 24; viudos, 4; niños, 18; niñas, 14   .   .   .   .   .   .

2

Tosagua: tributarios, 27; reservados, 8; casados, 32; viudos, 2; niños 17; niñas, 14   .   .   .   .   .   .

3

Pasao: tributarios, 17; reservados, 4; casados, 19; viudos, 4; niños, 19; niñas, 9   .   .   .   .   .   .

4

En Manta, 4 parcialidades

Indios de Manta

Manta: tributarios, 18; reservados, 9; casados, 26; viudos, 6; niños, 15; niñas, 28   .   .   .   .   .   .

1

Jaramito: tributarios, 6; reservados, 3; casados, 7; viudos, 1; niños, 4; y niñas,   .   .   .   .   .   .

2

Levique: tributarios, 8; reservados, 3; casados, 8; viudos, 1; niños, 10; niñas, 5   .   .   .   .   .   .

3

Capil: tributarios, 3; reservados, 4; casados, 7; viudos, 1; niños, 1; niñas, 6   .   .   .   .   .   .

4

En Jipijapa, 8 parcialidades

Indios de Jipijapa

Pipai: tributarios, 26; reservados, 8; casados, 33; viudos, 3; niños, 20; niñas, 24   .   .   .   .   .   .

1

Jipijapa la baja: tributarios, 23; reservados, 6; casados, 27; viudos, 4; niños, 12; niñas, 17   .   .   .   .   .   .

2

Apelope: tributarios, 27; reservados, 1; casados, 32; viudos. 2; niños, 22; niñas, 16   .   .   .   .   .   .

3

Apechingue: tributarios, 15; reservados, 4; casados, 18; viudos, 2; niños, 21; niñas, 9   .   .   .   .   .   .

4

Sanchan: tributarios, 9; reservados, 5; casados, 12; viudos, 5; niños, 7; niñas, 5   .   .   .   .   .   .

5

La Alta: tributarios, 15; reservados, 9; casados, 24; viudos, 1; solteros, 5; niños, 11; niñas, 11   .   .   .   .   .   .

6

Pillasagua: tributarios, 7; reservados, 4; casados, 11; viudos, 4; niños, 3; niñas, 3   .   .   .   .   .   .

7

Picalauseme: tributarios, 1; reservados, 4; casados, 3; niños, 4; niñas, 1.

8

En Picuazia, 3 parcialidades

Indios de Picuazia

Toballa: tributarios, 8; reservados, 13; casados, 78; viudos, 16; niños, 63; niñas, 42   .   .   .   .   .   .

1

Misbay: tributarios, 15; reservados, 4; casados, 12; niños, 3; niñas, 2.

2

Solongo: esta parcialidad no tiene más que un cacique, casado y sin hijos, y un tributario, viudo sin hijos; débese advertir que á este número se ha reducido todo un pueblo por la tasacion última que hizo la Audiencia de Quito en 7 de Setiembre de 1584.

“Paga cada indio tributario veintidos reales y una manta de algodon, que llaman lona, de á doce varas, que se vende por quatro pesos, y una hanega de maiz que vale quatro reales, y dos aves de Castilla, hembra y macho que valen á dos reales; de manera, que vale todo setenta y cuatro reales.

“Los indios del puerto de Manta pagan cada año tres pesos de plata ensayada, que son de á cuatrocientos cincuenta maravedises: dos arrobas de pescado seco, que valen ocho reales; un gallo que vale un real y una gallina que vale dos, que viene á ser cincuenta reales y veinticuatro maravedis. Los indios recien convertidos son libres de tributo, mas de que suelen hacer una roça á su encomendero para pagar la dotrina. Estos son los que por persuasion de los españoles se han bajado de las montañas y poblado en lo llano, que los llaman gibaros montañeses.

“Los vecinos de la ciudad por la mayor parte son pobres; los encomenderos por la mayor parte no tienen más hacienda que la renta de sus encomiendas: alguno demás desto llega á tener mil pesos: los que pasan bien, tienen huertas y estancias de ganado de cincuenta ó hasta cien vacas, ó hasta doscientas, y tambien tienen estancias de puercos y de ovejas y cabras y algunos esclavos: la hacienda de los pobres que pasan mal, es una mala casa y hasta veinte puercos: los más son del todo pobres, soldados sin ninguna hacienda, viven comunmente los de la ciudad de labranza de maiz y legumbres, y de poco tiempo hacen sementeras de tabaco por grangería. No hay mercaderes sino los que vienen de fuera: suele traerse á vender ropa de la tierra, sayales, gergas, freçadas, paños y mantas y algodon: hay en la ciudad un carpintero, un sastre, dos zapateros; no hay curtidores ni tenerias, más de que los zapateros curten badanas de venados, que vale cada una seis ú ocho reales: destas hacen botas y zapatos: hácese un poco de jabon de sebo y de manteca hasta en cantidad de cincuenta quintales cada año y vale el quintal á doce ó á catorce reales.

“Hay un trapiche solo de azúcar que lo trae un caballo y es de un particular que ocupa en él cinco esclavos: no labra el azúcar en pilones, sino solamente saca la miel de las cañas: hace cada año hasta cien botijas.

“Todos los indios desta tierra generalmente tienen caballos que alquilan á los pasageros: el indio que menos, tiene dos caballos; tambien hacen sementeras de que cogen, no sólo para sustento, sino para vender á los indios de la costa, á donde van á traer pescado para revender; tambien venden gallinas y otros mantenimientos á los pasageros.

“Hay entre los indios algunos oficiales, zapateros, sastres y carpinteros y viven de sus oficios.

“Labran alguna poca ropa de algodon para sus vestidos y para pagar los tributos; para esto siembran el algodon que han menester: no se siembra lino ni cañamo.

“Alguna poca de pita suelen labrar cada uno para sus labores: tienen tambien algunos ganados.

“Los del puerto de Manta viven de pesquerias y de dar avio á los navios con sus balsas, pero los españoles no usan pescar para grangeria. Demás de las arana das de S. M. que tocan en aquel puerto para tomar refresco, entran en él por año hasta diez ó doce navios, algunos de quatrocientas toneladas, y otros de á doscientas cincuenta y navios mercantes de porte de ciento cincuenta toneladas y otros de ciento, y otros barcos de aviso y de trato; los navios que pasan por aquí para Panamá, de los valles de Trugillo y de Lima, llevan harina, azúcar, miel, conservas, manteca, habas, garbanzos, y otras cosas para sustento de Tierra Firme: los que suben de Panamá al Pirú llevan ropa de Castilla de la que viene en las flotas; de camino, so provee Puerto Viejo de las cosas que há menester, y no hay adu ana, por ser todo lo que llega allí de paso y no venir su derecho descargo aquel puerto. No se labran navios; no hay apar ejo para ello: lábrase jarcia de cabuya para vender á los navios que pasan.

“Sal se saca en el puerto de Manta de unos poços ó hoyos que de antigüedad tienen abiertos los indios, y son propios de particulares: sácanse hasta doscientas hanegas cada año y vale en el puerto á cuatro reales.

“Tierras hay en mucha mayor cantidad de las que los vecinos y los indios han menester; así no tienen valor ni hay posesion de tierras en particular; cada uno hace su roça y siembra dónde y en la cantidad que quiere. Los vecinos benefician sus chácaras con esclavos propios y con los mitayos.

“Los mantenimientos que faltan en la tierra y de que suele haber carestía, son harina de trigo, que se trae de los valles de Trugillo, y se vende en Manta á nueve reales la arroba; el vino se trae de Guayaquil y vale á ocho y á nueve la botija; la de aceite suele costar de doce á catorce pesos corrientes. Quando hay falta de maiz, se les toma á los indios que lo tienen en el distrito, á la tasa que señala el cabildo. Ganados se crian en poca cantidad por la sequedad de la tierra y falta de agua.

“En todo el distrito hay cinco ó seis estancias de ganado en que habrá de vacuno hasta tres mil reses; ovejas hasta doscientas: otro testigo dice de trescientas á quatrocientas cabezas: cabras doscientas; de puercos habrá mil cabezas y este es el ganado que más se multiplica y más se gasta, porque cada hembra cria cada año seis ó nueve; vale una cabeza en pié quatro pesos; un puerco de dos años otro tanto; un carnero ó chivato ó cabra, un peso. Mucho del ganado, particularmente del de cerda, anda alzado, que quando el año no es abundante de maiz, como no les dan grano, no quieren acudir al corral, y con el aparejo del mucho monte se alçan y se emboscan. Hay hombres que tienen por oficio ir á caballo á jarretar ganado alçado para sacar el sebo y lardo dél.

“No hay yeguadas ni cria de mulas; solamente el convento de la Merced tiene una manada de yeguas, que andan alçadas.

“Los indios desta provincia tienan (en casa) tres ó quatro y algunos hasta diez yeguas de que crian potros: vale una yegua de quatro á seis pesos, y un potro lo mismo.

“Gobierna y administra justicia en Puerto Viejo un teniente, puesto por el gobernador de Guayaquil; y demás del tribunal del teniente hay en la ciudad dos alcaldes ordinarios y otros dos de la hermandad y quatro regidores y un alguacil mayor que pone un teniente. El alguacil mayor solia ser nombrado por el gobernador; despues le nombraban los vireyes: el que agora sirve el oficio lo tiene nombrado por mil trescientos pesos corrientes: no tiene salarios más de sus derechos. Hay una escribanía pública y otra del cabildo y de ordinario las sirve ambas una persona, nombrado desde D. Luis de Velasco acá por el Virey que antes nombraba el cabildo de la ciudad por concesion del Marqués D. Francisco Piçarro. La eleccion de alcaldes y regidores se hace por votos del cabildo: cada primero dia del año, nombran seis personas y echan los nombres en un cántaro, de donde los primeros dos que salen son para alcaldes y los quatro restantes para regidores: aprueba la eleccion el gobernador ó por él su teniente; para esta eleccion tienen voto demás de los oficiales del cabildo alcalde y regidores, el alguacil mayor y el tesorero.

“En cada pueblo de indios hay tambien su cabildo, alcaldes y regidores, alguacil mayor y menor y escribano: todos indios conforme á la orden que dió el virey don Francisco de Toledo, y demás desto hay un gobernador de todos los pueblos de indios del distrito, nombrado por los vireyos; este es indio y reside en Manta. La eleccion de los oficiales de cada año en los pueblos de indios se hace y confirma de la misma manera que la de Puerto Viejo.

“A los indios que de su voluntad trabajan por jornal en las chacaras, se les dá por cada dia á real y de comer; á indios que sirven por mita, esto es, apremiados y repartidos por quinto, les llaman mitayos y á los que entran á servir por su voluntad, yanaconas: estos ganan de salario doce pesos cada año, y los mitayos nueve reales y medio cada quince dias y de comer, por tasacion que hizo el Virey; el alquiler de un caballo es á real por legua ó quatro reales por jornada de hasta cinco leguas: quando el indio cuyos son los caballos, vá con ellos para volverlos, no se le paga más del alquiler de los caballos; si vá otro indio gana real por caballo, desde el puerto de Manta á Jipijapa, ó de allí á Daule á Unguia; pedido por el pasagero se le dan seis ú ocho reales y lo llevan á caballo.

“El camino real para Guayaquil y para todo el Pirú pasa sin tocar á la ciudad de Puerto Viejo, cinco leguas della, desde el puerto de Manta á Jipijapa: de allí á Daule hay veinticinco leguas de despoblado con tambos (así llaman á las ventas) á trechos en que se recogen de noche los pasageros. Estos tambos son quatro, y están desiertos, sin gente ninguna que los habite, y no hay otra poblacion por el camino ni á los lados, porque de la parte de Levante corre la cordillera (de las sierras) de Quito, y al Poniente la playa del mar del Sur. Es menester ir prevenidos de comida, y el verano tambien de bebida para este desierto; previénense en Jipijapa de todo, ó del agua á quatro leguas adelante en la primera aguada. Hay en Jipijapa un tambo ó meson bien adereçado. En Puerto Viejo no hay tambo ninguno ni casas de posadas. Los vecinos hospedan á los pasageros; el pan que comen de ordinario los indios y los españoles es de maiz, de que hacen unos panes á que llaman tortillas, carne de vaca y de puerco y montería de venados y puercos monteses y legumbres de la tierra, unas habas que se diferencian poco de las de España y son de mucho sustento, frísoles, camotes, yucas: estas son ciertas raices como de patata, de las quales y del maiz Lacen la bebida que llaman chicha: un pan de trigo que pesa veinte onzas suele valer un real; el arroba de carne de vaca á dos reales; el quartillo de vino de Castilla á ocho reales; el de la tierra de cuatro hasta seis reales: las verduras y legumbres no se venden, porque todos las tienen de cosecha y propias. Las enfermedades vulgares en la tierra son: calenturas prolixas y recias, y dolores en todo el cuerpo, que ordinariamente son de bubas; estos curan con çarça y palo santo; las calenturas con sangrías y purgas de mechoacan y cañifístola.

“Para diversas enfermedades usan más que de otra mediciua del tabaco y de otra yerba llamada el payco, cuyo zumo beben para las lombrices: hay cantidad de palo de salsifrax, de que usan para postemas interiores y para qualesquiera dolores de frialdad con admirables efectos: tambien hay beçares de mucha virtud que se sacan de los venados, y contrayerba que dan á los que han tomado veneno ó están hechizados.

“Llaman guacas á los lugares de adoracion á donde los indios tenian los idolillos de oro y de plata: búscanse como tesoros; algunas se dice que están denunciadas en el distrito, pero no se han sacado.

“En la ciudad de Puerto Viejo hay un tesorero que es oficial real y juez nombrado por el Virey: tiene á su cargo la caxa Real con salario de ciento veinte pesos de plata ensayada.

“Las rentas reales que entran en la caxa, son los almojarifazgos del puerto de Manta, que valen cada año doscientos cincuenta pesos: los novenos de los diezmos que valen cincuenta pesos; cincuenta pesos corrientes que valen las alcabalas; treinta y seis pesos que pagan de tributo yanaconas que están en la ciudad á razon de seis pesos de plata corriente: no hay quintos en esta tierra, porque no hay minas ni guacas: gastos desta caxa son los ciento veinte pesos de salario del tesorero: ochenta pesos corrientes que S. M. dá de limosna al convento de la Merced; cuarenta pesos de ayuda de costa al cura: suelen sobrar cada año hasta cien pesos corrientes que se envian á la caxa de Guayaquil: esto es muy digno de notar para consideracion de quantos españoles se ocupan y gastan con tan pequeña utilidad de su Rey: la conversion de los indios es lo que vale y contrapesa.

“Militar

“No hay en la ciudad presidio de soldados ni fortaleza, pero hay un maese de campo, un capitan y un sargento mayor nombrados por el Virey, y hallaránse en ella hasta cincnenta hombres de todas edades para tomar armas en las ocasiones.

“No se labran armas en la ciudad.

“No se puede hacer fortaleza en el puerto de Manta, porque tiene muchas entradas y porque no hay agua, que la que se bebe allí se trae dos leguas.

“Confinan los términos de Puerto Viejo con la provincia de las Esmeraldas hácia la cordillera de las tierras de Quito: ocuparon aquella provincia un número de mulatos çambahigos, que nacieron de mezcla de negros y negras cimarrones con los indios: eran estos mulatos belicosos y corrian toda aquella cordillera haciendo guerra y mucho daño á los indios de la tierra, que son los llamados gibaros y pertenecen á esta jurisdicion, los quales apretados de los mulatos se venian á valer de los españoles, y algunos por esta causa se bajaron de la sierra y se redujeron y convirtieron: causaban los mulatos muchos sobresaltos y alborotos y hacian estar á los españoles con cnidado y con las armas en las manos, hasta que de cinco á seis años á esta parte se pacificaron y dieron obediencia á S. M. y se comunican con los indios y con los españoles y han entrado entre ellos religiosos de la orden de la Merced que los dotrinan; en particular es conocido un Fray Pedro Romero, á quien los mulatos, señaladamente los de la provincia de Campaço, que es la más cercana á esta y su mayoral que se llama D. Alg. Sebastian de Illesca, tienen mucho respeto; así que agora goza esta tierra de paz, pero la provincia de las Esmeraldas, que se entiende es muy rica dellas y de oro, está todavía ocupada y tiranizada de los mulatos y despoblada de indios y no beneficiada ni descubierta de los españoles.

“Eclesiástico

“Hay en la ciudad de Puerto Viejo tres templos: la iglesia parroquial, cuya advocacion es de San Gregorio: la iglesia y convento de Nuestra Señora de la Merced; una hermita de San Valerio: son estos templos de madera y cubiertos de paja: la iglesia parroquial no tiene otra renta más de la parte que le cabe de los diezmos, que suele valer cada año desde cuatrocientos á seiscientos pesos, que dicen es causa de mucha pobreza.

“El cura de la iglesia es juntamente vicario del obispo y sirve la dotrina de los indios de Catarama, que le son anejos y distan de la ciudad menos de un quatro de legua: sirve tambien una capellanía de once misas reçadas, que es la que solamente hay en esta iglesia y vale once pesos cada año: demás desto la renta y aprovechamiento de que goza como cura son cincuenta mil maravedís, que S. M. ha mandado pagar á todos los curas de pueblos de españoles y se le pagan en los quatro novenos, conforme á la ereccion del obispado, y el resto se suple de la caxa Real: son ciento sesenta y dos pesos y dos reales: tambien dotrina y les administra sacramentos á los indios gibaros que nuevamente están reducidos en quatro pueblos á dos y á tres y á quatro leguas de la ciudad, de que lleva ciento veinticinco pesos; más están á su cargo sesenta y cinco yanaconas que le pagan doce reales cada uno: están estos en diversas partes en huertas y estancias de vecinos rio abajo y rio arriba desta ciudad; tiene demás desto el pié de altar y obvenciones ordinarias.

“En la jurisdicion de Puerto Viejo hay quatro dotrinas. La de Catarama que sirve el cura.

“La de Charapoto y Manta, que aunque distan cinco leguas una de otra, ambos pueblos los sirve un clérigo: tiene casa y asiste en cada uno, compartiendo el tiempo conforme al número de los feligreses; particularmente está en el puerto quando hay nav&iacute;os en él.

“La de Jipijapa, que sirve un clérigo.

“La de Picuça, que sirve un fraile de la Merced.

“De la de Catarama lleva el cura cien pesos de á nueve reales solamente, y no lleva camarico (así llaman á lo que se paga en aves y maiz, etc.), demás del dinero. La de Charapoto y Manta tienen de salario trescientos pesos de á nueve reales; doscientas cincuenta aves machos y hembras por mitad, y setenta fanegas de maiz poco más ó menos; treinta arrobas de pescado, una más ó menos: otro declara que las aves desta dotrina son doscientas, y las fanegas de maiz cincuenta. La de Jipijapa tiene trescientos pesos; setenta ó hasta ochenta aves; ochenta fanegas de maiz, quatro más ó menos. Estos salarios pagan los encomenderos del cuerpo de tributo.

“El cura de Puerto Viejo es nombrado por el presidente de la audiencia de Quito y confirmado por el obispo; á los dotrineros clérigos presenta el obispo y confirma el audiencia. Este nombramiento de dotrineros declaran de diversas maneras: el dotrinero de Jipijapa dice en su declaracion que el obispo nombra tres clérigos para cada dotrina vaca, y el presidente elige uno dellos que la sirva.

“Solamente hay un convento de frailes de la Merced, que es de la provincia Lima y se fundó cuando la ciudad; fué su fundador fray Miguel de Santa María: tiene de ordinario el comendador y otro fraile demás del dotrinero de Picuaça: la renta y hacienda de este convento son ciento cincuenta pesos que lleva de la dotrina de Picuaça: cien ovejas y algunas cabras, y unas pocas de yeguas que tiene.

“La hermita de San Valerio se fundó por voto por una grande plaga de ratones que entonces habia en aquel distrito y destruian las sementeras del maiz: la advocacion del Santo salió por suerte, y la plaga ha cesado.

“De los pueblos de la jurisdicion en particular

“Catarama está poblado junto al rio de Puerto Viejo, menos de un quarto de legua de la ciudad: su nombre antiguo fué Jágua; está fundada en quadro con quince ó hasta veinte casas, todas de paja; su iglesia es del mismo material, dedicada á San Cristobal.

“Al principio, quando se pobló, se llamó el Valle; solia tener muchos indios: agora no le han quedado de la descendencia de sus antiguos moradores mas de ocho tributarios: los demás que la habitan son indios de montaña reducidos allí: los indios deste lugar viven de la caza y de pescar en el rio: siembran en las huertas y en las vegas plátanos, yuca, camotes, frísoles de la tierra y de Castilla y habas.

“Charapoto es antigua poblacion que antes de la entrada de los españoles se llamaba Japoto y tenia muchos indios: hánle quedado pocos de los naturales; los más que tiene son parcialidades de otros pueblos que fueron reducidos allí por órden de Bernardo de Loaisa, visitador general por el Viery del Pirú. Las parcialidades reducidas son la de Tosagua, Pasao y Conchipa. Al tiempo de la reducion fueron más de doscientos quarenta indios tributarios sin los reservados y chusma: apocólos una peste de sarampion y tabardillo. Las lenguas propias y antiguas de los moradores deste lugar son diversas: los antiguos naturales hablan la suya; los de Tosagua, Conchipa y Toal otra, y los de Pasao no tienen lengua comun sino es la castellana; la gente es más política que los de otros pueblos de indios y tienen en el lugar maestro indio que enseña á escribir. El Pueblo está en llano con una plaça grande y quatro calles en la forma de los pueblos de españoles con sus calles cercadas. En estos quatro quadros tiene cincuenta y cinco casas de madera cubiertas de paja, cada parcialidad en su quadro de por sí; una iglesia de San Estéban, casas de cabildo y cárcel.

“Dista Charapoto de Lima trescientas leguas; de Quito ciento; de Guayaquil cuarenta y cinco; de Puerto Viejo cinco, y otras tantas de Manta: tiene dos leguas de jurisdicion hácia los términos destos dos lugares: el rio por allí no tiene puente ni passage.

“Hacen los indios deste lugar las sementeras de maiz muy cortas y de las otras semillas; porque no suelen sembrar más de dos ó tres almudes de maiz para sustento de su casa, para lo qual cogen suficiente fruto en los años lluviosos: en los más años les falta y envian uno de los principales á comprar maiz á Jipijapa y Picuaça y les suele costar á ocho reales la hanega.

“Ganados tienen muy pocos. Tres indios hay ricos en este lugar que tienen algun ganado; pescan en el rio, no para grangería sino cada uno para su sustento.

“Una grangería tienen particular de la cera que labran unas abejuelas pequeñas que hacen sus panales debajo la tierra; la miel es agria y la cera amarilla y blanca; sácanla los indios y véndenla á los españoles á real la libra.

“Parece que se les pudiera bien llamar á estas hormigas de miel, nombre que aun á todo género de abejas les pertenece.

“En la medicina tienen tambien particularidad los deste lugar que se purgan con solo el agua del mar y que sudan para el mal de bubas sin tincion ni otra cosa que mueva sudor, sino con solo meterse en unos hornillos y dándoles fuego como estufas.

“El pueblo de San Pablo de Manta, que es el primer puerto del Pirú, llámase de San Pablo: de ocho años á esta parte, luego que se descubrió, le llamaron los españoles Manta; los naturales le llamaban antes Jocay.

“No se tiene memoria de su primera fundacion; quando se descubrió era su cacique uno llamado Lligua Tohali, que convertido, se nombró D. Gonzalo Lligua Toal.

“Dicen deste pueblo lo que de todos los de indios, que tuvo muchos indios en su descubrimiento, y por enfermedades y hambres ha venido á grande diminucion y particularmente porque los primeros conqtiistadores maltrataron mucho á los caciques apretándolos para que les manifestasen oro y esmeraldas. Tenia cerca este pueblo á una y á dos leguas otros tres, Jaramijo, Camilloa, Cama: estos se redujeron en Manta, donde son parcialidades de los mismos nombres: hízose la reduccion habrá treinta y tres años: tenian estos quatro pueblos lengua propia y comun á ellos.

“La forma del pueblo es una calle larga, en que hay veintisiete casas cubiertas de madera y paja, una iglesia y una ermita.

“Hay cinco repartimientos de indios, y en cada repartimiento su cacique, y están encomendados á tres encomenderos.

“No siembran semillas ni legumbres ni otra cosa alguna los indios deste lugar, ni tienen ganados porque no hay pastos ni agua: la que beben es de unos poços que están dos leguas del pueblo; comen pescado y aves y algunos venados que cazan. El maiz traen comprado de fuera: su distrito es dos leguas de tierra sin labor, llena toda de unos cardos muy espinosos: á dos leguas tienen una montaña que llaman Monte Cristi, en que hay árboles de leña. Viven de la pesca y de llevar á vender el pescado por la tierra, y á los navios les venden agua y leña; tambien traginan arar y mercadurias de Castilla hasta Jipijapa, que dista nueve leguas, para donde dan caballos alquilados á los pasageros, y llevan á ocho reales de alquiler por cada caballo: otro tanto gana un indio por ir á caballo con cartas á toda diligencia: de aquí se proveen de agua los caminantes para pasar el desierto.

“Hay en este distrito una yerba venenosa, que si la come un caballo se emborracha, y si está flaco se muere: el remedio es meter el caballo en el agua del mar.

“Hay una iglesia parroquial que llaman iglesia mayor; un dotrinero sirve la dotrina deste pueblo y el de Charapoto, repartiendo el año en la asistencia de cada lugar, que distan cinco leguas por la playa del mar; cosa es digna de remedio, porque no es posible que desta manera los indios estén dotrinados, ni se les administren los sacramentos como conviene.

“Llaman á este pueblo la Asuncion de Nuestra Señora de Picuaça; redugéronse en él otros pueblos ó parcialidades: el sitio donde está fundado era un pueblo llamado Giguivi; llamóse Picuaça, del nombre del cacique á quien aquellas parcialidades obedecian; hizo la reduccion un Ag°. de Almao, vecino de Puerto Viejo, por comision del visitador Bernardo de Loaysa: dicen habrá quarenta y tres ó quarenta y ocho años que se fundó, y que los indios que entonces habia eu aquellas parcialidades ó pueblos antes de la reduccion, eran más de quinientos tributarios, sin las mugeres y chusma que por enfermedades y otras causas, á que generalmente suelen atribuir la diminucion de los indios, han venido á muy menor número; parece por el padron ó descripcion que el año de 1605 se hizo por mandado del Consejo en una parcialidad que se llama de Misbain, se hallaban quince indios, los doce casados, y entre todos no tenian más de siete hijos hembras y muchachos; en otra parcialidad dicha de Solongo, se dice que no hay más que el cacique, que es casado, y un indio tributario viudo, y ambos sin hijos.

“El Pueblo de Picuaça está fundado en triángulo, y tiene al medio una plaza quadrada; las casas de vivienda son ochenta, hechas de palos y cañas y cubiertas de paja: tiene á el Oriente á Puerto Viejo, de que dista ocho leguas; al Occidente, el mar que está á dos leguas de Guayaquil, dista quarenta.

“El lugar está fuera del camino real, y así no es pasagero: para ir á Guayaquil salen á Jipijapa: la tierra es llana y fértil de suyo, sino que está cubierta de Monte, que llegan los montes hasta el mismo lugar. El temple inclina más á frio que á caliente, porque hay dos inviernos, que algunos años se alcanzan el uno al otro: el principal es por Febrero: llueve entonces y hace soles muy recios, descubriéndose á veces el cielo y poniéndose muy claro: el segundo invierno comiença por Junio y suele durar hasta Diciembre; este es con unas nieblas espesas y agua menuda con frio, que en todo este tiempo no cesan las nieblas ni se descubre el cielo.

“Pasa por Picuaça un rio propio de solo aquel lugar, porque nace dél á media legua y corre hasta el mar, espacio de dos leguas y media. Nace de un manantial y corre siempre en un ser, llano y sin charcos el agua de dos varas y media de ancho y quatro dedos de hondo ó alto, es muy buena de beber y no tiene otra el lugar: por ser tan poco hondo este rio, ni cria pescado ni le entra del mar.

“Los árboles de la tierra son guacates, sapotes, caymitos, guayabas, pincaes: todos estos silvestres y que llevan fruta de comer: de Castilla hay membrillos, higueras, naranjos, limas, limones en abundancia: todo se cria y frutifica por los montes sin labor ni beneficio humano, más de que á los membrilleros los podan cada año: las frutas de que más se cogen son membrillos y naranjas: estas todas dulces, que no las hay agrias.

“Hay tambien hortalizas de Castilla; coles, cebollas, yerbabuena, culantro, peregil.

“El maiz siembran en roças á estaca como en las otras partes: algunos años cogen menos del que han menester, y se proveen de Jipijapa, donde les cuesta de seis á ocho reales la hanega.

“En los montes hay venados, puercos çaninos, tigres, leones y unas que llaman guarda-tinajas: aves hay pavas grasnaderas, faisanes, tórtolas; sabandijas ponzoñosas, vívoras, culebras, alacranes: las más ponzoñosas son las víboras.

“Tambien hay yerbas ponzoñosas con que los indios se matan unos á otros, pero no son conocidas de todos, ni dicen los nombres dellas: toman para remedio la que llaman contrayerba y el bejueco, cuyos polvos tambien bebidos en agua caliente y sudando con ellos, aprovechan contra las mordeduras de las culebras.

“El lugar no es notablemente sujeto á enfermedades: las que suele haber más de ordinario son cámaras y bubas: las cámaras curan dando á beber los polvos de cierta tierra blanca quemada; para las bubas toman la çarça, que la bay en la tierra.

“Saben la lengua castellana en general todos los indios deste lugar, y algunos cantan diestramente canto de órgano, pero solos dos dicen que habia que supiesen leer, el cacique y otro.

“Su grangería es sacar cabuya para vender: labran alguna ropa de algodon, no más de la necesaria para su vestir y para la parte del tributo que se paga en lona.

“No hay ganado en este lugar más de hasta veinte vacas.

“Tienen una iglesia parroquial que se llama de la Asuncion: su edificio es de madera cubierta con barro y el techo de paja.

“Tambien hay una ermita de Santa Catalina; no tienen la iglesia ni la ermita renta ninguna: el dotrinero es un fraile del convento de la Merced de Puerto Viejo.

“Jipijapa es pueblo todo de indios; llámanle San Lorenzo de Jipijapa: el nombre Jipijapa tomó de un su antiguo cacique: habia dos pueblos deste nombre, dos leguas distantes entre sí; el lugar en que agora está esta reducion se llamaba Jipijapa la baja; no se redujo primero en este sitio; su primera fundacion, hecha por órden del visitador Loaysa, fue tres leguas de allí hácia Puerto Viejo: trasladóla á este sitio por mejor, dicen que habrá veintisiete años (en el 1605), un Juan de la Hinojosa, juez por comision de la Audiencia de Quito: vinieron entonces á poblar doscientos sesenta indios, y en la primera fundacion habian sido más de 500: ha venido en diminucion tambien el número menor, por las enfermedades de sarampion y otras causas que comunmente suelen dar.

“El lugar está en un llano entre dos cerros, fundado en quadro con quatro calles principales y una plaza en medio: tiene ciento treinta casas; dista de Quito noventa leguas; de Guayaquil treinta y quatro; de Puerto Viejo ocho. La tierra es fragosa todo y cubierta de monte hasta el mismo lugar, y no hay tierras llanas para sembrar: no es el terreno estéril de suyo, sino por falta de agua: los años húmedos acude el maiz á ciento veinte por fanega; los frísoles á diez y á doce. Es du buen temperamento, sin escesos de frio ni calor: en el invierno (que así llaman al tiempo en que llueve) es más caliente que en el verano.

“Pasa junto al lugar un rio que nace quatro leguas de allí, de manantiales, y corre otras tres hasta la mar; es de buena agua, de que beben mientras corre, y suele correr desde Febrero á Noviembre, y algunos veranos no falta; pero qnando se seca, beben de poços que abren en la misma madre del rio: crece quando más hasta un estado de agua, con lo qual no hace daño, sino antes provecho: no cria pescado sino algunos camarones y las que llaman jaivas.

“Frutas de Castilla tienen no en mucha cantidad, pero de manera que no hay falta dellas.

“Maiz les falta algunos años; vánlo á comprar en los lugares cercanos, donde les cuesta de seis á ocho reales, y algunas veces á doce.

“El pueblo es sano; las enfermedades más ordinarias que suele haber en él son males de ojos, cámaras de sangre, y calenturas. Cúranse el mal de ojos alcoholándolos con el çumo del cogollo de algarrobo y echando del mismo çumo en ellos: cubren el ramo tierno con rescoldo, con lo qual se ablanda y remollesce májanlo y esprimen el çumo. Para las cámaras de sangre, toman cantidad de un adarme de polvos de ciervo, bebiéndolos en tanto vino quauto cabe en un huevo; y á falta de vino, en agua tibia. Para los calenturas se sangran y se purgan, ó con mechoacan ó con lo que llaman contrayerba, de que usan sólo para esto, porque no conocen yerbas venenosas. Contra la mordedura de víbora usan çumo de tabaco.

“Las parcialidades reducidas en Jipijapa son ocho, cuyos nombres y número de indios quedan referidas arriba. Están repartidas en siete encomenderos, que viven agora los quatro en Guayaquil, dos en Puerto Viejo y uno en Paita.

“La grangería principal de los deste lugar es alquilar caballos á los pasageros hasta Daule, que son veinticinco leguas; llevan de alquiler por cada caballo, el invierno veinticinco rs., y el verano veinte; al indio que va para volver los caballos pagan los dueños dellos á dos reales por cada caballo: tambien se aprovechan de ir á Manta y traer en sus caballos pescado para vender; otros cazan venados y puercos çaninos y venden la carne.

“Tenian diversas lenguas, cada parcialidad la suya: agora hablan todos una que ha prevalescido, y más comunmente hablan la castellana.

“Hay en el lugar una iglesia parroquial de San Lázaro, y una ermita de Santa Catalina.”—Descripcion de la Gobernacion de Guayaquil, pp. 276–309.

[6] The complete account of Porto Viejo by Cieza de Leon is here given. It was translated by Clements E. Markham, and published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1864, under the title “The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532–50. Contained in the First Part of his Chronicle of Peru.”

“The Indians of the province of Santiago de Puerto Viejo are not long lived; and, as regards the Spaniards, there are very few old men amongst them, though their number has been thinned more by the wars than by sickness…. The ancients called this the Torrid Zone, which is as much as to say the parched or toasted land, for the sun moves over it all the year.

“The natives are of middle height, and have a most fertile land, yielding abundance of maize, yucas, aji, potatoes, and many other roots which are useful for the support of man. There are also plenty of guavas and aguacates, besides tunas of two kinds, one white and of excellent flavor, caymitos, and another fruit they call cerezilla. The melons are of two kinds, also, those of Spain and those of the country, and there are all sorts of beans and peas. The orange and lemon trees abound, also bananas, and pine-apples of excellent flavor. There are great quantities of those pigs which (as I said before in speaking of the port of Uraba) have the navel on the back, which, however, is not really the navel, but some other thing that grows there. As they did not find a navel below, they called this excrescence on the back a navel. The flesh of these pigs is very savory. There are also pigs of the Spanish breed, and many deer with the most singularly delicate flesh of any in Peru. Partridges, doves, pigeons, turkeys, and a vast number of other birds are found; among them one called Xuta, which is about the size of a large duck, and which the Indians rear in their houses. These birds are tame and good to eat. There is another bird called Maca, very little smaller than a cock. It is a beautiful thing to see the colors of the plumage of this bird, and the beak, which is rather thicker than a finger, is most distinctly divided into two colors, yellow and red. In the forests they meet with foxes, bears, small lions, and some tigers and serpents, but they all fly from men who do not first attack them. There are also night birds of prey, as well inland as on the coast, such as condors, and the bird they call gallinazo, or aura. In the wooded ravines and forests there are many trees, which are useful for building houses and for other purposes. In some of these trees the bees make excellent honeycombs. The Indians have fisheries where they kill many fishes, among which are fish called bonitos, a bad kind of fish which causes fevers and other evils to those who eat it. In all parts of the coast the men are afflicted with dark-colored excrescences, the size of nuts, which grow on the forehead, nostrils, and other parts, and, besides being dangerous, they are very disfiguring. These bumps are said to be caused by eating a certain fish. However this may be, they are common on the coast, and, besides the natives, many Spaniards have been afflicted with these bumps.

“In this coast and territory, subject to the city of Puerto Viejo and to that of Guayaquil, there are two kinds of people. From the cape of Passaos and river of Santiago to the town of Solango, the men are marked in the face, and the mark begins at the root of the ear and descends to the chin, the breadth being according to each man’s fancy. Some mark the greater part of the face, and others less, much after the fashion of the Moors. Both men and women wear mantles and shirts of cotton, and sometimes of wool. They also wear a few ornaments, such as jewels of gold and very small beads, called chaquira. In some provinces I have myself seen that the people put so high a value on these chaquiras, that they will give their weight in gold for them….

“The principal places where the Indians mark their faces in this province are Passaos, Xaramixo, Pimpaguace, Peclansemeque, the valley of Xagua, Pechonse, Apechigue, Silos, Canilloha, Manta, Sapil, Manaui, Xaraguasa, and others. Their houses are of wood, roofed with straw, some small and others large, according to the means of the owner.”—Chap. XLVI, pp. 174–176.

“Many Indians say that the Lords Yncas never conquered, nor were able to bring under their yoke, these natives of Puerto Viejo, of whom I am now treating, though others affirm the contrary, saying that the Yncas subjugated them, and had them under their orders. The latter say that Huayna Ccapac came in person to conquer them, and that, having been disobedient in some particular, he made a law that they and their descendants should have three of their front teeth pulled out in each jaw. They add that this custom was preserved for a long time in the province of Guancavilcas. In truth, as all vulgar reports are confused, and as the common sort can never tell the plain facts, it does not astonish me that they should relate these things, for in all things else the like reports are spread abroad, and become the talk of the people, being in reality mere fables. I make this digression here, that it may be borne in mind hereafter, for if things are repeated over and over again they become tiresome to the reader. This, therefore, will serve to give notice that many of the stories commonly reported among the people, concerning events which have happened in Peru, are fables. As regards the natives, those who have been curious in trying to learn their secrets know that what I say is the case. Concerning the government, and the affairs of war and of state which have occurred, I only look upon those principal men who were in high positions as authorities. These will relate what occurred, and the sayings of the people.

“Returning to the thread of my narrative, I have to say (according to what I have been given to understand by old Indians who were captains under Huayna Ccapac), that, in the time of the great Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, his father, certain of his captains came, with a force collected from the ordinary garrisons of the provinces, and, by their politic arts, drew some of the chiefs to the service of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui. Many of them went with presents to do him homage, and he received them with love and kindness, giving them rich pieces of woollen cloth made in Cuzco. “When they returned to their provinces, they esteemed him so highly for his great valor, that they called him father, and honored him with other titles, his benevolence and love for all being such that he acquired perpetual fame among them. In order to instruct them in things appertaining to the government of the kingdom, he set out in person to visit these provinces, and left governors in them who were natives of Cuzco, that they may teach the people more civilized customs, and other useful things. But these natives not only did not wish to learn from those who remained in their provinces by order of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, in order to indicate to them a better mode of life, and to teach them agriculture; but, in payment of the benefits they had received, they killed them all, so that not one was left. They killed them, although they had done no ill, nor had been tyrannical, so as to merit such treatment. Tupac Ynca heard of this great cruelty, but he dissimulated, because, for other important reasons, he was unable to chastise those who had so treacherously murdered his captains and vassals.”—Chap. XLVII, pp. 177–179.

“The people of Guancavilcas (so they say) used to pull out three teeth in each jaw, the fathers doing it to their children when of very tender age, which they thought was no evil, but rather a service very acceptable to their gods. They marry in the same way as their neighbors.

“The chiefship is inherited by the son (according to the account which they gave me), and, failing sons, then the next brother, and, failing brothers, the sons of the sisters. There are some women who are good looking. Among the Indians of whom I am now treating, the best-flavored maize bread is made in all the Indies. It is so good and well kneaded that it is even better than some wheaten bread.

“In some villages of these Indians they have a great quantity of skins of men full of ashes, the appearance of which is as frightful as those in the valley of Lile, near the city of Cali.”—Chap. XLIX, pp. 181, 182.

“In this province also, the Lord of Manta had an emerald of great size and value, which the people and their ancestors held in great veneration. On certain days it was publicly displayed, and worshipped as if it contained some deity. On these occasions, if any man or woman was sick, they performed a sacrifice, and then came forward to pray to the stone. They affirm that the priest, who conversed with the devil, gave them to understand that the stone would bring health to them in requital for their offerings, after they and other ministers of the devil had applied to it. People who were afflicted with sickness came to Manta from all parts of the interior to offer gifts and perform sacrifices; and the Spaniards, who first discovered this kingdom, have told me that they found great riches in this town of Manta, and that it always yielded more than those which bordered on it to the encomienderos. They also say that, although threats and menaces have been resorted to to discover where this great and rich emerald is concealed, they have never been able to find it, nor will the natives betray the place if they are all killed, so great is the veneration in which it is held.

“This town of Manta is on the coast. In the interior there are more villages and more people, and they differ in language from those on the coast, but they have the same food. The houses of those inland, called Serranos, are of wood and small, the roofs of straw or palm leaves. They have some flocks of Peruvian sheep, but not so many as there are in Quito or in the province of Cuzco.

“The Serranos were not such sorcerers and magicians as the natives of the coast, nor were they so wicked in practising the abominable sin. There is hope of some gold mines in some of the rivers of these mountains, and there is certainly a very rich emerald mine; but although many captains have tried to discover it, they have not succeeded, nor will the natives tell them where it is. It is true that Captain Olmos is said to have known where this mine was, but I think that surely he would have told his brothers or some other persons. Certainly the number of emeralds that have been brought to Puerto Viejo is very great, and they are the best in all the Indies; for though emeralds are more numerous in the new kingdom of Granada, they are not so good, so that the best there do not equal in value the most ordinary ones here.

“The Caraques formed another tribe. They are not laborers, and are less intelligent than their neighbors, being a disorderly people, and making war for very slight causes. When a child was born they put its head between two boards, so that at the age of four or five, the head was long and broad, but flat behind. Not content with the heads that God gives them, they thus make them into the shapes that please them most. They themselves say that they force their heads into these shapes that they may be more healthy, and be able to do more work. Some of these people, especially near the village of Colima, to the northward, go naked. They relate that Huayna Ccapac arrived here, after having put to death the chiefs as far as Colima [Cojimíes?], where he ordered a fort to be built. Seeing that the Indians went naked, he did not go any further, but returned, leaving orders to his captains to conquer and subjugate as far as the river Santiago.

“Many of the Spaniards who came with the Adelantado Don Pedro de Alvarado (especially the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, and the captains Garcilasso de la Vega, Juan de Saavedra, and another gentleman named Suer de Cangas) told me that when they landed on the coast with the said Adelantado Don Pedro, and came to this village, they found many vases full of gold, silver, and precious stones, besides a great quantity of emeralds, so that they gained much wealth for their valor. But many said that the emeralds were of glass; so, to try the question (for some considered they might be stones), they determined to beat them with hammers, saying that if they were of glass they would soon break, but if they were of stone the blows would have no effect. Thus, from want of knowledge and experience, they broke many of these emeralds, and profited little by having found them. Nor did they enjoy their gold and silver, for they suffered much from cold and hunger, and left their loads of treasure in the forests.”—Chap. L, pp. 183–185.

“In all these affairs (as I have been told) the marshal Don Diego de Almagro showed himself to be a diligent captain. When he arrived at the city of San Miguel it was made known to him that, when the ships which came from Tierra Firme, and from the provinces of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and New Spain, arrived on the coast of Peru, the crews landed and did much harm to the natives of Manta, and of the coast of the province of Puerto Viejo. To avoid these evils, and that the natives might be watched and protected, he determined to send a captain to select a site where a town or city might be founded.

“He selected the captain Francisco Pacheco for this duty, and ordered him to set out with the requisite number of followers. Francisco Pacheco, in obedience to his orders, started from a village called Piquasa, and founded the city of Puerto Viejo in the locality which appeared to him most suitable. This was on the day of St. Gregory, the 12th of March, in the year of the birth of our Redeemer the Lord Jesus Christ, 1535, and he founded it in the name of the Emperor Don Carlos our King and Lord.

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“At first the city was called the new town of Puerto Viejo, and it is situated in the most convenient and best part of the province, not very far from the South Sea. In many districts belonging to this city of Puerto Viejo, they make deep holes for the burial of their dead, which look more like wells than tombs. When they wish to inter a body, they clear out all the loose earth. A large number of Indians then assemble, dancing, singing, and mourning, not forgetting to drink, and beating drums. After they have done all these things, according to the custom of their ancestors, they lower the body down into the deep tomb, and, if he is a chief or important person, they bury the most beautiful and beloved of his women with him, besides jewels, food, and jars of wine made from maize. They then place those thick canes which grow in the country over the hole. As these canes are hollow they take care to fill them with that drink made of maize or roots, which they call acca, because, being deceived by the devil, they believe (at least so they have told me) that the dead man drinks of the liquor they put into the canes. This custom of burying arms, treasure, and food with the dead, is practised in the greater part of these newly-discovered countries; and in many provinces they also bury women and boys alive with them.”—Chap. LI, pp. 186–188.

“There are, however, reports concerning giants in Peru, who landed on the coast at the point of Santa Elena, within the jurisdiction of this city of Puerto Viejo, which require notice. I will relate what I have been told, without paying attention to the various versions of the story current among the vulgar, who always exaggerate everything. The natives relate the following tradition, which had been received from their ancestors from very remote times. There arrived on the coast, in boats made of reeds, as big as large ships, a party of men of such size that, from the knee downwards, their height was as great as the entire height of an ordinary man, though he might be of good stature. Their limbs were all in proportion to the deformed size of their bodies, and it was a monstrous thing to see their heads, with hair reaching to the shoulders. Their eyes were as large as small plates. They had no beards, and were dressed in the skins of animals, others only in the dress which nature gave them, and they had no women with them. When they arrived at this point, they made a sort of village, and even now the sites of their houses are pointed out. But as they found no water, in order to remedy the want, they made some very deep wells, works which are truly worthy of remembrance; for such are their magnitude, that they certainly must have been executed by very strong men. They dug these wells in the living rock until they met with water, and then they lined them with masonry from top to bottom in such sort that they will endure for many ages. The water in these wells is very good and wholesome, and always so cold that it is very pleasant to drink it. Having built their village, and made their wells or cisterns where they could drink, these great men, or giants, consumed all the provisions they could lay their hands upon in the surrounding country; insomuch that one of them ate more meat than fifty of the natives of the country could. As all the food they could find was not sufficient to sustain them, they killed many fish in the sea with nets and other gear. They were detested by the natives, because in using their women they killed them, and the men also in another way. But the Indians were not sufficiently numerous to destroy this new people who had come to occupy their lands. They made great leagues against them, but met with no success…. All the natives declare that God our Lord brought upon them a punishment in proportion to the enormity of their offence. While they were all together, engaged in their accursed … a fearful and terrible fire came down from heaven with a great noise, out of the midst of which there issued a shining angel with a glittering sword, with which, at one blow, they were all killed, and the fire consumed them. There only remained a few bones and skulls, which God allowed to remain without being consumed by the fire, as a memorial of this punishment. This is what they say concerning these giants, and we believe the account, because in this neighborhood they have found, and still find, enormous bones. I have heard from Spaniards who have seen part of a double tooth, that they judged the whole tooth would have weighed more than half a butcher’s pound. They also have seen another piece of a shin bone, and it was marvellous to relate how large it was. These men are witnesses to the story, and the site of the village may be seen, as well as the wells and cisterns made by the giants. I am unable to say from what direction they came, because I do not know.

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“At the point of Santa Elena (which, as I have said before, is on the coast of Peru within the jurisdiction of the city of Puerto Viejo) there is a thing well worthy of note, and this is that there are certain wells, or mines, of such excellent tar, that as many ships as require caulking might be caulked with it. This tar must be some mineral which flows out at this place, and it comes forth very hot. I have not seen any other mines of tar in any of the other parts of the Indies which I have visited; but I believe that Gonzalo Hernandez de Oviedo, in the first part of the general history of the Indies, gives an account both of this and of others. Nevertheless, as I am not writing concerning the Indies generally, but only of the events which have taken place in Peru, I do not treat of other parts. With this I shall conclude what I have to say concerning the city and province of Puerto Viejo.”—Chap. LII, pp. 189–192.

[7] We quote here the entire chapter of Garcilasso relating to Manabi, using Markham’s translation, published by the Hakluyt Society.

“THE GODS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MANTA NATION: THEIR CONQUEST, AND OF OTHER VERT BARBAROUS TRIBES

“Huayna Ccapac set out for the sea-coast to prosecute the conquest which he had planned. He came to the frontier of a province called Manta, where the harbor is which the Spaniards called Puerto Viejo. We explained the reason why they gave it that name at the commencement of this history. The natives, for many leagues along the coast to the north, had the same customs and idolatry. They worshipped the sea and fishes, which they killed in such abundance for their food. They also worshipped tigers and lions, great serpents, and other reptiles. according to their fancies. Amongst other things, they worshipped, in the valley of Manta, the principal place in the district, a great emerald, which was said to have been as large as an ostrich’s egg. They displayed it at their great festivals, putting it out in public, and the Indians came from great distances to worship and sacrifice to it, and to bring it presents of other smaller emeralds. For the Priests and the Chief of Manta gave them to understand that this was the most agreeable offering the great emerald could receive, as it looked upon the smaller ones as its daughters. This covetous doctrine led to the collection of a great number of emeralds in that town, where they were found by Don Pedro de Alvarado and his companions, one of whom was my Lord Garcilasso de la Vega, when they came to the conquest of Peru. They broke the emeralds on an anvil; for, not being good lapidaries, they said that if they were fine stones, they would not break with the hardest blows that could be given to them. The Indians concealed the one that was worshipped as a goddess as soon as the Spaniards entered that country. It was so effectually hidden that, in spite of the great diligence and numerous threats that have since been used, it has never appeared; as has been the case with a vast quantity of other treasure that has been lost in that land.

“The natives of Manta and its district, particularly those on the coast (but not those inland, whom they call Serranos), committed sodomy more openly and shamefully than any other nation that we have hitherto mentioned as being guilty of this vice. Their marriages took place under the condition that the relations and friends of the bridegroom should enjoy the bride before her husband. They flayed the captives taken in war, and filled the skins with cinders, so that they appeared to be what they were, and, as a token of victory, they placed them at the doors of their temples, and in the open spaces where they celebrated their festivals and dances.

“The Ynca sent them the usual summons either to submit to his yoke, or to prepare for war. The people of Manta had seen long before that it would not be possible for them to resist the power of the Ynca; and, although they had attempted to form a defensive league with the neighboring tribes, they had not been able to agree amongst themselves, because most of them were without law or government. They all, therefore, submitted, without difficulty, to Huayna Ccapac. The Ynca received them kindly, giving them presents, and appointing governors and ministers to teach them their idolatries, laws, and customs. He then advanced to another great province called Caranque. It was inhabited by many tribes, all of whom were in a state of anarchy, without law or government. He easily subdued them, for they neither desired nor were able to defend themselves, by reason of the great power of the Ynca. He treated them as he had done those of Manta, leaving ministers to instruct them, and continuing his conquests. He then arrived at other districts which were peopled by tribes more savage and bestial than any that had hitherto been encountered on the sea-coast. The men and women punctured their faces with sharp-pointed stones, and deformed the heads of their children at birth, by fastening a board in front and another behind, and tightening them every day until the children were four or five years old. The object was to make the head wide across, and narrow from the back part to the forehead. Not satisfied with flattening the heads artificially, they shaved the hair off the crown and back, leaving it at the sides; and the remaining hairs were not combed and smoothed down, but curled and raised up, to increase the monstrosity of their appearance. They maintained themselves by fishing, being very expert fishermen, and on herbs, roots, and wild fruits. They went naked. They worshipped the same things as their neighbors, as gods. These nations were called Apichiqui, Pichunsi, Sava, Pecllansimiqui, Pampahuasi, and others. Having added them to his empire, the Ynca marched onwards to another district called Saramissu, and thence to another called Passau, which is exactly upon the equator. The natives of Passau are the most barbarous people that were subdued by the Yncas. They had no gods, and did not know what it was to worship. They had neither village nor house. They lived in the hollow trees of the forests which densely cover their country. They had no special wives, and did not know their own children, and they openly committed sodomy. They knew not how to till the land, nor to make any useful thing. They went naked and punctured holes round their lips. Their faces were divided into four divisions of different colors, yellow, blue, red, and black, varying the colors according to each man’s taste. They never combed their hair, but wore it long and dishevelled, full of straw and dust, and of anything else that fell upon it. In fine, they are worse than beasts. I saw them with my own eyes when I went to Spain in the year 1560, for our ship stopped on that coast for three days, to take in wood and water. Many of these people came out in balsas of their reeds to trade with the ship’s crew, selling large fish which they killed with their harpoons. For so rude and barbarous a people, they did this with great dexterity, so that the Spaniards, for the pleasure of seeing the sport, bought the fish before they were killed. In exchange for the fish they asked for meat and biscuit, and did not want money. They wore a cloth made of the bark or leaves of trees for the sake of decency; but this was done more out of respect for the Spaniards than from any sense of shame. Truly these savages were the wildest people that it is possible to imagine.

“Huayna Ccapac Ynca, when he had seen them, and had convinced himself of the worthless character of their land, so densely covered with sombre forest, as well as of the bestiality of the filthy and savage inhabitants, and that it would be waste of time to attempt the introduction of civilized ways, said, according to the account of his people: ‘Let us return, for these people do not deserve that we should be their lord.’ Having said this, he ordered his army to retire, leaving the natives of Passau in as brutal and savage a state as they were before.”—First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, Vol. II, Book IX, Chap. VIII, pp. 440–444.

[8] Benzoni, according to his own statement, was in Manabi during the summer of 1547. In his “History of the New World, showing his Travels in America from A.D. 1541 to 1556,” he has given us one of the most interesting early accounts of this region as it appeared shortly after the conquest. We quote in full from the Hakluyt Society edition, translated by Rear-Admiral W. H. Smyth, what he writes about the province.

“While we were in sight of Cape San Francisco, a hundred and thirty miles from Capo de Passao, which cape is near the limits of Puerto Viejo—thinking that district was inhabited by Indians as formerly, all we passengers (being in want of provisions, for it was already three months since we quitted Panama, and seeing that the merchants on board would have rather let us die with hunger than give us a bit of bread) determined to go on by land. Twenty-four of us, therefore, started at a venture, each carried four basins of maize; and arriving at the Quisimie rivers, which are four, one beyond the other, with great labor and danger we crossed them by tying some trees together, which we found on their banks.

“The water is salt, for the sea, from the violence with which it washes on shore, runs up all the rivers along this coast some fifteen miles inland; so that when we wanted to drink we were obliged to dig wells. On reaching Capo de Passao we found that the Indians had burnt the houses, and were gone up to the woods. Getting to the other side of the cape, we entered the gulf of Caraque, which lies under the equinoctial line; but we did not know how to proceed; not being able to cross over, and, having nothing better to eat, we fed on crabs and yellow berries, which had so little flesh on them, that we ate the kernels also, and drank the healthy water of a little lake which we found between the woods and the beach. There we stayed twenty-two days, until the ship came to port; the master concluding for certain that we had all died of hunger, or that the Indians had destroyed us. But when he saw us, he immediately sent the boat; and resting in the ship that night I started the following morning to go to Puerto Viejo. This town is inhabited by Spaniards; it consists of twenty-two houses constructed with reeds and thatched with straw. The province is nearly destroyed and ruined: the natives had a great many emeralds, and keep the mines to themselves; for although the Spaniards have tormented many of them to death, they have never revealed where they are. Yet I was told by a maggiordomo of Captain Giovan Dolmos, that an Indian woman, his concubine, showed him where one mine was situated, but he would not publish it lest the king should wrest it from him for himself. They had also a very great number of vases of gold and silver, but the Spaniards have seized everything; wherefore they now can only give their masters what is produced in the country, and consequently few Spaniards live there.

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“Whilst I remained in that province, often for amusement I went amongst those native villages, both inland and along the beach; and on one occasion, entering a hamlet called Chiaropoto, I found the Indians making sacrifices in their temple, beating drums and singing some of their songs. Desirous of witnessing, I went into the temple; but as soon as the ministers saw me, with great anger, and almost spitting in my face, they turned me out. I perceived an idol, however, made of clay, shaped like a tiger, also two peacocks with other birds, which they had to sacrifice to their deities; they might also have had some lad, as usual among them, but I did not see him. Another day it happened that I went to Picalanceme, where I found the inhabitants drinking. Wishing to stay and see how they got drunk, four of them came up to me where I was standing, saying, in Spanish—‘O thou villanous, treacherous Christian, go away from our country.’ Seeing that they intended to attack me, I drew my sword, but made my escape, determined never more to go among those towns when they were celebrating a feast-day. I have been to various villages, as for instance to Cama, Camuliova, Camuxiova, and other places, where some of the Indians kill their children that they may not serve the Spaniards. It is asserted as a fact, that the chiefs of Manta possess an emerald of the size of a hen’s egg, which they worship as one of their chief deities. This town is situated on the sea-shore, and used to be one of the principal towns along that coast, containing above two thousand inhabitants before the Spaniards went there, but now reduced to fifty. A similar fate has befallen all the towns in that province. One day Lopez d’Aiala asked the chief of that town whether ‘He would become a Christian?’ The man answered he did not know, but that he (d’Aiala) might do as he liked. He therefore had him christened by the name of Don Diego; yet, for all this, I never saw him look any Spaniard in the face. His vassals are by nature ugly, dirty, unnaturally vicious, and full of every sort of malignity.

“Generally along this coast, the Indians living near the sea procure good water by digging large wells for the purpose; and when they go from one place to another, each man carries calabashes full of water. But when the Indians of Manta go to Puerto Viejo, fearing lest they might meet some Spaniard who would drink it for them, they prefer going two miles inland, to get a stinking, black, dirty water that rises out of a rock; knowing that the Christians will not drink that water. This country is hot and damp, nor is the sky ever serene. There are a great many deer, pigs, and fowls of a Spanish breed; and here they make better maize-bread than they do in any other part of India. Although some say that it has an advantage over wheaten bread, I cannot agree to like it. A great deal of honey is produced, but acid; nor is the wax very good. There is also a sort of fruit resembling figs, called by the natives papaie, some large and some small, peculiar to this kingdom, for I have never seen them in any other province: the tree is tall and delicate, and the fruit is of a sweetish taste. There is also another sort of small figs, full of prickles, called tanne; but these are found in other districts also, as Nicaragua, Guatimala, and throughout the kingdom of New Spain.

“The Indians of the province of Puerto Viejo are generally subject to a disease called berugue; it assails the face and some other parts of the body; the pustules are generally of the size of a walnut. I have had my share of them. They give no pain, but are ugly, and full of blood. There is no remedy but to let them ripen, and then cut them off delicately with a thread. These people paint their faces. They make holes in their nostrils, lips, ears, and cheeks, and then put jewels into them on feast-days. Their usual dress is a shirt without sleeves. Some go quite naked, and occasionally they dye (tingono) the entire body black.

“All along this coast the Indians are great fishermen. The boats they use are a kind of raft, both for fishing or navigating, consisting of three, five, seven, nine, or even eleven very slender timbers, forming a sort of hand (à modo d’una mano), with the longest in the middle. They are made of various lengths, and thus they carry sails according to their size; and a proportionate number of rowers. When they are becalmed at sea, they throw bread, fruits, and other things overboard as a sacrifice, praying for a fair wind, they being too tired to row any more.

“Beyond the limits of Puerto Viejo we enter the country of Quancaviliqui, an inferior province of the kingdom of Peru. The first village along the beach is called Colonchi; it is near the Point of St. Selena. I several times saw the head of that tribe; he might be about sixty years of age, and had truly the air of a chieftain. He was robust in body and very healthy. He used to be drest in a shirt without sleeves, dyed red; round his neck he wore an ornament of the purest gold, six times double, like large corals; on his hand he wore a ring, also his ears were pierced and full of jewels and gold; finally, on his left wrist he wore a certain shining stone like a mirror, said to be a preserver of the sight. At the time that the Spaniards entered that country, a chief governed this province called Baltacho, who was very much respected and had great authority over his vassals; when people went to visit him he never rose on his feet, except when he saw Colonchie. But no means were ever found to induce this latter cacique to listen to the law of God; so that one day when I heard his master say to him: ‘Colonchie, I insist on thy becoming a Christian,’ he answered that on no account would he do so, adding: ‘Sir, I am now too old to become a Christian: take my children, teach them whatever you please, they may serve you in your own way, but I will not abandon the law of my forefathers.’ These people sometimes draw five or six of their upper teeth, and when asked their reason for so doing, they answer, ‘That it is for beauty’s sake (lo fanno per bellezza).’ They wear a small shirt without sleeves, like the natives of Puerto Viejo. From motives of decency they wear a cotton band round their middle, one end of which hangs down behind nearly to the ground, like a horse’s tail. The women wear a cloth bound round (un drappo groppito) their waist, and hanging halfway down their legs.”—History of the New World, pp. 238–244.

[9] Theodor Wolf, “Geografia y Geologia del Ecuador,” pp. 505, 506. Suarez, following the statements of the early writers, ascribes the departure of the Caras from the coast to the unhealthy climate. Having spent six weeks in Manabi, we hold Wolf’s opinion, that the migration was made for other reasons.

[10] A. F. Bandelier, “Traditions of Precolumbian Landings on the Western Coast of South America” (American Anthropologist, N.S., Vol. 7, No. 2) and “Traditions of Pre-Columbian Earthquakes and Volcanic Eruptions in Western South America” (American Anthropologist, N.S., Vol. 8, No. 1).

[11]We find in “Relacion de los Primeros Descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro” an interesting notice about the native vessels of the coast people of Ecuador. It is given by Ruiz, who, on Pizarro’s second expedition to the western shores of South America, was sent southward to explore the coast. They captured a vessel of the natives, which is described as follows.

“This vessel, which I say he took, appeared to be of as many as thirty tons; it was made after the manner and with a keel of canes as thick as posts, bound together by ropes called ‘henequen,’ which is like flax, and the upper parts of other canes more slender bound with the same ropes, where they placed their persons and the merchandise together, as the hold was with water. It had its spars and masts of very handsome wood, and sails of cotton of the same description, like those of our ships; and very good fishing-tools of the same henequen mentioned, that is like flax; and for anchors stones after the manner of barber’s grinding stones.”—Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España, Vol. V.

Father Cobo also described the larger vessels of this coast. He says,—

“The largest balsas used by the Peruvian Indians that live close to the forests, like those of the ports of Payta, Manta, and Guayaquil, are composed of seven or nine or more timbers of palo de balsa in this manner, that they tie them one to the other lengthwise with lianas or ropes, over others crosswise. The one in the middle is longer at the prow than the others, which become smaller in proportion as they recede on the sides. The middle one is longest at the prow, so that at the prow they are like the fingers of an extended hand, whereas at the stern they are equal. On these they build a platform of boards so that the people and cloth that go in it may not get wet from the water entering through the joints of the timbers. They navigate on the sea with sails and oars, and some are so large as easily to accommodate fifty men.”—Historia del Nuevo Mundo, Vol. IV, p. 221.

[12] Zarates’ account of the giants is as follows:—

“CAPITULO V

“De los Veneros de Pez que hay en la Punta de Santa Elena, y de los Gigantes que alli hubo

“Cerca desta provincia, en una punta que los españoles llamaron de Santa Elena, que se mete en la mar, hay ciertos veneros donde mana un betun que paresce pez o alquitran, y suple por ellos. Junto a esta punta, dicen los indios de la tierra que habitaron unos gigantes, cuya estatura era tan grande como cuatro estados de un hombre mediano. No declaran de que parte vinieron; mantenianse de las mesmas viandas de los indios, especialmente pescado, porque eran grandes pescadores; a lo cual iban en balsas, cada uno en la suya, porque no podian llevar mas, con navegar tres caballos en una balsa; apeaban la mar en dos brazas y media; holgaban mucho de topar tiburones o bufeos, o otros peces muy grandes, porque tenian mas que comer; comia cada uno mas que treinta indios; andaban desnudos por la dificultad de hacer los vestidos; eran tan crueles, que sin causa ninguna mataban muchos indios, de quien eran muy temidos. Vieron los españoles en Puerto Viejo dos figuras de bulto destos gigantes, una de hombre y otra de mujer. Hay memoria entre los indios, descendiendo de padres en hijos, de muchas particularidades destos gigantes, especialmente del fin dellos; porque dicen que bajo del cielo un mancebo resplandesciente como el sol, y peleo con ellos, tirandoles llamas de fuego, que se metian por las peñas donde daban, y hasta hoy estan alli los agujeros señalados; y asi, se fueron retrayendo a un valle, donde los acabo de matar todos. Y con todo esto, nunca se dio entero credito a lo que los indios decian cerca destos gigantes, hasta que siendo teniente de gobernador en Puerto Viejo el capitan Juan de Olmos, natural de Trujillo, en el año de 543, y oyendo todas estas cosas, hizo cavar en aquel valle, donde hallaron tan grandes costillas y otros huesos, que si no parescieran juntas las cabezas, no era creíble ser de personas humanas; y asi, hecha la averiguacion y vistas las señales de los rayos en las peñas, se tuvo por cierto lo que los indios decian; y se enviaron a diversas partes del Peru algunos dientes de los que alli se hallaron, que tenia cada uno tres dedos de ancho y cuatro de largo…. Tiénese por cosa cierta entre los españoles, vistas estas señales, que por ser, como dicen que era, esta gente muy dados al vicio contra natura, la Justicia divina los quitó de la tierra, enviando algun ángel para ello, como se hizo en Sodoma y en otras partes; y así para esto como para todas las otras antigüedades que en el Perú se saben, se ha de presuponer la dificultad que hay en la averiguacion; porque los naturales ningun género de letras ni escritura saben ni usan, ni aun las pinturas, que sirven en lugar de libros en la Nueva-España, sino solamente la memoria que se conserva de unos en otros; y las cosas de cuenta se perpetúan por medio de unas cuerdas de algodon, que llaman los indios quippos, denotando los números por nudos de diversas hechuras, subiendo por el espacio de la cuerda desde las unidades a decenas, y así dende arriba, y poniendo la cuerda del color que es la cosa que quieren mostrar; y en cada provincia hay personas que tienen cargo de poner en memoria por estas cuerdas las cosas generales, que llaman quippo camaios; y así, se hallan casas publicas llenas destas cuerdas, las cuales con gran facilidad da á entender el que las tiene â cargo, aunque sean de muchas edades antes dél.”—Historia del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru, pp. 465, 466.

[13] Bollaert has the following about the abandonment of the coast region by the Caras, and regarding the giants.

“Two reasons are given, one to escape from the said-to-be giants of Manta, who, we are told, came to the coasts on floats of rushes; the other that Cara was unhealthy.

“Tradition adverts to the giants who lived near Manta, 0° 57’ S., and Punta Santa Elena, 2° 11’ S.; these killed the men of Cara to obtain possession of their women. Pizarro saw ruins attributed to the giants, also deep wells sunk through rock, and stone statues eight feet high, some naked, others with mitres and priestly insignia. Montesinos (not the best of authorities) says that, under the twelfth Inca, according to his list, giants entered Peru, settling at Punta Santa Elena and other places; they became very wicked, when the divine wrath annihilated nearly the whole of them. Some fled towards Cuzco, but were met by the Inca, and dispersed at Lima-tambo.”—Antiquarian, Ethnological, and Other Researches in New Granada, Equador, Peru, and Chile, p. 79.

[14] Juan y Ulloa, “Resumen Historico del Origen y Succession de los Incas.”—Appendix to Relacion Historica del Viage a la America Meridional, Vol. IIII, p. li.

[15] Huayna Capac reigned from 1487 to 1525, according to Fray Marcos de Niza in his work, “Dos Lineas de los Señores del Cuzco y del Quito,”—a work from which Velasco makes copious quotations, and of which the original manuscript appears to be lost.

[16] Cieza de Leon, op. cit., Second Part, pp. 209, 211. Montesinos, in his “Memorias Antiguas Historiales y Políticas del Perú,” in the chapters relating to the doings of the Inga Huira Cocha, states that, after the Inca had conquered the inhabitants of the Island of Puna, the victory caused “so much alarm in all the land, because of the reputation for valor of the inhabitants of Puna, that all of the neighboring tribes, especially those of Porto Viejo, sent messengers to the Inca as Son of the Sun. Before, when the Inca sent to the port his ambassadors imploring peace, the people had delayed replying many days, consulting with their soothsayers, and saying that they would not admit him as lord. They planned to kill the messenger, who learned of it, and secretly returned, giving an account to the Inca of their mission. The Inca himself finally determined to go to Porto Viejo. When he arrived there he saw eight balsas, and in them many warriors. Finally he succeeded in conquering the people of Porto Viejo and the other adjoining provinces. In an island near the province, a governor erected a sumptuous temple, acknowledging the South Sea as a great deity. This island is called to-day the Island of La Plata or of Santa Clara.” No other writer refers to Huira Cocha, or, as it is often spelled, Viracocha, in connection with the coast people. Montesinos is probably mistaken. It should be Huayna Capac.

[17] Juan de Velasco, “Historia del Reino de Quito en la America Meridional, Año de 1789,” Tomo II, Parte II, p. 14, que contiene la Historia Antigua.

[18] The historical and archeological studies of Archbishop Federico Gonzalez Suarez are the most valuable modern works on Ecuador. In the Bibliography will be found the titles of his more important publications.

[19] On this subject consult op. cit., first part of Note 11, and Pedro Pizarro, “Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru,” published in Vol. V of the “Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España.”

[20] Antonio de Herrera, “Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellaños en las Islas y Tierra Firme de Mar Oceano.”

[21] Pedro Sancho, “Relacion de la Conquista del Peru,” p. 401. Translated from the Italian (published by Ramusio) by Joaquin Gardia Icazbalceta.

[22] Velasco writes, that the towns of Porto Viejo and Manta were both established in the same year, and gives the date 1534. The date is evidently a misprint for 1535, which he gives in his “Historia Antigua,” and is the date which we find in other documents. His statement is as follows.

“The two towns, Porto Viejo and Manta, were founded in 1534, a short distance from each other. The first, with the name of the city of Manta, was built at the maritime port anciently called Cancebi; the other, with the title of the city of San Gregorio de Porto Viejo, was to the east of Manta near the banks of the river of the same name.”—Historia Moderna, p. 116.

[23] The writer of the “Relacion General de las Poblaciones Españoles del Perú hecha por el Licenciado Salazar de Villasante,” states that, when he was in the city of Porto Viejo (in the year 1566), an irruption of a volcano between El Atacunga and Mulahaló, that is, Cotopaxi, took place, and that “the ashes reached from where he stood to Porto Viejo, and it rained ashes several days, as in Quito, which accumulated on the ground to the height of a finger.” He devotes a chapter to Porto Viejo and Manta. From it we take the following notes. At that time the city of Porto Viejo had seventeen houses, a monastery, and the houses of the cabildo. He says, “It was a very hot place, like Guayaquil, it rained very much for six months, which was the winter; which begun in October, and sometimes lasted even eight months. There were really only four months of summer. Porto Viejo is six leagues from the Port of Manta, where all the ships stopped which came from Los Beyes (Lima) on the way to Panama. In Manta there is a church, and near by, at a distance of a shot of a cross-bow, is the town of the Indians, whose primitive name was Jocay.” According to this report, “it was the custom of all the Spanish ships of that period to stop here to take ends and fish and also water, which they bought from the Indians. There is a great lacking of water in the summer, and then the Indians drink from some lagoons which remain from the winter and from a well or two which are half a league from the town.” He further states that these lagoons were made by hand, and that all the water which the Indians used came from these lagoons and from two wells.

[24] According to Juan y Ulloa, the town of Monte Cristi was first founded where Manta is now located, and bore this name until it was destroyed by pirates, and the present town established.

[25] The title of this document is, “Relacion de los Indios Tributarios que hay al Presente en Estos Reinos y Provincias del Peru, fecha por Mandado del Senor Marques de Cañete la Cual se Hizo por Luis de Morales Figueroa, por el Libro de las Tasas de la Vista General y por las Revistas que despues se han Hecho de Algunas Regimientos que las han Pedido, y Razon de las Tributos que Pagan en Cada un Año a sus Encomenderos y lo que Nuevamente han de Pagar de Servico A S. M. por el Quinto, Conforme a su Real Cedula fecha en el Pardo Á 1° de Noviembre de 1591, la Cual Dicha Relacion se Saco por Provincias en Esta Manera.” In “Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Archivo de Indias,” Vol. VI, p. 48, is the following list of towns and the number of Indians paying tribute in the Distrito de Puerto Viejo: Picoacan, 252; Apechinque, 122; Pipay, 106; Apelope, 99; Passao and Patagua, 78; Catarama, 74; Xipexapa baja, 80; Xipexapa alta, 61; Tocaguas and Cancabo, 46; Banchal, 42; Pillacagua, 41; La Conchipa and Toal, 40; Pimpaguaci, 33; Indios del Valle, 30; Manta, 29; Calangos, 19; Xamixon and Monte Cristo, 16; Charapoto, 15; Paiquili, 14; Picalanceme, 12; Misbaique, 10; Cupilde, Lebique, and Malagua, 9; Cama, 9; Camilloa, 7.

[26] Velasco’s original text is:—

“Manta, grande, pero casi desierto, el cual se dilataba desde la Punta de Santa Elena hasta la ensenada de Charapoto. Este fue a los principios de la era cristiana (segun dije en la Historia natural) el teatro de la espantosa raza de los gigantes. Ellos consumieron en parte, y en parte hicieron retirar a las naciones americanas, que antes de ellos habian poblado aquel pais. Extinquidos los gigantes se volvio a poblar, aunque poco, de las otras razas comunes divididas en nueve tribus, compuestas de los residuos de diversas naciones, las cuales se unieron como en una sola, aunque conservando sus propios nombres de Apichiquies, Cancebis, Charapotoes, Pichotas, Picoasaes, Pichunsis, Manabies, Jarahusas y Jipijapas. Se duda si los Yzapiles eran de este o del siguiente Estado.

“Cara, mucho mayor, el cual se dilataba desde la ensenada de Charapoto, hasta el cabo de San Francisco, Este fue el primer teatro de la nacion extrangera que se establecio on el, viniendo como los gigantes por el mar. Su principal cabeza ó Regulo, llamado Caran, dio el nombre de Cara a la ciudad que fundo sobre la bahia, donde arribo con su gente, por la cual tomo tambien el nombre Bahia de los Caraques. Llegaron estos navegando en grandes balsas, hacia el año de 700 u 800 de la era cristiana. Establecidos y propagados aqui por bastantes años, fueron peregrinando a la parte del norte, siguiendo solamente las costas, y poco o nada tierra adentro, hasta que finalmente pasaron a Quito por el rio de Esmeraldas.

“Despues que dejaron enteramente los paises de Cara, se volvieron a dilatar hasta las costas del mar, las tribus de las otras naciones, que habitabon tierra adentro, las cuales todas se reconocieron despues con el mismo nombre de Caras, que heredaron de los extrangeros. La tribu que en lugar de ellos se establecio en la bahia, y habito en la abandonada ciudad de Cara, tenia la particularidad de comprimir y prolongar las cabezas de los ninos, como los Omaguas del Maranon. Las otras tribus fueron de Apecignes, Caniloas, Chones, Pasaos, Silos, Tosahuas, y Jahuas.”—Historia del Reino de Quito en la America Meridional, Año de 1789, pp. 4, 5.

[27] Juan y Ulloa, op. cit., p. Ivi.

[28] See Note 6.

[29] Dorsey, “Archeological Investigations on the Island of La Plata, Ecuador.”

[30] Suarez writes as follows:—

“We think that in remote times there arrived in the Ecuadorian territory immigrations of various people, among which there appear to have been the Quichés of Guatemala and the Mayas of Yucatan. The Quichés reached the Gulf of Jambeli; gaining the coast of Machala, they entered the province of Azuay, and looking for a place well fitted for life, they established themselves in protected valleys. The Mayas did not cross the western cordilleras, and remained on the Island of Puna on the coast of Manabi.”—Atlas Arqueologica Ecuatoriano, Text, p. 20.

Again, he says,—

“Among the emigrations to the Ecuadorian coast we find also undoubtedly a Maya colony which was established between Manta and Santa Elena, and on the Island of Puna. The port of Manta, in the tongue of the aborigines, was called Jocay. If we have at present the ancient name in the Spanish orthography, we see that, in the native language of the aborigines of Manta, the first syllable should be aspirated; we then have the equivalent ‘ho,’ which in the Maya of Yucatan signifies ‘entrance;’ ‘cay’ in the same idiom would be ‘fish.’ Thus we have Jocay interpreted as ‘entrance of fish,’ a very proper expression to designate a seaport like Manta. In the same port of Manta the coast people adored as a god of health a great emerald, which, according to Spanish historians, was called ‘Umina.’ This name may be the equivalent of the following expression in Maya language: ‘Uminhah’ is ‘the true grandmother of them.’ ‘Mim,’ ‘grandmother.’ ‘Hah,’ adjective, which, among other significations, means ‘true.’ ‘U,’ which is the possessive pronoun, and corresponds to ‘his’ or ‘theirs.’ And this signification is in accordance with the history, as we know that to the goddess Umina or Umiña were offered small emeralds, saying they were the greatest gift because the deity was the mother or creator of all emeralds.

.     .     .     .     .     .     .     .    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

“The Charopótó of to-day was ‘Hapótó’ in the language of these people. Reconstructing this word according to Maya, we have ‘Ahppotoc,’ that is, ‘savannah,’ ‘which rises little by little.’ ‘Toc’ is ‘level land’ or ‘level plain.’ ‘Ppo’ is ‘that which rises’ or ‘that which is elevated little by little.’ ‘Ah’ is an affix which is equivalent to a definite article.”—Pp. 38–40.

“As we are treating of historic investigations we should not pass without considering even the most insignificant circumstances, and our attention is called to the name given to the point where the artesian wells are found near Jipijapa; this site is still called Choconcha. What is the significance of this word ? To what American language does it pertain? Clearly we know that it is not Quichua nor Aymara, neither is it Yunga. We give here a conjecture which is not destitute of foundation: Choconcha is a word compounded of three elements; Chob in the Maya language signifies a vase and also a hole with water; con in the same language means a deep vessel; chaac in Maya, among other various significations, has also that of water; Choconcha may be then, Chob-con-chaac, a word equivalent to ‘a hole of deep water in the form of a vessel,’ or, ‘a deep vessel with water, made in the manner of a hole in the earth.’ Chad may be, according to this, Chaac-he, which signifies ‘here is water;’ because he is the adverb of place which might be translated by here is. Gandil may be perhaps kaan-hi; hi, demonstrative pronoun, this or that; kaan, adjective which may be translated as manifest or self-evident. This is self-evident. And in fact, in this place, as is found in the upper part of Cordillera, the abundance and freshness of the vegetation give unquestionable signs of the presence of water. If our philological interpretations do not go very far astray, then we must give to the famous Mayas of Yucatan the credit for these artesian wells on the coast of Ecuador.

“The physical conditions of the soil are similar in Manabi and in Yucatan; here, and there are not more than two rivers, and there we find deep wells for the supply of water.”—Historia General de la Republica del Ecuador, Tom. I, pp. 260, 261.

[31] Villavicencio, op. cit.

[32] Suarez, op. cit.

[33] See article by Charles Wiener, “The Colorado Indians and the Stone Chairs from the Manabi Region” (Revue d’Ethnographie, Tom. I, pp. 454–458, Fig. 176. Paris, 1882).

[34] Suarez gives a very poor illustration of one of the seats of the human figure type in Fig. I A, Lamina XXV, of his “Atlas Arqueologica Ecuatoriano.” In the text accompanying the Atlas, pp. 132–135, he gives a minute description of this seat, as follows:—

“Stone seat which is one of those which are found in such abundance in the province of Manabi. It appears that the natives not only had them in Cerro de Hojas, but also in their particular habitation. The seat whose figure we present in our plate is not the best nor the most suitable among the many which are still preserved in the towns and provinces of Manabi and Guayaquil, but it is the only one which we have wished to give as an example of these objects. These consist of three parts, which are: the seat, the support, and the base. The seat has an arch of stone, wide and resting, with its ends worked so as to protect the arms; the borders of this arch are adorned with work in some seats, but in the greater part of these they are plain and without any adornment.

“The support is the most curious and important part of the seat, as it is always formed by the body of a man, a woman, or an animal lying on its breast, resulting that the seat rests in the middle of the back or on the shoulder; the legs are drawn together and the arms sometimes are half contracted in front of the breast…. The fists are always closed and the head and the face elevated, looking from the front. The animal ordinarily represented in these supports of the seats is a mammal, a feline, which cannot be other than the American tiger.

“The base of all these seats is a square plate without decoration and any work. As we see, these seats need a back, but this does not leave them without being commodious, and above all, fresh and very well conditioned for the warm climates of the Eastern coast.

“It is not possible to determine now if the selection of the figure with which the support is carved remains the caprice of the worker, or if they select fixed rules established beforehand by religious beliefs, or by the customs or civil practices of the tribe. Considered under the point of view of art, these seats are the only important remains of the attempts at sculpture and statuary which remain to us from the ancient Ecuadorian nations. Some of these are very rude and imperfect, but others are notable for the correctness of execution; one particularly which we saw, which is still in the same Cerro de Hojas, merits to be called the master work of the aboriginal Ecuadorians. It represents a woman with a crown and the belt of modesty; the parts of the nude body reveal easiness of execution and attentive observation of nature. The material of which these seats are made is a Grès, very hard, and abundant in the mountains of the province of Manabi.

.     .     .     .     .     .     .     .    .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .     .

“Cerro de Hojas was a very important place in the province, and without any doubt was destined for re-union and religious assemblies of the towns of the district. The land of Manabi is liable to be inundated in winter, and perhaps for this motive the natives hunted elevated points, less inconvenient in the time of the rains. The number of these seats was very considerable; for as we consider the many which have been taken to carry out of the Republic to various foreign points, and also the many which have been broken, there still remain a great number of these, such as in the aboriginal church, in the Pueblo of Picoaza, in Jipijapa, and in various other points.”[1]

[35] Bamps’s description of the Brussels seats is as follows.

“Two chairs of very hard stone, although rather porous, known under the name of chairs of the Incas. They have been discovered in the province of Manabi, and were found deeply buried in the ground. The seat and the supporting arms, in form like a large and very short horseshoe with the ends turned up, rests on the back of a crouching Indian; the head is well sculptured in Fig. 2, more defaced in Fig. 1 (Plate 1); the body is only roughly hewn. Fig. 1, height, 0.582; width, 0.675; depth, 0.27. Fig. 2, height, 0.84; width, 0.70; depth, 0.30.

“The province of Manabi formed part of the ancient kingdom of the Cañaris. It is enclosed between the Pacific Ocean and the Cordillera of the Andes, and extends, with a width of ten leagues, between the 1st and the 3d degree of south latitude. The most ancient known population of this region were the Yungas, conquered and driven out by the Incas: they were replaced by the Colorado Indians, who take their name from the red color with which they were in the habit of coating the body.

“These chairs, of so remarkable a conception, appeared to be a specialty of the native art of the Cañaris. M. de Ville has seen several armchairs of stone without back, and of the same sort, at Guayaquil. He has been able to establish an absolute identity in their monumental forms; all, however, do not come from the same spot, but all belong to the same region. That peculiar piece of furniture whose use it is difficult to guess, affirms in an indisputable manner the advanced civilization to which it owes its origin. That which will especially attract the attention of the archeologist is not the oddness of the form, nor the refined taste which it shows, but the characteristics of the artistic sculptures which the work reveals; these characteristics, in fact, are quite different from those which one observes on the Inca monuments, and yet they are in no wise inferior to them.”

[36] Dr. Uhle gives the following description of the stone seat in Dresden.

“The chair, worked out of a single stone, consists of a U-formed seat, a human figure crouching on knees and elbows, which bears the seat on its back, and a four-cornered bottom-plate (or base). The seat, broader below, becomes narrower toward the top because of the backward slope of the anterior edge of the sides. The horizontal inner portion of the seat is hollowed out like a trough, as best corresponds to the convex form of the part of the human body concerned.

“The sides converge above, and have on the upper edge a broad, flat, outward expansion. Since the human form is broader below than at the breast, and a certain narrowing of the sides above, together with the side expansion, furnished a better support for the arms, one also recognizes in this last peculiarity of the chair the most suitable provision for the attainment of the greatest comfort of the person sitting therein. Certainly one can sit as comfortably in hardly any other chair as in this one of stone.

“The seat rests in part on the head of the human figure, in part on a four-cornered piece which joins the seat with the back of the human figure. This last is angular in body, arms, and legs. The four fingers are bent inward at the palm, and, since the hands stand on edge, appear in a row over each other. The thumbs can be recognized lying above them, stretched out toward the front. The well formed head is rounded on the facial side. The body, as a result of its position, appears slightly lower behind. The eyes and mouth are incised, the ears project on the side, the nose is defective.

“On the forehead is seen the edge of a cap-like covering, with a sharp upper edge, which perhaps extends on to the back part of the head underneath.

“The dimensions of the chair are as follows: Height, 85 cm., breadth, 75 cm.; height above ground of the level of the seat at the anterior edge, 55 cm.; inside breadth of seat below, 40 cm., above, 36 cm.; length of seat (from front to back), below ca., 40 cm., above ca., 30 cm.; height of the sides above the lowest portion of the surface of the seat, 32 cm.; breadth of the flat upper expansion of the sides, 20 cm.; thickness of the sides, 9–10.5 cm.; length of the human figure, 39 cm.; breadth, 31 cm.; height, 25 cm.; length of the bottom plate, 28 cm.; breadth, 45 cm.; height, 9 cm. (Andesite?)”

[37] Dr. Hamy has described the seats, collected by Wiener, in the Trocadero, as follows.

“Plate XXXII represents still two other objects no less characteristic than that which I have just described.

“Almost all the large museums of Europe possess examples, more or less well preserved, of these heavy monolithic chairs in stone, discovered in Manabi, and notably in the neighborhood of Manta.

“The galerie américaine (American gallery) of the Trocadero has received two of these stone chairs, the first from Dr. Alcide Destruges of Guayaquil, who has lately made some archeological researches in different parts of the Republic of Ecuador; the second from Mr. Charles Wiener, who has held for several years the position of French vice-consul at this same port of Guayaquil, and whose extensive journeys across South America have been very fruitful for our ethnographical collections. (Compare Ch. Wiener, ‘Les Indiens Colorados et les Sièges de Pierre de la Region de Manabi,’ Revue d’Ethnographie, Vol. I, pp. 455–458, Fig. 176, Paris, 1882. Mr. Wiener found this chair eleven and a half leagues north of Manta, July 26, 1882.) These two pieces, as all the other monumental pieces of the same character collected in Manabi, have the form of a U whose arms may be of unequal height, the right arm being higher than the left, the difference amounting to 4 cm. in the first chair, and in the second to 6 cm. The difference between the two arms is at the same time a little larger in front than behind, and although in the first case the distance to the top is 0.34 m. behind, it reaches 0.36 m. in front: in the second case the same measurements amount respectively to 0.345 m. and 0.395 m.

“To conclude, these two chairs are of an exactly similar type, which is, moreover, always reproduced in other similar objects. They differ, indeed, only in the support, which in one case is a man, and in the other a fantastic quadruped rather difficult to determine. It is perhaps a puma.

“The human figure of the chair of the Destruges Collection rests on its elbows and knees, and supports all the weight of the stone U on its shoulders and back. The animal which supports the chair of Mr. Wiener rests on the outward side of the legs; and the foot, armed with large claws, is folded in toward the breast, but it has a smooth face somewhat distorted, in that the teeth show in a disagreeable manner and the two long pointed ears stand erect. It has a neck-ornament exactly similar to that of the bas-relief of the preceding plate. The paws are shut up, the shoulders carried forward, forming two flat disks at the sides of the head. The elbows touch the knees, forming a sort of X: indeed, arm and leg are poorly indicated, and scarcely detached from the mass.

“It is on the whole a coarse and rude piece of work, identically the same as is found on all the U-shaped stone carvings we know.

“Mr. Wiener attributes the stone chairs of Manta to what he calls the art of the Cañaris, ‘whose kings had their residence farther to the south, probably in the neighborhood of Cuenca, but whose power certainly extended farther north than Quito, perhaps as far as the domains of the Chibcha peoples in Colombia;’ and he supposes that the Colorado Indians are the last descendants of that great race which the Incas subdued shortly before they themselves became the victims of the Spaniards.

“M. Uhle (‘Kultur und Industrie Südamerikanischer Volker’), who has just made known another chair from Manta of the same kind as that of Destruges, contents himself with giving a minute description of the object, and refrains from formulating any hypothesis. I shall do the same, regarding it as imprudent to risk an ethnographical theory, however little may be ventured, regarding the peoples so little known as those who occupied the space between the Chibchas and the Peruvians.”

[38] Dr. Hamy writes:—

“One of the most curious pieces which has been brought to Europe, of the art of these natives, sometimes grouped together by ethnographers under the name of Caras, is assuredly the bas-relief (Ko. 11,579) which I have caused to be reproduced on the right half of Plate XXXI of this album [Galeria Américaine du Musee d’Ethnographie de Trocadero].

“This sculpture, 0.46 m. high and 0.38[1] m. wide, is a simple slab of fine stone only 0.056 m. thick, on which some artist of Manabi has represented in very low relief a person seen in a frame according to an architectural motive rather elementary. Above, in the centre, is delineated between the pilasters, which are associated in groups of threes and terminated by unornamented capitals, a semicircular fan composed of nine rays, doubly enframed. On each side, outside the pilasters, are displayed two unequal crosses surmounting three or four irregular quadrilaterals.

“The head of the figure is itself surrounded by a curved ornament, also composed of small squares placed side by side, and terminating horizontally to the right and left.

“The face is nearly circular; the forehead is low; the eyes are fully marked; the nose is straight and prominent; the upper lip is very high, and the position of the mouth indicated by a slight line. The neck is slender, the body stocky. The arms and the open legs are remarkably angular. The forearm is bent at right angles to the upper arm, and the hands brought back to the level of the shoulders. The thighs are spread apart and the lower legs brought together again, showing the full width of the back of the enormous feet. These are all alike borrowed from the geometrical forms imposed by the process of weaving; and one is led, in comparing this peculiar morphology with that furnished by the ancient textiles of Peru,[1] to consider this bas-relief from Manabi as an imitation in stone of the textiles of the Inca period. (See farther on,—Plates XLVIII to L, p. 96, and following.)

“One figure carries on its neck a collar with three rows of feathers, which returns to the type of the gorget of certain modern Indians of the Sierra. His girdle, which surrounds the waist, terminates below the pubic in a large fringed disk. Finally he carries in each hand a large-meshed net formed like a sack, with which he threatens two large birds which peck at his feet with a long, very thick bill.

“To conclude, this Manabi bas-relief seems to correspond very well to some representations of a hunting divinity, more or less comparable to Mixcoatl of the ancient Mexicans.” (Cf. Sahagun trad, cit., p. 72.)

_____________

“We quote here what Zarate has to say about Manabi, with the exception of the part relating to the giants, which was given in Note 12.

“La gente que habita debajo de la linea y en las faldas della tienen los gestos ajudiados, hablan de papo, andaban tresquilados y sin vestidos, mas que unos pequeños refajos, con que cubrian sus vergüenzas. Y las indias si embran y amasan y muelen el pan que en toda aquella provincia se come, que en la lengua de las islas se llama maiz, aunque en la del Peru se llama zara. Los hombres traen unas camisas cortas hasta el ombligo y sus vergüenzas defuera. Hácense las coronas casi á manera de frailes, aunque adelante ni atrás no traen ningun cabello, sino á los lados. Précianse de traer muchas joyas de oro en las orejas y en las narices, mayormente esmeraldas, que se hallan solamente en aquel paraje, aunque los indios no han querido mostrar los veneros delias; créese que nascen alli, porque se han hallado algunas mezcladas y pegadas con guijarros, que es señal de cuajarse dellos. Atanse los brazos y piernas con muchas vueltas de cuentas de oro y de plata, y de turquesas menudas, y de contezuelas blancas y coloradas, y caracoles, sin consentir traer á las mujeres ninguna cosa destas. Es tierra muy caliente y enferma, especialmente de unas berrugas muy enconadas que nacen en el rostro y otros miembros, que tienen muy hondas las raíces, de peor calidad que las bubas. Tienen en esta provincia las puertas de los templos hácia el oriente, tapadas con unos paramentos de algodon, y en cada templo hay dos figuras de bulto de cabrones negros, ante las cuales siempre queman leña de árboles que huelen muy bien, que alli se crian, y en rompiéndoles la corteza, distila dellos un licor, cuyo olor trasciende tanto, que da fastidio, y si con él untan algun cuerpo muerto y se lo echan por la garganta, jamás se corrompe. Tambien hay en los templos figuras de grandes sierpes, en que adoran; y demás de los generales, tenia cada uno otros particulares, segun su trato y oficio, en que adoraban: los pescadores en figuras de triburones y los cazadores segun la caza que ejercitaban, y así todos los demás; y en algunos templos, especialmente en los pueblos que llaman de Pasao, en todos los pilares dellos tenian hombres y niños, crucificados los cuerpos, ó los cueros tan bien curados, que no olian mal, y clavadas muchas cabezas de indios, que con cierto cocimiento las consumen, hasta quedar como un puño. La tierra es muy seca, aunque llueve á menudo; es de pocas aguas dulces, que corren, y todos beben de pozos ó de aguas rebalsadas, que llaman jagueyes; hacen las casas de unas gruesas cañas que allí se crian; el oro que allí nasce es de baja ley; hay pocas frutas; navegan la mar con canoas falcadas, que son cavadas en troncos de árboles, y con balsas. Es costa de gran pesqueria y muchas ballenas. En unos pueblos desta provincia, que llamaban Caraque, tenian sobre las puertas de los templos unas figuras de hombres con una vestidura de la mesma hechura de almática de diácono.”—P. 465.

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Notes on the Jivaros and Canelos Indians. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. IX, pp. 385–393. 1880.)

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Notes on the Zaparos. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VII, pp. 502–510. 1878.)

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Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador and the Exploration of the Putomayo River. London, 1877. v + 270 p. Map.

Simson, Alfred.

Vocabulary of the Zaparo Language. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VIII, pp. 223–227. 1879.)

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A Historical and Descriptive Narrative of a Twenty Years’ Residence in South America. London, 1825. 3 vols.

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Stubel, Alphons.

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ERRATA

P. 6, line 2, for grass read palm.

P. 69, line 21, for Wuito read Quito.

P. 112, line 7, for Gardia read Garcia.

P. 114, lines 7 and 8, for Arqueologica read Arqueologico.

P. 115, line 2, for Arqueologica read Arqueologico.

P. 126, line 22, for Belles Artes read Beaux-Arts.

P. 126, line 22, for 1 fig. read 4 figs.

P. 132, line 7, for Cotapaxi read Cotopaxi.

P. 132, line 18, for Neve read Neue.

P. 132, line 24, for Arqueologica read Arqueologico.

P. 132, line 28, for Arqueologicas read Arqueologicos.

P. 133, line 10, for Popoyan read Popayan.

P. 133, line 34, for 1886 read 1866.

Plate I.

HOUSE IN MONTE CRISTI: CERRO BRAVO IN THE BACKGROUND.

Plate II.

HOTEL IN MONTE CRISTI: HILL OF MONTE CRISTI IN THE BACKGROUND.

HOUSE IN MONTE CRISTI.

Plate III.

TOWN OF PICOAZA.

RUINS OF HOUSES IN THE CERRO DE HOJAS WHERE STONE SEATS ARE FOUND.

Plate IV.

SEAT FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate V.

SEAT FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate VI.

SEAT FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate VII.

SEAT FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate VIII.

SEAT FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate IX.

SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate X.

SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XI.

SEATS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XII.

SEATS FROM CERRO JUPA AND CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XIII.

SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS, AND CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XIV.

BROKEN SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XV.

SEAT FROM CERRO AGUA NUEVO.

Plate XVI.

SEAT FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XVII.

SMALL SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS, AND CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XVIII.

SEATS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XIX.

SEATS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO, AND CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XX.

SEATS FROM CERRO JUPA.

Plate XXI.

SEATS FROM CERRO JUPA, AND CERRO AGUA NUEVO.

Plate XXII.

SEATS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXIII.

SEAT FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXIV.

SEAT FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXV.

SEAT FROM CERRO AGUA NUEVO.

Plate XXVI.

SEAT FROM CERRO JUPA.

Plate XXVII.

SEATS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO, AND CERRO AGUA NUEVO.

Plate XXVIII.

HUMAN FIGURES FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXIX.

HUMAN FIGURES FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXX.

HUMAN FIGURES FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXXI.

ANIMAL FIGURE FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXXII.

ANIMAL SCULPTORES FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXXIII.

COLUMNS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXXIV.

COLUMNS FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XXXV.

BAS-RELIEFS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XXXVI.

BAS-RELIEFS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XXXVII.

FRAGMENTS OF BAS-RELIEFS FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XXXVIII.

BAS-RELIEF FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XXXIX.

BAS-RELIEF FROM CERRO JABONCILLO.

Plate XL.

METATES AND HAND-STONES FROM CERRO DE HOJAS.

Plate XLI.

COPPER DISCS FROM MANANTIAL.

Plate XLII.

COPPER OBJECTS, POTTERY VESSELS AND STAMPS.

Plate XLIII.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLIV.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLV.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLVI.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLVII.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLVIII.

DESIGNS ON SPINDLE-WHORLS.

Plate XLIX.

WHISTLES.

Plate L.

WHISTLES.

Plate LI.

HUMAN FIGURES.

Plate LII.

HUMAN HEADS.

Plate LIII.

HUMAN HEADS.

Plate LIV.

HUMAN HEADS AND FRAGMENT OF VESSEL.

Plate LV.

ANIMAL HEADS.

[1] Exod. 23—Deut. 7—Iosué 24—Sap. 12.

[1] Está borrado en el original.

[1] “It appears to us at this point indispensable to make a historical rectification. Sir Charles Wiener says, in his work entitled Peru and Bolivia, that these seats are the work of the Cañaris. This is inexact; the Cañaris populated the inter-Andean territory of Azuay in the southern part of our Republic, and these seats we find only in the province of Manabi, in the west of Ecuador, in the coast region of the Pacific, where until now no remains have been discovered of the Cañaris. Another thing which is worthy of attention is that of the relation of the origin of precedence, which without doubt existed between the Cañaris and some of the ancient native tribes of Manabi.”

[1] It is widest above, and gradually narrows toward the base.

[1] One may profitably consult on this interesting question of artistic morphology a good memoir by Mr. William H. Holmes, entitled A Study of the Textile Art in its Relation to the Development of Form and Ornament (Extract from the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1889.4to).